| 1. Septuagint, 2 Chronicles, 19.9, 26.5 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 2. Septuagint, Baruch, 2.4, 4.1 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in theophilus •magi, on law and the old testament •public readings of the law, rabbinic sages, scriptural authority associated with Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 218; Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 362 |
| 3. Septuagint, Deuteronomy, deut. 32.35 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 90 |
| 4. Septuagint, Genesis, 35.5 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 5. Septuagint, Job, 3.23 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 6. Septuagint, Joshua, 23.3 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 7. Septuagint, Joshua, 23.3 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 8. Septuagint, Nehemiah, 5.9, 5.15 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 9. Septuagint, Proverbs, 1.7, 1.29-31.30, 15.33 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 10. Septuagint, Psalms, 13.3, 18.10, 33.12, 35.2, 110.10 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
11. Septuagint, Tobit, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 2.16, 1.11b, 1.20, 1.14b, 1.6b, 2.10a, 2.10b-12a, 2.8, 14.10, 14.11, 14.12, 14.13, 14.9, 14.15, 14.14, 1, 14.2, 14.8, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6, 14.7, 14.3, 2.10b, 2.14b, 5.3b, 5.10, 5.14, 2.11, 2.10, 11.13, 1.5, 1.4, 1.3, 1.2, 1.1, 14.1, 11.21, 11.20, 11.14, 11.18, 11.17, 11.16, 11.15, 11.19, 3, 2, 4.1-14.1, 1.17, 1.11, 1.16, 1.21, 1.14, 11.5, 11.6, 12.18, 11.4, 11.3, 11.2, 11.7, 11.8, 6.12, 6.11, 6.10, 11.1, 6.13, 6.16, 3.17, 11.13b, 10.5, 6.18, 3.6, 6.17, 12.22, 12.21, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.14, 4.15, 12.11, 12.12, 12.13, 12.14, 12.15, 12.16, 12.17, 12.19, 12.7b, 12.10, 12.20, 4.16, 4.17, 4.18, 4.5, 4.19, 4.6a, 12.7, 12.8, 12.9, 14, 13, 12, 4.3, 4.4, 3.12, 13.18, 13.17, 13.16, 13.15, 13.14, 13.13, 13.12, 13.11, 8.17, 8.16, 8.15, 8.6, 8.5, 4, 3.15, 3.14, 3.13, 13.1, 13.10, 13.9, 13.8, 13.7, 13.6, 13.5, 13.4, 13.3, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.11, 13.2, 14.11a (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Toloni, The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis (2022) 86, 87; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 246 | 1.6. But I alone went often to Jerusalem for the feasts, as it is ordained for all Israel by an everlasting decree. Taking the first fruits and the tithes of my produce and the first shearings, I would give these to the priests, the sons of Aaron, at the altar. |
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12. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, a b c d\n0 12.37 12.37 12 37\n1 20.12 20.12 20 12\n2 21.22 21.22 21 22\n3 21.21 21.21 21 21\n4 21.20 21.20 21 20\n.. ... ... .. ...\n112 40 40 40 None\n113 37 37 37 None\n114 16.1 16.1 16 1\n115 4.21 4.21 4 21\n116 2.10 2.10 2 10\n\n[117 rows x 4 columns] (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 189| 12.37. וַיִּסְעוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל מֵרַעְמְסֵס סֻכֹּתָה כְּשֵׁשׁ־מֵאוֹת אֶלֶף רַגְלִי הַגְּבָרִים לְבַד מִטָּף׃ | 12.37. And the children of Israel journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, about six hundred thousand men on foot, beside children. |
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13. Hebrew Bible, Hosea, 5.6, 6.7, 8.1, 8.13, 9.3, 11.5 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, in early christian theology •violation of the law •deuteronomic law, law of the king Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal, Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud (2018) 175, 176; Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 152; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 183| 5.6. בְּצֹאנָם וּבִבְקָרָם יֵלְכוּ לְבַקֵּשׁ אֶת־יְהוָה וְלֹא יִמְצָאוּ חָלַץ מֵהֶם׃ 6.7. וְהֵמָּה כְּאָדָם עָבְרוּ בְרִית שָׁם בָּגְדוּ בִי׃ 8.1. אֶל־חִכְּךָ שֹׁפָר כַּנֶּשֶׁר עַל־בֵּית יְהוָה יַעַן עָבְרוּ בְרִיתִי וְעַל־תּוֹרָתִי פָּשָׁעוּ׃ 8.1. גַּם כִּי־יִתְנוּ בַגּוֹיִם עַתָּה אֲקַבְּצֵם וַיָּחֵלּוּ מְּעָט מִמַּשָּׂא מֶלֶךְ שָׂרִים׃ 9.3. לֹא יֵשְׁבוּ בְּאֶרֶץ יְהוָה וְשָׁב אֶפְרַיִם מִצְרַיִם וּבְאַשּׁוּר טָמֵא יֹאכֵלוּ׃ 11.5. לֹא יָשׁוּב אֶל־אֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם וְאַשּׁוּר הוּא מַלְכּוֹ כִּי מֵאֲנוּ לָשׁוּב׃ | 5.6. With their flocks and with their herds they shall go To seek the LORD, but they shall not find Him; He hath withdrawn Himself from them. 6.7. But they like men have transgressed the covet; There have they dealt treacherously against Me. 8.1. Set the horn to thy mouth. As a vulture he cometh against the house of the LORD; Because they have transgressed My covet, And trespassed against My law. 9.3. They shall not dwell in the LORD’S land; But Ephraim shall return to Egypt, And they shall eat unclean food in Assyria. 11.5. He shall not return into the land of Egypt, But the Assyrian shall be his king, Because they refused to return. |
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| 14. Hebrew Bible, Job, 6.25, 15.15, 25.5, 14.5, 38.7, 1.6, 2.1, 42.6, 40.17, 40.21, 4.19-5.5, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 1.13, 24, 25, 26, 27, 23, 22, 16, 15, 2.5, 2.6, 42.11, 42.12, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 6, 2.13, 1.19, 1.18, 2.4, 1.22, 1.21a, 1.17, 1.16, 1.15, 1.8b, 1.20, 2.7, 2.9, 1.14, 2.12, 42.13, 42.14, 42.15, 42.16, 42.17, 2.11, 2.8, 1.11, 1.21*, 1.20b, 1.12, 1.10, 1.9, 1.8, 1.7, 1.5, 1.4, 1.1b, 1, 2, 42.7, 42.8, 2.2, 2.3, 1.3, 1.2, 42.9, 1.1, 2.10, 42.10, 4, 3, 10.17, 10.16, 10.15, 9.22, 2.18, 2.17, 2.16, 2.15, 2.14, 1.21, 33.24, 33.23, 5.1, 3.1, 3.2, 3.14, 3.13, 3.12, 3.11, 3.10, 3.9, 3.8, 3.15, 3.16, 3.7, 3.6, 3.5, 3.4, 3.3, 3.17, 3.18, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25, 42.1, 42.2, 42.3, 42.4, 3.19, 42.5, 3.26 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 99 |
15. Hebrew Bible, Jonah, a b c d\n0 3.10 3.10 3 10\n1 "4.6" "4.6" "4 6"\n2 "4.7" "4.7" "4 7"\n3 "4.8" "4.8" "4 8" (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 31 | 3.10. And God saw their works, that they turned from their evil way; and God repented of the evil, which He said He would do unto them; and He did it not. |
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16. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 27.33, 19.23, 19.24, 19.25, 27.30, 27.31, 27.32, 27, 1.4, 3.2, 18.3, 19.18, 5.26, 19.17, 5.25, 5.24, 5.23, 5.22, 5.21, 5.1, 5.20, 10.2, 9.24, 14.7, 7.24, 11.43, 11.2, 10.9, 11.26, 11, 18.13, 24.17, 18.26, 18.27, 18.28, 18.29, 18.25, 18.30, 18.24, 01-Sep, 24.16, 24.15, 24.14, 24.5, 6.18, 18.5, 15.17, 15.16, 19.15, 19.16, 19.13, 19.11, 19.14, 19.12, 19.19, 19.9, 19.10, 9, 10, 24.40, 24.41, "6.10", 16.4, 16.5, 25.11, 25.10, 25.9, 5.17, 5.16, 5.15, 5.14, 5.13, 5.12, 5.10, 5.9, 5.8, 5.7, 5.6, 5.11, 16.14, 16.13, 16.12, 16.11, 10.1, 10.3, 16.10, 16.9, 16.8, 16.7, 16.6, 16.3, 16.2, 10.5, 10.4, 13.23, 21.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 246, 247| 27.33. לֹא יְבַקֵּר בֵּין־טוֹב לָרַע וְלֹא יְמִירֶנּוּ וְאִם־הָמֵר יְמִירֶנּוּ וְהָיָה־הוּא וּתְמוּרָתוֹ יִהְיֶה־קֹדֶשׁ לֹא יִגָּאֵל׃ | 27.33. He shall not inquire whether it be good or bad, neither shall he change it; and if he change it at all, then both it and that for which it is changed shall be holy; it shall not be redeemed. |
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17. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, a b c d\n0 148.6 148.6 148 6\n1 24.3 24.3 24 3\n2 51.12 51.12 51 12\n3 82.1 82.1 82 1\n4 8.6 8.6 8 6\n5 138.1 138.1 138 1\n6 97.8 97.8 97 8\n7 96.7 96.7 96 7\n8 82.6 82.6 82 6\n9 93.9 93.9 93 9\n10 79.16 79.16 79 16\n11 36.4 36.4 36 4\n12 59.11 59.11 59 11\n13 19.1 19.1 19 1\n14 78.8 78.8 78 8\n15 101.10 101.10 101 10\n16 5.10 5.10 5 10\n17 9.12 9.12 9 12\n18 75.2 75.2 75 2\n19 41.13 41.13 41 13\n20 49.21 49.21 49 21\n21 49.13 49.13 49 13\n22 71.7 71.7 71 7\n23 36.11 36.11 36 11\n24 103.19 103.19 103 19\n25 103.20 103.20 103 20\n26 103.21 103.21 103 21\n27 103.22 103.22 103 22\n28 105 105 105 None\n29 106 106 106 None\n30 32.1 32.1 32 1\n31 32.2 32.2 32 2\n32 106/7.26 106/7.26 106/7 26\n33 "37.9" "37.9" "37 9"\n34 "33.10" "33.10" "33 10"\n35 "5" "5" "5" None\n36 "70.15" "70.15" "70 15"\n37 "21.7" "21.7" "21 7"\n38 38 38 38 None\n39 96 96 96 None\n40 100 100 100 None\n41 105.1 105.1 105 1\n42 105.2 105.2 105 2\n43 105.5 105.5 105 5\n44 105.3 105.3 105 3\n45 105.4 105.4 105 4\n46 70 70 70 None\n47 105.6 105.6 105 6\n48 105.8 105.8 105 8\n49 105.7 105.7 105 7\n50 105.9 105.9 105 9\n51 105.10 105.10 105 10\n52 105.11 105.11 105 11\n53 105.12 105.12 105 12\n54 105.13 105.13 105 13\n55 105.14 105.14 105 14\n56 105.15 105.15 105 15\n57 106.47 106.47 106 47\n58 106.48 106.48 106 48 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 183| 148.6. וַיַּעֲמִידֵם לָעַד לְעוֹלָם חָק־נָתַן וְלֹא יַעֲבוֹר׃ | 148.6. He hath also established them for ever and ever; He hath made a decree which shall not be transgressed. |
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18. Hebrew Bible, Micah, 6.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 61| 6.8. הִגִּיד לְךָ אָדָם מַה־טּוֹב וּמָה־יְהוָה דּוֹרֵשׁ מִמְּךָ כִּי אִם־עֲשׂוֹת מִשְׁפָּט וְאַהֲבַת חֶסֶד וְהַצְנֵעַ לֶכֶת עִם־אֱלֹהֶיךָ׃ | 6.8. It hath been told thee, O man, what is good, And what the LORD doth require of thee: Only to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God. |
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19. Hebrew Bible, Nahum, 1.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 90| 1.2. אֵל קַנּוֹא וְנֹקֵם יְהוָה נֹקֵם יְהוָה וּבַעַל חֵמָה נֹקֵם יְהוָה לְצָרָיו וְנוֹטֵר הוּא לְאֹיְבָיו׃ | 1.2. The LORD is a jealous and avenging God, The LORD avengeth and is full of wrath; The LORD taketh vengeance on His adversaries, And He reserveth wrath for His enemies. |
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20. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, a b c d\n0 25.9 25.9 25 9\n1 25.8 25.8 25 8\n2 25.7 25.7 25 7\n3 25.1 25.1 25 1\n4 18 18 18 None\n5 18.21 18.21 18 21\n6 18.23 18.23 18 23\n7 18.32 18.32 18 32\n8 18.31 18.31 18 31\n9 18.30 18.30 18 30\n10 18.29 18.29 18 29\n11 18.28 18.28 18 28\n12 18.27 18.27 18 27\n13 18.26 18.26 18 26\n14 18.25 18.25 18 25\n15 18.22 18.22 18 22\n16 18.24 18.24 18 24\n17 5.8 5.8 5 8\n18 5.6 5.6 5 6\n19 5.7 5.7 5 7\n20 1.3 1.3 1 3\n21 25.11 25.11 25 11\n22 6.26 6.26 6 26\n23 6.25 6.25 6 25\n24 6.24 6.24 6 24\n25 19.21 19.21 19 21\n26 6.3 6.3 6 3\n27 24.17 24.17 24 17\n28 21.18 21.18 21 18\n29 21.16 21.16 21 16\n30 21.17 21.17 21 17\n31 18.20 18.20 18 20\n32 11.17 11.17 11 17\n33 11.10 11.10 11 10\n34 11.14 11.14 11 14\n35 11.13 11.13 11 13\n36 11.12 11.12 11 12\n37 11.11 11.11 11 11\n38 11.15 11.15 11 15\n39 23.19 23.19 23 19\n40 11.16 11.16 11 16\n41 14 14 14 None\n42 "16.32" "16.32" "16 32"\n43 "6.21" "6.21" "6 21"\n44 "11.23" "11.23" "11 23"\n45 "20.17" "20.17" "20 17"\n46 "13.16" "13.16" "13 16"\n47 25.6 25.6 25 6\n48 25.5 25.5 25 5\n49 25.4 25.4 25 4\n50 25.3 25.3 25 3\n51 "10.29" "10.29" "10 29"\n52 25.10 25.10 25 10\n53 25.13 25.13 25 13\n54 25.12 25.12 25 12\n55 4.19 4.19 4 19\n56 3.4 3.4 3 4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 345; Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 116| 25.9. וַיִּהְיוּ הַמֵּתִים בַּמַּגֵּפָה אַרְבָּעָה וְעֶשְׂרִים אָלֶף׃ | 25.9. And those that died by the plague were twenty and four thousand. |
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21. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 1.7, 1.15-1.18, 3.16, 3.18-3.20, 3.34, 4.9, 4.22, 4.25-4.26, 6.18, 6.27-6.29, 7.10, 8.22-8.30, 8.35, 9.4, 9.12-9.13, 9.16-9.18, 10.12, 10.17, 10.27, 11.1, 13.9, 14.14, 15.12, 19.14, 27.25-27.26 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 66; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 218, 278, 279, 280, 288, 289, 328, 354, 362, 395, 494; Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 160; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 30, 261, 345; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 99; Toloni, The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis (2022) 110| 1.7. יִרְאַת יְהוָה רֵאשִׁית דָּעַת חָכְמָה וּמוּסָר אֱוִילִים בָּזוּ׃ 1.15. בְּנִי אַל־תֵּלֵךְ בְּדֶרֶךְ אִתָּם מְנַע רַגְלְךָ מִנְּתִיבָתָם׃ 1.16. כִּי רַגְלֵיהֶם לָרַע יָרוּצוּ וִימַהֲרוּ לִשְׁפָּךְ־דָּם׃ 1.17. כִּי־חִנָּם מְזֹרָה הָרָשֶׁת בְּעֵינֵי כָל־בַּעַל כָּנָף׃ 1.18. וְהֵם לְדָמָם יֶאֱרֹבוּ יִצְפְּנוּ לְנַפְשֹׁתָם׃ 3.16. אֹרֶךְ יָמִים בִּימִינָהּ בִּשְׂמֹאולָהּ עֹשֶׁר וְכָבוֹד׃ 3.18. עֵץ־חַיִּים הִיא לַמַּחֲזִיקִים בָּהּ וְתֹמְכֶיהָ מְאֻשָּׁר׃ 3.19. יְהוָה בְּחָכְמָה יָסַד־אָרֶץ כּוֹנֵן שָׁמַיִם בִּתְבוּנָה׃ 3.34. אִם־לַלֵּצִים הוּא־יָלִיץ ולעניים [וְלַעֲנָוִים] יִתֶּן־חֵן׃ 4.9. תִּתֵּן לְרֹאשְׁךָ לִוְיַת־חֵן עֲטֶרֶת תִּפְאֶרֶת תְּמַגְּנֶךָּ׃ 4.22. כִּי־חַיִּים הֵם לְמֹצְאֵיהֶם וּלְכָל־בְּשָׂרוֹ מַרְפֵּא׃ 4.25. עֵינֶיךָ לְנֹכַח יַבִּיטוּ וְעַפְעַפֶּיךָ יַיְשִׁרוּ נֶגְדֶּךָ׃ 4.26. פַּלֵּס מַעְגַּל רַגְלֶךָ וְכָל־דְּרָכֶיךָ יִכֹּנוּ׃ 6.18. לֵב חֹרֵשׁ מַחְשְׁבוֹת אָוֶן רַגְלַיִם מְמַהֲרוֹת לָרוּץ לָרָעָה׃ 6.27. הֲיַחְתֶּה אִישׁ אֵשׁ בְּחֵיקוֹ וּבְגָדָיו לֹא תִשָּׂרַפְנָה׃ 6.28. אִם־יְהַלֵּךְ אִישׁ עַל־הַגֶּחָלִים וְרַגְלָיו לֹא תִכָּוֶינָה׃ 6.29. כֵּן הַבָּא אֶל־אֵשֶׁת רֵעֵהוּ לֹא יִנָּקֶה כָּל־הַנֹּגֵעַ בָּהּ׃ 8.22. יְהוָה קָנָנִי רֵאשִׁית דַּרְכּוֹ קֶדֶם מִפְעָלָיו מֵאָז׃ 8.23. מֵעוֹלָם נִסַּכְתִּי מֵרֹאשׁ מִקַּדְמֵי־אָרֶץ׃ 8.24. בְּאֵין־תְּהֹמוֹת חוֹלָלְתִּי בְּאֵין מַעְיָנוֹת נִכְבַּדֵּי־מָיִם׃ 8.25. בְּטֶרֶם הָרִים הָטְבָּעוּ לִפְנֵי גְבָעוֹת חוֹלָלְתִּי׃ 8.26. עַד־לֹא עָשָׂה אֶרֶץ וְחוּצוֹת וְרֹאשׁ עָפְרוֹת תֵּבֵל׃ 8.27. בַּהֲכִינוֹ שָׁמַיִם שָׁם אָנִי בְּחוּקוֹ חוּג עַל־פְּנֵי תְהוֹם׃ 8.28. בְּאַמְּצוֹ שְׁחָקִים מִמָּעַל בַּעֲזוֹז עִינוֹת תְּהוֹם׃ 8.29. בְּשׂוּמוֹ לַיָּם חֻקּוֹ וּמַיִם לֹא יַעַבְרוּ־פִיו בְּחוּקוֹ מוֹסְדֵי אָרֶץ׃ 8.35. כִּי מֹצְאִי מצאי [מָצָא] חַיִּים וַיָּפֶק רָצוֹן מֵיְהוָה׃ 9.4. מִי־פֶתִי יָסֻר הֵנָּה חֲסַר־לֵב אָמְרָה לּוֹ׃ 9.12. אִם־חָכַמְתָּ חָכַמְתָּ לָּךְ וְלַצְתָּ לְבַדְּךָ תִשָּׂא׃ 9.13. אֵשֶׁת כְּסִילוּת הֹמִיָּה פְּתַיּוּת וּבַל־יָדְעָה מָּה׃ 9.16. מִי־פֶתִי יָסֻר הֵנָּה וַחֲסַר־לֵב וְאָמְרָה לּוֹ׃ 9.17. מַיִם־גְּנוּבִים יִמְתָּקוּ וְלֶחֶם סְתָרִים יִנְעָם׃ 9.18. וְלֹא־יָדַע כִּי־רְפָאִים שָׁם בְּעִמְקֵי שְׁאוֹל קְרֻאֶיהָ׃ 10.17. אֹרַח לְחַיִּים שׁוֹמֵר מוּסָר וְעוֹזֵב תּוֹכַחַת מַתְעֶה׃ 11.1. מֹאזְנֵי מִרְמָה תּוֹעֲבַת יְהוָה וְאֶבֶן שְׁלֵמָה רְצוֹנוֹ׃ 11.1. בְּטוּב צַדִּיקִים תַּעֲלֹץ קִרְיָה וּבַאֲבֹד רְשָׁעִים רִנָּה׃ 15.12. לֹא יֶאֱהַב־לֵץ הוֹכֵחַ לוֹ אֶל־חֲכָמִים לֹא יֵלֵךְ׃ 19.14. בַּיִת וָהוֹן נַחֲלַת אָבוֹת וּמֵיְהוָה אִשָּׁה מַשְׂכָּלֶת׃ | 1.7. The fear of the LORD is the beginning of knowledge; But the foolish despise wisdom and discipline. 1.15. My son, walk not thou in the way with them, restrain thy foot from their path; 1.16. For their feet run to evil, and they make haste to shed blood. 1.17. For in vain the net is spread in the eyes of any bird; 1.18. And these lie in wait for their own blood, they lurk for their own lives. 3.16. Length of days is in her right hand; In her left hand are riches and honour. 3.18. She is a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her, And happy is every one that holdest her fast. 3.19. The LORD by wisdom founded the earth; By understanding He established the heavens. 3.20. By His knowledge the depths were broken up, And the skies drop down the dew. 3.34. If it concerneth the scorners, He scorneth them, But unto the humble He giveth grace. 4.9. She will give to thy head a chaplet of grace; A crown of glory will she bestow on thee.’ 4.22. For they are life unto those that find them, And health to all their flesh. 4.25. Let thine eyes look right on, And let thine eyelids look straight before thee. 4.26. Make plain the path of thy feet, And let all thy ways be established. 6.18. A heart that deviseth wicked thoughts, Feet that are swift in running to evil; 6.27. Can a man take fire in his bosom, And his clothes not be burned? 6.28. Or can one walk upon hot coals, And his feet not be scorched? 6.29. So he that goeth in to his neighbour’s wife; Whosoever toucheth her shall not go unpunished. 7.10. And, behold, there met him a woman With the attire of a harlot, and wily of heart. 8.22. The LORD made me as the beginning of His way, The first of His works of old. 8.23. I was set up from everlasting, from the beginning, Or ever the earth was. 8.24. When there were no depths, I was brought forth; When there were no fountains abounding with water. 8.25. Before the mountains were settled, Before the hills was I brought forth; 8.26. While as yet He had not made the earth, nor the fields, Nor the beginning of the dust of the world. 8.27. When He established the heavens, I was there; When He set a circle upon the face of the deep, 8.28. When He made firm the skies above, When the fountains of the deep showed their might, 8.29. When He gave to the sea His decree, That the waters should not transgress His commandment, When He appointed the foundations of the earth; 8.30. Then I was by Him, as a nursling; And I was daily all delight, Playing always before Him, 8.35. For whoso findeth me findeth life, And obtaineth favour of the LORD. 9.4. ’Whoso is thoughtless, let him turn in hither’; as for him that lacketh understanding, she saith to him: 9.12. If thou art wise, thou art wise for thyself; And if thou scornest, thou alone shalt bear it.’ 9.13. The woman Folly is riotous; She is thoughtless, and knoweth nothing. 9.16. ’Whoso is thoughtless, let him turn in hither’; And as for him that lacketh understanding, she saith to him: 9.17. ’Stolen waters are sweet, And bread eaten in secret is pleasant.’ 9.18. But he knoweth not that the shades are there; that her guests are in the depths of the nether-world. 10.17. He is in the way of life that heedeth instruction; But he that forsaketh reproof erreth. 11.1. A false balance is an abomination to the LORD; But a perfect weight is His delight. 15.12. A scorner loveth not to be reproved; He will not go unto the wise. 19.14. House and riches are the inheritance of fathers; But a prudent wife is from the LORD. |
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22. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 1.17, 3.3, 6.10, 10.3 l, 6.1, 4.3, 1.16, 2.22, 2.21, 9.13, 3.9, 1.22, 2.8, 2.17, 2.20, 4.8, 9.20, 2.3, 2.14, 9.21, 1.19, 9.22, 9.23, 9.24, 9.25, 9.26, 9.27, 9.28, 9.29, 9.30, 6.2, 8.17, 1.21, 8.8, 1.18, 3.13, 2.10, 2.12, 3.12, 8.9, 1.20, 4.1, 9.15, 9.14, 8.14, 8.13, 8.12, 8.11, 3.8, 2.9, 2.15, 9.32, 3.11, 1.13, 3.15, 3.14, 2.1, 1.1, 3.10, 1.8, 9.31, 2.4, 8.10, 4.11, 7.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson Dupertuis and Shea, Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction: Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives (2018) 114; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 100| 1.17. כִּי־יֵצֵא דְבַר־הַמַּלְכָּה עַל־כָּל־הַנָּשִׁים לְהַבְזוֹת בַּעְלֵיהֶן בְּעֵינֵיהֶן בְּאָמְרָם הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ אָמַר לְהָבִיא אֶת־וַשְׁתִּי הַמַּלְכָּה לְפָנָיו וְלֹא־בָאָה׃ | 1.17. For this deed of the queen will come abroad unto all women, to make their husbands contemptible in their eyes, when it will be said: The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not. |
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23. Hebrew Bible, Malachi, 3.6, 3.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •natural law, in the bible •law, the, and gospel •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 292, 354; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 31| 3.6. כִּי אֲנִי יְהוָה לֹא שָׁנִיתִי וְאַתֶּם בְּנֵי־יַעֲקֹב לֹא כְלִיתֶם׃ 3.15. וְעַתָּה אֲנַחְנוּ מְאַשְּׁרִים זֵדִים גַּם־נִבְנוּ עֹשֵׂי רִשְׁעָה גַּם בָּחֲנוּ אֱלֹהִים וַיִּמָּלֵטוּ׃ | 3.6. For I the LORD change not; and ye, O sons of Jacob, are not consumed. 3.15. And now we call the proud happy; yea, they that work wickedness are built up; yea, they try God, and are delivered.’ |
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24. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 26.12, 26.13, 26.14, 26.15, 14.25, 12.5, 12.6, 12.7, 12.11, 12.12, 12.17, 14.24, 14.23, 14.22, 12.19, 12.18, 14.27, 14.28, 14.29, 26, 14, 14.26, 5.16, 12.3, 12.2, 22.3, 19.15, 32.35, 22.14, 22.20, 17.2, 22.2, 22.1, 17.16, 28.68, 29.18, 29.19, 29.20, 33.3, 23.24, 23.23, 23.22, 24.1, 24.2, 4.2, 4.1, 31.26, 31.25, 10.9, 28.30, 32.9, 32.7, 32.8, 27, 30.19, 28, 4.6, 6.3, 13, 4, 5.29, 5.30, 6.24, 6.25, 11.9, 13.1, 31, 17, 24.20, 22, 12.24, 12.28, 12.23, 12.25, 12.27, 11.13, 22.6, 22.7, 12.26, 21.20, 21.21, 21.18, 21.19, 13.10, 17.3, 13.7, 17.4, 13.8, 13.9, 17.5, 6.5, 5.21, 27.15, 25.7, 25.8, 18.15, 6.13a, 6.16, 8.3, 10.20a, 30, 29, 34.1, 34.2, 34.5, 34.3, 34.6, 32, 9.4, 30.12, 30.13, 30.14, 9, 11.19, 6.7, 11.11, 11.12, 11.14, 11.3, 11.5, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17, 11.18, 11.20, 11.21, 11.4, 11.7, 11.6, 11.2, 11.10, 11.1, 11.8, 17.17, 32.21, 5.12, "12.28", 30.11, "5.16", "1.17", 24.13, 24.14, 24.16, 24.15, "33.1", "4.1", 31.12, 31.11, 31.10, 31.9, 17.20, 17.18, 17.15, 17.14, 4.5, 4.7, 4.8, 17.19, 31.13, 27.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 245, 246| 26.12. כִּי תְכַלֶּה לַעְשֵׂר אֶת־כָּל־מַעְשַׂר תְּבוּאָתְךָ בַּשָּׁנָה הַשְּׁלִישִׁת שְׁנַת הַמַּעֲשֵׂר וְנָתַתָּה לַלֵּוִי לַגֵּר לַיָּתוֹם וְלָאַלְמָנָה וְאָכְלוּ בִשְׁעָרֶיךָ וְשָׂבֵעוּ׃ | 26.12. When thou hast made an end of tithing all the tithe of thine increase in the third year, which is the year of tithing, and hast given it unto the Levite, to the stranger, to the fatherless, and to the widow, that they may eat within thy gates, and be satisfied, |
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25. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 12.2, 12.1, 12.6, 16.5, 16.6, 16.2, 16.1, 24.64, 16.3, 12.5, 12.4, 12.3, 16.4, 9.6, 4.16, 49.11, 1.26, 2.8, 1.31, 9.3, 9.4, 26.5, 26.18, 5.24, 49.10, 21.10, 9.20, 9.21, 4.2, 17.1, 2.16, 2.15, 15.6, 26.4, 6.5, 2.24, 2.23, 2.22, 6.6, 6.7, 15.5, 17.18, 20, 34.5, 18.24, 18.25, 18.23, 20.4, 19.29, 19.4, 18, 34.7, 20.3, 13a, 22.9, 24.1, 14, 23.3, 23.4, 23.5, 23.6, 23.2, 23.1, 22.16, 19.20, 18.14, 6.9, 12.7, 18.10, 15.17, 14.13, 20.9, 20.8, 20.7, 20.13, 20.6, 20.5, 20.2, 12.19, 12.18, 12.13, 20.12, 12.12, 12.11, 12.10, 20.10, 20.11, 28.13, 17.5, 11.31-12.7, 2.18, 1.28, 49.8, 1.3, 29.35, 3.20, 4.25, 1.1, 38.8, 1.1-2.3, 6.9-9.28, 12.16, 22, 26.12, 26.13, 26.14, 43, 24, 18.1-16a, 50, 49, 48, 47, 46, 45, 44, 42, 41, 40, 39, 38, 37, 17.19, 6.4, 6.3, 5.21, 5.22, 5.23, 6.1, 6.2, "22", 8.8, 8.10, 8.9, 8.7, 8.6, "4.5", 21.2, 21.3, "32.28", "31.10", "23.9", "17.17", "17.1", "48.15", "2.7", "17.18", "30.24", "37.33", "41.45", "27.38", "2.15", "2.21", "24.61", 45.16, 45.17, 45.18, "15.9", "17.3", 39.23, 39.22, 39.21, 39.20, "39.1", "32.1", "32.24", "15", "49.17", "39", "37.36", "17.16", "5.24", "1.26", "17.2", 2, 1, 44.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 209; Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 147| 12.2. וַיְצַו עָלָיו פַּרְעֹה אֲנָשִׁים וַיְשַׁלְּחוּ אֹתוֹ וְאֶת־אִשְׁתּוֹ וְאֶת־כָּל־אֲשֶׁר־לוֹ׃ 12.2. וְאֶעֶשְׂךָ לְגוֹי גָּדוֹל וַאֲבָרֶכְךָ וַאֲגַדְּלָה שְׁמֶךָ וֶהְיֵה בְּרָכָה׃ | 12.2. And I will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great; and be thou a blessing. |
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| 26. Eumelus Corinthius, Fragments, 2 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 285 |
27. Hebrew Bible, Lamentations, 4.11 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law codes, and theology Found in books: Kanarek, Biblical narrative and formation rabbinic law (2014) 16| 4.11. כִּלָּה יְהוָה אֶת־חֲמָתוֹ שָׁפַךְ חֲרוֹן אַפּוֹ וַיַּצֶּת־אֵשׁ בְּצִיּוֹן וַתֹּאכַל יְסוֹדֹתֶיהָ׃ | 4.11. The LORD hath accomplished His fury, He hath poured out His fierce anger; And He hath kindled a fire in Zion, Which hath devoured the foundations thereof. |
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| 28. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 517 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cleinias (the laws) Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374 |
29. Homeric Hymns, To Hermes, 37 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •twelve tables, law of the, Found in books: Luck, Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts (2006) 22 | 37. Is home – outdoors is harmful. You shall be |
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| 30. Homeric Hymns, To Ares, 4 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 339 |
31. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 22.31 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •virtue and law, and the torah Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 257| 22.31. הָאֵל תָּמִים דַּרְכּוֹ אִמְרַת יְהוָה צְרוּפָה מָגֵן הוּא לְכֹל הַחֹסִים בּוֹ׃ | 22.31. As for God, His way is perfect; the word of the Lord is tried: He is a shield to all them that trust in him. |
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32. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 12.15, 16.1-16.13, 17.1-17.58 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sasanian empire, courts of law, bribery, motif of, in the babylonian talmud •faithfulness, fidelity to the law, tobit Found in books: Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 122; Toloni, The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis (2022) 11| 12.15. וְאִם־לֹא תִשְׁמְעוּ בְּקוֹל יְהוָה וּמְרִיתֶם אֶת־פִּי יְהוָה וְהָיְתָה יַד־יְהוָה בָּכֶם וּבַאֲבֹתֵיכֶם׃ 16.1. וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־שְׁמוּאֵל עַד־מָתַי אַתָּה מִתְאַבֵּל אֶל־שָׁאוּל וַאֲנִי מְאַסְתִּיו מִמְּלֹךְ עַל־יִשְׂרָאֵל מַלֵּא קַרְנְךָ שֶׁמֶן וְלֵךְ אֶשְׁלָחֲךָ אֶל־יִשַׁי בֵּית־הַלַּחְמִי כִּי־רָאִיתִי בְּבָנָיו לִי מֶלֶךְ׃ 16.1. וַיַּעֲבֵר יִשַׁי שִׁבְעַת בָּנָיו לִפְנֵי שְׁמוּאֵל וַיֹּאמֶר שְׁמוּאֵל אֶל־יִשַׁי לֹא־בָחַר יְהוָה בָּאֵלֶּה׃ 16.2. וַיֹּאמֶר שְׁמוּאֵל אֵיךְ אֵלֵךְ וְשָׁמַע שָׁאוּל וַהֲרָגָנִי וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה עֶגְלַת בָּקָר תִּקַּח בְּיָדֶךָ וְאָמַרְתָּ לִזְבֹּחַ לַיהוָה בָּאתִי׃ 16.2. וַיִּקַּח יִשַׁי חֲמוֹר לֶחֶם וְנֹאד יַיִן וּגְדִי עִזִּים אֶחָד וַיִּשְׁלַח בְּיַד־דָּוִד בְּנוֹ אֶל־שָׁאוּל׃ 16.3. וְקָרָאתָ לְיִשַׁי בַּזָּבַח וְאָנֹכִי אוֹדִיעֲךָ אֵת אֲשֶׁר־תַּעֲשֶׂה וּמָשַׁחְתָּ לִי אֵת אֲשֶׁר־אֹמַר אֵלֶיךָ׃ 16.4. וַיַּעַשׂ שְׁמוּאֵל אֵת אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יְהוָה וַיָּבֹא בֵּית לָחֶם וַיֶּחֶרְדוּ זִקְנֵי הָעִיר לִקְרָאתוֹ וַיֹּאמֶר שָׁלֹם בּוֹאֶךָ׃ 16.5. וַיֹּאמֶר שָׁלוֹם לִזְבֹּחַ לַיהוָה בָּאתִי הִתְקַדְּשׁוּ וּבָאתֶם אִתִּי בַּזָּבַח וַיְקַדֵּשׁ אֶת־יִשַׁי וְאֶת־בָּנָיו וַיִּקְרָא לָהֶם לַזָּבַח׃ 16.6. וַיְהִי בְּבוֹאָם וַיַּרְא אֶת־אֱלִיאָב וַיֹּאמֶר אַךְ נֶגֶד יְהוָה מְשִׁיחוֹ׃ 16.7. וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־שְׁמוּאֵל אַל־תַּבֵּט אֶל־מַרְאֵהוּ וְאֶל־גְּבֹהַּ קוֹמָתוֹ כִּי מְאַסְתִּיהוּ כִּי לֹא אֲשֶׁר יִרְאֶה הָאָדָם כִּי הָאָדָם יִרְאֶה לַעֵינַיִם וַיהוָה יִרְאֶה לַלֵּבָב׃ 16.8. וַיִּקְרָא יִשַׁי אֶל־אֲבִינָדָב וַיַּעֲבִרֵהוּ לִפְנֵי שְׁמוּאֵל וַיֹּאמֶר גַּם־בָּזֶה לֹא־בָחַר יְהוָה׃ 16.9. וַיַּעֲבֵר יִשַׁי שַׁמָּה וַיֹּאמֶר גַּם־בָּזֶה לֹא־בָחַר יְהוָה׃ 16.11. וַיֹּאמֶר שְׁמוּאֵל אֶל־יִשַׁי הֲתַמּוּ הַנְּעָרִים וַיֹּאמֶר עוֹד שָׁאַר הַקָּטָן וְהִנֵּה רֹעֶה בַּצֹּאן וַיֹּאמֶר שְׁמוּאֵל אֶל־יִשַׁי שִׁלְחָה וְקָחֶנּוּ כִּי לֹא־נָסֹב עַד־בֹּאוֹ פֹה׃ 16.12. וַיִּשְׁלַח וַיְבִיאֵהוּ וְהוּא אַדְמוֹנִי עִם־יְפֵה עֵינַיִם וְטוֹב רֹאִי וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה קוּם מְשָׁחֵהוּ כִּי־זֶה הוּא׃ 16.13. וַיִּקַּח שְׁמוּאֵל אֶת־קֶרֶן הַשֶּׁמֶן וַיִּמְשַׁח אֹתוֹ בְּקֶרֶב אֶחָיו וַתִּצְלַח רוּחַ־יְהוָה אֶל־דָּוִד מֵהַיּוֹם הַהוּא וָמָעְלָה וַיָּקָם שְׁמוּאֵל וַיֵּלֶךְ הָרָמָתָה׃ 17.1. וַיַּאַסְפוּ פְלִשְׁתִּים אֶת־מַחֲנֵיהֶם לַמִּלְחָמָה וַיֵּאָסְפוּ שֹׂכֹה אֲשֶׁר לִיהוּדָה וַיַּחֲנוּ בֵּין־שׂוֹכֹה וּבֵין־עֲזֵקָה בְּאֶפֶס דַּמִּים׃ 17.1. וַיֹּאמֶר הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי אֲנִי חֵרַפְתִּי אֶת־מַעַרְכוֹת יִשְׂרָאֵל הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה תְּנוּ־לִי אִישׁ וְנִלָּחֲמָה יָחַד׃ 17.2. וַיַּשְׁכֵּם דָּוִד בַּבֹּקֶר וַיִּטֹּשׁ אֶת־הַצֹּאן עַל־שֹׁמֵר וַיִּשָּׂא וַיֵּלֶךְ כַּאֲשֶׁר צִוָּהוּ יִשָׁי וַיָּבֹא הַמַּעְגָּלָה וְהַחַיִל הַיֹּצֵא אֶל־הַמַּעֲרָכָה וְהֵרֵעוּ בַּמִּלְחָמָה׃ 17.2. וְשָׁאוּל וְאִישׁ־יִשְׂרָאֵל נֶאֶסְפוּ וַיַּחֲנוּ בְּעֵמֶק הָאֵלָה וַיַּעַרְכוּ מִלְחָמָה לִקְרַאת פְּלִשְׁתִּים׃ 17.3. וַיִּסֹּב מֵאֶצְלוֹ אֶל־מוּל אַחֵר וַיֹּאמֶר כַּדָּבָר הַזֶּה וַיְשִׁבֻהוּ הָעָם דָּבָר כַּדָּבָר הָרִאשׁוֹן׃ 17.3. וּפְלִשְׁתִּים עֹמְדִים אֶל־הָהָר מִזֶּה וְיִשְׂרָאֵל עֹמְדִים אֶל־הָהָר מִזֶּה וְהַגַּיְא בֵּינֵיהֶם׃ 17.4. וַיִּקַּח מַקְלוֹ בְּיָדוֹ וַיִּבְחַר־לוֹ חֲמִשָּׁה חַלֻּקֵי־אֲבָנִים מִן־הַנַּחַל וַיָּשֶׂם אֹתָם בִּכְלִי הָרֹעִים אֲשֶׁר־לוֹ וּבַיַּלְקוּט וְקַלְּעוֹ בְיָדוֹ וַיִּגַּשׁ אֶל־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי׃ 17.4. וַיֵּצֵא אִישׁ־הַבֵּנַיִם מִמַּחֲנוֹת פְּלִשְׁתִּים גָּלְיָת שְׁמוֹ מִגַּת גָּבְהוֹ שֵׁשׁ אַמּוֹת וָזָרֶת׃ 17.5. וְכוֹבַע נְחֹשֶׁת עַל־רֹאשׁוֹ וְשִׁרְיוֹן קַשְׂקַשִּׂים הוּא לָבוּשׁ וּמִשְׁקַל הַשִּׁרְיוֹן חֲמֵשֶׁת־אֲלָפִים שְׁקָלִים נְחֹשֶׁת׃ 17.5. וַיֶּחֱזַק דָּוִד מִן־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי בַּקֶּלַע וּבָאֶבֶן וַיַּךְ אֶת־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי וַיְמִיתֵהוּ וְחֶרֶב אֵין בְּיַד־דָּוִד׃ 17.6. וּמִצְחַת נְחֹשֶׁת עַל־רַגְלָיו וְכִידוֹן נְחֹשֶׁת בֵּין כְּתֵפָיו׃ 17.7. וחץ [וְעֵץ] חֲנִיתוֹ כִּמְנוֹר אֹרְגִים וְלַהֶבֶת חֲנִיתוֹ שֵׁשׁ־מֵאוֹת שְׁקָלִים בַּרְזֶל וְנֹשֵׂא הַצִּנָּה הֹלֵךְ לְפָנָיו׃ 17.8. וַיַּעֲמֹד וַיִּקְרָא אֶל־מַעַרְכֹת יִשְׂרָאֵל וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶם לָמָּה תֵצְאוּ לַעֲרֹךְ מִלְחָמָה הֲלוֹא אָנֹכִי הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי וְאַתֶּם עֲבָדִים לְשָׁאוּל בְּרוּ־לָכֶם אִישׁ וְיֵרֵד אֵלָי׃ 17.9. אִם־יוּכַל לְהִלָּחֵם אִתִּי וְהִכָּנִי וְהָיִינוּ לָכֶם לַעֲבָדִים וְאִם־אֲנִי אוּכַל־לוֹ וְהִכִּיתִיו וִהְיִיתֶם לָנוּ לַעֲבָדִים וַעֲבַדְתֶּם אֹתָנוּ׃ 17.12. וְדָוִד בֶּן־אִישׁ אֶפְרָתִי הַזֶּה מִבֵּית לֶחֶם יְהוּדָה וּשְׁמוֹ יִשַׁי וְלוֹ שְׁמֹנָה בָנִים וְהָאִישׁ בִּימֵי שָׁאוּל זָקֵן בָּא בַאֲנָשִׁים׃ 17.14. וְדָוִד הוּא הַקָּטָן וּשְׁלֹשָׁה הַגְּדֹלִים הָלְכוּ אַחֲרֵי שָׁאוּל׃ 17.16. וַיִּגַּשׁ הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי הַשְׁכֵּם וְהַעֲרֵב וַיִּתְיַצֵּב אַרְבָּעִים יוֹם׃ 17.22. וַיִּטֹּשׁ דָּוִד אֶת־הַכֵּלִים מֵעָלָיו עַל־יַד שׁוֹמֵר הַכֵּלִים וַיָּרָץ הַמַּעֲרָכָה וַיָּבֹא וַיִּשְׁאַל לְאֶחָיו לְשָׁלוֹם׃ 17.26. וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד אֶל־הָאֲנָשִׁים הָעֹמְדִים עִמּוֹ לֵאמֹר מַה־יֵּעָשֶׂה לָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר יַכֶּה אֶת־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי הַלָּז וְהֵסִיר חֶרְפָּה מֵעַל יִשְׂרָאֵל כִּי מִי הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי הֶעָרֵל הַזֶּה כִּי חֵרֵף מַעַרְכוֹת אֱלֹהִים חַיִּים׃ 17.27. וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ הָעָם כַּדָּבָר הַזֶּה לֵאמֹר כֹּה יֵעָשֶׂה לָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר יַכֶּנּוּ׃ 17.28. וַיִּשְׁמַע אֱלִיאָב אָחִיו הַגָּדוֹל בְּדַבְּרוֹ אֶל־הָאֲנָשִׁים וַיִּחַר־אַף אֱלִיאָב בְּדָוִד וַיֹּאמֶר לָמָּה־זֶּה יָרַדְתָּ וְעַל־מִי נָטַשְׁתָּ מְעַט הַצֹּאן הָהֵנָּה בַּמִּדְבָּר אֲנִי יָדַעְתִּי אֶת־זְדֹנְךָ וְאֵת רֹעַ לְבָבֶךָ כִּי לְמַעַן רְאוֹת הַמִּלְחָמָה יָרָדְתָּ׃ 17.29. וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד מֶה עָשִׂיתִי עָתָּה הֲלוֹא דָּבָר הוּא׃ 17.31. וַיְּשָּׁמְעוּ הַדְּבָרִים אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר דָּוִד וַיַּגִּדוּ לִפְנֵי־שָׁאוּל וַיִּקָּחֵהוּ׃ 17.32. וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד אֶל־שָׁאוּל אַל־יִפֹּל לֵב־אָדָם עָלָיו עַבְדְּךָ יֵלֵךְ וְנִלְחַם עִם־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי הַזֶּה׃ 17.33. וַיֹּאמֶר שָׁאוּל אֶל־דָּוִד לֹא תוּכַל לָלֶכֶת אֶל־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי הַזֶּה לְהִלָּחֵם עִמּוֹ כִּי־נַעַר אַתָּה וְהוּא אִישׁ מִלְחָמָה מִנְּעֻרָיו׃ 17.34. וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד אֶל־שָׁאוּל רֹעֶה הָיָה עַבְדְּךָ לְאָבִיו בַּצֹּאן וּבָא הָאֲרִי וְאֶת־הַדּוֹב וְנָשָׂא שֶׂה מֵהָעֵדֶר׃ 17.35. וְיָצָאתִי אַחֲרָיו וְהִכִּתִיו וְהִצַּלְתִּי מִפִּיו וַיָּקָם עָלַי וְהֶחֱזַקְתִּי בִּזְקָנוֹ וְהִכִּתִיו וַהֲמִיתִּיו׃ 17.36. גַּם אֶת־הָאֲרִי גַּם־הַדּוֹב הִכָּה עַבְדֶּךָ וְהָיָה הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי הֶעָרֵל הַזֶּה כְּאַחַד מֵהֶם כִּי חֵרֵף מַעַרְכֹת אֱלֹהִים חַיִּים׃ 17.37. וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר הִצִּלַנִי מִיַּד הָאֲרִי וּמִיַּד הַדֹּב הוּא יַצִּילֵנִי מִיַּד הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי הַזֶּה וַיֹּאמֶר שָׁאוּל אֶל־דָּוִד לֵךְ וַיהוָה יִהְיֶה עִמָּךְ׃ 17.38. וַיַּלְבֵּשׁ שָׁאוּל אֶת־דָּוִד מַדָּיו וְנָתַן קוֹבַע נְחֹשֶׁת עַל־רֹאשׁוֹ וַיַּלְבֵּשׁ אֹתוֹ שִׁרְיוֹן׃ 17.39. וַיַּחְגֹּר דָּוִד אֶת־חַרְבּוֹ מֵעַל לְמַדָּיו וַיֹּאֶל לָלֶכֶת כִּי לֹא־נִסָּה וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד אֶל־שָׁאוּל לֹא אוּכַל לָלֶכֶת בָּאֵלֶּה כִּי לֹא נִסִּיתִי וַיְסִרֵם דָּוִד מֵעָלָיו׃ 17.41. וַיֵּלֶךְ הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי הֹלֵךְ וְקָרֵב אֶל־דָּוִד וְהָאִישׁ נֹשֵׂא הַצִּנָּה לְפָנָיו׃ 17.42. וַיַּבֵּט הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי וַיִּרְאֶה אֶת־דָּוִד וַיִּבְזֵהוּ כִּי־הָיָה נַעַר וְאַדְמֹנִי עִם־יְפֵה מַרְאֶה׃ 17.43. וַיֹּאמֶר הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי אֶל־דָּוִד הֲכֶלֶב אָנֹכִי כִּי־אַתָּה בָא־אֵלַי בַּמַּקְלוֹת וַיְקַלֵּל הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי אֶת־דָּוִד בֵּאלֹהָיו׃ 17.44. וַיֹּאמֶר הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי אֶל־דָּוִד לְכָה אֵלַי וְאֶתְּנָה אֶת־בְּשָׂרְךָ לְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּלְבֶהֱמַת הַשָּׂדֶה׃ 17.45. וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד אֶל־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי אַתָּה בָּא אֵלַי בְּחֶרֶב וּבַחֲנִית וּבְכִידוֹן וְאָנֹכִי בָא־אֵלֶיךָ בְּשֵׁם יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת אֱלֹהֵי מַעַרְכוֹת יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר חֵרַפְתָּ׃ 17.46. הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה יְסַגֶּרְךָ יְהוָה בְּיָדִי וְהִכִּיתִךָ וַהֲסִרֹתִי אֶת־רֹאשְׁךָ מֵעָלֶיךָ וְנָתַתִּי פֶּגֶר מַחֲנֵה פְלִשְׁתִּים הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה לְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּלְחַיַּת הָאָרֶץ וְיֵדְעוּ כָּל־הָאָרֶץ כִּי יֵשׁ אֱלֹהִים לְיִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 17.47. וְיֵדְעוּ כָּל־הַקָּהָל הַזֶּה כִּי־לֹא בְּחֶרֶב וּבַחֲנִית יְהוֹשִׁיעַ יְהוָה כִּי לַיהוָה הַמִּלְחָמָה וְנָתַן אֶתְכֶם בְּיָדֵנוּ׃ 17.48. וְהָיָה כִּי־קָם הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי וַיֵּלֶךְ וַיִּקְרַב לִקְרַאת דָּוִד וַיְמַהֵר דָּוִד וַיָּרָץ הַמַּעֲרָכָה לִקְרַאת הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי׃ 17.49. וַיִּשְׁלַח דָּוִד אֶת־יָדוֹ אֶל־הַכֶּלִי וַיִּקַּח מִשָּׁם אֶבֶן וַיְקַלַּע וַיַּךְ אֶת־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי אֶל־מִצְחוֹ וַתִּטְבַּע הָאֶבֶן בְּמִצְחוֹ וַיִּפֹּל עַל־פָּנָיו אָרְצָה׃ 17.51. וַיָּרָץ דָּוִד וַיַּעֲמֹד אֶל־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי וַיִּקַּח אֶת־חַרְבּוֹ וַיִּשְׁלְפָהּ מִתַּעְרָהּ וַיְמֹתְתֵהוּ וַיִּכְרָת־בָּהּ אֶת־רֹאשׁוֹ וַיִּרְאוּ הַפְּלִשְׁתִּים כִּי־מֵת גִּבּוֹרָם וַיָּנֻסוּ׃ 17.52. וַיָּקֻמוּ אַנְשֵׁי יִשְׂרָאֵל וִיהוּדָה וַיָּרִעוּ וַיִּרְדְּפוּ אֶת־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּים עַד־בּוֹאֲךָ גַיְא וְעַד שַׁעֲרֵי עֶקְרוֹן וַיִּפְּלוּ חַלְלֵי פְלִשְׁתִּים בְּדֶרֶךְ שַׁעֲרַיִם וְעַד־גַּת וְעַד־עֶקְרוֹן׃ 17.53. וַיָּשֻׁבוּ בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל מִדְּלֹק אַחֲרֵי פְלִשְׁתִּים וַיָּשֹׁסּוּ אֶת־מַחֲנֵיהֶם׃ 17.54. וַיִּקַּח דָּוִד אֶת־רֹאשׁ הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי וַיְבִאֵהוּ יְרוּשָׁלִָם וְאֶת־כֵּלָיו שָׂם בְּאָהֳלוֹ׃ 17.55. וְכִרְאוֹת שָׁאוּל אֶת־דָּוִד יֹצֵא לִקְרַאת הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי אָמַר אֶל־אַבְנֵר שַׂר הַצָּבָא בֶּן־מִי־זֶה הַנַּעַר אַבְנֵר וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְנֵר חֵי־נַפְשְׁךָ הַמֶּלֶךְ אִם־יָדָעְתִּי׃ 17.56. וַיֹּאמֶר הַמֶּלֶךְ שְׁאַל אַתָּה בֶּן־מִי־זֶה הָעָלֶם׃ 17.57. וּכְשׁוּב דָּוִד מֵהַכּוֹת אֶת־הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי וַיִּקַּח אֹתוֹ אַבְנֵר וַיְבִאֵהוּ לִפְנֵי שָׁאוּל וְרֹאשׁ הַפְּלִשְׁתִּי בְּיָדוֹ׃ 17.58. וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו שָׁאוּל בֶּן־מִי אַתָּה הַנָּעַר וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד בֶּן־עַבְדְּךָ יִשַׁי בֵּית הַלַּחְמִי׃ | 12.15. but if you will not obey the voice of the Lord, but rebel against the commandment of the Lord, then shall the hand of the Lord be against you, as it was against your fathers. 16.1. And the Lord said to Shemu᾽el, How long wilt thou mourn for Sha᾽ul, seeing I have rejected him from reigning over Yisra᾽el? fill thy horn with oil, and go, I will send thee to Yishay, the Bet-hallaĥmite: for I have provided for me a king among his sons, 16.2. And Shemu᾽el said, How can I go? if Sha᾽ul hears it, he will kill me. And the Lord said, Take a heifer with thee, and say, I am come to sacrifice to the Lord. 16.3. And call Yishay to the sacrifice, and I will make known to thee what thou shalt do: and thou shalt anoint to me him whom I name to thee. 16.4. And Shemu᾽el did that which the Lord spoke, and came to Bet-leĥem. And the elders of the town trembled at his coming, and said, Comest thou in peace? 16.5. And he said, In peace: I am come to sacrifice to the Lord: sanctify yourselves, and come with me to the sacrifice. And he sanctified Yishay and his sons, and called them to the sacrifice. 16.6. And it came to pass, when they were come, that he looked on Eli᾽av, and said, Surely the Lord’s anointed is before him. 16.7. But the Lord said to Shemu᾽el, Look not on his countece, nor on the height of his stature; because I have refused him: for it is not as a man sees; for a man looks on the outward appearance, but the Lord looks on the heart. 16.8. Then Yishay called Avinadav, and made him pass before Shemu᾽el. And he said, Neither has the Lord chosen this. 16.9. Then Yishay made Shamma pass by. And he said, Neither has the Lord chosen this. 16.10. And Yishay made seven of his sons to pass before Shemu᾽el. And Shemu᾽el said to Yishay, The Lord has not chosen these. 16.11. And Shemu᾽el said to Yishay, Are these all thy children? And he said, There remains yet the youngest, and he is tending the sheep. Then Shemu᾽el said to Yishay, Send and fetch him: for we will not sit down till he comes here. 16.12. And he sent, and brought him in. Now he was ruddy, with fine eyes, and good looking. And the Lord said, Arise, anoint him: for this is he. 16.13. Then Shemu᾽el took the horn of oil, and anointed him in the midst of his brothers; and the spirit of the Lord came upon David from that day onwards. So Shemu᾽el rose up, and went to Rama. 17.1. Now the Pelishtim gathered together their camps to battle, and were gathered together at Sokho, which belongs to Yehuda, and pitched between Sokho and ῾Azeqa, in Efes-dammim. 17.2. And Sha᾽ul and the men of Yisra᾽el were gathered together, and they encamped by the valley of Ela, and set the battle in array against the Pelishtim. 17.3. And the Pelishtim stood on a mountain on the one side, and Yisra᾽el stood on a mountain on the other side: and there was a valley between them. 17.4. And there went out a champion out of the camps of the Pelishtim, named Golyat, of Gat, whose height was six cubits and a span. 17.5. And he had a helmet of brass upon his head, and he was armed with a body armour of scales; and the weight of the body armour was five thousand shekels of brass. 17.6. And he had greaves of brass upon his legs, and a javelin of brass between his shoulders. 17.7. And the staff of his spear was like a weaver’s beam; and his spear’s head weighed six hundred shekels of iron: and a shieldbearer went before him. 17.8. And he stood and cried to the armies of Yisra᾽el, and said to them, Why are you come out to set your battle in array? am not I a Pelishtian, and you are servants to Sha᾽ul? choose a man for yourselves, and let him come down to me. 17.9. If he be able to fight with me, and to kill me, then will we be your servants: but if I prevail against him, and kill him, then shall you be our servants, and serve us. 17.10. And the Pelishtian said, I defy the ranks of Yisra᾽el this day; give me a man, that we may fight together. 17.12. Now David was the son of that Efrati of Bet-leĥem-yehuda, whose name was Yishay; and he had eight sons: and the man was old in the days of Sha᾽ul, an aged man. 17.14. And David was the youngest: and the three eldest followed Sha᾽ul. 17.16. And the Pelishtian drew near morning and evening, and presented himself for forty days. 17.22. And David left his baggage in the hand of the keeper of the baggage, and ran into the line of battle, and came and saluted his brethren. 17.26. And David spoke to the men that stood by him, saying, What shall be done to the man that kills yonder Pelishtian, and takes away the reproach from Yisra᾽el? for who is this uncircumcised Pelishtian, that he should taunt the armies of the living God? 17.27. And the people answered him after the aforementioned manner, saying, So shall it be done to the man that kills him. 17.28. And Eli᾽av his eldest brother heard when he spoke to the men: and Eli᾽av’s anger burned against David, and he said, Why didst thou come down here? and with whom hast thou left those few sheep in the wilderness? I know thy insolence, and thy peevishness; for thou art come down to see the battle. 17.29. And David said, What have I now done? It was only a word. 17.31. And when the words were heard which David spoke, they rehearsed them before Sha᾽ul: and he sent for him. 17.32. And David said to Sha᾽ul, Let no man’s heart fail because of him; thy servant will go and fight with this Pelishtian. 17.33. And Sha᾽ul said to David, thou art not able to go against this Pelishtian to fight with him: for thou art but a youth, and he a man of war from his youth. 17.34. And David said to Sha᾽ul, Thy servant kept his father’s sheep, and there came a lion, and a bear, and took a lamb out of the flock: 17.35. and I went out after it, and smote it, and delivered it out of its mouth: and when it arose against me, I caught it by its beard, and smote it, and slew it. 17.36. Thy servant slew both the lion and the bear: and this uncircumcised Pelishtian shall be as one of them, seeing he has defied the armies of the living God. 17.37. And David said, The Lord that delivered me out of the paw of the lion, and out of the paw of the bear, he will deliver me out of the hand of this Pelishtian. And Sha᾽ul said to David, Go, and the Lord be with thee. 17.38. And Sha᾽ul armed David with his armour, and he put a helmet of brass upon his head; also he clothed him with a coat of mail. 17.39. And David girded his sword upon his armour, and he essayed to go; but he had not tried it out. And David said to Sha᾽ul, I cannot walk with these; for I have not tried them. And David put them off him. 17.40. And he took his staff in his hand, and chose him five smooth stones out of the brook, and put them in a shepherd’s bag which he had, and in his knapsack; and his sling was in his hand: and he drew near to the Pelishtian. 17.41. And the Pelishtian came on and drew near to David; and the shield-bearer went before him. 17.42. And when the Pelishtian looked about, and saw David, he disdained him: for he was but a youth, though ruddy, and good-looking. 17.43. And the Pelishtian said to David, Am I a dog, that thou comest to me with sticks? And the Pelishtian cursed David by his gods. 17.44. And the Pelishtian said to David, Come to me, and I will give thy flesh to the birds of the sky, and to the beasts of the field. 17.45. Then said David to the Pelishtian, Thou comest to me with a sword, and with a spear, and with a javelin: but I come to thee in the name of the Lord of hosts, the God of the armies of Yisra᾽el, whom thou hast taunted. 17.46. This day will the Lord deliver thee into my hand; and I will smite thee, and take thy head from thee; and I will give the carcass of the camp of the Pelishtim this day to the birds of the sky, and to the wild beasts of the earth; that all the earth may know that there is a God in Yisra᾽el. 17.47. And all this assembly shall know that the Lord saves not with sword and spear: for the battle is the Lord’s, and he will give you into our hands. 17.48. And it came to pass, when the Pelishtian arose, and came and drew near to meet David, that David hastened, and ran to the enemy line towards the Pelishtian. 17.49. And David put his hand in his bag, and took from there a stone, and slung it, and struck the Pelishtian in his forehead, that the stone buried itself in his forehead; and he fell upon his face to the earth. 17.50. So David prevailed over the Pelishtian with a sling and with a stone, and smote the Pelishtian, and slew him; but there was no sword in the hand of David. 17.51. Therefore David ran, and stood upon the Pelishtian, and took his sword, and drew it out of its sheath, and slew him, and with it he cut off his head. And when the Pelishtim saw that their champion was dead, they fled. 17.52. And the men of Yisra᾽el and of Yehuda arose, and shouted, and pursued the Pelishtim, until the approaches of Gay, and to the gates of ῾Eqron. And the dead of the Pelishtim fell by the way to Sha῾arayim, and to Gat, and to ῾Eqron. 17.53. And the children of Yisra᾽el returned from chasing after the Pelishtim, and they plundered their tents. 17.54. And David took the head of the Pelishtian, and brought it to Yerushalayim; and he put his armour in his tent. 17.55. And when Sha᾽ul saw David go out against the Pelishtian, he said to Avner, the captain of the host, Avner, whose son is this youth? And Avner said, By thy life, O king, I know not. 17.56. And the king said, Inquire thou whose son the young man is. 17.57. And as David returned from slaying the Pelishtian, Avner took him, and brought him before Sha᾽ul with the head of the Pelishtian in his hand. 17.58. And Sha᾽ul said to him, Whose son art thou, lad? And David answered, I am the son of thy servant Yishay, the Bet-hallaĥmite. |
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33. Homeric Hymns, To Aphrodite, 94 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 339 | 94. Noble Themis or bright-eyed Athene |
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34. Hebrew Bible, Amos, 1-2 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 28 | 2. And flight shall fail the swift, And the strong shall not exert his strength, Neither shall the mighty deliver himself;,Thus saith the LORD: For three transgressions of Israel, Yea, for four, I will not reverse it: Because they sell the righteous for silver, And the needy for a pair of shoes;,So will I send a fire upon Moab, And it shall devour the palaces of Kerioth; And Moab shall die with tumult, With shouting, and with the sound of the horn;,And I raised up of your sons for prophets, And of your young men for Nazirites. Is it not even thus, O ye children of Israel? Saith the LORD.,And I will cut off the judge from the midst thereof, And will slay all the princes thereof with him, Saith the LORD.,So will I send a fire upon Judah, And it shall devour the palaces of Jerusalem.,Neither shall he stand that handleth the bow; And he that is swift of foot shall not deliver himself; Neither shall he that rideth the horse deliver himself;,And he that is courageous among the mighty Shall flee away naked in that day, Saith the LORD.,Thus saith the LORD: For three transgressions of Moab, Yea, for four, I will not reverse it: Because he burned the bones of the king of Edom into lime.,Behold, I will make it creak under you, As a cart creaketh that is full of sheaves.,Yet destroyed I the Amorite before them, Whose height was like the height of the cedars, And he was strong as the oaks; Yet I destroyed his fruit from above, And his roots from beneath.,But ye gave the Nazirites wine to drink; And commanded the prophets, saying: ‘Prophesy not.’,Thus saith the LORD: For three transgressions of Judah, Yea, for four, I will not reverse it: Because they have rejected the law of the LORD, And have not kept His statutes, And their lies have caused them to err, After which their fathers did walk.,That pant after the dust of the earth on the head of the poor, And turn aside the way of the humble; And a man and his father go unto the same maid, To profane My holy name; .,Also I brought you up out of the land of Egypt, And led you forty years in the wilderness, To possess the land of the Amorites.,And they lay themselves down beside every altar Upon clothes taken in pledge, And in the house of their God they drink The wine of them that have been fined. |
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| 35. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 1.8, 10.28, 10.29, 11.4-12.2 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 152 |
36. Hebrew Bible, Joshua, 5.15, 8.30-8.35, 11.15, 21.43 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •public reading of the law in israel, samaritan pentateuch •violation of the law Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 527, 528, 529; Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 100; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 67| 5.15. וַיֹּאמֶר שַׂר־צְבָא יְהוָה אֶל־יְהוֹשֻׁעַ שַׁל־נַעַלְךָ מֵעַל רַגְלֶךָ כִּי הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה עֹמֵד עָלָיו קֹדֶשׁ הוּא וַיַּעַשׂ יְהוֹשֻׁעַ כֵּן׃ 8.31. כַּאֲשֶׁר צִוָּה מֹשֶׁה עֶבֶד־יְהוָה אֶת־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל כַּכָּתוּב בְּסֵפֶר תּוֹרַת מֹשֶׁה מִזְבַּח אֲבָנִים שְׁלֵמוֹת אֲשֶׁר לֹא־הֵנִיף עֲלֵיהֶן בַּרְזֶל וַיַּעֲלוּ עָלָיו עֹלוֹת לַיהוָה וַיִּזְבְּחוּ שְׁלָמִים׃ 8.32. וַיִּכְתָּב־שָׁם עַל־הָאֲבָנִים אֵת מִשְׁנֵה תּוֹרַת מֹשֶׁה אֲשֶׁר כָּתַב לִפְנֵי בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 8.33. וְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל וּזְקֵנָיו וְשֹׁטְרִים וְשֹׁפְטָיו עֹמְדִים מִזֶּה וּמִזֶּה לָאָרוֹן נֶגֶד הַכֹּהֲנִים הַלְוִיִּם נֹשְׂאֵי אֲרוֹן בְּרִית־יְהוָה כַּגֵּר כָּאֶזְרָח חֶצְיוֹ אֶל־מוּל הַר־גְּרִזִים וְהַחֶצְיוֹ אֶל־מוּל הַר־עֵיבָל כַּאֲשֶׁר צִוָּה מֹשֶׁה עֶבֶד־יְהוָה לְבָרֵךְ אֶת־הָעָם יִשְׂרָאֵל בָּרִאשֹׁנָה׃ 8.34. וְאַחֲרֵי־כֵן קָרָא אֶת־כָּל־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה הַבְּרָכָה וְהַקְּלָלָה כְּכָל־הַכָּתוּב בְּסֵפֶר הַתּוֹרָה׃ 8.35. לֹא־הָיָה דָבָר מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר־צִוָּה מֹשֶׁה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־קָרָא יְהוֹשֻׁעַ נֶגֶד כָּל־קְהַל יִשְׂרָאֵל וְהַנָּשִׁים וְהַטַּף וְהַגֵּר הַהֹלֵךְ בְּקִרְבָּם׃ 11.15. כַּאֲשֶׁר צִוָּה יְהוָה אֶת־מֹשֶׁה עַבְדּוֹ כֵּן־צִוָּה מֹשֶׁה אֶת־יְהוֹשֻׁעַ וְכֵן עָשָׂה יְהוֹשֻׁעַ לֹא־הֵסִיר דָּבָר מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר־צִוָּה יְהוָה אֶת־מֹשֶׁה׃ | 5.15. And the captain of the LORD’S host said unto Joshua: ‘Put off thy shoe from off thy foot; for the place whereon thou standest is holy.’ And Joshua did so. 8.30. Then Joshua built an altar unto the LORD, the God of Israel, in mount Ebal, 8.31. as Moses the servant of the LORD commanded the children of Israel, as it is written in the book of the law of Moses, an altar of unhewn stones, upon which no man had lifted up any iron; and they offered thereon burnt-offerings unto the LORD, and sacrificed peace-offerings. 8.32. And he wrote there upon the stones a copy of the law of Moses, which he wrote before the children of Israel. 8.33. And all Israel, and their elders and officers, and their judges, stood on this side the ark and on that side before the priests the Levites, that bore the ark of the covet of the LORD, as well the stranger as the home-born; half of them in front of mount Gerizim and half of them in front of mount Ebal; as Moses the servant of the LORD had commanded at the first, that they should bless the people of Israel. 8.34. And afterward he read all the words of the law, the blessing and the curse, according to all that is written in the book of the law. 8.35. There was not a word of all that Moses commanded, which Joshua read not before all the assembly of Israel, and the women, and the little ones, and the strangers that walked among them. 11.15. As the LORD commanded Moses His servant, so did Moses command Joshua; and so did Joshua; he left nothing undone of all that the LORD commanded Moses. |
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37. Hebrew Bible, Judges, a b c d\n0 13.15 13.15 13 15\n1 13.16 13.16 13 16\n2 13.17 13.17 13 17\n3 13.18 13.18 13 18\n4 13.19 13.19 13 19\n5 13.20 13.20 13 20\n6 13.14 13.14 13 14\n7 13.13 13.13 13 13\n8 13.12 13.12 13 12\n9 13.11 13.11 13 11\n10 13.3 13.3 13 3\n11 13.4 13.4 13 4\n12 13.5 13.5 13 5\n13 13.6 13.6 13 6\n14 13.7 13.7 13 7\n15 13.8 13.8 13 8\n16 13.9 13.9 13 9\n17 13.10 13.10 13 10\n18 13.2 13.2 13 2\n19 "2.5" "2.5" "2 5" (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Toloni, The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis (2022) 75| 13.15. וַיֹּאמֶר מָנוֹחַ אֶל־מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה נַעְצְרָה־נָּא אוֹתָךְ וְנַעֲשֶׂה לְפָנֶיךָ גְּדִי עִזִּים׃ | 13.15. And Manoaĥ said to the angel of the Lord, I pray thee, let us detain thee, until we shall have made ready a kid for thee. |
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38. Hesiod, Shield, 209-211, 213-215, 212 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146| 212. ἀργύρεοι δελφῖνες ἐθοινῶντʼ ἔλλοπας ἰχθῦς. | |
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39. Hesiod, Theogony, 133-135, 209-215, 516-607, 901-903, 3 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 238| 3. καί τε περὶ κρήνην ἰοειδέα πόσσʼ ἁπαλοῖσιν | 3. And shrine of Cronus’ mighty son upon |
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40. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 17.24-17.28, 23.2-23.4, 23.21-23.23 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 349; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 31| 17.24. וַיָּבֵא מֶלֶךְ־אַשּׁוּר מִבָּבֶל וּמִכּוּתָה וּמֵעַוָּא וּמֵחֲמָת וּסְפַרְוַיִם וַיֹּשֶׁב בְּעָרֵי שֹׁמְרוֹן תַּחַת בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וַיִּרְשׁוּ אֶת־שֹׁמְרוֹן וַיֵּשְׁבוּ בְּעָרֶיהָ׃ 17.25. וַיְהִי בִּתְחִלַּת שִׁבְתָּם שָׁם לֹא יָרְאוּ אֶת־יְהוָה וַיְשַׁלַּח יְהוָה בָּהֶם אֶת־הָאֲרָיוֹת וַיִּהְיוּ הֹרְגִים בָּהֶם׃ 17.26. וַיֹּאמְרוּ לְמֶלֶךְ אַשּׁוּר לֵאמֹר הַגּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר הִגְלִיתָ וַתּוֹשֶׁב בְּעָרֵי שֹׁמְרוֹן לֹא יָדְעוּ אֶת־מִשְׁפַּט אֱלֹהֵי הָאָרֶץ וַיְשַׁלַּח־בָּם אֶת־הָאֲרָיוֹת וְהִנָּם מְמִיתִים אוֹתָם כַּאֲשֶׁר אֵינָם יֹדְעִים אֶת־מִשְׁפַּט אֱלֹהֵי הָאָרֶץ׃ 17.27. וַיְצַו מֶלֶךְ־אַשּׁוּר לֵאמֹר הֹלִיכוּ שָׁמָּה אֶחָד מֵהַכֹּהֲנִים אֲשֶׁר הִגְלִיתֶם מִשָּׁם וְיֵלְכוּ וְיֵשְׁבוּ שָׁם וְיֹרֵם אֶת־מִשְׁפַּט אֱלֹהֵי הָאָרֶץ׃ 17.28. וַיָּבֹא אֶחָד מֵהַכֹּהֲנִים אֲשֶׁר הִגְלוּ מִשֹּׁמְרוֹן וַיֵּשֶׁב בְּבֵית־אֵל וַיְהִי מוֹרֶה אֹתָם אֵיךְ יִירְאוּ אֶת־יְהוָה׃ 23.2. וַיִּזְבַּח אֶת־כָּל־כֹּהֲנֵי הַבָּמוֹת אֲשֶׁר־שָׁם עַל־הַמִּזְבְּחוֹת וַיִּשְׂרֹף אֶת־עַצְמוֹת אָדָם עֲלֵיהֶם וַיָּשָׁב יְרוּשָׁלִָם׃ 23.2. וַיַּעַל הַמֶּלֶךְ בֵּית־יְהוָה וְכָל־אִישׁ יְהוּדָה וְכָל־יֹשְׁבֵי יְרוּשָׁלִַם אִתּוֹ וְהַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַנְּבִיאִים וְכָל־הָעָם לְמִקָּטֹן וְעַד־גָּדוֹל וַיִּקְרָא בְאָזְנֵיהֶם אֶת־כָּל־דִּבְרֵי סֵפֶר הַבְּרִית הַנִּמְצָא בְּבֵית יְהוָה׃ 23.3. וַיַּרְכִּבֻהוּ עֲבָדָיו מֵת מִמְּגִדּוֹ וַיְבִאֻהוּ יְרוּשָׁלִַם וַיִּקְבְּרֻהוּ בִּקְבֻרָתוֹ וַיִּקַּח עַם־הָאָרֶץ אֶת־יְהוֹאָחָז בֶּן־יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ וַיִּמְשְׁחוּ אֹתוֹ וַיַּמְלִיכוּ אֹתוֹ תַּחַת אָבִיו׃ 23.3. וַיַּעֲמֹד הַמֶּלֶךְ עַל־הָעַמּוּד וַיִּכְרֹת אֶת־הַבְּרִית לִפְנֵי יְהוָה לָלֶכֶת אַחַר יְהוָה וְלִשְׁמֹר מִצְוֺתָיו וְאֶת־עֵדְוֺתָיו וְאֶת־חֻקֹּתָיו בְּכָל־לֵב וּבְכָל־נֶפֶשׁ לְהָקִים אֶת־דִּבְרֵי הַבְּרִית הַזֹּאת הַכְּתֻבִים עַל־הַסֵּפֶר הַזֶּה וַיַּעֲמֹד כָּל־הָעָם בַּבְּרִית׃ 23.4. וַיְצַו הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־חִלְקִיָּהוּ הַכֹּהֵן הַגָּדוֹל וְאֶת־כֹּהֲנֵי הַמִּשְׁנֶה וְאֶת־שֹׁמְרֵי הַסַּף לְהוֹצִיא מֵהֵיכַל יְהוָה אֵת כָּל־הַכֵּלִים הָעֲשׂוּיִם לַבַּעַל וְלָאֲשֵׁרָה וּלְכֹל צְבָא הַשָּׁמָיִם וַיִּשְׂרְפֵם מִחוּץ לִירוּשָׁלִַם בְּשַׁדְמוֹת קִדְרוֹן וְנָשָׂא אֶת־עֲפָרָם בֵּית־אֵל׃ 23.21. וַיְצַו הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־כָּל־הָעָם לֵאמֹר עֲשׂוּ פֶסַח לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם כַּכָּתוּב עַל סֵפֶר הַבְּרִית הַזֶּה׃ 23.22. כִּי לֹא נַעֲשָׂה כַּפֶּסַח הַזֶּה מִימֵי הַשֹּׁפְטִים אֲשֶׁר שָׁפְטוּ אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְכֹל יְמֵי מַלְכֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וּמַלְכֵי יְהוּדָה׃ 23.23. כִּי אִם־בִּשְׁמֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה לַמֶּלֶךְ יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ נַעֲשָׂה הַפֶּסַח הַזֶּה לַיהוָה בִּירוּשָׁלִָם׃ | 17.24. And the king of Assyria brought men from Babylon, and from Cuthah, and from Avva, and from Hamath and Sepharvaim, and placed them in the cities of Samaria instead of the children of Israel; and they possessed Samaria, and dwelt in the cities thereof. 17.25. And so it was, at the beginning of their dwelling there, that they feared not the LORD; therefore the LORD sent lions among them, which killed some of them. 17.26. Wherefore they spoke to the king of Assyria, saying: ‘The nations which thou hast carried away, and placed in the cities of Samaria, know not the manner of the God of the land; therefore He hath sent lions among them, and, behold, they slay them, because they know not the manner of the God of the land.’ 17.27. Then the king of Assyria commanded, saying: ‘Carry thither one of the priests whom ye brought from thence; and let them go and dwell there, and let him teach them the manner of the God of the land.’ 17.28. So one of the priests whom they had carried away from Samaria came and dwelt in Beth-el, and taught them how they should fear the LORD. 23.2. And the king went up to the house of the LORD, and all the men of Judah and all the inhabitants of Jerusalem with him, and the priests, and the prophets, and all the people, both small and great; and he read in their ears all the words of the book of the covet which was found in the house of the LORD. 23.3. And the king stood on the platform, and made a covet before the LORD, to walk after the LORD, and to keep His commandments, and His testimonies, and His statutes, with all his heart, and all his soul, to confirm the words of this covet that were written in this book; and all the people stood to the covet. 23.4. And the king commanded Hilkiah the high priest, and the priests of the second order, and the keepers of the door, to bring forth out of the temple of the LORD all the vessels that were made for Baal, and for the Asherah, and for all the host of heaven; and he burned them without Jerusalem in the fields of Kidron, and carried the ashes of them unto Beth-el. 23.21. And the king commanded all the people, saying: ‘Keep the passover unto the LORD your God, as it is written in this book of the covet.’ 23.22. For there was not kept such a passover from the days of the judges that judged Israel, nor in all the days of the kings of Israel, nor of the kings of Judah; 23.23. but in the eighteenth year of king Josiah was this passover kept to the LORD in Jerusalem. |
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| 41. Septuagint, Isaiah, 2.10, 2.19, 2.21, 11.3 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
42. Hebrew Bible, Habakkuk, 2.3, 2.2, 2.1, 2.15, 1.5, 1.6, 2.4, 2.3b, 2.4b (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 218| 2.3. כִּי עוֹד חָזוֹן לַמּוֹעֵד וְיָפֵחַ לַקֵּץ וְלֹא יְכַזֵּב אִם־יִתְמַהְמָהּ חַכֵּה־לוֹ כִּי־בֹא יָבֹא לֹא יְאַחֵר׃ | 2.3. For the vision is yet for the appointed time, And it declareth of the end, and doth not lie; Though it tarry, wait for it; Because it will surely come, it will not delay.’ |
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43. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, a b c d\n0 24.5 24.5 24 5\n1 15.3 15.3 15 3\n2 53.12 53.12 53 12\n3 53.11 53.11 53 11\n4 53.5 53.5 53 5\n5 52.13 52.13 52 13\n6 52.7 52.7 52 7\n7 53.4 53.4 53 4\n8 13.18 13.18 13 18\n9 1.15 1.15 1 15\n10 1.16 1.16 1 16\n11 54.16 54.16 54 16\n12 8.19 8.19 8 19\n13 8.20 8.20 8 20\n14 6.1-8.15 6.1 6 1\n15 11 11 11 None\n16 13 13 13 None\n17 12 12 12 None\n18 8.17 8.17 8 17\n19 8.16 8.16 8 16\n20 8.18 8.18 8 18\n21 1.11 1.11 1 11\n22 54.1 54.1 54 1\n23 29.13 29.13 29 13\n24 42.21 42.21 42 21\n25 2.2 2.2 2 2\n26 2.3 2.3 2 3\n27 46.11 46.11 46 11\n28 46.10 46.10 46 10\n29 16 16 16 None\n30 1.2 1.2 1 2\n31 17 17 17 None\n32 23 23 23 None\n33 15 15 15 None\n34 14 14 14 None\n35 18 18 18 None\n36 19 19 19 None\n37 20 20 20 None\n38 21 21 21 None\n39 22 22 22 None\n40 1.3 1.3 1 3\n41 29.12 29.12 29 12\n42 44.6 44.6 44 6\n43 40.13 40.13 40 13\n44 9.15 9.15 9 15\n45 52.11 52.11 52 11\n46 66.5 66.5 66 5\n47 60.17 60.17 60 17\n48 28.22 28.22 28 22\n49 11.6 11.6 11 6\n50 "57.21" "57.21" "57 21"\n51 "48.22" "48.22" "48 22"\n52 48.17 48.17 48 17\n53 48.18 48.18 48 18\n54 49.16 49.16 49 16 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 183| 24.5. וְהָאָרֶץ חָנְפָה תַּחַת יֹשְׁבֶיהָ כִּי־עָבְרוּ תוֹרֹת חָלְפוּ חֹק הֵפֵרוּ בְּרִית עוֹלָם׃ | 24.5. The earth also is defiled under the inhabitants thereof; Because they have transgressed the laws, violated the statute, Broken the everlasting covet. |
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44. Hesiod, Works And Days, 134, 146, 275-289, 47-48 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hitch, Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world (2017) 148| 48. ὅττι μιν ἐξαπάτησε Προμηθεὺς ἀγκυλομήτης· | 48. One’s rudder packed away, live lazily, |
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45. Homer, Odyssey, 1.56, 2.68-2.69, 3.266-3.272, 9.114-9.115, 10.81-10.133, 11.422 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. •mother of the gods, and laws •freedom, and the law •human law, as the mark of a free and civilized man •salvation, of the law •roman law, and law of the provinces •homicide law, athenian Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 238; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 77; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337; Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 144| 1.56. αἰεὶ δὲ μαλακοῖσι καὶ αἱμυλίοισι λόγοισιν 2.68. λίσσομαι ἠμὲν Ζηνὸς Ὀλυμπίου ἠδὲ Θέμιστος, 2.69. ἥ τʼ ἀνδρῶν ἀγορὰς ἠμὲν λύει ἠδὲ καθίζει· 3.267. πὰρ δʼ ἄρʼ ἔην καὶ ἀοιδὸς ἀνήρ, ᾧ πόλλʼ ἐπέτελλεν 3.268. Ἀτρεΐδης Τροίηνδε κιὼν εἴρυσθαι ἄκοιτιν. 3.269. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δή μιν μοῖρα θεῶν ἐπέδησε δαμῆναι, 3.270. δὴ τότε τὸν μὲν ἀοιδὸν ἄγων ἐς νῆσον ἐρήμην 3.271. κάλλιπεν οἰωνοῖσιν ἕλωρ καὶ κύρμα γενέσθαι, 3.272. τὴν δʼ ἐθέλων ἐθέλουσαν ἀνήγαγεν ὅνδε δόμονδε. 9.114. ἐν σπέσσι γλαφυροῖσι, θεμιστεύει δὲ ἕκαστος 9.115. παίδων ἠδʼ ἀλόχων, οὐδʼ ἀλλήλων ἀλέγουσιν. 10.81. ἑβδομάτῃ δʼ ἱκόμεσθα Λάμου αἰπὺ πτολίεθρον, 10.82. Τηλέπυλον Λαιστρυγονίην, ὅθι ποιμένα ποιμὴν 10.83. ἠπύει εἰσελάων, ὁ δέ τʼ ἐξελάων ὑπακούει. 10.84. ἔνθα κʼ ἄυπνος ἀνὴρ δοιοὺς ἐξήρατο μισθούς, 10.85. τὸν μὲν βουκολέων, τὸν δʼ ἄργυφα μῆλα νομεύων· 10.86. ἐγγὺς γὰρ νυκτός τε καὶ ἤματός εἰσι κέλευθοι. 10.87. ἔνθʼ ἐπεὶ ἐς λιμένα κλυτὸν ἤλθομεν, ὃν πέρι πέτρη 10.88. ἠλίβατος τετύχηκε διαμπερὲς ἀμφοτέρωθεν, 10.89. ἀκταὶ δὲ προβλῆτες ἐναντίαι ἀλλήλῃσιν 10.90. ἐν στόματι προύχουσιν, ἀραιὴ δʼ εἴσοδός ἐστιν, 10.91. ἔνθʼ οἵ γʼ εἴσω πάντες ἔχον νέας ἀμφιελίσσας. 10.92. αἱ μὲν ἄρʼ ἔντοσθεν λιμένος κοίλοιο δέδεντο 10.93. πλησίαι· οὐ μὲν γάρ ποτʼ ἀέξετο κῦμά γʼ ἐν αὐτῷ, 10.94. οὔτε μέγʼ οὔτʼ ὀλίγον, λευκὴ δʼ ἦν ἀμφὶ γαλήνη· 10.95. αὐτὰρ ἐγὼν οἶος σχέθον ἔξω νῆα μέλαιναν, 10.96. αὐτοῦ ἐπʼ ἐσχατιῇ, πέτρης ἐκ πείσματα δήσας· 10.97. ἔστην δὲ σκοπιὴν ἐς παιπαλόεσσαν ἀνελθών. 10.98. ἔνθα μὲν οὔτε βοῶν οὔτʼ ἀνδρῶν φαίνετο ἔργα, 10.99. καπνὸν δʼ οἶον ὁρῶμεν ἀπὸ χθονὸς ἀίσσοντα. 10.100. δὴ τότʼ ἐγὼν ἑτάρους προΐειν πεύθεσθαι ἰόντας, 10.101. οἵ τινες ἀνέρες εἶεν ἐπὶ χθονὶ σῖτον ἔδοντες, 10.102. ἄνδρε δύω κρίνας, τρίτατον κήρυχʼ ἅμʼ ὀπάσσας. 10.103. οἱ δʼ ἴσαν ἐκβάντες λείην ὁδόν, ᾗ περ ἄμαξαι 10.104. ἄστυδʼ ἀφʼ ὑψηλῶν ὀρέων καταγίνεον ὕλην, 10.105. κούρῃ δὲ ξύμβληντο πρὸ ἄστεος ὑδρευούσῃ, 10.106. θυγατέρʼ ἰφθίμῃ Λαιστρυγόνος Ἀντιφάταο. 10.107. ἡ μὲν ἄρʼ ἐς κρήνην κατεβήσετο καλλιρέεθρον 10.108. Ἀρτακίην· ἔνθεν γὰρ ὕδωρ προτὶ ἄστυ φέρεσκον· 10.109. οἱ δὲ παριστάμενοι προσεφώνεον ἔκ τʼ ἐρέοντο 10.110. ὅς τις τῶνδʼ εἴη βασιλεὺς καὶ οἷσιν ἀνάσσοι· 10.111. ἡ δὲ μάλʼ αὐτίκα πατρὸς ἐπέφραδεν ὑψερεφὲς δῶ. 10.112. οἱ δʼ ἐπεὶ εἰσῆλθον κλυτὰ δώματα, τὴν δὲ γυναῖκα 10.113. εὗρον, ὅσην τʼ ὄρεος κορυφήν, κατὰ δʼ ἔστυγον αὐτήν. 10.114. ἡ δʼ αἶψʼ ἐξ ἀγορῆς ἐκάλει κλυτὸν Ἀντιφατῆα, 10.115. ὃν πόσιν, ὃς δὴ τοῖσιν ἐμήσατο λυγρὸν ὄλεθρον. 10.116. αὐτίχʼ ἕνα μάρψας ἑτάρων ὡπλίσσατο δεῖπνον· 10.117. τὼ δὲ δύʼ ἀίξαντε φυγῇ ἐπὶ νῆας ἱκέσθην. 10.118. αὐτὰρ ὁ τεῦχε βοὴν διὰ ἄστεος· οἱ δʼ ἀίοντες 10.119. φοίτων ἴφθιμοι Λαιστρυγόνες ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος, 10.120. μυρίοι, οὐκ ἄνδρεσσιν ἐοικότες, ἀλλὰ Γίγασιν. 10.121. οἵ ῥʼ ἀπὸ πετράων ἀνδραχθέσι χερμαδίοισιν 10.122. βάλλον· ἄφαρ δὲ κακὸς κόναβος κατὰ νῆας ὀρώρει 10.123. ἀνδρῶν τʼ ὀλλυμένων νηῶν θʼ ἅμα ἀγνυμενάων· 10.124. ἰχθῦς δʼ ὣς πείροντες ἀτερπέα δαῖτα φέροντο. 10.125. ὄφρʼ οἱ τοὺς ὄλεκον λιμένος πολυβενθέος ἐντός, 10.126. τόφρα δʼ ἐγὼ ξίφος ὀξὺ ἐρυσσάμενος παρὰ μηροῦ 10.127. τῷ ἀπὸ πείσματʼ ἔκοψα νεὸς κυανοπρῴροιο. 10.128. αἶψα δʼ ἐμοῖς ἑτάροισιν ἐποτρύνας ἐκέλευσα 10.129. ἐμβαλέειν κώπῃς, ἵνʼ ὑπὲκ κακότητα φύγοιμεν· 10.130. οἱ δʼ ἅλα πάντες ἀνέρριψαν, δείσαντες ὄλεθρον. 10.131. ἀσπασίως δʼ ἐς πόντον ἐπηρεφέας φύγε πέτρας 10.132. νηῦς ἐμή· αὐτὰρ αἱ ἄλλαι ἀολλέες αὐτόθʼ ὄλοντο. 10.133. ἔνθεν δὲ προτέρω πλέομεν ἀκαχήμενοι ἦτορ, 11.422. Κασσάνδρης, τὴν κτεῖνε Κλυταιμνήστρη δολόμητις | 3.270. then Aegisthus led that singer to a desert island and left him behind to become the spoil and carrion for birds of prey, then he brought her, as willing as he was, to his own house. He burned many thighs on altars of the gods and hung up many ornaments, woven webs and gold, 9.115. of his wives and children, but they don't heed one another. “A rough island stretches outside the harbor, neither near nor far from the Cyclopes' land, a wooded one, on which there are countless wild goats, for the coming and going of men does not drive them away, 10.85. one tending cattle, the other pasturing white sheep, for the paths of day and night are close together. Then when we entered the famous harbor, around which steep rock extends continuously on both sides, and, at its mouth, jutting headlands protrude, 10.90. opposite each other, and the entrance is narrow, all of them kept their double-curved ships inside. They were moored close together inside the hollow harbor, for waves never grew in it, neither great nor small, but there was a white calm about it. 10.95. But I alone kept my black ship outside, at its edge, tied the cables to the rock, climbed to a rugged lookout, and stood. Works of neither men nor oxen appeared there, and we saw only smoke spurting from the ground. 10.100. I then sent comrades to go and find out who the men were who ate bread upon the earth. I chose two men, and sent a third with them as a herald, They went ashore and went along a smooth road, where wagons brought wood down from the lofty mountains to the city. 10.105. In front of the city they met a girl fetching water, Antiphates the Laestrygonian's mighty daughter, who'd gone down to the fair-flowing spring Artacia from where they carried water to the city. They stood beside and spoke to her, and asked 10.110. who their king was and over whom he ruled. She very quickly pointed out her father's high-roofed house. But when they entered the famous house, they found a woman, as big as a mountain peak, and they shrank from the sight of her. She immediately called from assembly famous Antiphates, 10.115. her husband, who devised wretched destruction for them. At once he seized one of my comrades and prepared him for dinner. The other two jumped up and came in flight to the ships. Then he made a cry throughout the city, and the mighty Laestrygonians heard, and stalked from one place and other, 10.120. countless ones, not like men, but like Giants. They threw from the rocks with boulders big as a man can carry, and at once an evil din arose throughout the ships, of ships being smashed and men being killed. Piercing them like fish, they carried off their gruesome meal. 10.125. While they were destroying them in the very deep harbor I drew my sharp sword from beside my thigh and with it cut away my cyan-prowed ship's cable. At once I urged and bid my comrades lay on the oar handles, so we'd get out of danger, 10.130. and they all tossed up the sea in fear of destruction. My ship gladly fled the overhanging rocks to the sea, but the others were all destroyed together where they were. We sailed on from there with grief in our hearts at the loss of dear comrades, glad to have escaped death. |
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46. Homer, Iliad, 2.233, 3.156-3.157, 3.162-3.165, 3.410-3.412, 5.70-5.71, 6.351, 9.319, 16.191-16.192, 18.109, 18.478-18.616, 20.4-20.6, 21.22-21.24 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws •law, athenian. •citizenship law (athenian) •guardians guardians of the law in the laws •middle (and mean) centrality of the notion in the statesman and in the laws, vs. mixture •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 98, 174, 238, 270; Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 210; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 334, 337; Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 308, 318| 2.233. ἥν τʼ αὐτὸς ἀπονόσφι κατίσχεαι; οὐ μὲν ἔοικεν 3.156. οὐ νέμεσις Τρῶας καὶ ἐϋκνήμιδας Ἀχαιοὺς 3.157. τοιῇδʼ ἀμφὶ γυναικὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἄλγεα πάσχειν· 3.162. δεῦρο πάροιθʼ ἐλθοῦσα φίλον τέκος ἵζευ ἐμεῖο, 3.163. ὄφρα ἴδῃ πρότερόν τε πόσιν πηούς τε φίλους τε· 3.164. οὔ τί μοι αἰτίη ἐσσί, θεοί νύ μοι αἴτιοί εἰσιν 3.165. οἵ μοι ἐφώρμησαν πόλεμον πολύδακρυν Ἀχαιῶν· 3.410. κεῖσε δʼ ἐγὼν οὐκ εἶμι· νεμεσσητὸν δέ κεν εἴη· 3.411. κείνου πορσανέουσα λέχος· Τρῳαὶ δέ μʼ ὀπίσσω 3.412. πᾶσαι μωμήσονται· ἔχω δʼ ἄχεʼ ἄκριτα θυμῷ. 5.70. ὅς ῥα νόθος μὲν ἔην, πύκα δʼ ἔτρεφε δῖα Θεανὼ 6.351. ὃς ᾔδη νέμεσίν τε καὶ αἴσχεα πόλλʼ ἀνθρώπων. 9.319. ἐν δὲ ἰῇ τιμῇ ἠμὲν κακὸς ἠδὲ καὶ ἐσθλός· 16.191. τὸν δʼ ὃ γέρων Φύλας εὖ ἔτρεφεν ἠδʼ ἀτίταλλεν 16.192. ἀμφαγαπαζόμενος ὡς εἴ θʼ ἑὸν υἱὸν ἐόντα. 18.109. ὅς τε πολὺ γλυκίων μέλιτος καταλειβομένοιο 18.478. ποίει δὲ πρώτιστα σάκος μέγα τε στιβαρόν τε 18.479. πάντοσε δαιδάλλων, περὶ δʼ ἄντυγα βάλλε φαεινὴν 18.480. τρίπλακα μαρμαρέην, ἐκ δʼ ἀργύρεον τελαμῶνα. 18.481. πέντε δʼ ἄρʼ αὐτοῦ ἔσαν σάκεος πτύχες· αὐτὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ 18.482. ποίει δαίδαλα πολλὰ ἰδυίῃσι πραπίδεσσιν. 18.483. ἐν μὲν γαῖαν ἔτευξʼ, ἐν δʼ οὐρανόν, ἐν δὲ θάλασσαν, 18.484. ἠέλιόν τʼ ἀκάμαντα σελήνην τε πλήθουσαν, 18.485. ἐν δὲ τὰ τείρεα πάντα, τά τʼ οὐρανὸς ἐστεφάνωται, 18.486. Πληϊάδας θʼ Ὑάδας τε τό τε σθένος Ὠρίωνος 18.487. Ἄρκτόν θʼ, ἣν καὶ Ἄμαξαν ἐπίκλησιν καλέουσιν, 18.488. ἥ τʼ αὐτοῦ στρέφεται καί τʼ Ὠρίωνα δοκεύει, 18.489. οἴη δʼ ἄμμορός ἐστι λοετρῶν Ὠκεανοῖο. 18.490. ἐν δὲ δύω ποίησε πόλεις μερόπων ἀνθρώπων 18.491. καλάς. ἐν τῇ μέν ῥα γάμοι τʼ ἔσαν εἰλαπίναι τε, 18.492. νύμφας δʼ ἐκ θαλάμων δαΐδων ὕπο λαμπομενάων 18.493. ἠγίνεον ἀνὰ ἄστυ, πολὺς δʼ ὑμέναιος ὀρώρει· 18.494. κοῦροι δʼ ὀρχηστῆρες ἐδίνεον, ἐν δʼ ἄρα τοῖσιν 18.495. αὐλοὶ φόρμιγγές τε βοὴν ἔχον· αἳ δὲ γυναῖκες 18.496. ἱστάμεναι θαύμαζον ἐπὶ προθύροισιν ἑκάστη. 18.497. λαοὶ δʼ εἰν ἀγορῇ ἔσαν ἀθρόοι· ἔνθα δὲ νεῖκος 18.498. ὠρώρει, δύο δʼ ἄνδρες ἐνείκεον εἵνεκα ποινῆς 18.499. ἀνδρὸς ἀποφθιμένου· ὃ μὲν εὔχετο πάντʼ ἀποδοῦναι 18.500. δήμῳ πιφαύσκων, ὃ δʼ ἀναίνετο μηδὲν ἑλέσθαι· 18.501. ἄμφω δʼ ἱέσθην ἐπὶ ἴστορι πεῖραρ ἑλέσθαι. 18.502. λαοὶ δʼ ἀμφοτέροισιν ἐπήπυον ἀμφὶς ἀρωγοί· 18.503. κήρυκες δʼ ἄρα λαὸν ἐρήτυον· οἳ δὲ γέροντες 18.504. εἵατʼ ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοις ἱερῷ ἐνὶ κύκλῳ, 18.505. σκῆπτρα δὲ κηρύκων ἐν χέρσʼ ἔχον ἠεροφώνων· 18.506. τοῖσιν ἔπειτʼ ἤϊσσον, ἀμοιβηδὶς δὲ δίκαζον. 18.507. κεῖτο δʼ ἄρʼ ἐν μέσσοισι δύω χρυσοῖο τάλαντα, 18.508. τῷ δόμεν ὃς μετὰ τοῖσι δίκην ἰθύντατα εἴποι. 18.509. τὴν δʼ ἑτέρην πόλιν ἀμφὶ δύω στρατοὶ ἥατο λαῶν 18.510. τεύχεσι λαμπόμενοι· δίχα δέ σφισιν ἥνδανε βουλή, 18.511. ἠὲ διαπραθέειν ἢ ἄνδιχα πάντα δάσασθαι 18.512. κτῆσιν ὅσην πτολίεθρον ἐπήρατον ἐντὸς ἔεργεν· 18.513. οἳ δʼ οὔ πω πείθοντο, λόχῳ δʼ ὑπεθωρήσσοντο. 18.514. τεῖχος μέν ῥʼ ἄλοχοί τε φίλαι καὶ νήπια τέκνα 18.515. ῥύατʼ ἐφεσταότες, μετὰ δʼ ἀνέρες οὓς ἔχε γῆρας· 18.516. οἳ δʼ ἴσαν· ἦρχε δʼ ἄρά σφιν Ἄρης καὶ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη 18.517. ἄμφω χρυσείω, χρύσεια δὲ εἵματα ἕσθην, 18.518. καλὼ καὶ μεγάλω σὺν τεύχεσιν, ὥς τε θεώ περ 18.519. ἀμφὶς ἀριζήλω· λαοὶ δʼ ὑπολίζονες ἦσαν. 18.520. οἳ δʼ ὅτε δή ῥʼ ἵκανον ὅθι σφίσιν εἶκε λοχῆσαι 18.521. ἐν ποταμῷ, ὅθι τʼ ἀρδμὸς ἔην πάντεσσι βοτοῖσιν, 18.522. ἔνθʼ ἄρα τοί γʼ ἵζοντʼ εἰλυμένοι αἴθοπι χαλκῷ. 18.523. τοῖσι δʼ ἔπειτʼ ἀπάνευθε δύω σκοποὶ εἵατο λαῶν 18.524. δέγμενοι ὁππότε μῆλα ἰδοίατο καὶ ἕλικας βοῦς. 18.525. οἳ δὲ τάχα προγένοντο, δύω δʼ ἅμʼ ἕποντο νομῆες 18.526. τερπόμενοι σύριγξι· δόλον δʼ οὔ τι προνόησαν. 18.527. οἳ μὲν τὰ προϊδόντες ἐπέδραμον, ὦκα δʼ ἔπειτα 18.528. τάμνοντʼ ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλας καὶ πώεα καλὰ 18.529. ἀργεννέων οἰῶν, κτεῖνον δʼ ἐπὶ μηλοβοτῆρας. 18.530. οἳ δʼ ὡς οὖν ἐπύθοντο πολὺν κέλαδον παρὰ βουσὶν 18.531. εἰράων προπάροιθε καθήμενοι, αὐτίκʼ ἐφʼ ἵππων 18.532. βάντες ἀερσιπόδων μετεκίαθον, αἶψα δʼ ἵκοντο. 18.533. στησάμενοι δʼ ἐμάχοντο μάχην ποταμοῖο παρʼ ὄχθας, 18.534. βάλλον δʼ ἀλλήλους χαλκήρεσιν ἐγχείῃσιν. 18.535. ἐν δʼ Ἔρις ἐν δὲ Κυδοιμὸς ὁμίλεον, ἐν δʼ ὀλοὴ Κήρ, 18.536. ἄλλον ζωὸν ἔχουσα νεούτατον, ἄλλον ἄουτον, 18.537. ἄλλον τεθνηῶτα κατὰ μόθον ἕλκε ποδοῖιν· 18.538. εἷμα δʼ ἔχʼ ἀμφʼ ὤμοισι δαφοινεὸν αἵματι φωτῶν. 18.539. ὡμίλευν δʼ ὥς τε ζωοὶ βροτοὶ ἠδʼ ἐμάχοντο, 18.540. νεκρούς τʼ ἀλλήλων ἔρυον κατατεθνηῶτας. 18.541. ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει νειὸν μαλακὴν πίειραν ἄρουραν 18.542. εὐρεῖαν τρίπολον· πολλοὶ δʼ ἀροτῆρες ἐν αὐτῇ 18.543. ζεύγεα δινεύοντες ἐλάστρεον ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα. 18.544. οἳ δʼ ὁπότε στρέψαντες ἱκοίατο τέλσον ἀρούρης, 18.545. τοῖσι δʼ ἔπειτʼ ἐν χερσὶ δέπας μελιηδέος οἴνου 18.546. δόσκεν ἀνὴρ ἐπιών· τοὶ δὲ στρέψασκον ἀνʼ ὄγμους, 18.547. ἱέμενοι νειοῖο βαθείης τέλσον ἱκέσθαι. 18.548. ἣ δὲ μελαίνετʼ ὄπισθεν, ἀρηρομένῃ δὲ ἐῴκει, 18.549. χρυσείη περ ἐοῦσα· τὸ δὴ περὶ θαῦμα τέτυκτο. 18.550. ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει τέμενος βασιλήϊον· ἔνθα δʼ ἔριθοι 18.551. ἤμων ὀξείας δρεπάνας ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες. 18.552. δράγματα δʼ ἄλλα μετʼ ὄγμον ἐπήτριμα πῖπτον ἔραζε, 18.553. ἄλλα δʼ ἀμαλλοδετῆρες ἐν ἐλλεδανοῖσι δέοντο. 18.554. τρεῖς δʼ ἄρʼ ἀμαλλοδετῆρες ἐφέστασαν· αὐτὰρ ὄπισθε 18.555. παῖδες δραγμεύοντες ἐν ἀγκαλίδεσσι φέροντες 18.556. ἀσπερχὲς πάρεχον· βασιλεὺς δʼ ἐν τοῖσι σιωπῇ 18.557. σκῆπτρον ἔχων ἑστήκει ἐπʼ ὄγμου γηθόσυνος κῆρ. 18.558. κήρυκες δʼ ἀπάνευθεν ὑπὸ δρυῒ δαῖτα πένοντο, 18.559. βοῦν δʼ ἱερεύσαντες μέγαν ἄμφεπον· αἳ δὲ γυναῖκες 18.560. δεῖπνον ἐρίθοισιν λεύκʼ ἄλφιτα πολλὰ πάλυνον. 18.561. ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει σταφυλῇσι μέγα βρίθουσαν ἀλωὴν 18.562. καλὴν χρυσείην· μέλανες δʼ ἀνὰ βότρυες ἦσαν, 18.563. ἑστήκει δὲ κάμαξι διαμπερὲς ἀργυρέῃσιν. 18.564. ἀμφὶ δὲ κυανέην κάπετον, περὶ δʼ ἕρκος ἔλασσε 18.565. κασσιτέρου· μία δʼ οἴη ἀταρπιτὸς ἦεν ἐπʼ αὐτήν, 18.566. τῇ νίσοντο φορῆες ὅτε τρυγόῳεν ἀλωήν. 18.567. παρθενικαὶ δὲ καὶ ἠΐθεοι ἀταλὰ φρονέοντες 18.568. πλεκτοῖς ἐν ταλάροισι φέρον μελιηδέα καρπόν. 18.569. τοῖσιν δʼ ἐν μέσσοισι πάϊς φόρμιγγι λιγείῃ 18.570. ἱμερόεν κιθάριζε, λίνον δʼ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδε 18.571. λεπταλέῃ φωνῇ· τοὶ δὲ ῥήσσοντες ἁμαρτῇ 18.572. μολπῇ τʼ ἰυγμῷ τε ποσὶ σκαίροντες ἕποντο. 18.573. ἐν δʼ ἀγέλην ποίησε βοῶν ὀρθοκραιράων· 18.574. αἳ δὲ βόες χρυσοῖο τετεύχατο κασσιτέρου τε, 18.575. μυκηθμῷ δʼ ἀπὸ κόπρου ἐπεσσεύοντο νομὸν δὲ 18.576. πὰρ ποταμὸν κελάδοντα, παρὰ ῥοδανὸν δονακῆα. 18.577. χρύσειοι δὲ νομῆες ἅμʼ ἐστιχόωντο βόεσσι 18.578. τέσσαρες, ἐννέα δέ σφι κύνες πόδας ἀργοὶ ἕποντο. 18.579. σμερδαλέω δὲ λέοντε δύʼ ἐν πρώτῃσι βόεσσι 18.580. ταῦρον ἐρύγμηλον ἐχέτην· ὃ δὲ μακρὰ μεμυκὼς 18.581. ἕλκετο· τὸν δὲ κύνες μετεκίαθον ἠδʼ αἰζηοί. 18.582. τὼ μὲν ἀναρρήξαντε βοὸς μεγάλοιο βοείην 18.583. ἔγκατα καὶ μέλαν αἷμα λαφύσσετον· οἳ δὲ νομῆες 18.584. αὔτως ἐνδίεσαν ταχέας κύνας ὀτρύνοντες. 18.585. οἳ δʼ ἤτοι δακέειν μὲν ἀπετρωπῶντο λεόντων, 18.586. ἱστάμενοι δὲ μάλʼ ἐγγὺς ὑλάκτεον ἔκ τʼ ἀλέοντο. 18.587. ἐν δὲ νομὸν ποίησε περικλυτὸς ἀμφιγυήεις 18.588. ἐν καλῇ βήσσῃ μέγαν οἰῶν ἀργεννάων, 18.589. σταθμούς τε κλισίας τε κατηρεφέας ἰδὲ σηκούς. 18.590. ἐν δὲ χορὸν ποίκιλλε περικλυτὸς ἀμφιγυήεις, 18.591. τῷ ἴκελον οἷόν ποτʼ ἐνὶ Κνωσῷ εὐρείῃ 18.592. Δαίδαλος ἤσκησεν καλλιπλοκάμῳ Ἀριάδνῃ. 18.593. ἔνθα μὲν ἠΐθεοι καὶ παρθένοι ἀλφεσίβοιαι 18.594. ὀρχεῦντʼ ἀλλήλων ἐπὶ καρπῷ χεῖρας ἔχοντες. 18.595. τῶν δʼ αἳ μὲν λεπτὰς ὀθόνας ἔχον, οἳ δὲ χιτῶνας 18.596. εἵατʼ ἐϋννήτους, ἦκα στίλβοντας ἐλαίῳ· 18.597. καί ῥʼ αἳ μὲν καλὰς στεφάνας ἔχον, οἳ δὲ μαχαίρας 18.598. εἶχον χρυσείας ἐξ ἀργυρέων τελαμώνων. 18.599. οἳ δʼ ὁτὲ μὲν θρέξασκον ἐπισταμένοισι πόδεσσι 18.600. ῥεῖα μάλʼ, ὡς ὅτε τις τροχὸν ἄρμενον ἐν παλάμῃσιν 18.601. ἑζόμενος κεραμεὺς πειρήσεται, αἴ κε θέῃσιν· 18.602. ἄλλοτε δʼ αὖ θρέξασκον ἐπὶ στίχας ἀλλήλοισι. 18.603. πολλὸς δʼ ἱμερόεντα χορὸν περιίσταθʼ ὅμιλος 18.604. τερπόμενοι· δοιὼ δὲ κυβιστητῆρε κατʼ αὐτοὺς 18.605. μολπῆς ἐξάρχοντες ἐδίνευον κατὰ μέσσους. 18.606. ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει ποταμοῖο μέγα σθένος Ὠκεανοῖο 18.607. ἄντυγα πὰρ πυμάτην σάκεος πύκα ποιητοῖο. 18.608. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ τεῦξε σάκος μέγα τε στιβαρόν τε, 18.609. τεῦξʼ ἄρα οἱ θώρηκα φαεινότερον πυρὸς αὐγῆς, 18.610. τεῦξε δέ οἱ κόρυθα βριαρὴν κροτάφοις ἀραρυῖαν 18.611. καλὴν δαιδαλέην, ἐπὶ δὲ χρύσεον λόφον ἧκε, 18.612. τεῦξε δέ οἱ κνημῖδας ἑανοῦ κασσιτέροιο. 18.613. αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ πάνθʼ ὅπλα κάμε κλυτὸς ἀμφιγυήεις, 18.614. μητρὸς Ἀχιλλῆος θῆκε προπάροιθεν ἀείρας. 18.615. ἣ δʼ ἴρηξ ὣς ἆλτο κατʼ Οὐλύμπου νιφόεντος 18.616. τεύχεα μαρμαίροντα παρʼ Ἡφαίστοιο φέρουσα. 20.4. Ζεὺς δὲ Θέμιστα κέλευσε θεοὺς ἀγορὴν δὲ καλέσσαι 20.5. κρατὸς ἀπʼ Οὐλύμποιο πολυπτύχου· ἣ δʼ ἄρα πάντῃ 20.6. φοιτήσασα κέλευσε Διὸς πρὸς δῶμα νέεσθαι. 21.22. ὡς δʼ ὑπὸ δελφῖνος μεγακήτεος ἰχθύες ἄλλοι 21.23. φεύγοντες πιμπλᾶσι μυχοὺς λιμένος εὐόρμου 21.24. δειδιότες· μάλα γάρ τε κατεσθίει ὅν κε λάβῃσιν· | 2.233. which some man of the horse-taming Trojans shall bring thee out of Ilios as a ransom for his son, whom I haply have bound and led away or some other of the Achaeans? Or is it some young girl for thee to know in love, whom thou wilt keep apart for thyself? Nay, it beseemeth not one that is their captain to bring to ill the sons of the Achaeans. 3.156. oftly they spake winged words one to another:Small blame that Trojans and well-greaved Achaeans should for such a woman long time suffer woes; wondrously like is she to the immortal goddesses to look upon. But even so, for all that she is such an one, let her depart upon the ships, 3.157. oftly they spake winged words one to another:Small blame that Trojans and well-greaved Achaeans should for such a woman long time suffer woes; wondrously like is she to the immortal goddesses to look upon. But even so, for all that she is such an one, let her depart upon the ships, 3.162. neither be left here to be a bane to us and to our children after us. So they said, but Priam spake, and called Helen to him:Come hither, dear child, and sit before me, that thou mayest see thy former lord and thy kinsfolk and thy people—thou art nowise to blame in my eyes; it is the gods, methinks, that are to blame, 3.163. neither be left here to be a bane to us and to our children after us. So they said, but Priam spake, and called Helen to him:Come hither, dear child, and sit before me, that thou mayest see thy former lord and thy kinsfolk and thy people—thou art nowise to blame in my eyes; it is the gods, methinks, that are to blame, 3.164. neither be left here to be a bane to us and to our children after us. So they said, but Priam spake, and called Helen to him:Come hither, dear child, and sit before me, that thou mayest see thy former lord and thy kinsfolk and thy people—thou art nowise to blame in my eyes; it is the gods, methinks, that are to blame, 3.165. who roused against me the tearful war of the Achaeans —and that thou mayest tell me who is this huge warrior, this man of Achaea so valiant and so tall. Verily there be others that are even taller by a head, but so comely a man have mine eyes never yet beheld, 3.410. But thither will I not go—it were a shameful thing—to array that man's couch; all the women of Troy will blame me hereafter; and I have measureless griefs at heart. Then stirred to wrath fair Aphrodite spake to her:Provoke me not, rash woman, lest I wax wroth and desert thee, 3.411. But thither will I not go—it were a shameful thing—to array that man's couch; all the women of Troy will blame me hereafter; and I have measureless griefs at heart. Then stirred to wrath fair Aphrodite spake to her:Provoke me not, rash woman, lest I wax wroth and desert thee, 3.412. But thither will I not go—it were a shameful thing—to array that man's couch; all the women of Troy will blame me hereafter; and I have measureless griefs at heart. Then stirred to wrath fair Aphrodite spake to her:Provoke me not, rash woman, lest I wax wroth and desert thee, 5.70. he was in truth a bastard, howbeit goodly Theano had reared him carefully even as her own children, to do pleasure to her husband. To him Phyleus' son, famed for his spear, drew nigh and smote him with a cast of his sharp spear on the sinew of the head; and straight through amid the teeth the bronze shore away the tongue at its base. 6.351. would that I had been wife to a better man, that could feel the indignation of his fellows and their many revilings. But this man's understanding is not now stable, nor ever will be hereafter; thereof I deem that he will e'en reap the fruit. But come now, enter in, and sit thee upon this chair, 9.319. Not me, I ween, shall Atreus' son, Agamemnon, persuade, nor yet shall the other Danaans, seeing there were to be no thanks, it seemeth, for warring against the foeman ever without respite. Like portion hath he that abideth at home, and if one warreth his best, and in one honour are held both the coward and the brave; 16.191. lead to his home, when he had given countless gifts of wooing, and Eudorus did old Phylas nurse and cherish tenderly, loving him dearly, as he had been his own son. And of the third company warlike Peisander was captain, son of Maemalus, a man pre-eminent among all the Myrmidons 16.192. lead to his home, when he had given countless gifts of wooing, and Eudorus did old Phylas nurse and cherish tenderly, loving him dearly, as he had been his own son. And of the third company warlike Peisander was captain, son of Maemalus, a man pre-eminent among all the Myrmidons 18.109. I that in war am such as is none other of the brazen-coated Achaeans, albeit in council there be others better— so may strife perish from among gods and men, and anger that setteth a man on to grow wroth, how wise soever he be, and that sweeter far than trickling honey 18.478. and precious gold and silver; and thereafter he set on the anvil-block a great anvil, and took in one hand a massive hammer, and in the other took he the tongs.First fashioned he a shield, great and sturdy, adorning it cunningly in every part, and round about it set a bright rim, 18.479. and precious gold and silver; and thereafter he set on the anvil-block a great anvil, and took in one hand a massive hammer, and in the other took he the tongs.First fashioned he a shield, great and sturdy, adorning it cunningly in every part, and round about it set a bright rim, 18.480. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.481. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.482. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.483. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.484. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full, 18.485. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.486. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.487. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.488. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.489. and therein all the constellations wherewith heaven is crowned—the Pleiades, and the Hyades and the mighty Orion, and the Bear, that men call also the Wain, that circleth ever in her place, and watcheth Orion, and alone hath no part in the baths of Ocean. 18.490. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.491. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.492. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.493. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.494. Therein fashioned he also two cities of mortal men exceeding fair. In the one there were marriages and feastings, and by the light of the blazing torches they were leading the brides from their bowers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and in their midst 18.495. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.496. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.497. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.498. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.499. flutes and lyres sounded continually; and there the women stood each before her door and marvelled. But the folk were gathered in the place of assembly; for there a strife had arisen, and two men were striving about the blood-price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, 18.500. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.501. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.502. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.503. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.504. declaring his cause to the people, but the other refused to accept aught; and each was fain to win the issue on the word of a daysman. Moreover, the folk were cheering both, shewing favour to this side and to that. And heralds held back the folk, and the elders were sitting upon polished stones in the sacred circle, 18.505. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.506. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.507. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.508. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.509. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.510. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.511. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.512. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.513. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.514. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.515. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.516. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.517. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.518. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.519. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.520. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.521. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.522. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.523. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.524. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.525. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.526. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.527. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.528. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.529. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. But the liers-in-wait, when they saw these coming on, rushed forth against them and speedily cut off the herds of cattle and fair flocks of white-fleeced sheep, and slew the herdsmen withal. 18.530. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.531. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.532. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.533. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.534. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.535. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.536. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.537. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.538. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.539. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.540. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.541. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.542. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.543. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.544. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, 18.545. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.546. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.547. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.548. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.549. then would a man come forth to each and give into his hands a cup of honey-sweet wine; and the ploughmen would turn them in the furrows, eager to reach the headland of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed verily as it had been ploughed, for all that it was of gold; herein was the great marvel of the work. 18.550. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.551. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.552. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.553. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.554. Therein he set also a king's demesne-land, wherein labourers were reaping, bearing sharp sickles in their hands. Some handfuls were falling in rows to the ground along the swathe, while others the binders of sheaves were binding with twisted ropes of straw. Three binders stood hard by them, while behind them 18.555. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.556. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.557. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.558. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.559. boys would gather the handfuls, and bearing them in their arms would busily give them to the binders; and among them the king, staff in hand, was standing in silence at the swathe, joying in his heart. And heralds apart beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and were dressing a great ox they had slain for sacrifice; and the women 18.560. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. 18.561. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. 18.562. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. 18.563. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. 18.564. prinkled the flesh with white barley in abundance, for the workers' mid-day meal. Therein he set also a vineyard heavily laden with clusters, a vineyard fair and wrought of gold; black were the grapes, and the vines were set up throughout on silver poles. And around it he drave a trench of cyanus, and about that a fence of tin; 18.565. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.566. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.567. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.568. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.569. and one single path led thereto, whereby the vintagers went and came, whensoever they gathered the vintage. And maidens and youths in childish glee were bearing the honey-sweet fruit in wicker baskets. And in their midst a boy made pleasant music with a clear-toned lyre, 18.570. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.571. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.572. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.573. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.574. and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.575. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.576. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.577. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.578. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.579. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.580. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.581. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.582. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.583. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.584. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds. 18.585. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.586. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.587. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.588. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.589. Howbeit these shrank from fastening on the lions, but stood hard by and barked and sprang aside.Therein also the famed god of the two strong arms wrought a pasture in a fair dell, a great pasture of white-fleeced sheep, and folds, and roofed huts, and pens. 18.590. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.591. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.592. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.593. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.594. Therein furthermore the famed god of the two strong arms cunningly wrought a dancing-floor like unto that which in wide Cnosus Daedalus fashioned of old for fair-tressed Ariadne. There were youths dancing and maidens of the price of many cattle, holding their hands upon the wrists one of the other. 18.595. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.596. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.597. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.598. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.599. of these the maidens were clad in fine linen, while the youths wore well-woven tunics faintly glistening with oil; and the maidens had fair chaplets, and the youths had daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. Now would they run round with cunning feet 18.600. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.601. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.602. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.603. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.604. exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitteth by his wheel that is fitted between his hands and maketh trial of it whether it will run; and now again would they run in rows toward each other. And a great company stood around the lovely dance, taking joy therein; 18.605. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.606. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.607. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.608. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.609. and two tumblers whirled up and down through the midst of them as leaders in the dance.Therein he set also the great might of the river Oceanus, around the uttermost rim of the strongly-wrought shield.But when he had wrought the shield, great and sturdy, 18.610. then wrought he for him a corselet brighter than the blaze of fire, and he wrought for him a heavy helmet, fitted to his temples, a fair helm, richly-dight, and set thereon a crest of gold; and he wrought him greaves of pliant tin.But when the glorious god of the two strong arms had fashioned all the armour, 18.611. then wrought he for him a corselet brighter than the blaze of fire, and he wrought for him a heavy helmet, fitted to his temples, a fair helm, richly-dight, and set thereon a crest of gold; and he wrought him greaves of pliant tin.But when the glorious god of the two strong arms had fashioned all the armour, 18.612. then wrought he for him a corselet brighter than the blaze of fire, and he wrought for him a heavy helmet, fitted to his temples, a fair helm, richly-dight, and set thereon a crest of gold; and he wrought him greaves of pliant tin.But when the glorious god of the two strong arms had fashioned all the armour, 18.613. then wrought he for him a corselet brighter than the blaze of fire, and he wrought for him a heavy helmet, fitted to his temples, a fair helm, richly-dight, and set thereon a crest of gold; and he wrought him greaves of pliant tin.But when the glorious god of the two strong arms had fashioned all the armour, 18.614. then wrought he for him a corselet brighter than the blaze of fire, and he wrought for him a heavy helmet, fitted to his temples, a fair helm, richly-dight, and set thereon a crest of gold; and he wrought him greaves of pliant tin.But when the glorious god of the two strong arms had fashioned all the armour, 18.615. he took and laid it before the mother of Achilles. And like a falcon she sprang down from snowy Olympus, bearing the flashing armour from Hephaestus. 18.616. he took and laid it before the mother of Achilles. And like a falcon she sprang down from snowy Olympus, bearing the flashing armour from Hephaestus. 20.4. / 20.4. So by the beaked ships around thee, O son of Peleus, insatiate of fight, the Achaeans arrayed them for battle; and likewise the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain. But Zeus bade Themis summon the gods to the place of gathering from the 20.5. / 20.5. So by the beaked ships around thee, O son of Peleus, insatiate of fight, the Achaeans arrayed them for battle; and likewise the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain. But Zeus bade Themis summon the gods to the place of gathering from the 20.5. brow of many-ribbed Olympus; and she sped everywhither, and bade them come to the house of Zeus. There was no river that came not, save only Oceanus, nor any nymph, of all that haunt the fair copses, the springs that feed the rivers, and the grassy meadows. 20.6. brow of many-ribbed Olympus; and she sped everywhither, and bade them come to the house of Zeus. There was no river that came not, save only Oceanus, nor any nymph, of all that haunt the fair copses, the springs that feed the rivers, and the grassy meadows. 21.22. and that he smote and smote; and from them uprose hideous groaning as they were smitten with the sword, and the water grew red with blood. And as before a dolphin, huge of maw, other fishes flee and fill the nooks of some harbour of fair anchorage in their terror, for greedily doth he devour whatsoever one he catcheth; 21.23. and that he smote and smote; and from them uprose hideous groaning as they were smitten with the sword, and the water grew red with blood. And as before a dolphin, huge of maw, other fishes flee and fill the nooks of some harbour of fair anchorage in their terror, for greedily doth he devour whatsoever one he catcheth; 21.24. and that he smote and smote; and from them uprose hideous groaning as they were smitten with the sword, and the water grew red with blood. And as before a dolphin, huge of maw, other fishes flee and fill the nooks of some harbour of fair anchorage in their terror, for greedily doth he devour whatsoever one he catcheth; |
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47. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, a b c d\n0 26.21 26.21 26 21\n1 26.22 26.22 26 22\n2 26.23 26.23 26 23\n3 43 43 43 None\n4 26.20 26.20 26 20\n5 44 44 44 None\n6 42.16 42.16 42 16\n7 4.14 4.14 4 14\n8 31.34 31.34 31 34\n9 44.15 44.15 44 15\n10 44.16 44.16 44 16\n11 31.33 31.33 31 33\n12 44.17 44.17 44 17\n13 31.32 31.32 31 32\n14 44.18 44.18 44 18\n15 44.19 44.19 44 19\n16 31.31 31.31 31 31\n17 48 48 48 None\n18 49 49 49 None\n19 47 47 47 None\n20 51 51 51 None\n21 50 50 50 None\n22 46 46 46 None\n23 5.8 5.8 5 8\n24 10.2 10.2 10 2\n25 18.16 18.16 18 16\n26 18.15 18.15 18 15\n27 18.14 18.14 18 14\n28 18.13 18.13 18 13\n29 "6.16" "6.16" "6 16"\n30 38.3 38.3 38 3\n31 38.4 38.4 38 4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al., Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period (2020) 152| 26.21. וַיִּשְׁמַע הַמֶּלֶךְ־יְהוֹיָקִים וְכָל־גִּבּוֹרָיו וְכָל־הַשָּׂרִים אֶת־דְּבָרָיו וַיְבַקֵּשׁ הַמֶּלֶךְ הֲמִיתוֹ וַיִּשְׁמַע אוּרִיָּהוּ וַיִּרָא וַיִּבְרַח וַיָּבֹא מִצְרָיִם׃ | 26.21. and when Jehoiakim the king, with all his mighty men, and all the princes, heard his words, the king sought to put him to death; but when Uriah heard it, he was afraid, and fled, and went into Egypt; |
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| 48. Alcman, Poems, 66 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 334, 337 |
| 49. Solon, Fragments, 4, 36 (west) (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 5 |
| 50. Xenophanes, Fragments, 1, b1 ieg 2 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 28 |
| 51. Theognis, Elegies, 226, 225 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 283 |
| 52. Pindar, Fragments, frag. 169a (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law (nomos) common belief of a city, meaning of the term •marriage on the choice of a spouse, first law of the cycle Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 215 |
53. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1100-1102, 1372-1394, 1420, 146, 1564-1566, 1577-1614, 205-247, 1248 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374| 1248. ἀλλʼ οὔτι παιὼν τῷδʼ ἐπιστατεῖ λόγῳ. Χορός | 1248. Nay, if the thing be near: but never be it! KASSANDRA. |
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54. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 13.21, 14.14-14.20, 16.4-16.14, 20.25, 23.20, 31.18, 36.24-36.25, 40.46, 43.10-43.12 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 494; Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 335; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 48, 154; Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 99; Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 216; Mokhtarian, Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran (2021) 116; Toloni, The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis (2022) 11, 78| 13.21. וְקָרַעְתִּי אֶת־מִסְפְּחֹתֵיכֶם וְהִצַּלְתִּי אֶת־עַמִּי מִיֶּדְכֶן וְלֹא־יִהְיוּ עוֹד בְּיֶדְכֶן לִמְצוּדָה וִידַעְתֶּן כִּי־אֲנִי יְהוָה׃ 14.14. וְהָיוּ שְׁלֹשֶׁת הָאֲנָשִׁים הָאֵלֶּה בְּתוֹכָהּ נֹחַ דנאל [דָּנִיֵּאל] וְאִיּוֹב הֵמָּה בְצִדְקָתָם יְנַצְּלוּ נַפְשָׁם נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה׃ 14.15. לוּ־חַיָּה רָעָה אַעֲבִיר בָּאָרֶץ וְשִׁכְּלָתָּה וְהָיְתָה שְׁמָמָה מִבְּלִי עוֹבֵר מִפְּנֵי הַחַיָּה׃ 14.16. שְׁלֹשֶׁת הָאֲנָשִׁים הָאֵלֶּה בְּתוֹכָהּ חַי־אָנִי נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה אִם־בָּנִים וְאִם־בָּנוֹת יַצִּילוּ הֵמָּה לְבַדָּם יִנָּצֵלוּ וְהָאָרֶץ תִּהְיֶה שְׁמָמָה׃ 14.17. אוֹ חֶרֶב אָבִיא עַל־הָאָרֶץ הַהִיא וְאָמַרְתִּי חֶרֶב תַּעֲבֹר בָּאָרֶץ וְהִכְרַתִּי מִמֶּנָּה אָדָם וּבְהֵמָה׃ 14.18. וּשְׁלֹשֶׁת הָאֲנָשִׁים הָאֵלֶּה בְּתוֹכָהּ חַי־אָנִי נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה לֹא יַצִּילוּ בָּנִים וּבָנוֹת כִּי הֵם לְבַדָּם יִנָּצֵלוּ׃ 14.19. אוֹ דֶּבֶר אֲשַׁלַּח אֶל־הָאָרֶץ הַהִיא וְשָׁפַכְתִּי חֲמָתִי עָלֶיהָ בְּדָם לְהַכְרִית מִמֶּנָּה אָדָם וּבְהֵמָה׃ 16.4. וְהֶעֱלוּ עָלַיִךְ קָהָל וְרָגְמוּ אוֹתָךְ בָּאָבֶן וּבִתְּקוּךְ בְּחַרְבוֹתָם׃ 16.4. וּמוֹלְדוֹתַיִךְ בְּיוֹם הוּלֶּדֶת אֹתָךְ לֹא־כָרַּת שָׁרֵּךְ וּבְמַיִם לֹא־רֻחַצְתְּ לְמִשְׁעִי וְהָמְלֵחַ לֹא הֻמְלַחַתְּ וְהָחְתֵּל לֹא חֻתָּלְתְּ׃ 16.5. וַתִּגְבְּהֶינָה וַתַּעֲשֶׂינָה תוֹעֵבָה לְפָנָי וָאָסִיר אֶתְהֶן כַּאֲשֶׁר רָאִיתִי׃ 16.5. לֹא־חָסָה עָלַיִךְ עַיִן לַעֲשׂוֹת לָךְ אַחַת מֵאֵלֶּה לְחֻמְלָה עָלָיִךְ וַתֻּשְׁלְכִי אֶל־פְּנֵי הַשָּׂדֶה בְּגֹעַל נַפְשֵׁךְ בְּיוֹם הֻלֶּדֶת אֹתָךְ׃ 16.6. וָאֶעֱבֹר עָלַיִךְ וָאֶרְאֵךְ מִתְבּוֹסֶסֶת בְּדָמָיִךְ וָאֹמַר לָךְ בְּדָמַיִךְ חֲיִי וָאֹמַר לָךְ בְּדָמַיִךְ חֲיִי׃ 16.6. וְזָכַרְתִּי אֲנִי אֶת־בְּרִיתִי אוֹתָךְ בִּימֵי נְעוּרָיִךְ וַהֲקִמוֹתִי לָךְ בְּרִית עוֹלָם׃ 16.7. רְבָבָה כְּצֶמַח הַשָּׂדֶה נְתַתִּיךְ וַתִּרְבִּי וַתִּגְדְּלִי וַתָּבֹאִי בַּעֲדִי עֲדָיִים שָׁדַיִם נָכֹנוּ וּשְׂעָרֵךְ צִמֵּחַ וְאַתְּ עֵרֹם וְעֶרְיָה׃ 16.8. וָאֶעֱבֹר עָלַיִךְ וָאֶרְאֵךְ וְהִנֵּה עִתֵּךְ עֵת דֹּדִים וָאֶפְרֹשׂ כְּנָפִי עָלַיִךְ וָאֲכַסֶּה עֶרְוָתֵךְ וָאֶשָּׁבַע לָךְ וָאָבוֹא בִבְרִית אֹתָךְ נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה וַתִּהְיִי לִי׃ 16.9. וָאֶרְחָצֵךְ בַּמַּיִם וָאֶשְׁטֹף דָּמַיִךְ מֵעָלָיִךְ וָאֲסֻכֵךְ בַּשָּׁמֶן׃ 16.11. וָאֶעְדֵּךְ עֶדִי וָאֶתְּנָה צְמִידִים עַל־יָדַיִךְ וְרָבִיד עַל־גְּרוֹנֵךְ׃ 16.12. וָאֶתֵּן נֶזֶם עַל־אַפֵּךְ וַעֲגִילִים עַל־אָזְנָיִךְ וַעֲטֶרֶת תִּפְאֶרֶת בְּרֹאשֵׁךְ׃ 16.13. וַתַּעְדִּי זָהָב וָכֶסֶף וּמַלְבּוּשֵׁךְ ששי [שֵׁשׁ] וָמֶשִׁי וְרִקְמָה סֹלֶת וּדְבַשׁ וָשֶׁמֶן אכלתי [אָכָלְתְּ] וַתִּיפִי בִּמְאֹד מְאֹד וַתִּצְלְחִי לִמְלוּכָה׃ 16.14. וַיֵּצֵא לָךְ שֵׁם בַּגּוֹיִם בְּיָפְיֵךְ כִּי כָּלִיל הוּא בַּהֲדָרִי אֲשֶׁר־שַׂמְתִּי עָלַיִךְ נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה׃ 20.25. וְגַם־אֲנִי נָתַתִּי לָהֶם חֻקִּים לֹא טוֹבִים וּמִשְׁפָּטִים לֹא יִחְיוּ בָּהֶם׃ 31.18. אֶל־מִי דָמִיתָ כָּכָה בְּכָבוֹד וּבְגֹדֶל בַּעֲצֵי־עֵדֶן וְהוּרַדְתָּ אֶת־עֲצֵי־עֵדֶן אֶל־אֶרֶץ תַּחְתִּית בְּתוֹךְ עֲרֵלִים תִּשְׁכַּב אֶת־חַלְלֵי־חֶרֶב הוּא פַרְעֹה וְכָל־הֲמוֹנֹה נְאֻם אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה׃ 36.24. וְלָקַחְתִּי אֶתְכֶם מִן־הַגּוֹיִם וְקִבַּצְתִּי אֶתְכֶם מִכָּל־הָאֲרָצוֹת וְהֵבֵאתִי אֶתְכֶם אֶל־אַדְמַתְכֶם׃ 36.25. וְזָרַקְתִּי עֲלֵיכֶם מַיִם טְהוֹרִים וּטְהַרְתֶּם מִכֹּל טֻמְאוֹתֵיכֶם וּמִכָּל־גִּלּוּלֵיכֶם אֲטַהֵר אֶתְכֶם׃ 40.46. וְהַלִּשְׁכָּה אֲשֶׁר פָּנֶיהָ דֶּרֶךְ הַצָּפוֹן לַכֹּהֲנִים שֹׁמְרֵי מִשְׁמֶרֶת הַמִּזְבֵּחַ הֵמָּה בְנֵי־צָדוֹק הַקְּרֵבִים מִבְּנֵי־לֵוִי אֶל־יְהוָה לְשָׁרְתוֹ׃ 43.11. וְאִם־נִכְלְמוּ מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר־עָשׂוּ צוּרַת הַבַּיִת וּתְכוּנָתוֹ וּמוֹצָאָיו וּמוֹבָאָיו וְכָל־צוּרֹתָו וְאֵת כָּל־חֻקֹּתָיו וְכָל־צורתי [צוּרֹתָיו] וְכָל־תורתו [תּוֹרֹתָיו] הוֹדַע אוֹתָם וּכְתֹב לְעֵינֵיהֶם וְיִשְׁמְרוּ אֶת־כָּל־צוּרָתוֹ וְאֶת־כָּל־חֻקֹּתָיו וְעָשׂוּ אוֹתָם׃ 43.12. זֹאת תּוֹרַת הַבָּיִת עַל־רֹאשׁ הָהָר כָּל־גְּבֻלוֹ סָבִיב סָבִיב קֹדֶשׁ קָדָשִׁים הִנֵּה־זֹאת תּוֹרַת הַבָּיִת׃ | 13.21. Your pads also will I tear, and deliver My people out of your hand, and they shall be no more in your hand to be hunted; and ye shall know that I am the LORD. 14.14. though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, they should deliver but their own souls by their righteousness, saith the Lord GOD. 14.15. If I cause evil beasts to pass through the land, and they bereave it, and it be desolate, so that no man may pass through because of the beasts; 14.16. though these three men were in it, as I live, saith the Lord GOD, they shall deliver neither sons nor daughters; they only shall be delivered, but the land shall be desolate. 14.17. Or if I bring a sword upon that land, and say: Let the sword go through the land, so that I cut off from it man and beast; 14.18. though these three men were in it, as I live, saith the Lord GOD, they shall deliver neither sons nor daughters, but they only shall be delivered themselves. 14.19. Or if I send a pestilence into that land, and pour out My fury upon it in blood, to cut off from it man and beast; 14.20. though Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, as I live, saith the Lord GOD, they shall deliver neither son nor daughter; they shall but deliver their own souls by their righteousness. 16.4. And as for thy nativity, in the day thou wast born thy navel was not cut, neither wast thou washed in water for cleansing; thou was not salted at all, nor swaddled at all. 16.5. No eye pitied thee, to do any of these unto thee, to have compassion upon thee; but thou wast cast out in the open field in the loathsomeness of thy person, in the day that thou wast born. 16.6. And when I passed by thee, and saw thee wallowing in thy blood, I said unto thee: In thy blood, live; yea, I said unto thee: In thy blood, live; 16.7. I cause thee to increase, even as the growth of the field. And thou didst increase and grow up, and thou camest to excellent beauty: thy breasts were fashioned, and thy hair was grown; yet thou wast naked and bare. 16.8. Now when I passed by thee, and looked upon thee, and, behold, thy time was the time of love, I spread my skirt over thee, and covered thy nakedness; yea, I swore unto thee, and entered into a covet with thee, saith the Lord GOD, and thou becamest Mine. 16.9. Then washed I thee with water; yea, I cleansed away thy blood from thee, and I anointed thee with oil. 16.10. I clothed thee also with richly woven work, and shod thee with sealskin, and I wound fine linen about thy head, and covered thee with silk. 16.11. I decked thee also with ornaments, and I put bracelets upon thy hands, and a chain on thy neck. 16.12. And I put a ring upon thy nose, and earrings in thine ears, and a beautiful crown upon thy head. 16.13. Thus wast thou decked with gold and silver; and thy raiment was of fine linen, and silk, and richly woven work; thou didst eat fine flour, and honey, and oil; and thou didst wax exceeding beautiful, and thou wast meet for royal estate. 16.14. And thy renown went forth among the nations for thy beauty; for it was perfect, through My splendour which I had put upon thee, saith the Lord GOD. 20.25. Wherefore I gave them also statutes that were not good, and ordices whereby they should not live; 23.20. And she doted upon concubinage with them, whose flesh is as the flesh of asses, and whose issue is like the issue of horses. 31.18. To whom art thou thus like in glory and in greatness among the trees of Eden? yet shall thou be brought down with the trees of Eden unto the nether parts of the earth; thou shalt lie in the midst of the uncircumcised, with them that are slain by the sword. This is Pharaoh and all his multitude, saith the Lord GOD.’ 36.24. For I will take you from among the nations, and gather you out of all the countries, and will bring you into your own land. 36.25. And I will sprinkle clean water upon you, and ye shall be clean; from all your uncleannesses, and from all your idols, will I cleanse you. 40.46. And the chamber whose prospect is toward the north is for the priests, the keepers of the charge of the altar; these are the sons of Zadok, who from among the sons of Levi come near to the LORD to minister unto Him.’ 43.10. Thou, son of man, show the house to the house of Israel, that they may be ashamed of their iniquities; and let them measure accurately. 43.11. And if they be ashamed of all that they have done, make known unto them the form of the house, and the fashion thereof, and the goings out thereof, and the comings in thereof, and all the forms thereof, and all the ordices thereof, and all the forms thereof, and all the laws thereof, and write it in their sight; that they may keep the whole form thereof, and all the ordices thereof, and do them. 43.12. This is the law of the house: upon the top of the mountain the whole limit thereof round about shall be most holy. Behold, this is the law of the house. |
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55. Aeschylus, Persians, 192-196, 242, 739-752, 826, 810 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 397| 810. ᾐδοῦντο συλᾶν οὐδὲ πιμπράναι νεώς· | |
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| 56. Aeschylus, Libation-Bearers, 1017, 1021-1044, 1046-1076, 972-973, 976-996, 1045 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 133, 144, 164 |
57. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 209-210, 727 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 15| 727. ἐχθρόξενος ναύταισι, μητρυιὰ νεῶν· | 727. inhabit Themiscyra on the Thermodon, where, fronting the sea, is Salmydessus’ rugged jaw, evil host of mariners, step-mother of ships. The Amazons will gladly guide you on your way. Next, just at the narrow portals of the harbor, you shall reach |
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58. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 1, 10, 1000-1002, 1025, 1033-1035, 1039-1043, 11-19, 2, 20, 3, 307-396, 4, 464-469, 477-478, 5-6, 609-673, 7-9, 902-999, 62 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374| 62. ἰατρόμαντις δʼ ἐστὶ καὶ τερασκόπος | |
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59. Aristophanes, Women of The Assembly, 1024, 1064-1065, 1025 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 248| 1025. ὑπὲρ μέδιμνόν ἐστ' ἀνὴρ οὐδεὶς ἔτι. | |
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60. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 154, 69-72, 68 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374 | 68. Thus you are not awakening me from sleep: no, be sure that I have wept many tears, wandered far and wide in my thought. I have made use of the only remedy which I could find after close consideration: I sent my relative |
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61. Euripides, Trojan Women, 1000-1001, 1036-1041, 130-137, 766-773, 864-868, 987-997, 999, 998 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 177| 998. εἶἑν: βίᾳ γὰρ παῖδα φῄς ς' ἄγειν ἐμόν: | 998. Enough of this! My son carried you off by force, so you say; what Spartan saw this? what cry for help |
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62. Sophocles, Ajax, 1057-1063, 1125-1132, 1342-1345, 1563-1564, 1305 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 395 | 1305. could I disgrace my own flesh and blood, whom even as he lies here subdued by such massive troubles, you, making your pronouncements without a blush of shame, would thrust out without burial? Now consider this well: wherever you cast him away, with him you will also cast our three corpses. |
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63. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 1030, 1032, 1212, 457, 473-479, 524-529, 844, 88, 1031 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374| 1031. ἴθ' ἀντιβολῶ ς', ἤν πως κομίσωμαι τὼ βόε. | 1031. HUSBANDMAN: Come, I adjure you; perchance I shall recover my steers. DICAEOPOLIS: 'Tis impossible; away, go and whine to the disciples of Pittalus. HUSBANDMAN: Grant me but one drop of peace; pour it into this reedlet. DICAEOPOLIS: No, not a particle; go a-weeping elsewhere. HUSBANDMAN: Oh! oh! oh! my poor beasts! CHORUS: This man has discovered the sweetest enjoyment in peace; he will share it with none. DICAEOPOLIS: Pour honey over this tripe; set it before the fire to dry. CHORUS: What lofty tones he uses! Did you hear him? DICAEOPOLIS: Get the eels on the gridiron! CHORUS: You are killing me with hunger; your smoke is choking your neighbours, and you split our ears with your bawling. |
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64. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 1232 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws of Found in books: Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 399 | 1232. Why have I? you, a mortal, can not pollute what is of the gods. Heracle |
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65. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 8.1-8.9, 8.13, 8.16, 8.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 336, 337, 350; Witter et al., Torah, Temple, Land: Constructions of Judaism in Antiquity (2021) 17| 8.1. וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶם לְכוּ אִכְלוּ מַשְׁמַנִּים וּשְׁתוּ מַמְתַקִּים וְשִׁלְחוּ מָנוֹת לְאֵין נָכוֹן לוֹ כִּי־קָדוֹשׁ הַיּוֹם לַאֲדֹנֵינוּ וְאַל־תֵּעָצֵבוּ כִּי־חֶדְוַת יְהוָה הִיא מָעֻזְּכֶם׃ 8.1. וַיֵּאָסְפוּ כָל־הָעָם כְּאִישׁ אֶחָד אֶל־הָרְחוֹב אֲשֶׁר לִפְנֵי שַׁעַר־הַמָּיִם וַיֹּאמְרוּ לְעֶזְרָא הַסֹּפֵר לְהָבִיא אֶת־סֵפֶר תּוֹרַת מֹשֶׁה אֲשֶׁר־צִוָּה יְהוָה אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 8.2. וַיָּבִיא עֶזְרָא הַכֹּהֵן אֶת־הַתּוֹרָה לִפְנֵי הַקָּהָל מֵאִישׁ וְעַד־אִשָּׁה וְכֹל מֵבִין לִשְׁמֹעַ בְּיוֹם אֶחָד לַחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי׃ 8.3. וַיִּקְרָא־בוֹ לִפְנֵי הָרְחוֹב אֲשֶׁר לִפְנֵי שַׁעַר־הַמַּיִם מִן־הָאוֹר עַד־מַחֲצִית הַיּוֹם נֶגֶד הָאֲנָשִׁים וְהַנָּשִׁים וְהַמְּבִינִים וְאָזְנֵי כָל־הָעָם אֶל־סֵפֶר הַתּוֹרָה׃ 8.4. וַיַּעֲמֹד עֶזְרָא הַסֹּפֵר עַל־מִגְדַּל־עֵץ אֲשֶׁר עָשׂוּ לַדָּבָר וַיַּעֲמֹד אֶצְלוֹ מַתִּתְיָה וְשֶׁמַע וַעֲנָיָה וְאוּרִיָּה וְחִלְקִיָּה וּמַעֲשֵׂיָה עַל־יְמִינוֹ וּמִשְּׂמֹאלוֹ פְּדָיָה וּמִישָׁאֵל וּמַלְכִּיָּה וְחָשֻׁם וְחַשְׁבַּדָּנָה זְכַרְיָה מְשֻׁלָּם׃ 8.5. וַיִּפְתַּח עֶזְרָא הַסֵּפֶר לְעֵינֵי כָל־הָעָם כִּי־מֵעַל כָּל־הָעָם הָיָה וּכְפִתְחוֹ עָמְדוּ כָל־הָעָם׃ 8.6. וַיְבָרֶךְ עֶזְרָא אֶת־יְהוָה הָאֱלֹהִים הַגָּדוֹל וַיַּעֲנוּ כָל־הָעָם אָמֵן אָמֵן בְּמֹעַל יְדֵיהֶם וַיִּקְּדוּ וַיִּשְׁתַּחֲוֻּ לַיהוָה אַפַּיִם אָרְצָה׃ 8.7. וְיֵשׁוּעַ וּבָנִי וְשֵׁרֵבְיָה יָמִין עַקּוּב שַׁבְּתַי הוֹדִיָּה מַעֲשֵׂיָה קְלִיטָא עֲזַרְיָה יוֹזָבָד חָנָן פְּלָאיָה וְהַלְוִיִּם מְבִינִים אֶת־הָעָם לַתּוֹרָה וְהָעָם עַל־עָמְדָם׃ 8.8. וַיִּקְרְאוּ בַסֵּפֶר בְּתוֹרַת הָאֱלֹהִים מְפֹרָשׁ וְשׂוֹם שֶׂכֶל וַיָּבִינוּ בַּמִּקְרָא׃ 8.9. וַיֹּאמֶר נְחֶמְיָה הוּא הַתִּרְשָׁתָא וְעֶזְרָא הַכֹּהֵן הַסֹּפֵר וְהַלְוִיִּם הַמְּבִינִים אֶת־הָעָם לְכָל־הָעָם הַיּוֹם קָדֹשׁ־הוּא לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אַל־תִּתְאַבְּלוּ וְאַל־תִּבְכּוּ כִּי בוֹכִים כָּל־הָעָם כְּשָׁמְעָם אֶת־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה׃ 8.13. וּבַיּוֹם הַשֵּׁנִי נֶאֶסְפוּ רָאשֵׁי הָאָבוֹת לְכָל־הָעָם הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם אֶל־עֶזְרָא הַסֹּפֵר וּלְהַשְׂכִּיל אֶל־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה׃ 8.16. וַיֵּצְאוּ הָעָם וַיָּבִיאוּ וַיַּעֲשׂוּ לָהֶם סֻכּוֹת אִישׁ עַל־גַּגּוֹ וּבְחַצְרֹתֵיהֶם וּבְחַצְרוֹת בֵּית הָאֱלֹהִים וּבִרְחוֹב שַׁעַר הַמַּיִם וּבִרְחוֹב שַׁעַר אֶפְרָיִם׃ 8.18. וַיִּקְרָא בְּסֵפֶר תּוֹרַת הָאֱלֹהִים יוֹם בְּיוֹם מִן־הַיּוֹם הָרִאשׁוֹן עַד הַיּוֹם הָאַחֲרוֹן וַיַּעֲשׂוּ־חָג שִׁבְעַת יָמִים וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁמִינִי עֲצֶרֶת כַּמִּשְׁפָּט׃ | 8.1. all the people gathered themselves together as one man into the broad place that was before the water gate; and they spoke unto Ezra the scribe to bring the book of the Law of Moses, which the LORD had commanded to Israel. 8.2. And Ezra the priest brought the Law before the congregation, both men and women, and all that could hear with understanding, upon the first day of the seventh month. 8.3. And he read therein before the broad place that was before the water gate from early morning until midday, in the presence of the men and the women, and of those that could understand; and the ears of all the people were attentive unto the book of the Law. 8.4. And Ezra the scribe stood upon a pulpit of wood, which they had made for the purpose; and beside him stood Mattithiah, and Shema, and Anaiah, and Uriah, and Hilkiah, and Maaseiah, on his right hand; and on his left hand, Pedaiah, and Mishael, and Malchijah, and Hashum, and Hashbaddanah, Zechariah, and Meshullam. 8.5. And Ezra opened the book in the sight of all the people—for he was above all the people—and when he opened it, all the people stood up. 8.6. And Ezra blessed the LORD, the great God. And all the people answered: ‘Amen, Amen’, with the lifting up of their hands; and they bowed their heads, and fell down before the LORD with their faces to the ground. 8.7. Also Jeshua, and Bani, and Sherebiah, Jamin, Akkub, Shabbethai, Hodiah, Maaseiah, Kelita, Azariah, Jozabad, Ha, Pelaiah, even the Levites, caused the people to understand the Law; and the people stood in their place. 8.8. And they read in the book, in the Law of God, distinctly; and they gave the sense, and caused them to understand the reading. 8.9. And Nehemiah, who was the Tirshatha, and Ezra the priest the scribe, and the Levites that taught the people, said unto all the people: ‘This day is holy unto the LORD your God; mourn not, nor weep.’ For all the people wept, when they heard the words of the Law. 8.13. And on the second day were gathered together the heads of fathers’houses of all the people, the priests, and the Levites, unto Ezra the scribe, even to give attention to the words of the Law. 8.16. So the people went forth, and brought them, and made themselves booths, every one upon the roof of his house, and in their courts, and in the courts of the house of God, and in the broad place of the water gate, and in the broad place of the gate of Ephraim. 8.18. Also day by day, from the first day unto the last day, he read in the book of the Law of God. And they kept the feast seven days; |
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66. Euripides, Helen, 765-766, 768-769, 767 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 147| 767. τὰ Ναυπλίου τ' Εὐβοικὰ πυρπολήματα | |
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| 67. Euripides, Fragments, 111, 76, 338 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 319 |
68. Euripides, Electra, 1201, 1203-1205, 1202 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 283| 1202. μετεστάθη πρὸς αὔραν: | 1202. Again, again your thought changes with the breeze; for now you think piously, though you did not before, and you did dreadful things, |
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69. Hebrew Bible, Zechariah, 1.4, 1.6, 2.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public reading of the law in israel •public reading, of the law in israel •law codes, and theology Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 335; Kanarek, Biblical narrative and formation rabbinic law (2014) 16| 1.4. אַל־תִּהְיוּ כַאֲבֹתֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר קָרְאוּ־אֲלֵיהֶם הַנְּבִיאִים הָרִאשֹׁנִים לֵאמֹר כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת שׁוּבוּ נָא מִדַּרְכֵיכֶם הָרָעִים ומעליליכם [וּמַעֲלְלֵיכֶם] הָרָעִים וְלֹא שָׁמְעוּ וְלֹא־הִקְשִׁיבוּ אֵלַי נְאֻם־יְהוָה׃ 1.6. אַךְ דְּבָרַי וְחֻקַּי אֲשֶׁר צִוִּיתִי אֶת־עֲבָדַי הַנְּבִיאִים הֲלוֹא הִשִּׂיגוּ אֲבֹתֵיכֶם וַיָּשׁוּבוּ וַיֹּאמְרוּ כַּאֲשֶׁר זָמַם יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת לַעֲשׂוֹת לָנוּ כִּדְרָכֵינוּ וּכְמַעֲלָלֵינוּ כֵּן עָשָׂה אִתָּנוּ׃ 2.9. וַאֲנִי אֶהְיֶה־לָּהּ נְאֻם־יְהוָה חוֹמַת אֵשׁ סָבִיב וּלְכָבוֹד אֶהְיֶה בְתוֹכָהּ׃ | 1.4. Be ye not as your fathers, unto whom the former prophets proclaimed, saying: Thus saith the LORD of hosts: Return ye now from your evil ways, and from your evil doings; but they did not hear, nor attend unto Me, saith the LORD. 1.6. But My words and My statutes, which I commanded My servants the prophets, did they not overtake your fathers? so that they turned and said: Like as the LORD of hosts purposed to do unto us, according to our ways, and according to our doings, so hath He dealt with us.’ 2.9. For I, saith the LORD, will be unto her a wall of fire round about, and I will be the glory in the midst of her. |
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70. Aristophanes, Birds, 1073, 1473-1481, 289-290, 872-875, 584 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374| 584. εἶθ' ὅ γ' ̓Απόλλων ἰατρός γ' ὢν ἰάσθω: μισθοφορεῖ δέ. | |
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71. Euripides, Ion, 290, 293, 63 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 306| 63. οὐκ ἐγγενὴς ὤν, Αἰόλου δὲ τοῦ Διὸς | 63. who dwell in the land of Euboea; and Xuthus took part therein and helped to end it, for which he received the hand of Creusa as his guerdon, albeit he was no native, but an Achaean, sprung from Aeolus, the son of Zeus; and after many years of wedded life |
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| 72. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 592-593, 591 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 284 |
| 73. Anon., Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
74. Sophocles, Oedipus At Colonus, 266-271, 704-706, 272 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 147 | 272. And yet how was I innately evil? I, who was merely requiting a wrong, so that, had I been acting with knowledge, even then I could not be accounted evil. But, as it was, all unknowing I went where I went—while they who wronged me knowingly sought my ruin. |
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75. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 4.8-6.18, 7.6, 7.12, 7.13, 7.14, 7.15, 7.16, 7.17, 7.18, 7.19, 7.20, 7.21, 7.22, 7.23, 7.24, 7.25, 7.26, 9, 10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 146, 230 | 9. Then were assembled unto me every one that trembled at the words of the God of Israel, because of the faithlessness of them of the captivity; and I sat appalled until the evening offering.,Since the days of our fathers we have been exceeding guilty unto this day; and for our iniquities have we, our kings, and our priests, been delivered into the hand of the kings of the lands, to the sword, to captivity, and to spoiling, and to confusion of face, as it is this day.,And when I heard this thing, I rent my garment and my mantle, and plucked off the hair of my head and of my beard, and sat down appalled.,which Thou hast commanded by Thy servants the prophets, saying: The land, unto which ye go to possess it, is an unclean land through the uncleanness of the peoples of the lands, through their abominations, wherewith they have filled it from one end to another with their filthiness.,And at the evening offering I arose up from my fasting, even with my garment and my mantle rent; and I fell upon my knees, and spread out my hands unto the LORD my God;,O LORD, the God of Israel, Thou art righteous; for we are left a remt that is escaped, as it is this day; behold, we are before Thee in our guiltiness; for none can stand before Thee because of this.’,Now when these things were done, the princes drew near unto me, saying: ‘The people of Israel, and the priests and the Levites, have not separated themselves from the peoples of the lands, doing according to their abominations, even of the Canaanites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the Jebusites, the Ammonites, the Moabites, the Egyptians, and the Amorites.,Now therefore give not your daughters unto their sons, neither take their daughters unto your sons, nor seek their peace or their prosperity for ever; that ye may be strong, and eat the good of the land, and leave it for an inheritance to your children for ever.,For we are bondmen; yet our God hath not forsaken us in our bondage, but hath extended mercy unto us in the sight of the kings of Persia, to give us a reviving, to set up the house of our God, and to repair the ruins thereof, and to give us a fence in Judah and in Jerusalem.,And now, O our God, what shall we say after this? for we have forsaken Thy commandments,,And now for a little moment grace hath been shown from the LORD our God, to leave us a remt to escape, and to give us a nail in His holy place, that our God may lighten our eyes, and give us a little reviving in our bondage.,shall we again break Thy commandments, and make marriages with the peoples that do these abominations? wouldest not Thou be angry with us till Thou hadst consumed us, so that there should be no remt, nor any to escape?,For they have taken of their daughters for themselves and for their sons; so that the holy seed have mingled themselves with the peoples of the lands; yea, the hand of the princes and rulers hath been first in this faithlessness.’,and I said: ‘O my God, I am ashamed and blush to lift up my face to Thee, my God; for our iniquities are increased over our head, and our guiltiness is grown up unto the heavens.,And after all that is come upon us for our evil deeds, and for our great guilt, seeing that Thou our God hast punished us less than our iniquities deserve, and hast given us such a remt, |
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| 76. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 1259-1260, 1262-1283, 1261 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
77. Sophocles, Women of Trachis, 221 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cleinias (the laws) Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374 | 221. Quickly it wheels me round in Bacchus’s race! Oh, oh, Paean! Look, dear lady! All is taking shape, plain to see, before your gaze. Deianeira: |
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78. Hebrew Bible, Ecclesiastes, 4.7, 5.3-5.4 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law •interpreter of the law Found in books: Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 23; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 67| 5.3. כַּאֲשֶׁר תִּדֹּר נֶדֶר לֵאלֹהִים אַל־תְּאַחֵר לְשַׁלְּמוֹ כִּי אֵין חֵפֶץ בַּכְּסִילִים אֵת אֲשֶׁר־תִּדֹּר שַׁלֵּם׃ | 5.3. When thou vowest a vow unto God, defer not to pay it; for He hath no pleasure in fools; pay that which thou vowest. |
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| 79. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 198 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 147 |
80. Sophocles, Electra, 276 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws of Found in books: Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 394 | 276. So hardened is she that she joins with this polluter, fearing no Erinys. No, as if laughing at her deeds, having found the day on which in the past she treacherously killed my father, |
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81. Sophocles, Antigone, "1115", 1039, 1040, 1041, 1042, 1043, 1044, 1068, 1069, 1070, 1071, 1072, 1073, 1074, 1075, 1076, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 26, 27, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 289, 449, 450, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455, 456, 457, 458, 459, 460, 471, 472, 519, 77, 288 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 396 | 288. that they sought to hide him, when he had come to burn their columned shrines, their sacred treasures and their land, and scatter its laws to the winds? Or do you see the gods honoring the wicked? It cannot be. No! From the very first |
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| 82. Hippocrates, In The Surgery, 3.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •music basis of education, place of in the laws Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 218 |
83. Aristophanes, Wasps, 592-593, 822-823, 897 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 119| 897. τὸν Σικελικόν. τίμημα κλῳὸς σύκινος. | |
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84. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 383, 385-388, 455-456, 384 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 94| 384. λέξους' ἀνέστην ὦ γυναῖκες: ἀλλὰ γὰρ | |
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| 85. Aristophanes, Frogs, 1504, 1532, 1534, 678-682, 840, 1533 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 93 |
86. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 11, 408, 407 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374| 407. τίς δῆτ' ἰατρός ἐστι νῦν ἐν τῇ πόλει; | |
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87. Aristophanes, Peace, 1295-1298, 1300-1304, 673-678, 1299 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 93| 1299. ἔντος ἀμώμητον κάλλιπον οὐκ ἐθέλων. | |
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88. Aristophanes, Clouds, 225, 353-354, 549-559, 670-680, 367 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 333| 367. ποῖος Ζεύς; οὐ μὴ ληρήσεις: οὐδ' ἔστι Ζεύς. τί λέγεις σύ; | |
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| 89. Isocrates, Orations, 8.118-8.119 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, on the lesser panathenaia Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 21 |
90. Herodotus, Histories, 1.1-1.4, 1.4.1-1.4.2, 1.5.2, 1.14.3, 1.59.6, 1.166, 2.113-2.115, 3.111-3.119, 4.45.3, 5.63, 5.66, 5.78, 6.123, 7.13, 7.24-7.35, 8.124.3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hybris, in athenian law •rape, in athenian law •seduction, in athenian law •mother of the gods, and laws •law, athenian. •roman law, and law of the provinces •persian, law of the medes and persians •law, the, in clement •on law and justice (attrib. archytas), on the best constitution Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 173, 177; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 326; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 15, 146; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 274, 275, 277; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea, Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction: Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives (2018) 117; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 331, 336, 337; Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473| 1.1. Ἡροδότου Ἁλικαρνησσέος ἱστορίης ἀπόδεξις ἥδε, ὡς μήτε τὰ γενόμενα ἐξ ἀνθρώπων τῷ χρόνῳ ἐξίτηλα γένηται, μήτε ἔργα μεγάλα τε καὶ θωμαστά, τὰ μὲν Ἕλλησι τὰ δὲ βαρβάροισι ἀποδεχθέντα, ἀκλεᾶ γένηται, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ διʼ ἣν αἰτίην ἐπολέμησαν ἀλλήλοισι. Περσέων μέν νυν οἱ λόγιοι Φοίνικας αἰτίους φασὶ γενέσθαι τῆς διαφορῆς. τούτους γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐρυθρῆς καλεομένης θαλάσσης ἀπικομένους ἐπὶ τήνδε τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ οἰκήσαντας τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον τὸν καὶ νῦν οἰκέουσι, αὐτίκα ναυτιλίῃσι μακρῇσι ἐπιθέσθαι, ἀπαγινέοντας δὲ φορτία Αἰγύπτιά τε καὶ Ἀσσύρια τῇ τε ἄλλῃ ἐσαπικνέεσθαι καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Ἄργος. τὸ δὲ Ἄργος τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον προεῖχε ἅπασι τῶν ἐν τῇ νῦν Ἑλλάδι καλεομένῃ χωρῇ. ἀπικομένους δὲ τούς Φοίνικας ἐς δὴ τὸ Ἄργος τοῦτο διατίθεσθαι τὸν φόρτον. πέμπτῃ δὲ ἢ ἕκτῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπʼ ἧς ἀπίκοντο, ἐξεμπολημένων σφι σχεδόν πάντων, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν γυναῖκας ἄλλας τε πολλάς καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέος θυγατέρα· τὸ δέ οἱ οὔνομα εἶναι, κατὰ τὠυτὸ τὸ καὶ Ἕλληνές λέγουσι, Ἰοῦν τὴν Ἰνάχου· ταύτας στάσας κατά πρύμνην τῆς νεὸς ὠνέεσθαι τῶν φορτίων τῶν σφι ἦν θυμός μάλιστα· καὶ τοὺς Φοίνικας διακελευσαμένους ὁρμῆσαι ἐπʼ αὐτάς. τὰς μὲν δὴ πλεῦνας τῶν γυναικῶν ἀποφυγεῖν, τὴν δὲ Ἰοῦν σὺν ἄλλῃσι ἁρπασθῆναι. ἐσβαλομένους δὲ ἐς τὴν νέα οἴχεσθαι ἀποπλέοντας ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου. 1.2. οὕτω μὲν Ἰοῦν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπικέσθαι λέγουσι Πέρσαι, οὐκ ὡς Ἕλληνές, καὶ τῶν ἀδικημάτων πρῶτον τοῦτο ἄρξαι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Ἑλλήνων τινάς ʽοὐ γὰρ ἔχουσι τοὔνομα ἀπηγήσασθαἰ φασὶ τῆς Φοινίκης ἐς Τύρον προσσχόντας ἁρπάσαι τοῦ βασιλέος τὴν θυγατέρα Εὐρώπην. εἴησαν δʼ ἄν οὗτοι Κρῆτες. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἴσα πρὸς ἴσα σφι γενέσθαι, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Ἕλληνας αἰτίους τῆς δευτέρης ἀδικίης γενέσθαι· καταπλώσαντας γὰρ μακρῇ νηί ἐς Αἶαν τε τὴν Κολχίδα καὶ ἐπὶ Φᾶσιν ποταμόν, ἐνθεῦτεν, διαπρηξαμένους καὶ τἄλλα τῶν εἵνεκεν ἀπίκατο, ἁρπάσαι τοῦ βασιλέος τὴν θυγατέρα Μηδείην. πέμψαντά δὲ τὸν Κόλχων βασιλέα ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα κήρυκα αἰτέειν τε δίκας τῆς ἁρπαγῆς καὶ ἀπαιτέειν τὴν θυγατέρα. τοὺς δὲ ὑποκρίνασθαι ὡς οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνοι Ἰοῦς τῆς Ἀργείης ἔδοσάν σφι δίκας τῆς ἁρπαγῆς· οὐδὲ ὤν αὐτοὶ δώσειν ἐκείνοισι. 1.3. δευτέρῃ δὲ λέγουσι γενεῇ μετὰ ταῦτα Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Πριάμου, ἀκηκοότα ταῦτα, ἐθελῆσαί οἱ ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος διʼ ἁρπαγῆς γενέσθαι γυναῖκα, ἐπιστάμενον πάντως ὅτι οὐ δώσει δίκας. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκείνους διδόναι. οὕτω δὴ ἁρπάσαντος αὐτοῦ Ἑλένην, τοῖσι Ἕλλησι δόξαι πρῶτὸν πέμψαντας ἀγγέλους ἀπαιτέειν τε Ἑλένην καὶ δίκας τῆς ἁρπαγῆς αἰτέειν. τοὺς δέ, προϊσχομένων ταῦτα, προφέρειν σφι Μηδείης τὴν ἁρπαγήν, ὡς οὐ δόντες αὐτοὶ δίκας οὐδὲ ἐκδόντες ἀπαιτεόντων βουλοίατό σφι παρʼ ἄλλων δίκας γίνεσθαι. 1.4. μέχρι μὲν ὤν τούτου ἁρπαγάς μούνας εἶναι παρʼ ἀλλήλων, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου Ἕλληνας δὴ μεγάλως αἰτίους γενέσθαι· προτέρους γὰρ ἄρξαι στρατεύεσθαι ἐς τὴν Ἀσίην ἢ σφέας ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην. τὸ μέν νυν ἁρπάζειν γυναῖκας ἀνδρῶν ἀδίκων νομίζειν ἔργον εἶναι, τὸ δὲ ἁρπασθεισέων σπουδήν ποιήσασθαι τιμωρέειν ἀνοήτων, τὸ δὲ μηδεμίαν ὤρην ἔχειν ἁρπασθεισέων σωφρόνων· δῆλα γὰρ δὴ ὅτι, εἰ μὴ αὐταὶ ἐβούλοντο, οὐκ ἂν ἡρπάζοντο. σφέας μὲν δὴ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίης λέγουσι Πέρσαι ἁρπαζομενέων τῶν γυναικῶν λόγον οὐδένα ποιήσασθαι, Ἕλληνας δὲ Λακεδαιμονίης εἵνεκεν γυναικὸς στόλον μέγαν συναγεῖραι καὶ ἔπειτα ἐλθόντας ἐς τὴν Ἀσίην τὴν Πριάμου δύναμιν κατελεῖν. ἀπὸ τούτου αἰεὶ ἡγήσασθαι τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν σφίσι εἶναι πολέμιον. τὴν γὰρ Ἀσίην καὶ τὰ ἐνοικέοντα ἔθνεα βάρβαρα 1 οἰκηιεῦνται οἱ Πέρσαι, τὴν δὲ Εὐρώπην καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικόν ἥγηνται κεχωρίσθαι. 1.166. ἐπείτε δὲ ἐς τὴν Κύρνον ἀπίκοντο, οἴκεον κοινῇ μετὰ τῶν πρότερον ἀπικομένων ἐπʼ ἔτεα πέντε, καὶ ἱρὰ ἐνιδρύσαντο. καὶ ἦγον γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἔφερον τοὺς περιοίκους ἅπαντας, στρατεύονται ὦν ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς κοινῷ λόγῳ χρησάμενοι Τυρσηνοὶ καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι, νηυσὶ ἑκάτεροι ἑξήκόντα. οἱ δὲ Φωκαιέες πληρώσαντες καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰ πλοῖα, ἐόντα ἀριθμὸν ἑξήκοντα, ἀντίαζον ἐς τὸ Σαρδόνιον καλεόμενον πέλαγος. συμμισγόντων δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ Καδμείη τις νίκη τοῖσι Φωκαιεῦσι ἐγένετο· αἱ μὲν γὰρ τεσσεράκοντά σφι νέες διεφθάρησαν, αἱ δὲ εἴκοσι αἱ περιεοῦσαι ἦσαν ἄχρηστοι· ἀπεστράφατο γὰρ τοὺς ἐμβόλους. καταπλώσαντες δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἀλαλίην ἀνέλαβον τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην κτῆσιν ὅσην οἷαι τε ἐγίνοντο αἱ νέες σφι ἄγειν, καὶ ἔπειτα ἀπέντες τὴν Κύρνον ἔπλεον ἐς Ῥήγιον. 2.113. ἔλεγον δέ μοι οἱ ἱρέες ἱστορέοντι τὰ περὶ Ἑλένην γενέσθαι ὧδε. Ἀλέξανδρον ἁρπάσαντα Ἑλένην ἐκ Σπάρτης ἀποπλέειν ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ· καί μιν, ὡς ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ Αἰγαίῳ, ἐξῶσται ἄνεμοι ἐκβάλλουσι ἐς τὸ Αἰγύπτιον πέλαγος, ἐνθεῦτεν δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἀνιεῖ τὰ πνεύματα, ἀπικνέεται ἐς Αἴγυπτον καὶ Αἰγύπτου ἐς τὸ νῦν Κανωβικὸν καλεύμενον στόμα τοῦ Νείλου καὶ ἐς Ταριχείας. ἦν δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἠιόνος τὸ καὶ νῦν ἐστι Ἡρακλέος ἱρόν, ἐς τὸ ἢν καταφυγὼν οἰκέτης ὅτευ ὦν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβάληται στίγματα ἱρά, ἑωυτὸν διδοὺς τῷ θεῷ, οὐκ ἔξεστι τούτου ἅψασθαι. ὁ νόμος οὗτος διατελέει ἐὼν ὅμοιος μέχρι ἐμεῦ τῷ ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς· τοῦ ὦν δὴ Ἀλεξάνδρου ἀπιστέαται θεράποντες πυθόμενοι τὸν περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν ἔχοντα νόμον, ἱκέται δὲ ἱζόμενοι τοῦ θεοῦ κατηγόρεον τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρου, βουλόμενοι βλάπτειν αὐτόν, πάντα λόγον ἐξηγεύμενοι ὡς εἶχε περὶ τὴν Ἑλένην τε καὶ τὴν ἐς Μενέλεων ἀδικίην· κατηγόρεον δὲ ταῦτα πρός τε τοὺς ἱρέας καὶ τὸν στόματος τούτου φύλακον, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Θῶνις. 2.114. ἀκούσας δὲ τούτων ὁ Θῶνις πέμπει τὴν ταχίστην ἐς Μέμφιν παρὰ Πρωτέα ἀγγελίην λέγουσαν τάδε. “ἥκει ξεῖνος γένος μὲν Τευκρός, ἔργον δὲ ἀνόσιον ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἐξεργασμένος· ξείνου γὰρ τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ ἐξαπατήσας τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτήν τε ταύτην ἄγων ἥκει καὶ πολλὰ κάρτα χρήματα, ὑπὸ ἀνέμων ἐς γῆν ταύτην ἀπενειχθείς. κότερα δῆτα τοῦτον ἐῶμεν ἀσινέα ἐκπλέειν ἢ ἀπελώμεθα τὰ ἔχων ἦλθε;” ἀντιπέμπει πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Πρωτεὺς λέγοντα τάδε. “ἄνδρα τοῦτον, ὅστις κοτὲ ἐστὶ ἀνόσια ἐργασμένος ξεῖνον τὸν ἑωυτοῦ, συλλαβόντες ἀπάγετε παρʼ ἐμέ, ἵνα εἰδέω ὅ τι κοτὲ καὶ λέξει.” 2.115. ἀκούσας δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Θῶνις συλλαμβάνει τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ τὰς νέας αὐτοῦ κατίσχει, μετὰ δὲ αὐτόν τε τοῦτον ἀνήγαγε ἐς Μέμφιν καὶ τὴν Ἑλένην τε καὶ τὰ χρήματα, πρὸς δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἱκέτας. ἀνακομισθέντων δὲ πάντων, εἰρώτα τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ὁ Πρωτεὺς τίς εἴη καὶ ὁκόθεν πλέοι. ὁ δέ οἱ καὶ τὸ γένος κατέλεξε καὶ τῆς πάτρης εἶπε τὸ οὔνομα, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν πλόον ἀπηγήσατο ὁκόθεν πλέοι. μετὰ δὲ ὁ Πρωτεὺς εἰρώτα αὐτὸν ὁκόθεν τὴν Ἑλένην λάβοι· πλανωμένου δὲ τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρου ἐν τῷ λόγῳ καὶ οὐ λέγοντος τὴν ἀληθείην, ἤλεγχον οἱ γενόμενοι ἱκέται, ἐξηγεύμενοι πάντα λόγον τοῦ ἀδικήματος. τέλος δὲ δή σφι λόγον τόνδε ἐκφαίνει ὁ Πρωτεύς, λέγων ὅτι “ἐγὼ εἰ μὴ περὶ πολλοῦ ἡγεύμην μηδένα ξείνων κτείνειν, ὅσοι ὑπʼ ἀνέμων ἤδη ἀπολαμφθέντες ἦλθον ἐς χώρην τὴν ἐμήν, ἐγὼ ἄν σε ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ἕλληνος ἐτισάμην, ὅς, ὦ κάκιστε ἀνδρῶν, ξεινίων τυχὼν ἔργον ἀνοσιώτατον ἐργάσαο· παρὰ τοῦ σεωυτοῦ ξείνου τὴν γυναῖκα ἦλθες. καὶ μάλα ταῦτά τοι οὐκ ἤρκεσε, ἀλλʼ ἀναπτερώσας αὐτὴν οἴχεαι ἔχων ἐκκλέψας. καὶ οὐδὲ ταῦτά τοι μοῦνα ἤρκεσε, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἰκία τοῦ ξείνου κεραΐσας ἥκεις. νῦν ὦν ἐπειδὴ περὶ πολλοῦ ἥγημαι μὴ ξεινοκτονέειν, γυναῖκα μὲν ταύτην καὶ τὰ χρήματα οὔ τοι προήσω ἀπάγεσθαι, ἀλλʼ αὐτὰ ἐγὼ τῷ Ἕλληνι ξείνῳ φυλάξω, ἐς ὃ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐλθὼν ἐκεῖνος ἀπαγαγέσθαι ἐθέλῃ· αὐτὸν δέ σε καὶ τοὺς σοὺς συμπλόους τριῶν ἡμερέων προαγορεύω ἐκ τῆς ἐμῆς γῆς ἐς ἄλλην τινὰ μετορμίζεσθαι, εἰ δὲ μή, ἅτε πολεμίους περιέψεσθαι.” 3.111. τὸ δὲ δὴ κινάμωμον ἔτι τούτων θωμαστότερον συλλέγουσι. ὅκου μὲν γὰρ γίνεται καὶ ἥτις μιν γῆ ἡ τρέφουσα ἐστί, οὐκ ἔχουσι εἰπεῖν, πλὴν ὅτι λόγῳ οἰκότι χρεώμενοι ἐν τοῖσιδε χωρίοισι φασὶ τινὲς αὐτὸ φύεσθαι ἐν τοῖσι ὁ Διόνυσος ἐτράφη· ὄρνιθας δὲ λέγουσι μεγάλας φορέειν ταῦτα τὰ κάρφεα τὰ ἡμεῖς ἀπὸ Φοινίκων μαθόντες κινάμωμον καλέομεν, φορέειν δὲ τὰς ὄρνιθας ἐς νεοσσιὰς προσπεπλασμένας ἐκ πηλοῦ πρὸς ἀποκρήμνοισι ὄρεσι, ἔνθα πρόσβασιν ἀνθρώπῳ οὐδεμίαν εἶναι. πρὸς ὦν δὴ ταῦτα τοὺς Ἀραβίους σοφίζεσθαι τάδε· βοῶν τε καὶ ὄνων τῶν ἀπογινομένων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑποζυγίων τὰ μέλεα διαταμόντας ὡς μέγιστα κομίζειν ἐς ταῦτα τὰ χωρία, καί σφεα θέντας ἀγχοῦ τῶν νεοσσιέων ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἑκὰς αὐτέων· τὰς δὲ ὄρνιθας καταπετομένας 1 τὰ μέλεα τῶν ὑποζυγίων ἀναφορέειν ἐπὶ τὰς νεοσσιάς, τὰς δὲ οὐ δυναμένας ἴσχειν καταρρήγνυσθαι ἐπὶ γῆν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπιόντας συλλέγειν. οὕτω μὲν τὸ κινάμωμον συλλεγόμενον ἐκ τούτων ἀπικνέεσθαι ἐς τὰς ἄλλας χώρας. 3.112. τὸ δὲ δὴ λήδανον, τὸ καλέουσι Ἀράβιοι λάδανον, ἔτι τούτου θωμασιώτερον γίνεται· ἐν γὰρ δυσοδμοτάτῳ γινόμενον εὐωδέστατον ἐστί· τῶν γὰρ αἰγῶν τῶν τράγων ἐν τοῖσι πώγωσι εὑρίσκεται ἐγγινόμενον οἷον γλοιὸς ἀπὸ τῆς ὕλης. χρήσιμον δʼ ἐς πολλὰ τῶν μύρων ἐστί, θυμιῶσί τε μάλιστα τοῦτο Ἀράβιοι. 3.113. τοσαῦτα μὲν θυωμάτων πέρι εἰρήσθω, ἀπόζει δὲ τῆς χώρης τῆς Ἀραβίης θεσπέσιον ὡς ἡδύ. δύο δὲ γένεα ὀίων σφι ἐστὶ θώματος ἄξια, τὰ οὐδαμόθι ἑτέρωθι ἐστί. τὸ μὲν αὐτῶν ἕτερον ἔχει τὰς οὐρὰς μακράς, τριῶν πηχέων οὐκ ἐλάσσονας, τὰς εἴ τις ἐπείη σφι ἐπέλκειν, ἕλκεα ἂν ἔχοιεν ἀνατριβομενέων πρὸς τῇ γῇ τῶν οὐρέων· νῦν δʼ ἅπας τις τῶν ποιμένων ἐπίσταται ξυλουργέειν ἐς τοσοῦτο· ἁμαξίδας γὰρ ποιεῦντες ὑποδέουσι αὐτὰς τῇσι οὐρῇσι, ἑνὸς ἑκάστου κτήνεος τὴν οὐρὴν ἐπὶ ἁμαξίδα ἑκάστην καταδέοντες. τὸ δὲ ἕτερον γένος τῶν ὀίων τὰς οὐρὰς πλατέας φορέουσι καὶ ἐπὶ πῆχυν πλάτος. 3.114. ἀποκλινομένης δὲ μεσαμβρίης παρήκει πρὸς δύνοντα ἥλιον ἡ Αἰθιοπίη χώρη ἐσχάτη τῶν οἰκεομενέων· αὕτη δὲ χρυσόν τε φέρει πολλὸν καὶ ἐλέφαντας ἀμφιλαφέας καὶ δένδρεα πάντα ἄγρια καὶ ἔβενον καὶ ἄνδρας μεγίστους καὶ καλλίστους καὶ μακροβιωτάτους. 3.115. αὗται μέν νυν ἔν τε τῇ Ἀσίῃ ἐσχατιαί εἰσι καὶ ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ. περὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τῶν πρὸς ἑσπέρην ἐσχατιέων ἔχω μὲν οὐκ ἀτρεκέως λέγειν· οὔτε γὰρ ἔγωγε ἐνδέκομαι Ἠριδανὸν καλέεσθαι πρὸς βαρβάρων ποταμὸν ἐκδιδόντα ἐς θάλασσαν τὴν πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον, ἀπʼ ὅτευ τὸ ἤλεκτρον φοιτᾶν λόγος ἐστί, οὔτε νήσους οἶδα Κασσιτερίδας ἐούσας, ἐκ τῶν ὁ κασσίτερος ἡμῖν φοιτᾷ. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ὁ Ἠριδανὸς αὐτὸ κατηγορέει τὸ οὔνομα ὡς ἔστι Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ οὐ βάρβαρον, ὑπὸ ποιητέω δὲ τινὸς ποιηθέν· τοῦτο δὲ οὐδενὸς αὐτόπτεω γενομένου δύναμαι ἀκοῦσαι, τοῦτο μελετῶν, ὅκως θάλασσα ἐστὶ τὰ ἐπέκεινα Εὐρώπης. ἐξ ἐσχάτης δʼ ὦν ὁ κασσίτερος ἡμῖν φοιτᾷ καὶ τὸ ἤλεκτρον. 3.116. πρὸς δὲ ἄρκτου τῆς Εὐρώπης πολλῷ τι πλεῖστος χρυσὸς φαίνεται ἐών· ὅκως μὲν γινόμενος, οὐκ ἔχω οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀτρεκέως εἶπαι, λέγεται δὲ ὑπὲκ τῶν γρυπῶν ἁρπάζειν Ἀριμασποὺς ἄνδρας μουνοφθάλμους. πείθομαι δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦτο ὅκως μουνόφθαλμοι ἄνδρες φύονται, φύσιν ἔχοντες τὴν ἄλλην ὁμοίην τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἀνθρώποισι· αἱ δὲ ὦν ἐσχατιαὶ οἴκασι, περικληίουσαι τὴν ἄλλην χώρην καὶ ἐντὸς ἀπέργουσαι, τὰ κάλλιστα δοκέοντα ἡμῖν εἶναι καὶ σπανιώτατα ἔχειν αὗται. 3.117. ἔστι δὲ πεδίον ἐν τῇ Ἀσίῃ περικεκληιμένον ὄρεϊ πάντοθεν, διασφάγες δὲ τοῦ ὄρεος εἰσὶ πέντε. τοῦτο τὸ πεδίον ἦν μὲν κοτὲ Χορασμίων, ἐν οὔροισι ἐὸν Χορασμίων τε αὐτῶν καὶ Ὑρκανίων καὶ Πάρθων καὶ Σαραγγέων καὶ Θαμαναίων, ἐπείτε δὲ Πέρσαι ἔχουσι τὸ κράτος, ἐστὶ τοῦ βασιλέος. ἐκ δὴ ὦν τοῦ περικληίοντος ὄρεος τούτου ῥέει ποταμὸς μέγας, οὔνομα δέ οἱ ἐστὶ Ἄκης. οὗτος πρότερον μὲν ἄρδεσκε διαλελαμμένος πενταχοῦ τούτων τῶν εἰρημένων τὰς χώρας, διὰ διασφάγος ἀγόμενος ἑκάστης ἑκάστοισι· ἐπείτε δὲ ὑπὸ τῷ Πέρσῃ εἰσί, πεπόνθασι τοιόνδε· τὰς διασφάγας τῶν ὀρέων ἐνδείμας ὁ βασιλεὺς πύλας ἐπʼ ἑκάστῃ διασφάγι ἔστησε· ἀποκεκληιμένου δὲ τοῦ ὕδατος τῆς ἐξόδου τὸ πεδίον τὸ ἐντὸς τῶν ὀρέων πέλαγος γίνεται, ἐνδιδόντος μὲν τοῦ ποταμοῦ, ἔχοντος δὲ οὐδαμῇ ἐξήλυσιν. οὗτοι ὦν οἵ περ ἔμπροσθε ἐώθεσαν χρᾶσθαι τῷ ὕδατι, οὐκ ἔχοντες αὐτῷ χρᾶσθαι συμφορῇ μεγάλῃ διαχρέωνται. τὸν μὲν γὰρ χειμῶνα ὕει σφι ὁ θεὸς ὥσπερ καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἀνθρώποισι, τοῦ δὲ θέρεος σπείροντες μελίνην καὶ σήσαμον χρηίσκονται τῷ ὕδατι. ἐπεὰν ὦν μηδέν σφι παραδιδῶται τοῦ ὕδατος, ἐλθόντες ἐς τοὺς Πέρσας αὐτοί τε καὶ γυναῖκες, στάντες κατὰ τὰς θύρας τοῦ βασιλέος βοῶσι ὠρυόμενοι, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοῖσι δεομένοισι αὐτῶν μάλιστα ἐντέλλεται ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας τὰς ἐς τοῦτο φερούσας. ἐπεὰν δὲ διάκορος ἡ γῆ σφεων γένηται πίνουσα τὸ ὕδωρ, αὗται μὲν αἱ πύλαι ἀποκληίονται, ἄλλας δʼ ἐντέλλεται ἀνοίγειν ἄλλοισι τοῖσι δεομένοισι μάλιστα τῶν λοιπῶν. ὡς δʼ ἐγὼ οἶδα ἀκούσας, χρήματα μεγάλα πρησσόμενος ἀνοίγει πάρεξ τοῦ φόρου. 3.118. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἔχει οὕτω. τῶν δὲ τῷ Μάγῳ ἐπαναστάντων ἑπτὰ ἀνδρῶν, ἕνα αὐτῶν Ἰνταφρένεα κατέλαβε ὑβρίσαντα τάδε ἀποθανεῖν αὐτίκα μετὰ τὴν ἐπανάστασιν. ἤθελε ἐς τὰ βασιλήια ἐσελθὼν χρηματίσασθαι τῷ βασιλέι· καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὁ νόμος οὕτω εἶχε, τοῖσι ἐπαναστᾶσι τῷ Μάγῳ ἔσοδον εἶναι παρὰ βασιλέα ἄνευ ἀγγέλου, ἢν μὴ γυναικὶ τυγχάνῃ μισγόμενος βασιλεύς. οὔκων δὴ Ἰνταφρένης ἐδικαίου οὐδένα οἱ ἐσαγγεῖλαι, ἀλλʼ ὅτι ἦν τῶν ἑπτά, ἐσιέναι ἤθελε. ὁ δὲ πυλουρὸς καὶ ὁ ἀγγελιηφόρος οὐ περιώρων, φάμενοι τὸν βασιλέα γυναικὶ μίσγεσθαι. ὁ δὲ Ἰνταφρένης δοκέων σφέας ψεύδεα λέγειν ποιέει τοιάδε· σπασάμενος τὸν ἀκινάκεα ἀποτάμνει αὐτῶν τά τε ὦτα καὶ τὰς ῥῖνας, καὶ ἀνείρας περὶ τὸν χαλινὸν τοῦ ἵππου περὶ τοὺς αὐχένας σφέων ἔδησε, καὶ ἀπῆκε. 3.119. οἳ δὲ τῷ βασιλέι δεικνύουσι ἑωυτοὺς καὶ τὴν αἰτίην εἶπον διʼ ἣν πεπονθότες εἴησαν. Δαρεῖος δὲ ἀρρωδήσας μὴ κοινῷ λόγῳ οἱ ἓξ πεποιηκότες ἔωσι ταῦτα, μεταπεμπόμενος ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀπεπειρᾶτο γνώμης, εἰ συνέπαινοι εἰσὶ τῷ πεποιημένῳ. ἐπείτε δὲ ἐξέμαθε ὡς οὐ σὺν κείνοισι εἴη ταῦτα πεποιηκώς, ἔλαβε αὐτόν τε τὸν Ἰνταφρένεα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς οἰκηίους πάντας, ἐλπίδας πολλὰς ἔχων μετὰ τῶν συγγενέων μιν ἐπιβουλεύειν οἱ ἐπανάστασιν, συλλαβὼν δὲ σφέας ἔδησε τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τοῦ Ἰνταφρένεος φοιτῶσα ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας τοῦ βασιλέος κλαίεσκε ἂν καὶ ὀδυρέσκετο· ποιεῦσα δὲ αἰεὶ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο τὸν Δαρεῖον ἔπεισε οἰκτεῖραί μιν. πέμψας δὲ ἄγγελον ἔλεγε τάδε· “ὦ γύναι, βασιλεύς τοι Δαρεῖος διδοῖ ἕνα τῶν δεδεμένων οἰκηίων ῥύσασθαι τὸν βούλεαι ἐκ πάντων.” ἣ δὲ βουλευσαμένη ὑπεκρίνετο τάδε· “εἰ μὲν δή μοι διδοῖ βασιλεὺς ἑνὸς τὴν ψυχήν, αἱρέομαι ἐκ πάντων τὸν ἀδελφεόν.” πυθόμενος δὲ Δαρεῖος ταῦτα καὶ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον, πέμψας ἠγόρευε “ὦ γύναι, εἰρωτᾷ σε βασιλεύς, τίνα ἔχουσα γνώμην, τὸν ἄνδρα τε καὶ τὰ τέκνα ἐγκαταλιποῦσα, τὸν ἀδελφεὸν εἵλευ περιεῖναί τοι, ὃς καὶ ἀλλοτριώτερός τοι τῶν παίδων καὶ ἧσσον κεχαρισμένος τοῦ ἀνδρός ἐστι.” ἣ δʼ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἀνὴρ μέν μοι ἂν ἄλλος γένοιτο, εἰ δαίμων ἐθέλοι, καὶ τέκνα ἄλλα, εἰ ταῦτα ἀποβάλοιμι· πατρὸς δὲ καὶ μητρὸς οὐκέτι μευ ζωόντων ἀδελφεὸς ἂν ἄλλος οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ γένοιτο. ταύτῃ τῇ γνώμῃ χρεωμένη ἔλεξα ταῦτα.” εὖ τε δὴ ἔδοξε τῷ Δαρείῳ εἰπεῖν ἡ γυνή, καί οἱ ἀπῆκε τοῦτόν τε τὸν παραιτέετο καὶ τῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον, ἡσθεὶς αὐτῇ, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀπέκτεινε πάντας. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἑπτὰ εἷς αὐτίκα τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ ἀπολώλεε. 5.63. ὡς ὦν δὴ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι λέγουσι, οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐν Δελφοῖσι κατήμενοι ἀνέπειθον τὴν Πυθίην χρήμασι, ὅκως ἔλθοιεν Σπαρτιητέων ἄνδρες εἴτε ἰδίῳ στόλῳ εἴτε δημοσίῳ χρησόμενοι, προφέρειν σφι τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐλευθεροῦν. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δέ, ὥς σφι αἰεὶ τὠυτὸ πρόφαντον ἐγίνετο, πέμπουσι Ἀγχιμόλιον τὸν Ἀστέρος, ἐόντα τῶν ἀστῶν ἄνδρα δόκιμον, σὺν στρατῷ ἐξελῶντα Πεισιστρατίδας ἐξ Ἀθηνέων ὅμως καὶ ξεινίους σφι ἐόντας τὰ μάλιστα· τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα ἐποιεῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν· πέμπουσι δὲ τούτους κατὰ θάλασσαν πλοίοισι. ὃ μὲν δὴ προσσχὼν ἐς Φάληρον τὴν στρατιὴν ἀπέβησε, οἱ δὲ Πεισιστρατίδαι προπυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα ἐπεκαλέοντο ἐκ Θεσσαλίης ἐπικουρίην· ἐπεποίητο γάρ σφι συμμαχίη πρὸς αὐτούς. Θεσσαλοὶ δέ σφι δεομένοισι ἀπέπεμψαν κοινῇ γνώμῃ χρεώμενοι χιλίην τε ἵππον καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τὸν σφέτερον Κινέην ἄνδρα Κονιαῖον· τοὺς ἐπείτε ἔσχον συμμάχους οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι, ἐμηχανῶντο τοιάδε· κείραντες τῶν Φαληρέων τὸ πεδίον καὶ ἱππάσιμον ποιήσαντες τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον ἐπῆκαν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ἵππον· ἐμπεσοῦσα δὲ διέφθειρε ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν Ἀγχιμόλιον· τοὺς δὲ περιγενομένους αὐτῶν ἐς τὰς νέας κατεῖρξαν. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος στόλος ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος οὕτω ἀπήλλαξε, καὶ Ἀγχιμολίου εἰσὶ ταφαὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς Ἀλωπεκῆσι, ἀγχοῦ τοῦ Ἡρακλείου τοῦ ἐν Κυνοσάργεϊ. 5.66. Ἀθῆναι, ἐοῦσαι καὶ πρὶν μεγάλαι, τότε ἀπαλλαχθεῖσαι τυράννων ἐγίνοντο μέζονες· ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι δύο ἄνδρες ἐδυνάστευον, Κλεισθένης τε ἀνὴρ Ἀλκμεωνίδης, ὅς περ δὴ λόγον ἔχει τὴν Πυθίην ἀναπεῖσαι, καὶ Ἰσαγόρης Τισάνδρου οἰκίης μὲν ἐὼν δοκίμου, ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι· θύουσι δὲ οἱ συγγενέες αὐτοῦ Διὶ Καρίῳ. οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐστασίασαν περὶ δυνάμιος, ἑσσούμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρίζεται. μετὰ δὲ τετραφύλους ἐόντας Ἀθηναίους δεκαφύλους ἐποίησε, τῶν Ἴωνος παίδων Γελέοντος καὶ Αἰγικόρεος καὶ Ἀργάδεω καὶ Ὅπλητος ἀπαλλάξας τὰς ἐπωνυμίας, ἐξευρὼν δὲ ἑτέρων ἡρώων ἐπωνυμίας ἐπιχωρίων, πάρεξ Αἴαντος· τοῦτον δὲ ἅτε ἀστυγείτονα καὶ σύμμαχον, ξεῖνον ἐόντα προσέθετο. 5.78. Ἀθηναῖοι μέν νυν ηὔξηντο. δηλοῖ δὲ οὐ κατʼ ἓν μοῦνον ἀλλὰ πανταχῇ ἡ ἰσηγορίη ὡς ἔστι χρῆμα σπουδαῖον, εἰ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τυραννευόμενοι μὲν οὐδαμῶν τῶν σφέας περιοικεόντων ἦσαν τὰ πολέμια ἀμείνους, ἀπαλλαχθέντες δὲ τυράννων μακρῷ πρῶτοι ἐγένοντο. δηλοῖ ὦν ταῦτα ὅτι κατεχόμενοι μὲν ἐθελοκάκεον ὡς δεσπότῃ ἐργαζόμενοι, ἐλευθερωθέντων δὲ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ἑωυτῷ προεθυμέετο κατεργάζεσθαι. 6.123. καὶ οἱ Ἀλκμεωνίδαι ὁμοίως ἢ οὐδὲν ἧσσον τούτου ἦσαν μισοτύραννοι. θῶμα ὦν μοι καὶ οὐ προσίεμαι τὴν διαβολὴν τούτους γε ἀναδέξαι ἀσπίδα, οἵτινες ἔφευγόν τε τὸν πάντα χρόνον τοὺς τυράννους, ἐκ μηχανῆς τε τῆς τούτων ἐξέλιπον Πεισιστρατίδαι τὴν τυραννίδα, καὶ οὕτω τὰς Ἀθήνας οὗτοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐλευθερώσαντες πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἤ περ Ἁρμόδιός τε καὶ Ἀριστογείτων, ὡς ἐγὼ κρίνω. οἳ μὲν γὰρ ἐξηγρίωσαν τοὺς ὑπολοίπους Πεισιστρατιδέων Ἵππαρχον ἀποκτείναντες, οὐδέ τι μᾶλλον ἔπαυσαν τοὺς λοιποὺς τυραννεύοντας· Ἀλκμεωνίδαι δὲ ἐμφανέως ἠλευθέρωσαν, εἰ δὴ οὗτοί γε ἀληθέως ἦσαν οἱ τὴν Πυθίην ἀναπείσαντες προσημαίνειν Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς Ἀθήνας, ὥς μοι πρότερον δεδήλωται. 7.13. τὸν μὲν ταῦτα εἰπόντα ἐδόκεε ὁ Ξέρξης ἀποπτάσθαι, ἡμέρης δὲ ἐπιλαμψάσης ὀνείρου μὲν τούτου λόγον οὐδένα ἐποιέετο, ὁ δὲ Περσέων συναλίσας τοὺς καὶ πρότερον συνέλεξε, ἔλεξέ σφι τάδε. “ἄνδρες Πέρσαι, συγγνώμην μοι ἔχετε ὅτι ἀγχίστροφα βουλεύομαι· φρενῶν τε γὰρ ἐς τὰ ἐμεωυτοῦ πρῶτα οὔκω ἀνήκω, καὶ οἱ παρηγορεόμενοι ἐκεῖνα ποιέειν οὐδένα χρόνον μευ ἀπέχονται. ἀκούσαντι μέντοι μοι τῆς Ἀρταβάνου γνώμης παραυτίκα μὲν ἡ νεότης ἐπέζεσε, ὥστε ἀεικέστερα ἀπορρῖψαι ἔπεα ἐς ἄνδρα πρεσβύτερον ἢ χρεόν· νῦν μέντοι συγγνοὺς χρήσομαι τῇ ἐκείνου γνώμῃ. ὡς ὦν μεταδεδογμένον μοι μὴ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἥσυχοι ἔστε.” 7.24. ὡς μὲν ἐμὲ συμβαλλόμενον εὑρίσκειν, μεγαλοφροσύνης εἵνεκεν αὐτὸ Ξέρξης ὀρύσσειν ἐκέλευε, ἐθέλων τε δύναμιν ἀποδείκνυσθαι καὶ μνημόσυνα λιπέσθαι· παρεὸν γὰρ μηδένα πόνον λαβόντας τὸν ἰσθμὸν τὰς νέας διειρύσαι, ὀρύσσειν ἐκέλευε διώρυχα τῇ θαλάσσῃ εὖρος ὡς δύο τριήρεας πλέειν ὁμοῦ ἐλαστρεομένας. τοῖσι δὲ αὐτοῖσι τούτοισι, τοῖσί περ καὶ τὸ ὄρυγμα, προσετέτακτο καὶ τὸν Στρυμόνα ποταμὸν ζεύξαντας γεφυρῶσαι. 7.25. ταῦτα μέν νυν οὕτω ἐποίεε, παρεσκευάζετο δὲ καὶ ὅπλα ἐς τὰς γεφύρας βύβλινά τε καὶ λευκολίνου, ἐπιτάξας Φοίνιξί τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίοισι, καὶ σιτία τῇ στρατιῇ καταβάλλειν, ἵνα μὴ λιμήνειε ἡ στρατιὴ μηδὲ τὰ ὑποζύγια ἐλαυνόμενα ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα· ἀναπυθόμενος δὲ τοὺς χώρους καταβάλλειν ἐκέλευε ἵνα ἐπιτηδεότατον εἴη, ἄλλα ἄλλῃ ἀγινέοντας ὁλκάσι τε καὶ πορθμηίοισι ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίης πανταχόθεν. τὸν δὲ ὦν πλεῖστον ἐς Λευκὴν ἀκτὴν καλεομένην τῆς Θρηίκης ἀγίνεον, οἳ δὲ ἐς Τυρόδιζαν τὴν Περινθίων, οἳ δὲ ἐς Δορίσκον, οἳ δὲ ἐς Ἠιόνα τὴν ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι, οἳ δὲ ἐς Μακεδονίην διατεταγμένοι. 7.26. ἐν ᾧ δὲ οὗτοι τὸν προκείμενον πόνον ἐργάζοντο, ἐν τούτῳ ὁ πεζὸς ἅπας συλλελεγμένος ἅμα Ξέρξῃ ἐπορεύετο ἐς Σάρδις, ἐκ Κριτάλλων ὁρμηθεὶς τῶν ἐν Καππαδοκίῃ· ἐνθαῦτα γὰρ εἴρητο συλλέγεσθαι πάντα τὸν κατʼ ἤπειρον μέλλοντα ἅμα αὐτῷ Ξέρξῃ πορεύεσθαι στρατόν. ὃς μέν νυν τῶν ὑπάρχων στρατὸν κάλλιστα ἐσταλμένον ἀγαγὼν τὰ προκείμενα παρὰ βασιλέος ἔλαβε δῶρα, οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀρχὴν ἐς κρίσιν τούτου πέρι ἐλθόντας οἶδα. οἳ δὲ ἐπείτε διαβάντες τὸν Ἅλυν ποταμὸν ὡμίλησαν τῇ Φρυγίῃ, διʼ αὐτῆς πορευόμενοι ἀπίκοντο ἐς Κελαινάς, ἵνα πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ καὶ ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει ἐὸν Καταρρήκτης, ὃς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων ἀνατέλλων ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ· ἐν τῇ καὶ ὁ τοῦ Σιληνοῦ Μαρσύεω ἀσκὸς ἀνακρέμαται, τὸν ὑπὸ Φρυγῶν λόγος ἔχει ὑπὸ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐκδαρέντα ἀνακρεμασθῆναι. 7.27. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλι ὑποκατήμενος Πύθιος ὁ Ἄτους ἀνὴρ Λυδὸς ἐξείνισε τὴν βασιλέος στρατιὴν πᾶσαν ξεινίοισι μεγίστοισι καὶ αὐτὸν Ξέρξην, χρήματά τε ἐπαγγέλλετο βουλόμενος ἐς τὸν πόλεμον παρέχειν. ἐπαγγελλομένου δὲ χρήματα Πυθίου, εἴρετο Ξέρξης Περσέων τοὺς παρεόντας τίς τε ἐὼν ἀνδρῶν Πύθιος καὶ κόσα χρήματα ἐκτημένος ἐπαγγέλλοιτο ταῦτα. οἳ δὲ εἶπαν “ὦ βασιλεῦ, οὗτος ἐστὶ ὅς τοι τὸν πατέρα Δαρεῖον ἐδωρήσατο τῇ πλατανίστῳ τῇ χρυσέῃ καὶ τῇ ἀμπέλῳ· ὃς καὶ νῦν ἐστι πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων πλούτῳ τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν μετὰ σέ.” 7.28. θωμάσας δὲ τῶν ἐπέων τὸ τελευταῖον Ξέρξης αὐτὸς δεύτερα εἴρετο Πύθιον ὁκόσα οἱ εἴη χρήματα. ὁ δὲ εἶπε “ὦ βασιλεῦ, οὔτε σε ἀποκρύψω οὔτε σκήψομαι τὸ μὴ εἰδέναι τὴν ἐμεωυτοῦ οὐσίην, ἀλλʼ ἐπιστάμενός τοι ἀτρεκέως καταλέξω. ἐπείτε γὰρ τάχιστά σε ἐπυθόμην ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καταβαίνοντα τὴν Ἑλληνίδα, βουλόμενός τοι δοῦναι ἐς τὸν πόλεμον χρήματα ἐξεμάνθανον, καὶ εὗρον λογιζόμενος ἀργυρίου μὲν δύο χιλιάδας ἐούσας μοι ταλάντων, χρυσίου δὲ τετρακοσίας μυριάδας στατήρων Δαρεικῶν ἐπιδεούσας ἑπτὰ χιλιάδων. καὶ τούτοισί σε ἐγὼ δωρέομαι, αὐτῷ δέ μοι ἀπὸ ἀνδραπόδων τε καὶ γεωπέδων ἀρκέων ἐστὶ βίος.” 7.29. ὃ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγε, Ξέρξης δὲ ἡσθεὶς τοῖσι εἰρημένοισι εἶπε “ξεῖνε Λυδέ, ἐγὼ ἐπείτε ἐξῆλθον τὴν Περσίδα χώρην, οὐδενὶ ἀνδρὶ συνέμιξα ἐς τόδε ὅστις ἠθέλησε ξείνια προθεῖναι στρατῷ τῷ ἐμῷ, οὐδὲ ὅστις ἐς ὄψιν τὴν ἐμὴν καταστὰς αὐτεπάγγελτος ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐμοὶ ἠθέλησε συμβαλέσθαι χρήματα, ἔξω σεῦ. σὺ δὲ καὶ ἐξείνισας μεγάλως στρατὸν τὸν ἐμὸν καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα ἐπαγγέλλεαι. σοὶ ὦν ἐγὼ ἀντὶ αὐτῶν γέρεα τοιάδε δίδωμι· ξεῖνόν τέ σε ποιεῦμαι ἐμὸν καὶ τὰς τετρακοσίας μυριάδας τοι τῶν στατήρων ἀποπλήσω παρʼ ἐμεωυτοῦ δοὺς τὰς ἑπτὰ χιλιάδας, ἵνα μή τοι ἐπιδεέες ἔωσι αἱ τετρακόσιαι μυριάδες ἑπτὰ χιλιάδων, ἀλλὰ ᾖ τοι ἀπαρτιλογίη ὑπʼ ἐμέο πεπληρωμένη. ἔκτησό τε αὐτὸς τά περ αὐτὸς ἐκτήσαο, ἐπίστασό τε εἶναι αἰεὶ τοιοῦτος· οὐ γάρ τοι ταῦτα ποιεῦντι οὔτε ἐς τὸ παρεὸν οὔτε ἐς χρόνον μεταμελήσει.” 7.30. ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας καὶ ἐπιτελέα ποιήσας ἐπορεύετο τὸ πρόσω αἰεὶ. Ἄναυα δὲ καλεομένην Φρυγῶν πόλιν παραμειβόμενος καὶ λίμνην ἐκ τῆς ἅλες γίνονται, ἀπίκετο ἐς Κολοσσὰς πόλιν μεγάλην Φρυγίης· ἐν τῇ Λύκος ποταμὸς ἐς χάσμα γῆς ἐσβάλλων ἀφανίζεται, ἔπειτα διὰ σταδίων ὡς πέντε μάλιστά κῃ ἀναφαινόμενος ἐκδιδοῖ καὶ οὗτος ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον. ἐκ δὲ Κολοσσέων ὁ στρατὸς ὁρμώμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς οὔρους τῶν Φρυγῶν καὶ Λυδῶν ἀπίκετο ἐς Κύδραρα πόλιν, ἔνθα στήλη καταπεπηγυῖα, σταθεῖσα δὲ ὑπὸ Κροίσου, καταμηνύει διὰ γραμμάτων τοὺς οὔρους. 7.31. ὡς δὲ ἐκ τῆς Φρυγίης ἐσέβαλε ἐς τὴν Λυδίην, σχιζομένης τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ τῆς μὲν ἐς ἀριστερὴν ἐπὶ Καρίης φερούσης τῆς δὲ ἐς δεξιὴν ἐς Σάρδις, τῇ καὶ πορευομένῳ διαβῆναι τὸν Μαίανδρον ποταμὸν πᾶσα ἀνάγκη γίνεται καὶ ἰέναι παρὰ Καλλάτηβον πόλιν, ἐν τῇ ἄνδρες δημιοεργοὶ μέλι ἐκ μυρίκης τε καὶ πυροῦ ποιεῦσι, ταύτην ἰὼν ὁ Ξέρξης τὴν ὁδὸν εὗρε πλατάνιστον, τὴν κάλλεος εἵνεκα δωρησάμενος κόσμῳ χρυσέῳ καὶ μελεδωνῷ ἀθανάτῳ ἀνδρὶ ἐπιτρέψας δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπίκετο ἐς τῶν Λυδῶν τὸ ἄστυ. 7.32. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐς Σάρδις πρῶτα μὲν ἀπέπεμπε κήρυκας ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα αἰτήσοντας γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ προερέοντας δεῖπνα βασιλέι παρασκευάζειν· πλὴν οὔτε ἐς Ἀθήνας οὔτε ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἀπέπεμπε ἐπὶ γῆς αἴτησιν, τῇ δὲ ἄλλῃ πάντῃ. τῶνδε δὲ εἵνεκα τὸ δεύτερον ἀπέπεμπε ἐπὶ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ· ὅσοι πρότερον οὐκ ἔδοσαν Δαρείῳ πέμψαντι, τούτους πάγχυ ἐδόκεε τότε δείσαντας δώσειν· βουλόμενος ὦν αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐκμαθεῖν ἀκριβέως ἔπεμπε. 7.33. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρεσκευάζετο ὡς ἐλῶν ἐς Ἄβυδον. οἳ δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐζεύγνυσαν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίης ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην. ἔστι δὲ τῆς Χερσονήσου τῆς ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ, Σηστοῦ τε πόλιος μεταξὺ καὶ Μαδύτου, ἀκτὴ παχέα ἐς θάλασσαν κατήκουσα Ἀβύδῳ καταντίον· ἔνθα μετὰ ταῦτα, χρόνῳ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ, ἐπὶ Ξανθίππου τοῦ Ἀρίφρονος στρατηγοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι Ἀρταΰκτην ἄνδρα Πέρσην λαβόντες Σηστοῦ ὕπαρχον ζῶντα πρὸς σανίδα διεπασσάλευσαν, ὃς καὶ ἐς τοῦ Πρωτεσίλεω τὸ ἱρὸν ἐς Ἐλαιοῦντα ἀγινεόμενος γυναῖκας ἀθέμιστα ἔρδεσκε. 7.34. ἐς ταύτην ὦν τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐξ Ἀβύδου ὁρμώμενοι ἐγεφύρουν τοῖσι προσέκειτο, τὴν μὲν λευκολίνου Φοίνικες, τὴν δʼ ἑτέρην τὴν βυβλίνην Αἰγύπτιοι. ἔστι δὲ ἑπτὰ στάδιοι ἐξ Ἀβύδου ἐς τὴν ἀπαντίον. καὶ δὴ ἐζευγμένου τοῦ πόρου ἐπιγενόμενος χειμὼν μέγας συνέκοψέ τε ἐκεῖνα πάντα καὶ διέλυσε. 7.35. ὡς δʼ ἐπύθετο Ξέρξης, δεινὰ ποιεύμενος τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐκέλευσε τριηκοσίας ἐπικέσθαι μάστιγι πληγὰς καὶ κατεῖναι ἐς τὸ πέλαγος πεδέων ζεῦγος. ἤδη δὲ ἤκουσα ὡς καὶ στιγέας ἅμα τούτοισι ἀπέπεμψε στίξοντας τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον. ἐνετέλλετο δὲ ὦν ῥαπίζοντας λέγειν βάρβαρά τε καὶ ἀτάσθαλα· “ὦ πικρὸν ὕδωρ, δεσπότης τοι δίκην ἐπιτιθεῖ τήνδε, ὅτι μιν ἠδίκησας οὐδὲν πρὸς ἐκείνου ἄδικον παθόν. καὶ βασιλεὺς μὲν Ξέρξης διαβήσεταί σε, ἤν τε σύ γε βούλῃ ἤν τε μή· σοὶ δὲ κατὰ δίκην ἄρα οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπων θύει ὡς ἐόντι καὶ θολερῷ καὶ ἁλμυρῷ ποταμῷ.” τήν τε δὴ θάλασσαν ἐνετέλλετο τούτοισι ζημιοῦν καὶ τῶν ἐπεστεώτων τῇ ζεύξι τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου ἀποταμεῖν τὰς κεφαλάς. | 1.1. The Persian learned men say that the Phoenicians were the cause of the dispute. These (they say) came to our seas from the sea which is called Red, and having settled in the country which they still occupy, at once began to make long voyages. Among other places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian merchandise, they came to Argos, ,which was at that time preeminent in every way among the people of what is now called Hellas . The Phoenicians came to Argos, and set out their cargo. ,On the fifth or sixth day after their arrival, when their wares were almost all sold, many women came to the shore and among them especially the daughter of the king, whose name was Io (according to Persians and Greeks alike), the daughter of Inachus. ,As these stood about the stern of the ship bargaining for the wares they liked, the Phoenicians incited one another to set upon them. Most of the women escaped: Io and others were seized and thrown into the ship, which then sailed away for Egypt . 1.2. In this way, the Persians say (and not as the Greeks), was how Io came to Egypt, and this, according to them, was the first wrong that was done. Next, according to their story, some Greeks (they cannot say who) landed at Tyre in Phoenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa. These Greeks must, I suppose, have been Cretans. So far, then, the account between them was balanced. But after this (they say), it was the Greeks who were guilty of the second wrong. ,They sailed in a long ship to Aea, a city of the Colchians, and to the river Phasis : and when they had done the business for which they came, they carried off the king's daughter Medea. ,When the Colchian king sent a herald to demand reparation for the robbery and restitution of his daughter, the Greeks replied that, as they had been refused reparation for the abduction of the Argive Io, they would not make any to the Colchians. 1.3. Then (they say), in the second generation after this, Alexandrus, son of Priam, who had heard this tale, decided to get himself a wife from Hellas by capture; for he was confident that he would not suffer punishment. ,So he carried off Helen. The Greeks first resolved to send messengers demanding that Helen be restored and atonement made for the seizure; but when this proposal was made, the Trojans pleaded the seizure of Medea, and reminded the Greeks that they asked reparation from others, yet made none themselves, nor gave up the booty when asked. 1.4. So far it was a matter of mere seizure on both sides. But after this (the Persians say), the Greeks were very much to blame; for they invaded Asia before the Persians attacked Europe . ,“We think,” they say, “that it is unjust to carry women off. But to be anxious to avenge rape is foolish: wise men take no notice of such things. For plainly the women would never have been carried away, had they not wanted it themselves. ,We of Asia did not deign to notice the seizure of our women; but the Greeks, for the sake of a Lacedaemonian woman, recruited a great armada, came to Asia, and destroyed the power of Priam. ,Ever since then we have regarded Greeks as our enemies.” For the Persians claim Asia for their own, and the foreign peoples that inhabit it; Europe and the Greek people they consider to be separate from them. 1.4.2. “We think,” they say, “that it is unjust to carry women off. But to be anxious to avenge rape is foolish: wise men take no notice of such things. For plainly the women would never have been carried away, had they not wanted it themselves. 1.5.2. But the Phoenicians do not tell the same story about Io as the Persians. They say that they did not carry her off to Egypt by force. She had intercourse in Argos with the captain of the ship. Then, finding herself pregt, she was ashamed to have her parents know it, and so, lest they discover her condition, she sailed away with the Phoenicians of her own accord. 1.59.6. These rose with Pisistratus and took the Acropolis; and Pisistratus ruled the Athenians, disturbing in no way the order of offices nor changing the laws, but governing the city according to its established constitution and arranging all things fairly and well. 1.166. And when they came to Cyrnus they lived there for five years as one community with those who had come first, and they founded temples there. But they harassed and plundered all their neighbors, as a result of which the Tyrrhenians and Carthaginians made common cause against them, and sailed to attack them with sixty ships each. ,The Phocaeans also manned their ships, sixty in number, and met the enemy in the sea called Sardonian. They engaged and the Phocaeans won, yet it was only a kind of Cadmean victory; for they lost forty of their ships, and the twenty that remained were useless, their rams twisted awry. ,Then sailing to Alalia they took their children and women and all of their possessions that their ships could hold on board, and leaving Cyrnus they sailed to Rhegium . 2.113. When I inquired of the priests, they told me that this was the story of Helen. After carrying off Helen from Sparta, Alexandrus sailed away for his own country; violent winds caught him in the Aegean and drove him into the Egyptian sea; and from there (as the wind did not let up) he came to Egypt, to the mouth of the Nile called the Canopic mouth, and to the Salters'. ,Now there was (and still is) on the coast a temple of Heracles; if a servant of any man takes refuge there and is branded with certain sacred marks, delivering himself to the god, he may not be touched. This law continues today the same as it has always been from the first. ,Hearing of the temple law, some of Alexandrus' servants ran away from him, threw themselves on the mercy of the god, and brought an accusation against Alexandrus meaning to injure him, telling the whole story of Helen and the wrong done Menelaus. They laid this accusation before the priests and the warden of the Nile mouth, whose name was Thonis. 2.114. When Thonis heard it, he sent this message the quickest way to Proteus at Memphis : ,“A stranger has come, a Trojan, who has committed an impiety in Hellas . After defrauding his guest-friend, he has come bringing the man's wife and a very great deal of wealth, driven to your country by the wind. Are we to let him sail away untouched, or are we to take away what he has come with?” ,Proteus sent back this message: “Whoever this is who has acted impiously against his guest-friend, seize him and bring him to me, that I may know what he will say.” 2.115. Hearing this, Thonis seized Alexandrus and detained his ships there, and then brought him with Helen and all the wealth, and the suppliants too, to Memphis . ,When all had arrived, Proteus asked Alexandrus who he was and whence he sailed; Alexandrus told him his lineage and the name of his country, and about his voyage, whence he sailed. ,Then Proteus asked him where he had got Helen; when Alexandrus was evasive in his story and did not tell the truth, the men who had taken refuge with the temple confuted him, and related the whole story of the wrong. ,Finally, Proteus declared the following judgment to them, saying, “If I did not make it a point never to kill a stranger who has been caught by the wind and driven to my coasts, I would have punished you on behalf of the Greek, you most vile man. You committed the gravest impiety after you had had your guest-friend's hospitality: you had your guest-friend's wife. ,And as if this were not enough, you got her to fly with you and went off with her. And not just with her, either, but you plundered your guest-friend's wealth and brought it, too. ,Now, then, since I make it a point not to kill strangers, I shall not let you take away this woman and the wealth, but I shall watch them for the Greek stranger, until he come and take them away; but as for you and your sailors, I warn you to leave my country for another within three days, and if you do not, I will declare war on you.” 3.111. As for cinnamon, they gather it in an even stranger way. Where it comes from and what land produces it they cannot say, except that it is reported, reasonably enough, to grow in the places where Dionysus was reared. ,There are great birds, it is said, that take these dry sticks which we have learned from the Phoenicians to call cinnamon and carry them off to nests stuck with mud to precipitous cliffs, where man has no means of approach. ,The Arabian solution to this is to cut dead oxen and asses and other beasts of burden into the largest possible pieces, then to set these near the eyries and withdraw far off. The birds then fly down (it is said) and carry the pieces of the beasts up to their nests, while these, not being able to bear the weight, break and fall down the mountain side, and then the Arabians come and gather them up. Thus is cinnamon said to be gathered, and so to come from Arabia to other lands. 3.112. But ledanon, which the Arabians call ladanon, is produced yet more strangely than this. For it is the most fragrant thing produced in the most malodorous; for it is found in he-goats' beards, forming in them like gum among timber. This is used in the manufacture of many perfumes; there is nothing that the Arabians burn so often as incense. 3.113. Enough of marvels, and yet the land of Arabia gives off a scent as sweet as if divine. They have besides two marvellous kinds of sheep, found nowhere else. One of these has tails no less than nine feet long. Were the sheep to trail these after them they would suffer by the chafing of the tails on the ground; ,but every shepherd there knows enough of carpentry to make little carts which they fix under the tails, binding the tail of each sheep on its own cart. The other kind of sheep has a tail a full three feet broad. 3.114. Where south inclines westwards, the part of the world stretching farthest towards the sunset is Ethiopia ; this produces gold in abundance, and huge elephants, and all sorts of wild trees, and ebony, and the tallest and handsomest and longest-lived people. 3.115. These then are the most distant lands in Asia and Libya . But concerning those in Europe that are the farthest away towards evening, I cannot speak with assurance; for I do not believe that there is a river called by foreigners Eridanus issuing into the northern sea, where our amber is said to come from, nor do I have any knowledge of Tin Islands, where our tin is brought from. ,The very name Eridanus betrays itself as not a foreign but a Greek name, invented by some poet; nor for all my diligence have I been able to learn from one who has seen it that there is a sea beyond Europe . All we know is that our tin and amber come from the most distant parts. 3.116. But in the north of Europe there is by far the most gold. In this matter again I cannot say with assurance how the gold is produced, but it is said that one-eyed men called Arimaspians steal it from griffins. ,But I do not believe this, that there are one-eyed men who have a nature otherwise the same as other men. ,The most outlying lands, though, as they enclose and wholly surround all the rest of the world, are likely to have those things which we think the finest and the rarest. 3.117. There is a plain in Asia shut in on all sides by mountains through which there are five passes. This plain was once the Chorasmians', being at the boundaries of the Chorasmians, the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians, and Thamanaei, but since the Persians have held power it has been the king's. ,Now from the encircling mountains flows a great river whose name is the Aces. Its stream divides into five channels and formerly watered the lands of the above-mentioned peoples, going to each through a different pass, but since the beginning of the Persian rule ,the king has blocked the mountain passes, and closed each passage with a gate; with the water barred from outlet, the plain within the mountains becomes a lake, seeing that the river pours into it and finds no way out. ,Those therefore who before were accustomed to use the water endure great hardship in not being able to use it; for during the winter, god rains for them just as for the rest of mankind, but in the summer they are in need of the water for their sown millet and sesame. ,So whenever no water is given to them, they come into Persia with their women, and cry and howl before the door of the king's palace, until the king commands that the river-gate should be opened for those whose need is greatest; ,then, when this land has drunk its fill of water, that gate is shut, and the king has another opened for those of the rest who most require it. I know by hearsay that he gets a lot of money, over and above the tribute, for opening the gates. So much for these matters. 3.118. of the seven men who revolted against the Magus, one, Intaphrenes, got his death through his own violence immediately after the rebellion. He wanted to enter the palace and speak with the king; and in fact the law was, that the rebels against the Magus could come into the king's presence unounced, if the king were not having intercourse with one of his wives. ,Intaphrenes, as one of the seven, claimed his right to enter unounced; but the gatekeeper and the messenger forbade him, telling him that the king was having intercourse with one of his wives. Intaphrenes thought that they were lying; drawing his scimitar he cut off their noses and ears, then strung these on his horse's bridle and hung it around the men's necks, and so let them go. 3.119. They showed themselves to the king and told him why they had been treated so. Darius, fearing that the six had done this by common consent, sent for each and asked his opinion, whether they approved what had been done; ,and being assured that they had no part in it, he seized Intaphrenes with his sons and all his household—for he strongly suspected that the man was plotting a rebellion with his kinsmen—and imprisoned them with the intention of putting them to death. ,Then Intaphrenes' wife began coming to the palace gates, weeping and lamenting; and by continuing to do this same thing she persuaded Darius to pity her; and he sent a messenger to tell her, “Woman, King Darius will allow one of your imprisoned relatives to survive, whomever you prefer of them all.” ,After considering she answered, “If indeed the king gives me the life of one, I chose from them all my brother.” ,Darius was astonished when he heard her answer, and sent someone who asked her: “Woman, the king asks you with what in mind you abandon your husband and your children and choose to save the life of your brother, who is less close to you than your children and less dear than your husband?” ,“O King,” she answered, “I may have another husband, if a god is willing, and other children, if I lose these; but since my father and mother are no longer living, there is no way that I can have another brother; I said what I did with that in mind.” ,Darius thought that the woman answered well, and for her sake he released the one for whom she had asked, and the eldest of her sons as well; he put to death all the rest. Thus immediately perished one of the seven. 5.63. These men, as the Athenians say, established themselves at Delphi and bribed the Pythian priestess to bid any Spartans who should come to inquire of her on a private or a public account to set Athens free. ,Then the Lacedaemonians, when the same command was ever revealed to them, sent Anchimolius the son of Aster, a citizen of repute, to drive out the sons of Pisistratus with an army despite the fact that the Pisistratidae were their close friends, for the god's will weighed with them more than the will of man. ,They sent these men by sea on shipboard. Anchimolius put in at Phalerum and disembarked his army there. The sons of Pisistratus, however, had received word of the plan already, and sent to ask help from the Thessalians with whom they had an alliance. The Thessalians, at their entreaty, joined together and sent their own king, Cineas of Conium, with a thousand horsemen. When the Pisistratidae got these allies, they devised the following plan. ,First they laid waste the plain of Phalerum so that all that land could be ridden over and then launched their cavalry against the enemy's army. Then the horsemen charged and slew Anchimolius and many more of the Lacedaemonians, and drove those that survived to their ships. Accordingly, the first Lacedaemonian army drew off, and Anchimolius' tomb is at Alopecae in Attica, near to the Heracleum in Cynosarges. 5.66. Athens, which had been great before, now grew even greater when her tyrants had been removed. The two principal holders of power were Cleisthenes an Alcmaeonid, who was reputed to have bribed the Pythian priestess, and Isagoras son of Tisandrus, a man of a notable house but his lineage I cannot say. His kinsfolk, at any rate, sacrifice to Zeus of Caria. ,These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally. 5.78. So the Athenians grew in power and proved, not in one respect only but in all, that equality is a good thing. Evidence for this is the fact that while they were under tyrannical rulers, the Athenians were no better in war than any of their neighbors, yet once they got rid of their tyrants, they were by far the best of all. This, then, shows that while they were oppressed, they were, as men working for a master, cowardly, but when they were freed, each one was eager to achieve for himself. 6.123. The Alcmeonidae were tyrant-haters as much as Callias, or not less so. Therefore I find it a strange and unbelievable accusation that they of all men should have held up a shield; at all times they shunned tyrants, and it was by their contrivance that the sons of Pisistratus were deposed from their tyranny. ,Thus in my judgment it was they who freed Athens much more than did Harmodius and Aristogeiton. These only enraged the remaining sons of Pisistratus by killing Hipparchus, and did nothing to end the tyranny of the rest of them; but the Alcmeonidae plainly liberated their country, if they truly were the ones who persuaded the Pythian priestess to signify to the Lacedaemonians that they should free Athens, as I have previously shown. 7.13. So the vision spoke, and seemed to Xerxes to vanish away. When day dawned, the king took no account of this dream, and he assembled the Persians whom he had before gathered together and addressed them thus: ,“Persians, forgive me for turning and twisting in my purpose; I am not yet come to the fullness of my wisdom, and I am never free from people who exhort me to do as I said. It is true that when I heard Artabanus' opinion my youthful spirit immediately boiled up, and I burst out with an unseemly and wrongful answer to one older than myself; but now I see my fault and will follow his judgment. ,Be at peace, since I have changed my mind about marching against Hellas.” 7.24. As far as I can judge by conjecture, Xerxes gave the command for this digging out of pride, wishing to display his power and leave a memorial; with no trouble they could have drawn their ships across the isthmus, yet he ordered them to dig a canal from sea to sea, wide enough to float two triremes rowed abreast. The same men who were assigned the digging were also assigned to join the banks of the river Strymon by a bridge. 7.25. Thus Xerxes did this. He assigned the Phoenicians and Egyptians to make ropes of papyrus and white flax for the bridges, and to store provisions for his army, so that neither the army nor the beasts of burden would starve on the march to Hellas. ,After making inquiry, he ordered them to store it in the most fitting places, carrying it to the various places from all parts of Asia in cargo ships and transports. They brought most of it to the White Headland (as it is called) in Thrace; some were dispatched to Tyrodiza in the Perinthian country or to Doriscus, others to Eion on the Strymon or to Macedonia. 7.26. While these worked at their appointed task, all the land force had been mustered and was marching with Xerxes to Sardis, setting forth from Critalla in Cappadocia, which was the place appointed for gathering all the army that was to march with Xerxes himself by land. ,Now which of his governors received the promised gifts from the king for bringing the best-equipped army, I cannot say; I do not even know if the matter was ever determined. ,When they had crossed the river Halys and entered Phrygia, they marched through that country to Celaenae, where rises the source of the river Maeander and of another river no smaller, which is called Cataractes; it rises right in the market-place of Celaenae and issues into the Maeander. The skin of Marsyas the Silenus also hangs there; the Phrygian story tells that it was flayed off him and hung up by Apollo. 7.27. In this city Pythius son of Atys, a Lydian, sat awaiting them; he entertained Xerxes himself and all the king's army with the greatest hospitality, and declared himself willing to provide money for the war. ,When Pythius offered the money, Xerxes asked the Persians present who this Pythius was and how much wealth he possessed in making the offer. They said, “O king, this is the one who gave your father Darius the gift of a golden plane-tree and vine; he is now the richest man we know of after you.” 7.28. Xerxes marvelled at this last saying and next himself asked Pythius how much wealth he had. “O king,” said Pythius, “I will not conceal the quantity of my property from you, nor pretend that I do not know; I know and will tell you the exact truth. ,As soon as I learned that you were coming down to the Greek sea, I wanted to give you money for the war, so I inquired into the matter, and my reckoning showed me that I had two thousand talents of silver, and four million Daric staters of gold, lacking seven thousand. ,All this I freely give to you; for myself, I have a sufficient livelihood from my slaves and my farms.” 7.29. Thus he spoke. Xerxes was pleased with what he said and replied: “My Lydian friend, since I came out of Persia I have so far met with no man who was willing to give hospitality to my army, nor who came into my presence unsummoned and offered to furnish money for the war, besides you. ,But you have entertained my army nobly and offer me great sums. In return for this I give you these privileges: I make you my friend, and out of my own wealth I give you the seven thousand staters which will complete your total of four million, so that your four million not lack the seven thousand and the even number be reached by my completing it. ,Remain in possession of what you now possess, and be mindful to be always such as you are; neither for the present nor in time will you regret what you now do.” 7.30. Xerxes said this and made good his words, then journeyed ever onward. Passing by the Phrygian town called Anaua, and the lake from which salt is obtained, he came to Colossae, a great city in Phrygia; there the river Lycus plunges into a cleft in the earth and disappears, until it reappears about five stadia away; this river issues into the Maeander. ,From Colossae the army held its course for the borders of Phrygia and Lydia, and came to the city of Cydrara, where there stands a pillar set up by Croesus which marks the boundary with an inscription. 7.31. Passing from Phrygia into Lydia, he came to the place where the roads part; the road on the left leads to Caria, the one on the right to Sardis; on the latter the traveller must cross the river Maeander and pass by the city of Callatebus, where craftsmen make honey out of wheat and tamarisks. Xerxes went by this road and found a plane-tree, which he adorned with gold because of its beauty, and he assigned one of his immortals to guard it. On the next day he reached the city of the Lydians. 7.32. After he arrived in Sardis, he first sent heralds to Hellas to demand earth and water and to command the preparation of meals for the king. He sent demands for earth everywhere except to Athens and Lacedaemon. The reason for his sending for earth and water the second time was this: he fully believed that whoever had not previously given it to Darius' messengers would now be compelled to give by fear; so he sent out of desire to know this for certain. 7.33. After this he prepared to march to Abydos; meanwhile his men were bridging the Hellespont from Asia to Europe. On the Chersonese, which is on the Hellespont, between the city of Sestus and Madytus there is a broad headland running out into the sea opposite Abydos. It was here that not long afterwards the Athenians, when Xanthippus son of Ariphron was their general, took Artayctes, a Persian and the governor of Sestus, and crucified him alive; he had been in the habit of bringing women right into the temple of Protesilaus at Elaeus and doing impious deeds there. 7.34. The men who had been given this assignment made bridges starting from Abydos across to that headland; the Phoenicians one of flaxen cables, and the Egyptians a papyrus one. From Abydos to the opposite shore it is a distance of seven stadia. But no sooner had the strait been bridged than a great storm swept down, breaking and scattering everything. 7.35. When Xerxes heard of this, he was very angry and commanded that the Hellespont be whipped with three hundred lashes, and a pair of fetters be thrown into the sea. I have even heard that he sent branders with them to brand the Hellespont. ,He commanded them while they whipped to utter words outlandish and presumptuous, “Bitter water, our master thus punishes you, because you did him wrong though he had done you none. Xerxes the king will pass over you, whether you want it or not; in accordance with justice no one offers you sacrifice, for you are a turbid and briny river.” ,He commanded that the sea receive these punishments and that the overseers of the bridge over the Hellespont be beheaded. |
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91. Hebrew Bible, 2 Chronicles, 5.12, 7.6, 17.7-17.9, 20.14-20.19, 24.20 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public reading of the law in israel •public reading, of the law in israel •natural law, in the bible •violation of the law Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 338; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 31; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 67| 5.12. וְהַלְוִיִּם הַמְשֹׁרֲרִים לְכֻלָּם לְאָסָף לְהֵימָן לִידֻתוּן וְלִבְנֵיהֶם וְלַאֲחֵיהֶם מְלֻבָּשִׁים בּוּץ בִּמְצִלְתַּיִם וּבִנְבָלִים וְכִנֹּרוֹת עֹמְדִים מִזְרָח לַמִּזְבֵּחַ וְעִמָּהֶם כֹּהֲנִים לְמֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים מחצררים [מַחְצְרִים] בַּחֲצֹצְרוֹת׃ 7.6. וְהַכֹּהֲנִים עַל־מִשְׁמְרוֹתָם עֹמְדִים וְהַלְוִיִּם בִּכְלֵי־שִׁיר יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה דָּוִיד הַמֶּלֶךְ לְהֹדוֹת לַיהוָה כִּי־לְעוֹלָם חַסְדּוֹ בְּהַלֵּל דָּוִיד בְּיָדָם וְהַכֹּהֲנִים מחצצרים [מַחְצְרִים] נֶגְדָּם וְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל עֹמְדִים׃ 17.7. וּבִשְׁנַת שָׁלוֹשׁ לְמָלְכוֹ שָׁלַח לְשָׂרָיו לְבֶן־חַיִל וּלְעֹבַדְיָה וְלִזְכַרְיָה וְלִנְתַנְאֵל וּלְמִיכָיָהוּ לְלַמֵּד בְּעָרֵי יְהוּדָה׃ 17.8. וְעִמָּהֶם הַלְוִיִּם שְׁמַעְיָהוּ וּנְתַנְיָהוּ וּזְבַדְיָהוּ וַעֲשָׂהאֵל ושמרימות [וּשְׁמִירָמוֹת] וִיהוֹנָתָן וַאֲדֹנִיָּהוּ וְטוֹבִיָּהוּ וְטוֹב אֲדוֹנִיָּה הַלְוִיִּם וְעִמָּהֶם אֱלִישָׁמָע וִיהוֹרָם הַכֹּהֲנִים׃ 17.9. וַיְלַמְּדוּ בִּיהוּדָה וְעִמָּהֶם סֵפֶר תּוֹרַת יְהוָה וַיָּסֹבּוּ בְּכָל־עָרֵי יְהוּדָה וַיְלַמְּדוּ בָּעָם׃ 20.14. וְיַחֲזִיאֵל בֶּן־זְכַרְיָהוּ בֶּן־בְּנָיָה בֶּן־יְעִיאֵל בֶּן־מַתַּנְיָה הַלֵּוִי מִן־בְּנֵי אָסָף הָיְתָה עָלָיו רוּחַ יְהוָה בְּתוֹךְ הַקָּהָל׃ 20.15. וַיֹּאמֶר הַקְשִׁיבוּ כָל־יְהוּדָה וְיֹשְׁבֵי יְרוּשָׁלִַם וְהַמֶּלֶךְ יְהוֹשָׁפָט כֹּה־אָמַר יְהוָה לָכֶם אַתֶּם אַל־תִּירְאוּ וְאַל־תֵּחַתּוּ מִפְּנֵי הֶהָמוֹן הָרָב הַזֶּה כִּי לֹא לָכֶם הַמִּלְחָמָה כִּי לֵאלֹהִים׃ 20.16. מָחָר רְדוּ עֲלֵיהֶם הִנָּם עֹלִים בְּמַעֲלֵה הַצִּיץ וּמְצָאתֶם אֹתָם בְּסוֹף הַנַּחַל פְּנֵי מִדְבַּר יְרוּאֵל׃ 20.17. לֹא לָכֶם לְהִלָּחֵם בָּזֹאת הִתְיַצְּבוּ עִמְדוּ וּרְאוּ אֶת־יְשׁוּעַת יְהוָה עִמָּכֶם יְהוּדָה וִירוּשָׁלִַם אַל־תִּירְאוּ וְאַל־תֵּחַתּוּ מָחָר צְאוּ לִפְנֵיהֶם וַיהוָה עִמָּכֶם׃ 20.18. וַיִּקֹּד יְהוֹשָׁפָט אַפַּיִם אָרְצָה וְכָל־יְהוּדָה וְיֹשְׁבֵי יְרוּשָׁלִַם נָפְלוּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה לְהִשְׁתַּחֲוֺת לַיהוָה׃ 20.19. וַיָּקֻמוּ הַלְוִיִּם מִן־בְּנֵי הַקְּהָתִים וּמִן־בְּנֵי הַקָּרְחִים לְהַלֵּל לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּקוֹל גָּדוֹל לְמָעְלָה׃ | 5.12. also the Levites who were the singers, all of them, even Asaph, Heman, Jeduthun, and their sons and their brethren, arrayed in fine linen, with cymbals and psalteries and harps, stood at the east end of the altar, and with them a hundred and twenty priests sounding with trumpets— 7.6. And the priests stood, according to their offices; the Levites also with instruments of music of the LORD, which David the king had made, to give thanks unto the LORD, for His mercy endureth for ever, with the praises of David by their hand; and the priests sounded trumpets over against them; and all Israel stood. 17.7. Also in the third year of his reign he sent his princes, even Ben-hail, and Obadiah, and Zechariah, and Nethanel, and Micaiah, to teach in the cities of Judah; 17.8. and with them the Levites, even Shemaiah, and Nethaniah, and Zebadiah, and Asahel, and Shemiramoth, and Jehonathan, and Adonijah, and Tobijah, and Tob-adonijah, the Levites; and with them Elishama and Jehoram, the priests. 17.9. And they taught in Judah, having the book of the Law of the LORD with them; and they went about throughout all the cities of Judah, and taught among the people. 20.14. Then upon Jahaziel the son of Zechariah, the son of Benaiah, the son of Jeiel, the son of Mattaniah, the Levite, of the sons of Asaph, came the spirit of the LORD in the midst of the congregation; 20.15. and he said: ‘Hearken ye, all Judah, and ye inhabitants of Jerusalem, and thou king Jehoshaphat: thus saith the LORD unto you: Fear not ye, neither be dismayed by reason of this great multitude; for the battle is not yours, but God’s. 20.16. To-morrow go ye down against them; behold, they come up by the ascent of Ziz; and ye shall find them at the end of the valley, before the wilderness of Jeruel. 20.17. Ye shall not need to fight in this battle; set yourselves, stand ye still, and see the salvation of the LORD with you, O Judah and Jerusalem; fear not, nor be dismayed; to-morrow go out against them; for the LORD is with you.’ 20.18. And Jehoshaphat bowed his head with his face to the ground; and all Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem fell down before the LORD, worshipping the LORD. 20.19. And the Levites, of the children of the Kohathites and of the children of the Korahites, stood up to praise the LORD, the God of Israel, with an exceeding loud voice. 24.20. And the spirit of God clothed Zechariah the son of Jehoiada the priest; and he stood above the people, and said unto them: ‘Thus saith God: Why transgress ye the commandments of the LORD, that ye cannot prosper? because ye have forsaken the LORD, He hath also forsaken you.’ |
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92. Hebrew Bible, 1 Chronicles, 15.19-15.23, 16.4, 16.7-16.36, 23.5, 25.1-25.7, 27.23, 28.13, 28.19 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public reading of the law in israel •public reading, of the law in israel •violation of the law Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 338; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 67| 15.19. וְהַמְשֹׁרְרִים הֵימָן אָסָף וְאֵיתָן בִּמְצִלְתַּיִם נְחֹשֶׁת לְהַשְׁמִיעַ׃ 15.21. וּמַתִּתְיָהוּ וֶאֱלִיפְלֵהוּ וּמִקְנֵיָהוּ וְעֹבֵד אֱדֹם וִיעִיאֵל וַעֲזַזְיָהוּ בְּכִנֹּרוֹת עַל־הַשְּׁמִינִית לְנַצֵּחַ׃ 15.22. וּכְנַנְיָהוּ שַׂר־הַלְוִיִּם בְּמַשָּׂא יָסֹר בַּמַּשָּׂא כִּי מֵבִין הוּא׃ 15.23. וּבֶרֶכְיָה וְאֶלְקָנָה שֹׁעֲרִים לָאָרוֹן׃ 16.4. לְהַעֲלוֹת עֹלוֹת לַיהוָה עַל־מִזְבַּח הָעֹלָה תָּמִיד לַבֹּקֶר וְלָעָרֶב וּלְכָל־הַכָּתוּב בְּתוֹרַת יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר צִוָּה עַל־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 16.4. וַיִּתֵּן לִפְנֵי אֲרוֹן יְהוָה מִן־הַלְוִיִּם מְשָׁרְתִים וּלְהַזְכִּיר וּלְהוֹדוֹת וּלְהַלֵּל לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 16.7. בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא אָז נָתַן דָּוִיד בָּרֹאשׁ לְהֹדוֹת לַיהוָה בְּיַד־אָסָף וְאֶחָיו׃ 16.8. הוֹדוּ לַיהוָה קִרְאוּ בִשְׁמוֹ הוֹדִיעוּ בָעַמִּים עֲלִילֹתָיו׃ 16.9. שִׁירוּ לוֹ זַמְּרוּ־לוֹ שִׂיחוּ בְּכָל־נִפְלְאֹתָיו׃ 16.11. דִּרְשׁוּ יְהוָה וְעֻזּוֹ בַּקְּשׁוּ פָנָיו תָּמִיד׃ 16.12. זִכְרוּ נִפְלְאֹתָיו אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה מֹפְתָיו וּמִשְׁפְּטֵי־פִיהוּ׃ 16.13. זֶרַע יִשְׂרָאֵל עַבְדּוֹ בְּנֵי יַעֲקֹב בְּחִירָיו׃ 16.14. הוּא יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵינוּ בְּכָל־הָאָרֶץ מִשְׁפָּטָיו׃ 16.15. זִכְרוּ לְעוֹלָם בְּרִיתוֹ דָּבָר צִוָּה לְאֶלֶף דּוֹר׃ 16.16. אֲשֶׁר כָּרַת אֶת־אַבְרָהָם וּשְׁבוּעָתוֹ לְיִצְחָק׃ 16.17. וַיַּעֲמִידֶהָ לְיַעֲקֹב לְחֹק לְיִשְׂרָאֵל בְּרִית עוֹלָם׃ 16.18. לֵאמֹר לְךָ אֶתֵּן אֶרֶץ־כְּנָעַן חֶבֶל נַחֲלַתְכֶם׃ 16.19. בִּהְיוֹתְכֶם מְתֵי מִסְפָּר כִּמְעַט וְגָרִים בָּהּ׃ 16.21. לֹא־הִנִּיחַ לְאִישׁ לְעָשְׁקָם וַיּוֹכַח עֲלֵיהֶם מְלָכִים׃ 16.22. אַל־תִּגְּעוּ בִּמְשִׁיחָי וּבִנְבִיאַי אַל־תָּרֵעוּ׃ 16.23. שִׁירוּ לַיהוָה כָּל־הָאָרֶץ בַּשְּׂרוּ מִיּוֹם־אֶל־יוֹם יְשׁוּעָתוֹ׃ 16.24. סַפְּרוּ בַגּוֹיִם אֶת־כְּבוֹדוֹ בְּכָל־הָעַמִּים נִפְלְאֹתָיו׃ 16.25. כִּי גָדוֹל יְהוָה וּמְהֻלָּל מְאֹד וְנוֹרָא הוּא עַל־כָּל־אֱלֹהִים׃ 16.26. כִּי כָּל־אֱלֹהֵי הָעַמִּים אֱלִילִים וַיהוָה שָׁמַיִם עָשָׂה׃ 16.27. הוֹד וְהָדָר לְפָנָיו עֹז וְחֶדְוָה בִּמְקֹמוֹ׃ 16.28. הָבוּ לַיהוָה מִשְׁפְּחוֹת עַמִּים הָבוּ לַיהוָה כָּבוֹד וָעֹז׃ 16.29. הָבוּ לַיהוָה כְּבוֹד שְׁמוֹ שְׂאוּ מִנְחָה וּבֹאוּ לְפָנָיו הִשְׁתַּחֲווּ לַיהוָה בְּהַדְרַת־קֹדֶשׁ׃ 16.31. יִשְׂמְחוּ הַשָּׁמַיִם וְתָגֵל הָאָרֶץ וְיֹאמְרוּ בַגּוֹיִם יְהוָה מָלָךְ׃ 16.32. יִרְעַם הַיָּם וּמְלוֹאוֹ יַעֲלֹץ הַשָּׂדֶה וְכָל־אֲשֶׁר־בּוֹ׃ 16.33. אָז יְרַנְּנוּ עֲצֵי הַיָּעַר מִלִּפְנֵי יְהוָה כִּי־בָא לִשְׁפּוֹט אֶת־הָאָרֶץ׃ 16.34. הוֹדוּ לַיהוָה כִּי טוֹב כִּי לְעוֹלָם חַסְדּוֹ׃ 16.35. וְאִמְרוּ הוֹשִׁיעֵנוּ אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׁעֵנוּ וְקַבְּצֵנוּ וְהַצִּילֵנוּ מִן־הַגּוֹיִם לְהֹדוֹת לְשֵׁם קָדְשֶׁךָ לְהִשְׁתַּבֵּחַ בִּתְהִלָּתֶךָ׃ 16.36. בָּרוּךְ יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל מִן־הָעוֹלָם וְעַד הָעֹלָם וַיֹּאמְרוּ כָל־הָעָם אָמֵן וְהַלֵּל לַיהוָה׃ 23.5. וְאַרְבַּעַת אֲלָפִים שֹׁעֲרִים וְאַרְבַּעַת אֲלָפִים מְהַלְלִים לַיהוָה בַּכֵּלִים אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂיתִי לְהַלֵּל׃ 25.1. הַשְּׁלִשִׁי זַכּוּר בָּנָיו וְאֶחָיו שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר׃ 25.1. וַיַּבְדֵּל דָּוִיד וְשָׂרֵי הַצָּבָא לַעֲבֹדָה לִבְנֵי אָסָף וְהֵימָן וִידוּתוּן הנביאים [הַנִּבְּאִים] בְּכִנֹּרוֹת בִּנְבָלִים וּבִמְצִלְתָּיִם וַיְהִי מִסְפָּרָם אַנְשֵׁי מְלָאכָה לַעֲבֹדָתָם׃ 25.2. לִשְׁלֹשָׁה עָשָׂר שׁוּבָאֵל בָּנָיו וְאֶחָיו שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר׃ 25.2. לִבְנֵי אָסָף זַכּוּר וְיוֹסֵף וּנְתַנְיָה וַאֲשַׂרְאֵלָה בְּנֵי אָסָף עַל יַד־אָסָף הַנִּבָּא עַל־יְדֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ׃ 25.3. לִידוּתוּן בְּנֵי יְדוּתוּן גְּדַלְיָהוּ וּצְרִי וִישַׁעְיָהוּ חֲשַׁבְיָהוּ וּמַתִּתְיָהוּ שִׁשָּׁה עַל יְדֵי אֲבִיהֶם יְדוּתוּן בַּכִּנּוֹר הַנִּבָּא עַל־הֹדוֹת וְהַלֵּל לַיהוָה׃ 25.3. לִשְׁלֹשָׁה וְעֶשְׂרִים לְמַחֲזִיאוֹת בָּנָיו וְאֶחָיו שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר׃ 25.4. לְהֵימָן בְּנֵי הֵימָן בֻּקִּיָּהוּ מַתַּנְיָהוּ עֻזִּיאֵל שְׁבוּאֵל וִירִימוֹת חֲנַנְיָה חֲנָנִי אֱלִיאָתָה גִדַּלְתִּי וְרֹמַמְתִּי עֶזֶר יָשְׁבְּקָשָׁה מַלּוֹתִי הוֹתִיר מַחֲזִיאוֹת׃ 25.5. כָּל־אֵלֶּה בָנִים לְהֵימָן חֹזֵה הַמֶּלֶךְ בְּדִבְרֵי הָאֱלֹהִים לְהָרִים קָרֶן וַיִּתֵּן הָאֱלֹהִים לְהֵימָן בָּנִים אַרְבָּעָה עָשָׂר וּבָנוֹת שָׁלוֹשׁ׃ 25.6. כָּל־אֵלֶּה עַל־יְדֵי אֲבִיהֶם בַּשִּׁיר בֵּית יְהוָה בִּמְצִלְתַּיִם נְבָלִים וְכִנֹּרוֹת לַעֲבֹדַת בֵּית הָאֱלֹהִים עַל יְדֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ אָסָף וִידוּתוּן וְהֵימָן׃ 25.7. וַיְהִי מִסְפָּרָם עִם־אֲחֵיהֶם מְלֻמְּדֵי־שִׁיר לַיהוָה כָּל־הַמֵּבִין מָאתַיִם שְׁמוֹנִים וּשְׁמוֹנָה׃ 27.23. וְלֹא־נָשָׂא דָוִיד מִסְפָּרָם לְמִבֶּן עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה וּלְמָטָּה כִּי אָמַר יְהוָה לְהַרְבּוֹת אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל כְּכוֹכְבֵי הַשָּׁמָיִם׃ 28.13. וּלְמַחְלְקוֹת הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם וּלְכָל־מְלֶאכֶת עֲבוֹדַת בֵּית־יְהוָה וּלְכָל־כְּלֵי עֲבוֹדַת בֵּית־יְהוָה׃ 28.19. הַכֹּל בִּכְתָב מִיַּד יְהוָה עָלַי הִשְׂכִּיל כֹּל מַלְאֲכוֹת הַתַּבְנִית׃ | 15.19. So the singers, Heman, Asaph, and Ethan [, were appointed], with cymbals of brass to sound aloud; 15.20. and Zechariah, and Aziel, and Shemiramoth, and Jehiel, and Unni, and Eliab, and Maaseiah, and Benaiah, with psalteries set to Alamoth; 15.21. and Mattithiah, and Eliphalehu, and Mikneiahu, and Obed-edom, and Jeiel, and Azaziah, with harps on the Sheminith, to lead. 15.22. And Cheiah, chief of the Levites, was over the song; he was master in the song, because he was skilful. 15.23. And Berechiah and Elkanah were door-keepers for the ark. 16.4. And he appointed certain of the Levites to minister before the ark of the LORD, and to celebrate and to thank and praise the LORD, the God of Israel: 16.7. Then on that day did David first ordain to give thanks unto the LORD, by the hand of Asaph and his brethren. 16.8. O give thanks unto the LORD, call upon His name; Make known His doings among the peoples. 16.9. Sing unto Him, sing praises unto Him; Speak ye of all His marvellous works. 16.10. Glory ye in His holy name; Let the heart of them rejoice that seek the LORD. 16.11. Seek ye the LORD and His strength; Seek His face continually. 16.12. Remember His marvellous works that He hath done, His wonders, and the judgments of His mouth; 16.13. O ye seed of Israel His servant, Ye children of Jacob, His chosen ones. 16.14. He is the LORD our God; His judgments are in all the earth. 16.15. Remember His covet for ever, The word which He commanded to a thousand generations; 16.16. [The covet] which He made with Abraham, And His oath unto Isaac; 16.17. And He established it unto Jacob for a statute, To Israel for an everlasting covet; 16.18. Saying: ‘Unto thee will I give the land of Canaan, The lot of your inheritance.’ 16.19. When ye were but a few men in number, Yea, very few, and sojourners in it, 16.20. And when they went about from nation to nation, And from one kingdom to another people, 16.21. He suffered no man to do them wrong, Yea, for their sake He reproved kings: 16.22. ’Touch not Mine anointed ones, And do My prophets no harm.’ 16.23. Sing unto the LORD, all the earth; Proclaim His salvation from day to day. 16.24. Declare His glory among the nations, His marvellous works among all the peoples. 16.25. For great is the LORD, and highly to be praised; He also is to be feared above all gods. 16.26. For all the gods of the peoples are things of nought; But the LORD made the heavens. 16.27. Honour and majesty are before Him; Strength and gladness are in His place. 16.28. Ascribe unto the LORD, ye kindreds of the peoples, Ascribe unto the LORD glory and strength. 16.29. Ascribe unto the LORD the glory due unto His name; Bring an offering, and come before Him; Worship the LORD in the beauty of holiness. 16.30. Tremble before Him, all the earth; The world also is established that it cannot be moved. 16.31. Let the heavens be glad, and let the earth rejoice; And let them say among the nations: ‘The LORD reigneth.’ 16.32. Let the sea roar, and the fulness thereof; Let the field exult, and all that is therein; 16.33. Then shall the trees of the wood sing for joy, Before the LORD, for He is come to judge the earth. 16.34. O give thanks unto the LORD; for He is good; For His mercy endureth for ever. 16.35. And say ye: ‘Save us, O God of our salvation, And gather us together and deliver us from the nations, That we may give thanks unto Thy holy name, That we may triumph in Thy praise.’ 16.36. Blessed be the LORD, the God of Israel, From everlasting even to everlasting. And all the people said: ‘Amen, ‘and praised the LORD. 23.5. and four thousand were doorkeepers; and four thousand praised the LORD ‘with the instruments which I made to praise therewith.’ 25.1. Moreover David and the captains of the host separated for the service certain of the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of Jeduthun, who should prophesy with harps, with psalteries, and with cymbals; and the number of them that did the work according to their service was: 25.2. of the sons of Asaph: Zaccur, and Joseph, and Nethaniah, and Asarelah, the sons of Asaph; under the hand of Asaph, who prophesied according to the direction of the king. 25.3. of Jeduthun: the sons of Jeduthun: Gedaliah, and Zeri, and Jeshaiah, Hashabiah, and Mattithiah, six; under the hands of their father Jeduthun with the harp, who prophesied in giving thanks and praising the LORD. 25.4. of Heman: the sons of Heman: Bukkiah, Mattaniah, Uzziel, Shebuel, and Jerimoth, Haiah, Hai, Eliathah, Giddalti, and Romamti-ezer, Joshbekashah, Mallothi, Hothir, Mahazioth; 25.5. all these were the sons of Heman the king’s seer in the things pertaining to God, to lift up the horn. And God gave to Heman fourteen sons and three daughters. 25.6. All these were under the hands of their fathers for song in the house of the LORD, with cymbals, psalteries, and harps, for the service of the house of God, according to the direction of the king—Asaph, Jeduthun, and Heman. 25.7. And the number of them, with their brethren that were instructed in singing unto the LORD, even all that were skilful, was two hundred fourscore and eight. 27.23. But David took not the number of them from twenty years old and under; because the LORD had said He would increase Israel like to the stars of heaven. 28.13. also for the courses of the priests and the Levites, and for all the work of the service of the house of the LORD, and for all the vessels of service in the house of the LORD: 28.19. ’All this [do I give thee] in writing, as the LORD hath made me wise by His hand upon me, even all the works of this pattern.’ |
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| 93. Aristophanes, Knights, 1290-1299, 132, 136, 19, 215-219, 267-268, 797, 956-958, 1114 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 110 |
| 94. Andocides, On The Mysteries, 36 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •athens, homicide laws Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 146 |
| 95. Antiphon Tragicus, Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 102 |
96. Plato, Cratylus, "388e-389a", 384d7, 385e4-386e4, 388d12, 396b, 396b3-7, 396a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 218| 396a. Ζῆνα, οἱ δὲ Δία καλοῦσιν—συντιθέμενα δʼ εἰς ἓν δηλοῖ τὴν φύσιν τοῦ θεοῦ, ὃ δὴ προσήκειν φαμὲν ὀνόματι οἵῳ τε εἶναι ἀπεργάζεσθαι. οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἡμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις πᾶσιν ὅστις ἐστὶν αἴτιος μᾶλλον τοῦ ζῆν ἢ ὁ ἄρχων τε καὶ βασιλεὺς τῶν πάντων. συμβαίνει οὖν ὀρθῶς | 396a. Zena ( Ζῆνα ), and others Dia ( Δία ); but the two in combination express the nature of the god, which is just what we said a name should be able to do. For certainly no one is so much the author of life ( ζῆν ) for us and all others as the ruler and king of all. |
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| 97. Plato, Theaetetus, 152a2-4, 172d8-9, 173e, 174a, 174a4-8, 176b, 152d2-3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut, The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed (2022) 80 |
98. Plato, Symposium, 182a7, 184b, 184c, 210e, 211a, 211b, 196c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 296| 196c. ἅπτεται· οὔτε ποιῶν ποιεῖ—πᾶς γὰρ ἑκὼν Ἔρωτι πᾶν ὑπηρετεῖ, ἃ δʼ ἂν ἑκὼν ἑκόντι ὁμολογήσῃ, φασὶν οἱ πόλεως βασιλῆς νόμοι Alcidamas, a stylist of the school of Gorgias. δίκαια εἶναι. πρὸς δὲ τῇ δικαιοσύνῃ σωφροσύνης πλείστης μετέχει. εἶναι γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται σωφροσύνη τὸ κρατεῖν ἡδονῶν καὶ ἐπιθυμιῶν, Ἔρωτος δὲ μηδεμίαν ἡδονὴν κρείττω εἶναι· εἰ δὲ ἥττους, κρατοῖντʼ ἂν ὑπὸ Ἔρωτος, ὁ δὲ κρατοῖ, κρατῶν δὲ ἡδονῶν καὶ ἐπιθυμιῶν ὁ Ἔρως διαφερόντως ἂν σωφρονοῖ. καὶ μὴν εἴς γε ἀνδρείαν Ἔρωτι | 196c. takes not hold of Love; nor is there violence in his dealings, since Love wins all men’s willing service; and agreements on both sides willingly made are held to be just by our city’s sovereign, the law. Then, over and above his justice, he is richly endowed with temperance. We all agree that temperance is a control of pleasures and desires, while no pleasure is stronger than Love: if they are the weaker, they must be under Love’s control, and he is their controller; so that Love, by controlling pleasures and desires, must be eminently temperate. And observe how in valor |
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| 99. Antiphon, Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 102 |
100. Plato, Apology of Socrates, 26c, 26d, 26e, 17a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 199 | 17a. How you, men of Athens, have been affected by my accusers, I do not know; but I, for my part, almost forgot my own identity, so persuasively did they talk; and yet there is hardly a word of truth in what they have said. But I was most amazed by one of the many lies that they told—when they said that you must be on your guard not to be deceived by me, |
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| 101. Plato, Charmides, 156d4-157c1, 157a3-5, 157c1-6, 164d3-5a7 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 283 |
| 102. Plato, Sophist, 230e6-231a6, 217d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut, The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed (2022) 25 |
103. Plato, Crito, 51a, 51b, 50a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 332| 50a. πείσαντες τὴν πόλιν πότερον κακῶς τινας ποιοῦμεν, καὶ ταῦτα οὓς ἥκιστα δεῖ, ἢ οὔ; καὶ ἐμμένομεν οἷς ὡμολογήσαμεν δικαίοις οὖσιν ἢ οὔ; ΚΡ. οὐκ ἔχω, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἀποκρίνασθαι πρὸς ὃ ἐρωτᾷς· οὐ γὰρ ἐννοῶ. ΣΩ. ἀλλʼ ὧδε σκόπει. εἰ μέλλουσιν ἡμῖν ἐνθένδε εἴτε ἀποδιδράσκειν, εἴθʼ ὅπως δεῖ ὀνομάσαι τοῦτο, ἐλθόντες οἱ νόμοι καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῆς πόλεως ἐπιστάντες ἔροιντο· εἰπέ μοι, ὦ Σώκρατες, τί ἐν νῷ ἔχεις ποιεῖν; ἄλλο τι ἢ τούτῳ | 50a. Crito. I cannot answer your question, Socrates, for I do not understand. Socrates. Consider it in this way. If, as I was on the point of running away (or whatever it should be called), the laws and the commonwealth should come to me and ask, Tell me, Socrates, what have you in mind to do? Are you not intending by this thing you are trying to do, to destroy us, |
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| 104. Plato, Epinomis, 976e1-4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •guardians guardians of the law in the laws •rhetoric centrality in the laws of legislative rhetoric Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 190 |
105. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.2, 1.10.1-1.10.2, 1.115.2-1.115.117, 2.13.3-2.13.5, 2.35.1, 2.36.1-2.36.3, 2.37.1-2.37.2, 2.39.2, 2.41.1, 2.43.1-2.43.2, 2.47.4, 2.52.4, 2.53.4, 2.69, 3.36-3.40, 3.44-3.46, 3.50, 5.72.4, 6.4.5, 6.27-6.28, 6.28.2, 6.53, 6.54.5-6.54.6, 6.60, 8.53.2, 8.68.1-8.68.2, 8.95-8.96, 8.97.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •periclean citizenship law, the •athenian, the, in plato’s laws •athenian judicial law •athens, laws and prescriptions •roman law, and law of the provinces •law, athenian. •on law and justice (attrib. archytas), on the best constitution •law, on the lesser panathenaia •law, concerning the temene •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener, Plutarch's Cities (2022) 6; Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 331, 332, 333; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 102, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 274; Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 108, 109, 110; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 331; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 53, 74; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 517; Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473| 1.10.1. καὶ ὅτι μὲν Μυκῆναι μικρὸν ἦν, ἢ εἴ τι τῶν τότε πόλισμα νῦν μὴ ἀξιόχρεων δοκεῖ εἶναι, οὐκ ἀκριβεῖ ἄν τις σημείῳ χρώμενος ἀπιστοίη μὴ γενέσθαι τὸν στόλον τοσοῦτον ὅσον οἵ τε ποιηταὶ εἰρήκασι καὶ ὁ λόγος κατέχει. 1.10.2. Λακεδαιμονίων γὰρ εἰ ἡ πόλις ἐρημωθείη, λειφθείη δὲ τά τε ἱερὰ καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τὰ ἐδάφη, πολλὴν ἂν οἶμαι ἀπιστίαν τῆς δυνάμεως προελθόντος πολλοῦ χρόνου τοῖς ἔπειτα πρὸς τὸ κλέος αὐτῶν εἶναι ʽκαίτοι Πελοποννήσου τῶν πέντε τὰς δύο μοίρας νέμονται, τῆς τε ξυμπάσης ἡγοῦνται καὶ τῶν ἔξω ξυμμάχων πολλῶν: ὅμως δὲ οὔτε ξυνοικισθείσης πόλεως οὔτε ἱεροῖς καὶ κατασκευαῖς πολυτελέσι χρησαμένης, κατὰ κώμας δὲ τῷ παλαιῷ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τρόπῳ οἰκισθείσης, φαίνοιτ’ ἂν ὑποδεεστέρἀ, Ἀθηναίων δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο παθόντων διπλασίαν ἂν τὴν δύναμιν εἰκάζεσθαι ἀπὸ τῆς φανερᾶς ὄψεως τῆς πόλεως ἢ ἔστιν. 1.115.4. τῶν δὲ Σαμίων ἦσαν γάρ τινες οἳ οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλ’ ἔφυγον ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον, ξυνθέμενοι τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις καὶ Πισσούθνῃ τῷ Ὑστάσπου ξυμμαχίαν, ὃς εἶχε Σάρδεις τότε, ἐπικούρους τε ξυλλέξαντες ἐς ἑπτακοσίους διέβησαν ὑπὸ νύκτα ἐς τὴν Σάμον, 1.115.5. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῷ δήμῳ ἐπανέστησαν καὶ ἐκράτησαν τῶν πλείστων, ἔπειτα τοὺς ὁμήρους ἐκκλέψαντες ἐκ Λήμνου τοὺς αὑτῶν ἀπέστησαν, καὶ τοὺς φρουροὺς τοὺς Ἀθηναίων καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας οἳ ἦσαν παρὰ σφίσιν ἐξέδοσαν Πισσούθνῃ, ἐπί τε Μίλητον εὐθὺς παρεσκευάζοντο στρατεύειν. ξυναπέστησαν δ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ Βυζάντιοι. 2.13.3. θαρσεῖν τε ἐκέλευε προσιόντων μὲν ἑξακοσίων ταλάντων ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ φόρου κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων τῇ πόλει ἄνευ τῆς ἄλλης προσόδου, ὑπαρχόντων δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει ἔτι τότε ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου ἑξακισχιλίων ταλάντων ʽτὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα τριακοσίων ἀποδέοντα μύρια ἐγένετο, ἀφ’ ὧν ἔς τε τὰ προπύλαια τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καὶ τἆλλα οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἐς Ποτείδαιαν ἀπανηλώθἠ, 2.13.4. χωρὶς δὲ χρυσίου ἀσήμου καὶ ἀργυρίου ἔν τε ἀναθήμασιν ἰδίοις καὶ δημοσίοις καὶ ὅσα ἱερὰ σκεύη περί τε τὰς πομπὰς καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ σκῦλα Μηδικὰ καὶ εἴ τι τοιουτότροπον, οὐκ ἐλάσσονος [ἦν] ἢ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων. 2.13.5. ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἱερῶν προσετίθει χρήματα οὐκ ὀλίγα, οἷς χρήσεσθαι αὐτούς, καὶ ἢν πάνυ ἐξείργωνται πάντων, καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς θεοῦ τοῖς περικειμένοις χρυσίοις: ἀπέφαινε δ’ ἔχον τὸ ἄγαλμα τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα σταθμὸν χρυσίου ἀπέφθου, καὶ περιαιρετὸν εἶναι ἅπαν. χρησαμένους τε ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ ἔφη χρῆναι μὴ ἐλάσσω ἀντικαταστῆσαι πάλιν. 2.35.1. ‘οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ τῶν ἐνθάδε ἤδη εἰρηκότων ἐπαινοῦσι τὸν προσθέντα τῷ νόμῳ τὸν λόγον τόνδε, ὡς καλὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων θαπτομένοις ἀγορεύεσθαι αὐτόν. ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀρκοῦν ἂν ἐδόκει εἶναι ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔργῳ γενομένων ἔργῳ καὶ δηλοῦσθαι τὰς τιμάς, οἷα καὶ νῦν περὶ τὸν τάφον τόνδε δημοσίᾳ παρασκευασθέντα ὁρᾶτε, καὶ μὴ ἐν ἑνὶ ἀνδρὶ πολλῶν ἀρετὰς κινδυνεύεσθαι εὖ τε καὶ χεῖρον εἰπόντι πιστευθῆναι. 2.36.1. ‘ἄρξομαι δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν προγόνων πρῶτον: δίκαιον γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ πρέπον δὲ ἅμα ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε τὴν τιμὴν ταύτην τῆς μνήμης δίδοσθαι. τὴν γὰρ χώραν οἱ αὐτοὶ αἰεὶ οἰκοῦντες διαδοχῇ τῶν ἐπιγιγνομένων μέχρι τοῦδε ἐλευθέραν δι’ ἀρετὴν παρέδοσαν. 2.36.2. καὶ ἐκεῖνοί τε ἄξιοι ἐπαίνου καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν: κτησάμενοι γὰρ πρὸς οἷς ἐδέξαντο ὅσην ἔχομεν ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἀπόνως ἡμῖν τοῖς νῦν προσκατέλιπον. 2.36.3. τὰ δὲ πλείω αὐτῆς αὐτοὶ ἡμεῖς οἵδε οἱ νῦν ἔτι ὄντες μάλιστα ἐν τῇ καθεστηκυίᾳ ἡλικίᾳ ἐπηυξήσαμεν καὶ τὴν πόλιν τοῖς πᾶσι παρεσκευάσαμεν καὶ ἐς πόλεμον καὶ ἐς εἰρήνην αὐταρκεστάτην. 2.37.1. ‘χρώμεθα γὰρ πολιτείᾳ οὐ ζηλούσῃ τοὺς τῶν πέλας νόμους, παράδειγμα δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ ὄντες τισὶν ἢ μιμούμενοι ἑτέρους. καὶ ὄνομα μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ὀλίγους ἀλλ’ ἐς πλείονας οἰκεῖν δημοκρατία κέκληται: μέτεστι δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς νόμους πρὸς τὰ ἴδια διάφορα πᾶσι τὸ ἴσον, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ὡς ἕκαστος ἔν τῳ εὐδοκιμεῖ, οὐκ ἀπὸ μέρους τὸ πλέον ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἢ ἀπ’ ἀρετῆς προτιμᾶται, οὐδ’ αὖ κατὰ πενίαν, ἔχων γέ τι ἀγαθὸν δρᾶσαι τὴν πόλιν, ἀξιώματος ἀφανείᾳ κεκώλυται. 2.37.2. ἐλευθέρως δὲ τά τε πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν πολιτεύομεν καὶ ἐς τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὑποψίαν, οὐ δι’ ὀργῆς τὸν πέλας, εἰ καθ’ ἡδονήν τι δρᾷ, ἔχοντες, οὐδὲ ἀζημίους μέν, λυπηρὰς δὲ τῇ ὄψει ἀχθηδόνας προστιθέμενοι. 2.39.2. τεκμήριον δέ: οὔτε γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καθ’ ἑαυτούς, μεθ’ ἁπάντων δὲ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἡμῶν στρατεύουσι, τήν τε τῶν πέλας αὐτοὶ ἐπελθόντες οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐν τῇ ἀλλοτρίᾳ τοὺς περὶ τῶν οἰκείων ἀμυνομένους μαχόμενοι τὰ πλείω κρατοῦμεν. 2.41.1. ‘ξυνελών τε λέγω τήν τε πᾶσαν πόλιν τῆς Ἑλλάδος παίδευσιν εἶναι καὶ καθ’ ἕκαστον δοκεῖν ἄν μοι τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα παρ’ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστ᾽ ἂν εἴδη καὶ μετὰ χαρίτων μάλιστ’ ἂν εὐτραπέλως τὸ σῶμα αὔταρκες παρέχεσθαι. 2.43.1. ‘καὶ οἵδε μὲν προσηκόντως τῇ πόλει τοιοίδε ἐγένοντο: τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς χρὴ ἀσφαλεστέραν μὲν εὔχεσθαι, ἀτολμοτέραν δὲ μηδὲν ἀξιοῦν τὴν ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους διάνοιαν ἔχειν, σκοποῦντας μὴ λόγῳ μόνῳ τὴν ὠφελίαν, ἣν ἄν τις πρὸς οὐδὲν χεῖρον αὐτοὺς ὑμᾶς εἰδότας μηκύνοι, λέγων ὅσα ἐν τῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνεσθαι ἀγαθὰ ἔνεστιν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τὴν τῆς πόλεως δύναμιν καθ’ ἡμέραν ἔργῳ θεωμένους καὶ ἐραστὰς γιγνομένους αὐτῆς, καὶ ὅταν ὑμῖν μεγάλη δόξῃ εἶναι,ἐνθυμουμένους ὅτι τολμῶντες καὶ γιγνώσκοντες τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις αἰσχυνόμενοι ἄνδρες αὐτὰ ἐκτήσαντο, καὶ ὁπότε καὶ πείρᾳ του σφαλεῖεν, οὐκ οὖν καὶ τὴν πόλιν γε τῆς σφετέρας ἀρετῆς ἀξιοῦντες στερίσκειν, κάλλιστον δὲ ἔρανον αὐτῇ προϊέμενοι. 2.43.2. κοινῇ γὰρ τὰ σώματα διδόντες ἰδίᾳ τὸν ἀγήρων ἔπαινον ἐλάμβανον καὶ τὸν τάφον ἐπισημότατον, οὐκ ἐν ᾧ κεῖνται μᾶλλον, ἀλλ’ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα αὐτῶν παρὰ τῷ ἐντυχόντι αἰεὶ καὶ λόγου καὶ ἔργου καιρῷ αἰείμνηστος καταλείπεται. 2.47.4. οὔτε γὰρ ἰατροὶ ἤρκουν τὸ πρῶτον θεραπεύοντες ἀγνοίᾳ, ἀλλ’ αὐτοὶ μάλιστα ἔθνῃσκον ὅσῳ καὶ μάλιστα προσῇσαν, οὔτε ἄλλη ἀνθρωπεία τέχνη οὐδεμία: ὅσα τε πρὸς ἱεροῖς ἱκέτευσαν ἢ μαντείοις καὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐχρήσαντο, πάντα ἀνωφελῆ ἦν, τελευτῶντές τε αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ κακοῦ νικώμενοι. 2.52.4. νόμοι τε πάντες ξυνεταράχθησαν οἷς ἐχρῶντο πρότερον περὶ τὰς ταφάς, ἔθαπτον δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος ἐδύνατο. καὶ πολλοὶ ἐς ἀναισχύντους θήκας ἐτράποντο σπάνει τῶν ἐπιτηδείων διὰ τὸ συχνοὺς ἤδη προτεθνάναι σφίσιν: ἐπὶ πυρὰς γὰρ ἀλλοτρίας φθάσαντες τοὺς νήσαντας οἱ μὲν ἐπιθέντες τὸν ἑαυτῶν νεκρὸν ὑφῆπτον, οἱ δὲ καιομένου ἄλλου ἐπιβαλόντες ἄνωθεν ὃν φέροιεν ἀπῇσαν. 2.53.4. θεῶν δὲ φόβος ἢ ἀνθρώπων νόμος οὐδεὶς ἀπεῖργε, τὸ μὲν κρίνοντες ἐν ὁμοίῳ καὶ σέβειν καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ πάντας ὁρᾶν ἐν ἴσῳ ἀπολλυμένους, τῶν δὲ ἁμαρτημάτων οὐδεὶς ἐλπίζων μέχρι τοῦ δίκην γενέσθαι βιοὺς ἂν τὴν τιμωρίαν ἀντιδοῦναι, πολὺ δὲ μείζω τὴν ἤδη κατεψηφισμένην σφῶν ἐπικρεμασθῆναι, ἣν πρὶν ἐμπεσεῖν εἰκὸς εἶναι τοῦ βίου τι ἀπολαῦσαι. 6.28.2. καὶ αὐτὰ ὑπολαμβάνοντες οἱ μάλιστα τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ ἀχθόμενοι ἐμποδὼν ὄντι σφίσι μὴ αὐτοῖς τοῦ δήμου βεβαίως προεστάναι, καὶ νομίσαντες, εἰ αὐτὸν ἐξελάσειαν, πρῶτοι ἂν εἶναι, ἐμεγάλυνον καὶ ἐβόων ὡς ἐπὶ δήμου καταλύσει τά τε μυστικὰ καὶ ἡ τῶν Ἑρμῶν περικοπὴ γένοιτο καὶ οὐδὲν εἴη αὐτῶν ὅτι οὐ μετ’ ἐκείνου ἐπράχθη, ἐπιλέγοντες τεκμήρια τὴν ἄλλην αὐτοῦ ἐς τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα οὐ δημοτικὴν παρανομίαν. 6.54.5. οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἄλλην ἀρχὴν ἐπαχθὴς ἦν ἐς τοὺς πολλούς, ἀλλ’ ἀνεπιφθόνως κατεστήσατο: καὶ ἐπετήδευσαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὴ τύραννοι οὗτοι ἀρετὴν καὶ ξύνεσιν, καὶ Ἀθηναίους εἰκοστὴν μόνον πρασσόμενοι τῶν γιγνομένων τήν τε πόλιν αὐτῶν καλῶς διεκόσμησαν καὶ τοὺς πολέμους διέφερον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἱερὰ ἔθυον. 6.54.6. τὰ δὲ ἄλλα αὐτὴ ἡ πόλις τοῖς πρὶν κειμένοις νόμοις ἐχρῆτο, πλὴν καθ’ ὅσον αἰεί τινα ἐπεμέλοντο σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἶναι. καὶ ἄλλοι τε αὐτῶν ἦρξαν τὴν ἐνιαύσιον Ἀθηναίοις ἀρχὴν καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ Ἱππίου τοῦ τυραννεύσαντος υἱός, τοῦ πάππου ἔχων τοὔνομα, ὃς τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν βωμὸν τὸν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ἄρχων ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Πυθίου. 8.53.2. ἀντιλεγόντων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ ἄλλων περὶ τῆς δημοκρατίας καὶ τῶν Ἀλκιβιάδου ἅμα ἐχθρῶν διαβοώντων ὡς δεινὸν εἴη εἰ τοὺς νόμους βιασάμενος κάτεισι, καὶ Εὐμολπιδῶν καὶ Κηρύκων περὶ τῶν μυστικῶν δι’ ἅπερ ἔφυγε μαρτυρομένων καὶ ἐπιθειαζόντων μὴ κατάγειν, ὁ Πείσανδρος παρελθὼν πρὸς πολλὴν ἀντιλογίαν καὶ σχετλιασμὸν ἠρώτα ἕνα ἕκαστον παράγων τῶν ἀντιλεγόντων, εἴ τινα ἐλπίδα ἔχει σωτηρίας τῇ πόλει, Πελοποννησίων ναῦς τε οὐκ ἐλάσσους σφῶν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ἀντιπρῴρους ἐχόντων καὶ πόλεις ξυμμαχίδας πλείους, βασιλέως τε αὐτοῖς καὶ Τισσαφέρνους χρήματα παρεχόντων, σφίσι τε οὐκέτι ὄντων, εἰ μή τις πείσει βασιλέα μεταστῆναι παρὰ σφᾶς. 8.68.1. ἦν δὲ ὁ μὲν τὴν γνώμην ταύτην εἰπὼν Πείσανδρος, καὶ τἆλλα ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς προθυμότατα ξυγκαταλύσας τὸν δῆμον: ὁ μέντοι ἅπαν τὸ πρᾶγμα ξυνθεὶς ὅτῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη ἐς τοῦτο καὶ ἐκ πλείστου ἐπιμεληθεὶς Ἀντιφῶν ἦν ἀνὴρ Ἀθηναίων τῶν καθ’ ἑαυτὸν ἀρετῇ τε οὐδενὸς ὕστερος καὶ κράτιστος ἐνθυμηθῆναι γενόμενος καὶ ἃ γνοίη εἰπεῖν, καὶ ἐς μὲν δῆμον οὐ παριὼν οὐδ’ ἐς ἄλλον ἀγῶνα ἑκούσιος οὐδένα, ἀλλ’ ὑπόπτως τῷ πλήθει διὰ δόξαν δεινότητος διακείμενος, τοὺς μέντοι ἀγωνιζομένους καὶ ἐν δικαστηρίῳ καὶ ἐν δήμῳ πλεῖστα εἷς ἀνήρ, ὅστις ξυμβουλεύσαιτό τι, δυνάμενος ὠφελεῖν. 8.68.2. καὶ αὐτός τε, ἐπειδὴ † μετέστη ἡ δημοκρατία καὶ ἐς ἀγῶνας κατέστη † τὰ τῶν τετρακοσίων ἐν ὑστέρῳ μεταπεσόντα ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου ἐκακοῦτο †, ἄριστα φαίνεται τῶν μέχρι ἐμοῦ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τούτων αἰτιαθείς, ὡς ξυγκατέστησε, θανάτου δίκην ἀπολογησάμενος. 8.97.2. ἐγίγνοντο δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ὕστερον πυκναὶ ἐκκλησίαι, ἀφ’ ὧν καὶ νομοθέτας καὶ τἆλλα ἐψηφίσαντο ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν. καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα δὴ τὸν πρῶτον χρόνον ἐπί γε ἐμοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι φαίνονται εὖ πολιτεύσαντες: μετρία γὰρ ἥ τε ἐς τοὺς ὀλίγους καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς ξύγκρασις ἐγένετο καὶ ἐκ πονηρῶν τῶν πραγμάτων γενομένων τοῦτο πρῶτον ἀνήνεγκε τὴν πόλιν. | 1.2. For instance, it is evident that the country now called Hellas had in ancient times no settled population; on the contrary, migrations were of frequent occurrence, the several tribes readily abandoning their homes under the pressure of superior numbers. 2 Without commerce, without freedom of communication either by land or sea, cultivating no more of their territory than the exigencies of life required, destitute of capital, never planting their land — for they could not tell when an invader might not come and take it all away, and when he did come they had no walls to stop him — thinking that the necessities of daily sustece could be supplied at one place as well as another, they cared little for shifting their habitation, and consequently neither built large cities nor attained to any other form of greatness. 3 The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called Thessaly, Boeotia, most of the Peloponnese, Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas. 4 The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement of particular individuals, and thus created faction which proved a fertile source of ruin. It also invited invasion. 5 Accordingly Attica, from the poverty of its soil enjoying from a very remote period freedom from faction, never changed its inhabitants. 6 And here is no inconsiderable exemplification of my assertion, that the migrations were the cause of there being no correspondent growth in other parts. The most powerful victims of war or faction from the rest of Hellas took refuge with the Athenians as a safe retreat; and at an early period, becoming naturalized, swelled the already large population of the city to such a height that Attica became at last too small to hold them, and they had to send out colonies to Ionia. 1.2. , For instance, it is evident that the country now called Hellas had in ancient times no settled population; on the contrary, migrations were of frequent occurrence, the several tribes readily abandoning their homes under the pressure of superior numbers. ,Without commerce, without freedom of communication either by land or sea, cultivating no more of their territory than the exigencies of life required, destitute of capital, never planting their land (for they could not tell when an invader might not come and take it all away, and when he did come they had no walls to stop him), thinking that the necessities of daily sustece could be supplied at one place as well as another, they cared little for shifting their habitation, and consequently neither built large cities nor attained to any other form of greatness. ,The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called Thessaly, Boeotia, most of the Peloponnese, Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas . ,The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement of particular individuals, and thus created faction which proved a fertile source of ruin. It also invited invasion. ,Accordingly Attica, from the poverty of its soil enjoying from a very remote period freedom from faction, never changed its inhabitants. ,And here is no inconsiderable exemplification of my assertion, that the migrations were the cause of there being no correspondent growth in other parts. The most powerful victims of war or faction from the rest of Hellas took refuge with the Athenians as a safe retreat; and at an early period, becoming naturalized, swelled the already large population of the city to such a height that Attica became at last too small to hold them, and they had to send out colonies to Ionia . 1.10.1. Now Mycenae may have been a small place, and many of the towns of that age may appear comparatively insignificant, but no exact observer would therefore feel justified in rejecting the estimate given by the poets and by tradition of the magnitude of the armament. 1.10.2. For I suppose if Lacedaemon were to become desolate, and the temples and the foundations of the public buildings were left, that as time went on there would be a strong disposition with posterity to refuse to accept her fame as a true exponent of her power. And yet they occupy two-fifths of Peloponnese and lead the whole, not to speak of their numerous allies without. Still, as the city is neither built in a compact form nor adorned with magnificent temples and public edifices, but composed of villages after the old fashion of Hellas, there would be an impression of inadequacy. Whereas, if Athens were to suffer the same misfortune, I suppose that any inference from the appearance presented to the eye would make her power to have been twice as great as it is. 1.115.4. But some of the Samians had not remained in the island, but had fled to the continent. Making an agreement with the most powerful of those in the city, and an alliance with Pissuthnes, son of Hystaspes, the then satrap of Sardis, they got together a force of seven hundred mercenaries, and under cover of night crossed over to Samos . 1.115.5. Their first step was to rise on the commons, most of whom they secured, their next to steal their hostages from Lemnos ; after which they revolted, gave up the Athenian garrison left with them and its commanders to Pissuthnes, and instantly prepared for an expedition against Miletus . The Byzantines also revolted with them. 2.13.3. Here they had no reason to despond. Apart from other sources of income, an average revenue of six hundred talents of silver was drawn from the tribute of the allies; and there were still six thousand talents of coined silver in the Acropolis, out of nine thousand seven hundred that had once been there, from which the money had been taken for the porch of the Acropolis, the other public buildings, and for Potidaea . 2.13.4. This did not include the uncoined gold and silver in public and private offerings, the sacred vessels for the processions and games, the Median spoils, and similar resources to the amount of five hundred talents. 2.13.5. To this he added the treasures of the other temples. These were by no means inconsiderable, and might fairly be used. Nay, if they were ever absolutely driven to it, they might take even the gold ornaments of Athena herself; for the statue contained forty talents of pure gold and it was all removable. This might be used for self-preservation, and must every penny of it be restored. 2.35.1. ‘Most of my predecessors in this place have commended him who made this speech part of the law, telling us that it is well that it should be delivered at the burial of those who fall in battle. For myself, I should have thought that the worth which had displayed itself in deeds, would be sufficiently rewarded by honors also shown by deeds; such as you now see in this funeral prepared at the people's cost. And I could have wished that the reputations of many brave men were not to be imperilled in the mouth of a single individual, to stand or fall according as he spoke well or ill. For it is hard to speak properly upon a subject where it is even difficult to convince your hearers that you are speaking the truth. 2.36.1. I shall begin with our ancestors: it is both just and proper that they should have the honor of the first mention on an occasion like the present. They dwelt in the country without break in the succession from generation to generation, and handed it down free to the present time by their valor. 2.36.2. And if our more remote ancestors deserve praise, much more do our own fathers, who added to their inheritance the empire which we now possess, and spared no pains to be able to leave their acquisitions to us of the present generation. 2.36.3. Lastly, there are few parts of our dominions that have not been augmented by those of us here, who are still more or less in the vigor of life; while the mother country has been furnished by us with everything that can enable her to depend on her own resources whether for war or for peace. 2.37.1. Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favors the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if to social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition. 2.37.2. The freedom which we enjoy in our government extends also to our ordinary life. There, far from exercising a jealous surveillance over each other, we do not feel called upon to be angry with our neighbor for doing what he likes, or even to indulge in those injurious looks which cannot fail to be offensive, although they inflict no positive penalty. 2.39.2. In proof of this it may be noticed that the Lacedaemonians do not invade our country alone, but bring with them all their confederates; while we Athenians advance unsupported into the territory of a neighbor, and fighting upon a foreign soil usually vanquish with ease men who are defending their homes. 2.41.1. In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas ; while I doubt if the world can produce a man, who where he has only himself to depend upon, is equal to so many emergencies, and graced by so happy a versatility as the Athenian. 2.43.1. So died these men as became Athenians. You, their survivors, must determine to have as unaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray that it may have a happier issue. And not contented with ideas derived only from words of the advantages which are bound up with the defence of your country, though these would furnish a valuable text to a speaker even before an audience so alive to them as the present, you must yourselves realize the power of Athens, and feed your eyes upon her from day to day, till love of her fills your hearts; and then when all her greatness shall break upon you, you must reflect that it was by courage, sense of duty, and a keen feeling of honor in action that men were enabled to win all this, and that no personal failure in an enterprise could make them consent to deprive their country of their valor, but they laid it at her feet as the most glorious contribution that they could offer. 2.43.2. For this offering of their lives made in common by them all they each of them individually received that renown which never grows old, and for a sepulchre, not so much that in which their bones have been deposited, but that noblest of shrines wherein their glory is laid up to be eternally remembered upon every occasion on which deed or story shall fall for its commemoration. 2.47.4. Neither were the physicians at first of any service, ignorant as they were of the proper way to treat it, but they died themselves the most thickly, as they visited the sick most often; nor did any human art succeed any better. Supplications in the temples, divinations, and so forth were found equally futile, till the overwhelming nature of the disaster at last put a stop to them altogether. 2.52.4. All the burial rites before in use were entirely upset, and they buried the bodies as best they could. Many from want of the proper appliances, through so many of their friends having died already, had recourse to the most shameless sepultures: sometimes getting the start of those who had raised a pile, they threw their own dead body upon the stranger's pyre and ignited it; sometimes they tossed the corpse which they were carrying on the top of another that was burning, and so went off. 2.53.4. Fear of gods or law of man there was none to restrain them. As for the first, they judged it to be just the same whether they worshipped them or not, as they saw all alike perishing; and for the last, no one expected to live to be brought to trial for his offences, but each felt that a far severer sentence had been already passed upon them all and hung ever over their heads, and before this fell it was only reasonable to enjoy life a little. 3.36. Upon the arrival of the prisoners with Salaethus, the Athenians at once put the latter to death, although he offered, among other things, to procure the withdrawal of the Peloponnesians from Plataea, which was still under siege; 2 and after deliberating as to what they should do with the former, in the fury of the moment determined to put to death not only the prisoners at Athens, but the whole adult male population of Mitylene, and to make slaves of the women and children. It was remarked that Mitylene had revolted without being, like the rest, subjected to the empire; and what above all swelled the wrath of the Athenians was the fact of the Peloponnesian fleet having ventured over to Ionia to her support, a fact which was held to argue a long-meditated rebellion. 3 They accordingly sent a trireme to communicate the decree to Paches, commanding him to lose no time in despatching the Mitylenians. 4 The morrow brought repentance with it and reflection on the horrid cruelty of a decree, which condemned a whole city to the fate merited only by the guilty. 5 This was no sooner perceived by the Mitylenian ambassadors at Athens and their Athenian supporters, than they moved the authorities to put the question again to the vote; which they the more easily consented to do, as they themselves plainly saw that most of the citizens wished some one to give them an opportunity for reconsidering the matter. 6 An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows: - 3.36. , Upon the arrival of the prisoners with Salaethus, the Athenians at once put the latter to death, although he offered, among other things, to procure the withdrawal of the Peloponnesians from Plataea, which was still under siege; ,and after deliberating as to what they should do with the former, in the fury of the moment determined to put to death not only the prisoners at Athens, but the whole adult male population of Mitylene, and to make slaves of the women and children. It was remarked that Mitylene had revolted without being, like the rest, subjected to the empire; and what above all swelled the wrath of the Athenians was the fact of the Peloponnesian fleet having ventured over to Ionia to her support, a fact which was held to argue a long-meditated rebellion. ,They accordingly sent a trireme to communicate the decree to Paches, commanding him to lose no time in despatching the Mitylenians. ,The morrow brought repentance with it and reflection on the horrid cruelty of a decree, which condemned a whole city to the fate merited only by the guilty. ,This was no sooner perceived by the Mitylenian ambassadors at Athens and their Athenian supporters, than they moved the authorities to put the question again to the vote; which they the more easily consented to do, as they themselves plainly saw that most of the citizens wished some one to give them an opportunity for reconsidering the matter. ,An assembly was therefore at once called, and after much expression of opinion upon both sides, Cleon, son of Cleaenetus, the same who had carried the former motion of putting the Mitylenians to death, the most violent man at Athens, and at that time by far the most powerful with the commons, came forward again and spoke as follows:— 3.37. 'I have often before now been convinced that a democracy is incapable of empire, and never more so than by your present change of mind in the matter of Mitylene. 2 Fears or plots being unknown to you in your daily relations with each other, you feel just the same with regard to your allies, and never reflect that the mistakes into which you may be led by listening to their appeals, or by giving way to your own compassion, are full of danger to yourselves, and bring you no thanks for your weakness from your allies; entirely forgetting that your empire is a despotism and your subjects disaffected conspirators, whose obedience is insured not by your suicidal concessions, but by the superiority given you by your own strength and not their loyalty. 3 The most alarming feature in the case is the constant change of measures with which we appear to be threatened, and our seeming ignorance of the fact that bad laws which are never changed are better for a city than good ones that have no authority; that unlearned loyalty is more serviceable than quick-witted insubordination; and that ordinary men usually manage public affairs better than their more gifted fellows. 4 The latter are always wanting to appear wiser than the laws, and to overrule every proposition brought forward, thinking that they cannot show their wit in more important matters, and by such behavior too often ruin their country; while those who mistrust their own cleverness are content to be less learned than the laws, and less able to pick holes in the speech of a good speaker; and being fair judges rather than rival athletes, generally conduct affairs successfully. 5 These we ought to imitate, instead of being led on by cleverness and intellectual rivalry to advise your people against our real opinions. 3.37. , ‘I have often before now been convinced that a democracy is incapable of empire, and never more so than by your present change of mind in the matter of Mitylene . ,Fears or plots being unknown to you in your daily relations with each other, you feel just the same with regard to your allies, and never reflect that the mistakes into which you may be led by listening to their appeals, or by giving way to your own compassion, are full of danger to yourselves, and bring you no thanks for your weakness from your allies; entirely forgetting that your empire is a despotism and your subjects disaffected conspirators, whose obedience is insured not by your suicidal concessions, but by the superiority given you by your own strength and not their loyalty. ,The most alarming feature in the case is the constant change of measures with which we appear to be threatened, and our seeming ignorance of the fact that bad laws which are never changed are better for a city than good ones that have no authority; that unlearned loyalty is more serviceable than quick-witted insubordination; and that ordinary men usually manage public affairs better than their more gifted fellows. ,The latter are always wanting to appear wiser than the laws, and to overrule every proposition brought forward, thinking that they cannot show their wit in more important matters, and by such behavior too often ruin their country; while those who mistrust their own cleverness are content to be less learned than the laws, and less able to pick holes in the speech of a good speaker; and being fair judges rather than rival athletes, generally conduct affairs successfully. ,These we ought to imitate, instead of being led on by cleverness and intellectual rivalry to advise your people against our real opinions. 3.38. For myself, I adhere to my former opinion, and wonder at those who have proposed to reopen the case of the Mitylenians, and who are thus causing a delay which is all in favour of the guilty, by making the sufferer proceed against the offender with the edge of his anger blunted; although where vengeance follows most closely upon the wrong, it best equals it and most amply requites it. I wonder also who will be the man who will maintain the contrary, and will pretend to show that the crimes of the Mitylenians are of service to us, and our misfortunes injurious to the allies. 2 Such a man must plainly either have such confidence in his rhetoric as to adventure to prove that what has been once for all decided is still undetermined, or be bribed to try to delude us by elaborate sophisms. 3 In such contests the state gives the rewards to others, and takes the dangers for herself. 4 The persons to blame are you who are so foolish as to institute these contests; who go to see an oration as you would to see a sight, take your facts on hearsay, judge of the practicability of a project by the wit of its advocates, and trust for the truth as to past events not to the fact which you saw more than to the clever strictures which you heard; 5 the easy victims of newfangled arguments, unwilling to follow received conclusions; slaves to every new paradox, despisers of the commonplace; 6 the first wish of every man being that he could speak himself, the next to rival those who can speak by seeming to be quite up with their ideas by applauding every hit almost before it is made, and by being as quick in catching an argument as you are slow in foreseeing its consequences; 7 asking, if I may so say, for something different from the conditions under which we live, and yet comprehending inadequately those very conditions; very slaves to the pleasure of the ear, and more like the audience of a rhetorician than the council of a city. 3.38. , For myself, I adhere to my former opinion, and wonder at those who have proposed to reopen the case of the Mitylenians, and who are thus causing a delay which is all in favour of the guilty, by making the sufferer proceed against the offender with the edge of his anger blunted; although where vengeance follows most closely upon the wrong, it best equals it and most amply requites it. I wonder also who will be the man who will maintain the contrary, and will pretend to show that the crimes of the Mitylenians are of service to us, and our misfortunes injurious to the allies. ,Such a man must plainly either have such confidence in his rhetoric as to adventure to prove that what has been once for all decided is still undetermined, or be bribed to try to delude us by elaborate sophisms. ,In such contests the state gives the rewards to others, and takes the dangers for herself. ,The persons to blame are you who are so foolish as to institute these contests; who go to see an oration as you would to see a sight, take your facts on hearsay, judge of the practicability of a project by the wit of its advocates, and trust for the truth as to past events not to the fact which you saw more than to the clever strictures which you heard; ,the easy victims of newfangled arguments, unwilling to follow received conclusions; slaves to every new paradox, despisers of the commonplace; ,the first wish of every man being that he could speak himself, the next to rival those who can speak by seeming to be quite up with their ideas by applauding every hit almost before it is made, and by being as quick in catching an argument as you are slow in foreseeing its consequences; ,asking, if I may so say, for something different from the conditions under which we live, and yet comprehending inadequately those very conditions; very slaves to the pleasure of the ear, and more like the audience of a rhetorician than the council of a city. 3.39. In order to keep you from this, I proceed to show that no one state has ever injured you as much as Mitylene. 2 I can make allowance for those who revolt because they cannot bear our empire, or who have been forced to do so by the enemy. But for those who possessed an island with fortifications; who could fear our enemies only by sea, and there had their own force of triremes to protect them; who were independent and held in the highest honor by you — to act as these have done, this is not revolt — revolt implies oppression; it is deliberate and wanton aggression; an attempt to ruin us by siding with our bitterest enemies; a worse offence than a war undertaken on their own account in the acquisition of power. 3 The fate of those of their neighbors who had already rebelled and had been subdued, was no lesson to them; their own prosperity could not dissuade them from affronting danger; but blindly confident in the future, and full of hopes beyond their power though not beyond their ambition, they declared war and made their decision to prefer might to right, their attack being determined not by provocation but by the moment which seemed propitious. 4 The truth is that great good fortune coming suddenly and unexpectedly tends to make a people insolent: in most cases it is safer for mankind to have success in reason than out of reason; and it is easier for them, one may say, to stave off adversity than to preserve prosperity. 5 Our mistake has been to distinguish the Mitylenians as we have done: had they been long ago treated like the rest, they never would have so far forgotten themselves, human nature being as surely made arrogant by consideration, as it is awed by firmness. 6 Let them now therefore be punished as their crime requires, and do not, while you condemn the aristocracy, absolve the people. This is certain, that all attacked you without distinction, although they might have come over to us, and been now again in possession of their city. But no, they thought it safer to throw in their lot with the aristocracy and so joined their rebellion! 7 Consider therefore! if you subject to the same punishment the ally who is forced to rebel by the enemy, and him who does so by his own free choice, which of them, think you, is there that will not rebel upon the slightest pretext; when the reward of success is freedom, and the penalty of failure nothing so very terrible? 8 We meanwhile shall have to risk our money and our lives against one state after another; and if successful, shall receive a ruined town from which we can no longer draw the revenue upon which our strength depends; while if unsuccessful, we shall have an enemy the more upon our hands, and shall spend the time that might be employed in combating our existing foes in warring with our own allies. 3.39. , In order to keep you from this, I proceed to show that no one state has ever injured you as much as Mitylene . ,I can make allowance for those who revolt because they cannot bear our empire, or who have been forced to do so by the enemy. But for those who possessed an island with fortifications; who could fear our enemies only by sea, and there had their own force of triremes to protect them; who were independent and held in the highest honor by you—to act as these have done, this is not revolt—revolt implies oppression; it is deliberate and wanton aggression; an attempt to ruin us by siding with our bitterest enemies; a worse offence than a war undertaken on their own account in the acquisition of power. ,The fate of those of their neighbors who had already rebelled and had been subdued, was no lesson to them; their own prosperity could not dissuade them from affronting danger; but blindly confident in the future, and full of hopes beyond their power though not beyond their ambition, they declared war and made their decision to prefer might to right, their attack being determined not by provocation but by the moment which seemed propitious. ,The truth is that great good fortune coming suddenly and unexpectedly tends to make a people insolent: in most cases it is safer for mankind to have success in reason than out of reason; and it is easier for them, one may say, to stave off adversity than to preserve prosperity. ,Our mistake has been to distinguish the Mitylenians as we have done: had they been long ago treated like the rest, they never would have so far forgotten themselves, human nature being as surely made arrogant by consideration, as it is awed by firmness. ,Let them now therefore be punished as their crime requires, and do not, while you condemn the aristocracy, absolve the people. This is certain, that all attacked you without distinction, although they might have come over to us, and been now again in possession of their city. But no, they thought it safer to throw in their lot with the aristocracy and so joined their rebellion! ,Consider therefore! if you subject to the same punishment the ally who is forced to rebel by the enemy, and him who does so by his own free choice, which of them, think you, is there that will not rebel upon the slightest pretext; when the reward of success is freedom, and the penalty of failure nothing so very terrible? ,We meanwhile shall have to risk our money and our lives against one state after another; and if successful, shall receive a ruined town from which we can no longer draw the revenue upon which our strength depends; while if unsuccessful, we shall have an enemy the more upon our hands, and shall spend the time that might be employed in combating our existing foes in warring with our own allies. 3.40. No hope, therefore, that rhetoric may instil or money purchase, of the mercy due to human infirmity must be held out to the Mitylenians. Their offence was not involuntary, but of malice and deliberate; and mercy is only for unwilling offenders. 2 I therefore now as before persist against your reversing your first decision, or giving way to the three failings most fatal to empire — pity, sentiment, and indulgence. 3 Compassion is due to those who can reciprocate the feeling, not to those who will never pity us in return, but are our natural and necessary foes: the orators who charm us with sentiment may find other less important arenas for their talents, in the place of one where the city pays a heavy penalty for a momentary pleasure, themselves receiving fine acknowledgments for their fine phrases; while indulgence should be shown towards those who will be our friends in future, instead of towards men who will remain just what they were, and as much our enemies as before. 4 To sum up shortly, I say that if you follow my advice you will do what is just towards the Mitylenians, and at the same time expedient; while by a different decision you will not oblige them so much as pass sentence upon yourselves. For if they were right in rebelling, you must be wrong in ruling. However, if, right or wrong, you determine to rule, you must carry out your principle and punish the Mitylenians as your interest requires; or else you must give up your empire and cultivate honesty without danger. 5 Make up your minds, therefore, to give them like for like; and do not let the victims who escaped the plot be more insensible than the conspirators who hatched it; but reflect what they would have done if victorious over you, especially as they were the aggressors. 6 It is they who wrong their neighbor without a cause, that pursue their victim to the death, on account of the danger which they foresee in letting their enemy survive; since the object of a wanton wrong is more dangerous, if he escape, than an enemy who has not this to complain of. 7 Do not, therefore, be traitors to yourselves, but recall as nearly as possible the moment of suffering and the supreme importance which you then attached to their reduction; and now pay them back in their turn, without yielding to present weakness or forgetting the peril that once hung over you. Punish them as they deserve, and teach your other allies by a striking example that the penalty of rebellion is death. Let them once understand this and you will not have so often to neglect your enemies while you are fighting with your own confederates.' 3.40. , No hope, therefore, that rhetoric may instil or money purchase, of the mercy due to human infirmity must be held out to the Mitylenians. Their offence was not involuntary, but of malice and deliberate; and mercy is only for unwilling offenders. ,I therefore now as before persist against your reversing your first decision, or giving way to the three failings most fatal to empire—pity, sentiment, and indulgence. ,Compassion is due to those who can reciprocate the feeling, not to those who will never pity us in return, but are our natural and necessary foes: the orators who charm us with sentiment may find other less important arenas for their talents, in the place of one where the city pays a heavy penalty for a momentary pleasure, themselves receiving fine acknowledgments for their fine phrases; while indulgence should be shown towards those who will be our friends in future, instead of towards men who will remain just what they were, and as much our enemies as before. ,To sum up shortly, I say that if you follow my advice you will do what is just towards the Mitylenians, and at the same time expedient; while by a different decision you will not oblige them so much as pass sentence upon yourselves. For if they were right in rebelling, you must be wrong in ruling. However, if, right or wrong, you determine to rule, you must carry out your principle and punish the Mitylenians as your interest requires; or else you must give up your empire and cultivate honesty without danger. ,Make up your minds, therefore, to give them like for like; and do not let the victims who escaped the plot be more insensible than the conspirators who hatched it; but reflect what they would have done if victorious over you, especially as they were the aggressors. ,It is they who wrong their neighbor without a cause, that pursue their victim to the death, on account of the danger which they foresee in letting their enemy survive; since the object of a wanton wrong is more dangerous, if he escape, than an enemy who has not this to complain of. ,Do not, therefore, be traitors to yourselves, but recall as nearly as possible the moment of suffering and the supreme importance which you then attached to their reduction; and now pay them back in their turn, without yielding to present weakness or forgetting the peril that once hung over you. Punish them as they deserve, and teach your other allies by a striking example that the penalty of rebellion is death. Let them once understand this and you will not have so often to neglect your enemies while you are fighting with your own confederates.’ 3.44. However, I have not come forward either to oppose or to accuse in the matter of Mitylene; indeed, the question before us as sensible men is not their guilt, but our interests. 2 Though I prove them ever so guilty, I shall not, therefore, advise their death, unless it be expedient; nor though they should have claims to indulgence, shall I recommend it, unless it be clearly for the good of the country. 3 I consider that we are deliberating for the future more than for the present; and where Cleon is so positive as to the useful deterrent effects that will follow from making rebellion capital, I who consider the interests of the future quite as much as he, as positively maintain the contrary. 4 And I require you not to reject my useful considerations for his specious ones: his speech may have the attraction of seeming the more just in your present temper against Mitylene; but we are not in a court of justice, but in a political assembly; and the question is not justice, but how to make the Mitylenians useful to Athens. 3.44. , However, I have not come forward either to oppose or to accuse in the matter of Mitylene ; indeed, the question before us as sensible men is not their guilt, but our interests. ,Though I prove them ever so guilty, I shall not, therefore, advise their death, unless it be expedient; nor though they should have claims to indulgence, shall I recommend it, unless it be clearly for the good of the country. ,I consider that we are deliberating for the future more than for the present; and where Cleon is so positive as to the useful deterrent effects that will follow from making rebellion capital, I who consider the interests of the future quite as much as he, as positively maintain the contrary. ,And I require you not to reject my useful considerations for his specious ones: his speech may have the attraction of seeming the more just in your present temper against Mitylene ; but we are not in a court of justice, but in a political assembly; and the question is not justice, but how to make the Mitylenians useful to Athens . 3.45. Now of course communities have enacted the penalty of death for many offences far lighter than this: still hope leads men to venture; and no one ever yet put himself in peril without the inward conviction that he would succeed in his design. 2 Again, was there ever city rebelling that did not believe that it possessed either in itself or in its alliances resources adequate to the enterprise? 3 All, states and individuals, are alike prone to err, and there is no law that will prevent them; or why should men have exhausted the list of punishments in search of enactments to protect them from evil-doers? It is probable that in early times the penalties for the greatest offences were less severe, and that, as these were disregarded, the penalty of death has been by degrees in most cases arrived at, which is itself disregarded in like manner. 4 Either then some means of terror more terrible than this must be discovered, or it must be owned that this restraint is useless; and that as long as poverty gives men the courage of necessity, or plenty fills them with the ambition which belongs to insolence and pride, and the other conditions of life remain each under the thraldom of some fatal and master passion, so long will the impulse never be wanting to drive men into danger. 5 Hope also and cupidity, the one leading and the other following, the one conceiving the attempt, the other suggesting the facility of succeeding, cause the widest ruin, and, although invisible agents, are far stronger than the dangers that are seen. 6 Fortune, too, powerfully helps the delusion, and by the unexpected aid that she sometimes lends, tempts men to venture with inferior means; and this is especially the case with communities, because the stakes played for are the highest, freedom or empire, and, when all are acting together, each man irrationally magnifies his own capacity. 7 In fine, it is impossible to prevent, and only great simplicity can hope to prevent, human nature doing what it has once set its mind upon, by force of law or by any other deterrent force whatsoever. 3.45. , Now of course communities have enacted the penalty of death for many offences far lighter than this: still hope leads men to venture; and no one ever yet put himself in peril without the inward conviction that he would succeed in his design. ,Again, was there ever city rebelling that did not believe that it possessed either in itself or in its alliances resources adequate to the enterprise? ,All, states and individuals, are alike prone to err, and there is no law that will prevent them; or why should men have exhausted the list of punishments in search of enactments to protect them from evil-doers? It is probable that in early times the penalties for the greatest offences were less severe, and that, as these were disregarded, the penalty of death has been by degrees in most cases arrived at, which is itself disregarded in like manner. ,Either then some means of terror more terrible than this must be discovered, or it must be owned that this restraint is useless; and that as long as poverty gives men the courage of necessity, or plenty fills them with the ambition which belongs to insolence and pride, and the other conditions of life remain each under the thraldom of some fatal and master passion, so long will the impulse never be wanting to drive men into danger. ,Hope also and cupidity, the one leading and the other following, the one conceiving the attempt, the other suggesting the facility of succeeding, cause the widest ruin, and, although invisible agents, are far stronger than the dangers that are seen. ,Fortune, too, powerfully helps the delusion, and by the unexpected aid that she sometimes lends, tempts men to venture with inferior means; and this is especially the case with communities, because the stakes played for are the highest, freedom or empire, and, when all are acting together, each man irrationally magnifies his own capacity. ,In fine, it is impossible to prevent, and only great simplicity can hope to prevent, human nature doing what it has once set its mind upon, by force of law or by any other deterrent force whatsoever. 3.46. We must not, therefore, commit ourselves to a false policy through a belief in the efficacy of the punishment of death, or exclude rebels from the hope of repentance and an early atonement of their error. 2 Consider a moment! At present, if a city that has already revolted perceive that it cannot succeed, it will come to terms while it is still able to refund expenses, and pay tribute afterwards. In the other case, what city think you would not prepare better than is now done, and hold out to the last against its besiegers, if it is all one whether it surrender late or soon? 3 And how can it be otherwise than hurtful to us to be put to the expense of a siege, because surrender is out of the question; and if we take the city, to receive a ruined town from which we can no longer draw the revenue which forms our real strength against the enemy? 4 We must not, therefore, sit as strict judges of the offenders to our own prejudice, but rather see how by moderate chastisements we may be enabled to benefit in future by the revenue-producing powers of our dependencies; and we must make up our minds to look for our protection not to legal terrors but to careful administration. 5 At present we do exactly the opposite. When a free community, held in subjection by force, rises, as is only natural, and asserts its independence, it is no sooner reduced than we fancy ourselves obliged to punish it severely; 6 although the right course with freemen is not to chastise them rigorously when they do rise, but rigorously to watch them before they rise, and to prevent their ever entertaining the idea, and, the insurrection suppressed, to make as few responsible for it as possible. 3.46. , We must not, therefore, commit ourselves to a false policy through a belief in the efficacy of the punishment of death, or exclude rebels from the hope of repentance and an early atonement of their error. ,Consider a moment! At present, if a city that has already revolted perceive that it cannot succeed, it will come to terms while it is still able to refund expenses, and pay tribute afterwards. In the other case, what city think you would not prepare better than is now done, and hold out to the last against its besiegers, if it is all one whether it surrender late or soon? ,And how can it be otherwise than hurtful to us to be put to the expense of a siege, because surrender is out of the question; and if we take the city, to receive a ruined town from which we can no longer draw the revenue which forms our real strength against the enemy? ,We must not, therefore, sit as strict judges of the offenders to our own prejudice, but rather see how by moderate chastisements we may be enabled to benefit in future by the revenue-producing powers of our dependencies; and we must make up our minds to look for our protection not to legal terrors but to careful administration. ,At present we do exactly the opposite. When a free community, held in subjection by force, rises, as is only natural, and asserts its independence, it is no sooner reduced than we fancy ourselves obliged to punish it severely; ,although the right course with freemen is not to chastise them rigorously when they do rise, but rigorously to watch them before they rise, and to prevent their ever entertaining the idea, and, the insurrection suppressed, to make as few responsible for it as possible. 3.50. The other party whom Paches had sent off as the prime movers in the rebellion, were upon Cleon's motion put to death by the Athenians, the number being rather more than a thousand. The Athenians also demolished the walls of the Mitylenians, and took possession of their ships. 2 Afterwards tribute was not imposed upon the Lesbians; but all their land, except that of the Methymnians, was divided into three thousand allotments, three hundred of which were reserved as sacred for the gods, and the rest assigned by lot to Athenian shareholders, who were sent out to the island. With these the Lesbians agreed to pay a rent of two minae a year for each allotment, and cultivated the land themselves. 3 The Athenians also took possession of the towns on the continent belonging to the Mitylenians, which thus became for the future subject to Athens. Such were the events that took place at Lesbos. 3.50. , The other party whom Paches had sent off as the prime movers in the rebellion, were upon Cleon's motion put to death by the Athenians, the number being rather more than a thousand. The Athenians also demolished the walls of the Mitylenians, and took possession of their ships. ,Afterwards tribute was not imposed upon the Lesbians; but all their land, except that of the Methymnians, was divided into three thousand allotments, three hundred of which were reserved as sacred for the gods, and the rest assigned by lot to Athenian shareholders, who were sent out to the island. With these the Lesbians agreed to pay a rent of two minae a year for each allotment, and cultivated the land themselves. ,The Athenians also took possession of the towns on the continent belonging to the Mitylenians, which thus became for the future subject to Athens . Such were the events that took place at Lesbos . 6.27. In the midst of these preparations all the stone Hermae in the city of Athens, that is to say the customary square figures so common in the doorways of private houses and sanctuaries, had in one night most of them their faces mutilated. 2 No one knew who had done it, but large public rewards were offered to find the authors; and it was further voted that any one who knew of any other act of impiety having been committed should come and give information without fear of consequences, whether he were citizen, alien, or slave. 3 The matter was taken up the more seriously, as it was thought to be ominous for the expedition, and part of a conspiracy to bring about a revolution and to upset the democracy. 6.27. , In the midst of these preparations all the stone Hermae in the city of Athens, that is to say the customary square figures so common in the doorways of private houses and temples, had in one night most of them their faces mutilated. ,No one knew who had done it, but large public rewards were offered to find the authors; and it was further voted that any one who knew of any other act of impiety having been committed should come and give information without fear of consequences, whether he were citizen, alien, or slave. ,The matter was taken up the more seriously, as it was thought to be ominous for the expedition, and part of a conspiracy to bring about a revolution and to upset the democracy. 6.28. Information was given accordingly by some resident aliens and body servants, not about the Hermae but about some previous mutilations of other images perpetrated by young men in a drunken frolic, and of mock celebrations of the mysteries, averred to take place in private houses. 2 Alcibiades being implicated in this charge, it was taken hold of by those who could least endure him, because he stood in the way of their obtaining the undisturbed direction of the people, and who thought that if he were once removed the first place would be theirs. These accordingly magnified the manner and loudly proclaimed that the affair of the mysteries and the mutilation of the Hermae were part and parcel of a scheme to overthrow the democracy, and that nothing of all this had been done without Alcibiades; the proofs alleged being the general and undemocratic license of his life and habits. 6.28. , Information was given accordingly by some resident aliens and body servants, not about the Hermae but about some previous mutilations of other images perpetrated by young men in a drunken frolic, and of mock celebrations of the mysteries, averred to take place in private houses. ,Alcibiades being implicated in this charge, it was taken hold of by those who could least endure him, because he stood in the way of their obtaining the undisturbed direction of the people, and who thought that if he were once removed the first place would be theirs. These accordingly magnified the manner and loudly proclaimed that the affair of the mysteries and the mutilation of the Hermae were part and parcel of a scheme to overthrow the democracy, and that nothing of all this had been done without Alcibiades; the proofs alleged being the general and undemocratic license of his life and habits. 6.28.2. Alcibiades being implicated in this charge, it was taken hold of by those who could least endure him, because he stood in the way of their obtaining the undisturbed direction of the people, and who thought that if he were once removed the first place would be theirs. These accordingly magnified the manner and loudly proclaimed that the affair of the mysteries and the mutilation of the Hermae were part and parcel of a scheme to overthrow the democracy, and that nothing of all this had been done without Alcibiades; the proofs alleged being the general and undemocratic license of his life and habits. 6.53. There they found the Salaminia come from Athens for Alcibiades, with orders for him to sail home to answer the charges which the state brought against him, and for certain others of the soldiers who with him were accused of sacrilege in the matter of the mysteries and of the Hermae. 2 For the Athenians, after the departure of the expedition, had continued as active as ever in investigating the facts of the mysteries and of the Hermae, and, instead of testing the informers, in their suspicious temper welcomed all indifferently, arresting and imprisoning the best citizens upon the evidence of rascals, and preferring to sift the matter to the bottom sooner than to let an accused person of good character pass unquestioned, owing to the rascality of the informer. 3 The commons had heard how oppressive the tyranny of Pisistratus and his sons had become before it ended, and further that that tyranny had been put down at last, not by themselves and Harmodius, but by the Lacedaemonians, and so were always in fear and took everything suspiciously. 6.53. , There they found the Salaminia come from Athens for Alcibiades, with orders for him to sail home to answer the charges which the state brought against him, and for certain others of the soldiers who with him were accused of sacrilege in the matter of the mysteries and of the Hermae. ,For the Athenians, after the departure of the expedition, had continued as active as ever in investigating the facts of the mysteries and of the Hermae, and, instead of testing the informers, in their suspicious temper welcomed all indifferently, arresting and imprisoning the best citizens upon the evidence of rascals, and preferring to sift the matter to the bottom sooner than to let an accused person of good character pass unquestioned, owing to the rascality of the informer. ,The commons had heard how oppressive the tyranny of Pisistratus and his sons had become before it ended, and further that that tyranny had been put down at last, not by themselves and Harmodius, but by the Lacedaemonians, and so were always in fear and took everything suspiciously. 6.54.5. Indeed, generally their government was not grievous to the multitude, or in any way odious in practice; and these tyrants cultivated wisdom and virtue as much as any, and without exacting from the Athenians more than a twentieth of their income, splendidly adorned their city, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the temples. 6.54.6. For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar to the twelve gods in the market-place, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. 6.60. With these events in their minds, and recalling everything they knew by hearsay on the subject, the Athenian people grew difficult of humour and suspicious of the persons charged in the affair of the mysteries, and persuaded that all that had taken place was part of an oligarchical and monarchical conspiracy. 2 In the state of irritation thus produced, many persons of consideration had been already thrown into prison, and far from showing any signs of abating, public feeling grew daily more savage, and more arrests were made; until at last one of those in custody, thought to be the most guilty of all, was induced by a fellow-prisoner to make a revelation, whether true or not is a matter on which there are two opinions, no one having been able, either then or since, to say for certain who did the deed. 3 However this may be, the other found arguments to persuade him, that even if he had not done it, he ought to save himself by gaining a promise of impunity, and free the state of its present suspicions; as he would be surer of safety if he confessed after promise of impunity than if he denied and were brought to trial. 4 He accordingly made a revelation, affecting himself and others in the affair of the Hermae; and the Athenian people, glad at last, as they supposed, to get at the truth, and furious until then at not being able to discover those who had conspired against the commons, at once let go the informer and all the rest whom he had not denounced, and bringing the accused to trial executed as many as were apprehended, and condemned to death such as had fled and set a price upon their heads. 5 In this it was, after all, not clear whether the sufferers had been punished unjustly, while in any case the rest of the city received immediate and manifest relief. 6.60. , With these events in their minds, and recalling everything they knew by hearsay on the subject, the Athenian people grew difficult of humour and suspicious of the persons charged in the affair of the mysteries, and persuaded that all that had taken place was part of an oligarchical and monarchical conspiracy. ,In the state of irritation thus produced, many persons of consideration had been already thrown into prison, and far from showing any signs of abating, public feeling grew daily more savage, and more arrests were made; until at last one of those in custody, thought to be the most guilty of all, was induced by a fellow-prisoner to make a revelation, whether true or not is a matter on which there are two opinions, no one having been able, either then or since, to say for certain who did the deed. ,However this may be, the other found arguments to persuade him, that even if he had not done it, he ought to save himself by gaining a promise of impunity, and free the state of its present suspicions; as he would be surer of safety if he confessed after promise of impunity than if he denied and were brought to trial. ,He accordingly made a revelation, affecting himself and others in the affair of the Hermae; and the Athenian people, glad at last, as they supposed, to get at the truth, and furious until then at not being able to discover those who had conspired against the commons, at once let go the informer and all the rest whom he had not denounced, and bringing the accused to trial executed as many as were apprehended, and condemned to death such as had fled and set a price upon their heads. ,In this it was, after all, not clear whether the sufferers had been punished unjustly, while in any case the rest of the city received immediate and manifest relief. 8.53.2. A number of speakers opposed them on the question of the democracy, the enemies of Alcibiades cried out against the scandal of a restoration to be effected by a violation of the constitution, and the Eumolpidae and Ceryces protested in behalf of the mysteries, the cause of his banishment, and called upon the gods to avert his recall; when Pisander, in the midst of much opposition and abuse, came forward, and taking each of his opponents aside asked him the following question:—In the face of the fact that the Peloponnesians had as many ships as their own confronting them at sea, more cities in alliance with them, and the king and Tissaphernes to supply them with money, of which the Athenians had none left, had he any hope of saving the state, unless some one could induce the king to come over to their side? 8.68.1. The man who moved this resolution was Pisander, who was throughout the chief ostensible agent in putting down the democracy. But he who concerted the whole affair, and prepared the way for the catastrophe, and who had given the greatest thought to the matter, was Antiphon, one of the best men of his day in Athens ; who, with a head to contrive measures and a tongue to recommend them, did not willingly come forward in the assembly or upon any public scene, being ill-looked upon by the multitude owing to his reputation for talent; and who yet was the one man best able to aid in the courts, or before the assembly, the suitors who required his opinion. 8.68.2. Indeed, when he was afterwards himself tried for his life on the charge of having been concerned in setting up this very government, when the Four Hundred were overthrown and hardly dealt with by the commons, he made what would seem to be the best defence of any known up to my time. 8.95. Meanwhile the Peloponnesian vessels sailed by, and rounding Sunium anchored [here? between Thoricus and Prasiae, and afterwards arrived at Oropus. 2 The Athenians, with revolution in the city, and unwilling to lose a moment in going to the relief of their most important possession — for Euboea was everything to them now that they were shut out from Attica — were compelled to put to sea in haste and with untrained crews, and sent Thymochares with some vessels to Eretria. 3 These upon their arrival, with the ships already in Euboea, made up a total of thirty-six vessels, and were immediately forced to engage. For Agesandridas, after his crews had dined, put out from Oropus, which is about seven miles from Eretria by sea; 4 and the Athenians, seeing him sailing up, immediately began to man their vessels. The sailors, however, instead of being by their ships, as they supposed, were gone away to purchase provisions for their dinner in the houses in the outskirts of the town; the Eretrians having so arranged that there should be nothing on sale in the agora, in order that the Athenians might be a long time in manning their ships, and the enemy's attack taking them by surprise, might be compelled to put to sea just as they were. A signal also was raised in Eretria to give them notice in Oropus when to put to sea. 5 The Athenians, forced to put out so poorly prepared, engaged off the harbour of Eretria, and after holding their own for some little while notwithstanding, were at length put to flight and chased to the shore. 6 Such of their number as took refuge in Eretria, which they presumed to be friendly to them, found their fate in that city, being butchered by the inhabitants; while those who fled to the Athenian fort in the Eretrian territory, and the vessels which got to Chalcis, were saved. 7 The Peloponnesians, after taking twenty-two Athenian ships, and killing or making prisoners of the crews, set up a trophy, and not long afterwards effected the revolt of the whole of Euboea — except Oreus, which was held by the Athenians themselves — and made a general settlement of the affairs of the island. 8.95. , Meanwhile the Peloponnesian vessels sailed by, and rounding Sunium anchored between Thoricus and Prasiae, and afterwards arrived at Oropus. ,The Athenians, with revolution in the city, and unwilling to lose a moment in going to the relief of their most important possession (for Euboea was everything to them now that they were shut out from Attica ), were compelled to put to sea in haste and with untrained crews, and sent Thymochares with some vessels to Eretria . ,These upon their arrival, with the ships already in Euboea, made up a total of thirty-six vessels, and were immediately forced to engage. For Agesandridas, after his crews had dined, put out from Oropus, which is about seven miles from Eretria by sea; ,and the Athenians, seeing him sailing up, immediately began to man their vessels. The sailors, however, instead of being by their ships, as they supposed, were gone away to purchase provisions for their dinner in the houses in the outskirts of the town; the Eretrians having so arranged that there should be nothing on sale in the market-place, in order that the Athenians might be a long time in manning their ships, and the enemy's attack taking them by surprise, might be compelled to put to sea just as they were. A signal also was raised in Eretria to give them notice in Oropus when to put to sea. ,The Athenians, forced to put out so poorly prepared, engaged off the harbour of Eretria, and after holding their own for some little while notwithstanding, were at length put to flight and chased to the shore. ,Such of their number as took refuge in Eretria, which they presumed to be friendly to them, found their fate in that city, being butchered by the inhabitants; while those who fled to the Athenian fort in the Eretrian territory, and the vessels which got to Chalcis, were saved. ,The Peloponnesians, after taking twenty-two Athenian ships, and killing or making prisoners of the crews, set up a trophy, and not long afterwards effected the revolt of the whole of Euboea (except Oreus, which was held by the Athenians themselves), and made a general settlement of the affairs of the island. 8.96. When the news of what had happened in Euboea reached Athens a panic ensued such as they had never before known. Neither the disaster in Sicily, great as it seemed at the time, nor any other had ever so much alarmed them. 2 The camp at Samos was in revolt; they had no more ships or men to man them; they were at discord among themselves and might at any moment come to blows; and a disaster of this magnitude coming on the top of all, by which they lost their fleet, and worst of all Euboea, which was of more value to them than Attica, could not occur without throwing them into the deepest despondency. 3 Meanwhile their greatest and most immediate trouble was the possibility that the enemy, emboldened by his victory, might make straight for them and sail against Piraeus, which they had no longer ships to defend; and every moment they expected him to arrive. 4 This, with a little more courage, he might easily have done, in which case he would either have increased the dissensions of the city by his presence, or if he had stayed to besiege it have compelled the fleet from Ionia, although the enemy of the oligarchy, to come to the rescue of their country and of their relatives, and in the meantime would have become master of the Hellespont, Ionia, the islands, and of everything as far as Euboea, or, to speak roundly, of the whole Athenian empire. 5 But here, as on so many other occasions the Lacedaemonians proved the most convenient people in the world for the Athenians to be at war with. The wide difference between the two characters, the slowness and want of energy of the Lacedaemonians as contrasted with the dash and enterprise of their opponents, proved of the greatest service, especially to a maritime empire like Athens. Indeed this was shown by the Syracusans, who were most like the Athenians in character, and also most successful in combating them. 8.96. , When the news of what had happened in Euboea reached Athens a panic ensued such as they had never before known. Neither the disaster in Sicily, great as it seemed at the time, nor any other had ever so much alarmed them. ,The camp at Samos was in revolt; they had no more ships or men to man them; they were at discord among themselves and might at any moment come to blows; and a disaster of this magnitude coming on the top of all, by which they lost their fleet, and worst of all Euboea, which was of more value to them than Attica, could not occur without throwing them into the deepest despondency. ,Meanwhile their greatest and most immediate trouble was the possibility that the enemy, emboldened by his victory, might make straight for them and sail against Piraeus, which they had no longer ships to defend; and every moment they expected him to arrive. ,This, with a little more courage, he might easily have done, in which case he would either have increased the dissensions of the city by his presence, or if he had stayed to besiege it have compelled the fleet from Ionia, although the enemy of the oligarchy, to come to the rescue of their country and of their relatives, and in the meantime would have become master of the Hellespont, Ionia, the islands, and of everything as far as Euboea, or, to speak roundly, of the whole Athenian empire. ,But here, as on so many other occasions the Lacedaemonians proved the most convenient people in the world for the Athenians to be at war with. The wide difference between the two characters, the slowness and want of energy of the Lacedaemonians as contrasted with the dash and enterprise of their opponents, proved of the greatest service, especially to a maritime empire like Athens . Indeed this was shown by the Syracusans, who were most like the Athenians in character, and also most successful in combating them. 8.97.2. or if he did should be held accursed. Many other assemblies were held afterwards, in which law-makers were elected and all other measures taken to form a constitution. It was during the first period of this constitution that the Athenians appear to have enjoyed the best government that they ever did, at least in my time. For the fusion of the high and the low was effected with judgment, and this was what first enabled the state to raise up her head after her manifold disasters. |
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| 106. Plato, Gorgias, 463d2, 464b, 464b2-465e2, 464c, 465d, 465e, 467c5-10, 470, 471, 472, 473, 474, 475, 476, 478, 479, 480, 481, 482e6, 484b, 484c, 506d5-6, 507e6-508a8, 514d, 521c, 521e8-522a2, 525, 551d6-8, 477 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 187 |
107. Plato, Greater Hippias, 293b, 293a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut, The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed (2022) 80| 293a. ἐκ θεῶν γεγόνασι, καὶ αὐτοῖς τοῖς θεοῖς; ΙΠ. τί τοῦτο; βάλλʼ ἐς μακαρίαν. τοῦ ἀνθρώπου οὐδʼ εὔφημα, ὦ Σώκρατες, ταῦτά γε τὰ ἐρωτήματα. ΣΩ. τί δέ; τὸ ἐρομένου ἑτέρου φάναι ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχειν οὐ πάνυ δύσφημον; ΙΠ. ἴσως. ΣΩ. ἴσως τοίνυν σὺ εἶ οὗτος, φήσει, ὃς παντὶ φῂς καὶ ἀεὶ καλὸν εἶναι ὑπὸ μὲν τῶν ἐκγόνων ταφῆναι, τοὺς δὲ γονέας θάψαι· ἢ οὐχ εἷς τῶν ἁπάντων καὶ Ἡρακλῆς ἦν καὶ οὓς νυνδὴ ἐλέγομεν πάντες; ΙΠ. ἀλλʼ οὐ τοῖς θεοῖς ἔγωγε ἔλεγον. | 293a. and for the gods themselves?" HIPPIAS: What's that? Confound it! These questions of the fellow's are not even respectful to religion. SOCRATES: Well, then, when another asks the question, perhaps it is not quite disrespectful to religion to say that these things are so? HIPPIAS: Perhaps. SOCRATES: "Perhaps, then, you are the man," he will say, "who says that it is beautiful for every one and always to be buried by one's offspring, and to bury one's parents; or was not Heracles included in 'every one,' he and all those whom we just now mentioned?" HIPPIAS: But I did not say it was so for the gods. SOCRATES: "Nor for the heroes either, apparently." [293b] HIPPIAS: Not those who were children of gods. SOCRATES: "But those who were not?" HIPPIAS: Certainly. SOCRATES: "Then again, according to your statement, among the heroes it is terrible and impious and disgraceful for Tantalus and Dardanus and Zethus, but beautiful for Pelops and the others who were born as he was?" HIPPIAS: I think so. SOCRATES: "You think, then, what you did not say just now, that to bury one's parents and be buried by one's offspring is sometimes and for some persons disgraceful; 293a. and for the gods themselves? Hipp. What’s that? Confound it! These questions of the fellow’s are not even respectful to religion. Soc. Well, then, when another asks the question, perhaps it is not quite disrespectful to religion to say that these things are so? Hipp. Perhaps. Soc. Perhaps, then, you are the man, he will say, who says that it is beautiful for every one and always to be buried by one’s offspring, and to bury one’s parents; or was not Heracles included in ’every one,’ he and all those whom we just now mentioned? Hipp. But I did not say it was so for the gods. Soc. Nor for the heroes either, apparently. |
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| 108. Plato, Laches, 187d2-3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •music basis of education, place of in the laws Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 218 |
| 109. Plato, Laws, 712d4, 712d5, 712d6, 712d7, 691e3-2a3, 691e1-2b1, 713, 715, 714, 862, 909, 908, 863, 853, 949a, 784c, 664c7, 664c, 948e, 849e, 915d6-e2, 937d, 948d-e, 755c, 755d, 767c, 767d, 914c, 914d, 872a, 869c, 779b, 868d-869a, 941a, 885b, 884a, 907d-e, 908b, 908c, 869a, 869b, 783e, 773e, 841a, 782e, 841c, 772d, 721a, 841b, 968a, 964d, 808d-e, 840d-e, 841d-e, 968b, 635b, 635c, 721b, 721c, 840a, 840b, 840c, 838b, 838c, 838d, 721d, 721e, 857b, 842e, 731c, 822e-823a, 4.711c4, 4.711d1-3, 4.711e8-712a3, 4.712c2-5, 4.709e-710b, 4.712d-e, 4.713d, 4.713b3, 1.630b-d, 4.713c8, 4.713c5, 4.713b-714b, 1.631a-632d, 3.701c2, 3.698b2-6, 3.690c1-3, 3.698b1-6, 3.700a3-5, 9.873a3-4, 9.872e2-3, 9.872e1-2, 9.872e3, 4.720e4, 9.857d2-4, 9.881a8-b2, 9.854b4, 9.854b1-4, 9.854a6, 9.854a5-6, 9.854a4-5, 9.872d6, 9.854b5, 10.888a6, 4.720d3-4, 4.720e3, 4.720e2-5, 4.720d5-6, 4.719e7-720e6, 4.720e11, 4.715e3-4, 9.857d3-4, 9.857c4-e1, 9.857c4-5, 9.857b4-8, 4.722b3-4, 4.720d1-e2, 4.720e7-721d6, 4.722b4-c1, 9.857c1-3, 4.720c3-5, 4.719a7-723d4, 10.887a3, 4.719b4-7, 10.888d7-899d3, 4.719b1-2, 4.718d3, 10.888c2-7, 10.887b8-c2, 4.715a7-716a2, 10.885b6-9, 4.716d2, 4.716c4-6, 5.727b1, 4.716b6, 4.715e7-716a2, 2.660a3-8, 4.716c1, 2.656c1-d2, 5.731c5, 4.716d1, 4.716c3, 5.741e6, 4.715e7, 10.885e1-3, 10.909a5-8, 10.907d7-909d2, 10.885d2, 7.817a2-d8, 10.905d3-907b4, 10.899d4-905d3, 10.885e5, 5.735a6, 5.735a5, 4.716b5-7, 5.734e5, 8.842e6, 9.853a1-10.910c4, 11.913a1-932d8, 10.907d4, 10.907d1, 6.752e6-7, 6.751c6, 6.752d7-e2, 4.712a1-3, 6.753b4-d6, 6.754c6-7, 6.757b2-3, 6.764a3, 6.765a6, 6.768a5, 6.768b1-c2, 12.946b1-3, 11.935b7, 1.643a4-5, 6.756e9-758a2, 6.756b7-e8, 6.755b6-756b6, 6.752d7-755b6, 4.709e6, 12.962b5-6, 12.951d4-5, 6.759b7-c6, 6.768d7, 6.751a5, 5.734e3, 1.632c4, 8.828b3-5, 6.757b1, 6.755e4, 5.745d8-e2, 6.765e2, 6.757e2, 6.756e5-6, 6.757a1, 6.779c5-d2, 6.770b4-8, 4.710e3, 4.711a2, 5.739e3, 7.811b6-c2, 7.811b8, 7.811c6, 10.908a4, 10.909a3-4, 6.778b5-c1, 12.951d6-7, 12.961b6, 4.722a2-5, 5.742e1-4, 6.763e2-3, 9.871a4, 5.739e1, 4.715e7-718a6, 4.721b6-c8, 5.726a1-734e2, 5.734e3-6, 5.735a7-736c4, 5.735d7, 5.736c5-747e11, 5.738a1, 5.738b3, 5.739a2, 5.739a4-5, 5.739e4, 5.741a6-c6, 5.741e7, 5.741b7-e3, 5.739c1-3, 5.739b8-d5, 9.875c6-d2, 10.904a9, 3.678a3-9, 3.677a4-6, 6.780d5, 2.674b7, 12.963e1-8, 8.835e5, 1.625a6, 8.836e4, 10.904c9, 3.682b7-8, 7.824a9, 10.890d4, 10.889e6, 3.681c1-d10, 2.659a1-b2, 3.676a8-b1, 3.676a2, 7.795a1, 1.631c8-d1, 1.636d5, 1.632b3-c1, 1.632b2, 1.632a5, 5.734e3-735a7, 5.735a5-6, 5.735a7, 1.631d3, 1.631d2-632d1, 6.751a3-b2, 7.793a10, 9.853a5, 9.880d8, 4.715e3-718a6, 1.632c2-4, 4.721b1-3, 4.721c8-d6, 9.875d3, 9.875d4-5, 3.693d8, 3.693d2-e3, 6.756e9-10, 4.712e9-713a2, 4.719d7-e3, 4.713e4-6, 4.719d4-7, 5.728e2, 5.730c1, 1.630b2, 5.732b6-7, 5.732b5, 4.719d1-2, 4.717d7-e1, 5.730d2, 5.730c6-d2, 5.730c4, 5.727c1-4, 5.727d6-e3, 5.727c7-d5, 5.727c4-7, 6.773c8-d4, 5.730b4, 5.728e5-729a2, 5.732d6, 5.728d6-e5, 5.727e3-728a5, 3.693e5, 3.693d4-5, 6.757a1-2, 5.735d5-736b4, 8.832b10-c3, 6.757a2-3, 4.714a2-4, 9.857b3-864c11, 5.732e4-7, 4.710e3-5, 5.739d6, 6.757c7-8, 6.778d3-779c4, 5.732e3, 9.853c3-7, 8.840e2-841c2, 5.739d5-e3, 4.711e4, 10.890e4-6, 7.799e10-12, 7.790a5-6, 4.721d5-6, 9.857e3, 12.967c5-d2, 6.762e1-5, 9.874e8-875d5, 4.715d7-e1, 4.715d3-6, 4.709d10-712a7, 4.720b5, 5.739b8-c2, 9.857d2, 9.857e2, 9.857e4-5, 9.857c7-e1, 3.702b4-6, 1.631c5-d2, 12.960b5-969c2, 12.960b1-6, 9.853b4, 4.719a7-e5, 4.722c2, 3.702c1-8, 9.857e10-858c1, 4.722e7-8, 7.806d7-807d5, 9.859b8-c2, 7.811c7, 4.722e1-7, 4.718c3-6, 4.715e3-5, 3.702d1-2, 3.702c7-8, 3.702c2, 1.624a1-2, 1.624a3-4, 5.739a1-e5, 1.624a4, 4.722c8, 2.653b2-6, 7.824a8-9, 7.824a16-17, 4.719e7-721e6, 4.720a2, 7.824a11-19, 7.823a4-6, 7.823d1, 7.823d7-e2, 6.772e7-774a1, 7.823a3-5, 7.823a5, 4.720a1, 7.823c7-d2, 4.721b6-d6, 4.722c1, 7.823d3, 4.719e8, 5.739e1-3, 3.697a2-3, 5.737c1-738b1, 5.746d4-5, 6.757b5, 6.757c2, 7.819b4, 6.756b8, 10.890b3-891b4, 10.897b1-2, 8.847e2, 12.966d9-967a5, 4.719e7-720a6, 4.720b8-e2, 3.694b6, 8.832c9-d2, 5.744a8-745b2, 1.630b1, 1.631c7, 3.687a7, 3.701d8-9, 3.697b2-6, 5.739a13, 3.693b3-4, 10.896c9-d3, 10.896d7, 10.892c2-5, 10.897b1-4, 10.885c8-d4, 10.897a1-3, 10.892a8, 10.897b7-899d3, 10.897c4-5, 10.897c7-9, 10.898c2-5, 10.899b3-9, 10.891c3, 1.644d7, 3.693c2, 7.817b8, 10.891e3, 10.891d7-e3, 10.891d6, 12.962d3-5, 12.962d2-3, 6.770c7-e1, 1.628a3, 3.689a7-9, 3.689d6-7, 3.696c8-10, 4.705d2-706a4, 3.688a6-b4, 1.630d9-e4, 12.963a1-4, 2.658e6-659c5, 5.734b4, 1.631c5-6, 1.633c8-634c4, 3.688b1-3, 3.693b5, 3.696b6-697c4, 3.696b6-c1, 3.696c2-7, 4.713a3-4, 3.696c8-11, 6.757b5-6, 3.697b2-4, 4.722d3-6, 2.655d1, 2.655d5, 1.631b6-d2, 5.727a7-b3, 5.730d2-e3, 5.731c2-5, 5.731b4-d5, 5.731a1-4, 5.732a4-b2, 5.732e2-3, 5.730d2-7, 2.660e1, 5.732e6, 5.732e4, 5.731d6-732b4, 5.731e4, 5.733e3-5, 5.733a9-c1, 5.733a8-d6, 860d, 860e, 769b, 715c, 715d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473 |
| 110. Plato, Menexenus, 237b, 238c5-239a4, 238d1-2, 238d4-5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 211 |
111. Plato, Meno, 87c, 87b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 207| 87b. εἰπεῖν σοι τὸ συμβαῖνον περὶ τῆς ἐντάσεως αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν κύκλον, εἴτε ἀδύνατον εἴτε μή. οὕτω δὴ καὶ περὶ ἀρετῆς ἡμεῖς, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἴσμεν οὔθʼ ὅτι ἐστὶν οὔθʼ ὁποῖόν τι, ὑποθέμενοι αὐτὸ σκοπῶμεν εἴτε διδακτὸν εἴτε οὐ διδακτόν ἐστιν, ὧδε λέγοντες· εἰ ποῖόν τί ἐστιν τῶν περὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ὄντων ἀρετή, διδακτὸν ἂν εἴη ἢ οὐ διδακτόν; πρῶτον μὲν δὴ εἰ ἔστιν ἀλλοῖον ἢ οἷον ἐπιστήμη, ἆρα διδακτὸν ἢ οὔ, ἢ ὃ νυνδὴ ἐλέγομεν, ἀναμνηστόν—διαφερέτω δὲ μηδὲν ἡμῖν | 87b. in the circle by saying whether it is impossible or not. In the same way with regard to our question about virtue, since we do not know either what it is or what kind of thing it may be, we had best make use of a hypothesis in considering whether it can be taught or not, as thus: what kind of thing must virtue be in the class of mental properties, so as to be teachable or not? In the first place, if it is something dissimilar or similar to knowledge, is it taught or not—or, as we were saying just now, remembered? Let us have no disputing about the choice of a name: |
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| 112. Plato, Phaedo, 114e4-115a1, 58b5, 74a, 74b, 74c, 78c, 78d, 78e, 83d7, 114d8-115a3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 212 |
| 113. Plato, Phaedrus, "244ad", "246e", "247b", 250b, 250c, 256d7, 266e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna, Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen (2012) 40 |
| 114. Plato, Philebus, 23c, 23d, 27b8-9, 36c, 36d, 36e, 55d10-56a2, 26d8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 162 |
| 115. Plato, Statesman, 261e5-7, 268d5-274e3, 275b1-7, 276a, 283b, 283c, 283c3-285c2, 284a, 284b, 284e4-5, 284e6-8, 284e9-10, 292b, 292c, 292d, 292e, 293a, 293b, 293c, 294a6-296a4, 294b2-6, 295a5, 295c, 295d, 295e, 296e, 297d, 297e, 300c, 300c2, 300c5, 300e11-301a4, 301c, 301d, 303e10-304a2, 289e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 294 |
| 116. Isaeus, Orations, 5.9, 5.8, 6.56, 3.30, 7.22, 11.34, 8.8, 11.35, 2.31, 2.30, 5.18, 12.5, 11.3, 5.30, 2.9, 2.34, 9.19, 10.1, 2.35, 5.7, 2.37, 2.36, 2.27, 7.21, 2.33, 7.20, 2.32, 3.8, 11.2, 3.78, 11.1, 8.23, 9.18, 2.29, 2.28, 12.4, 7.41, 7.42, 5.28, 5.29, 11.33, 7.3, 11.32, 6.61, 7.38, 7.39, 7.40, 12.1, 7.35, 7.36, 7.34, 9.4, 9.31, 9.32, 4.28, 7.37, 9.28, 9.30, 9.29, 9.27, 6.51, 4.29, 6.14, 4.27, 4.19, 1.4, 1.42, 1.17, 1.19, 5.12, 1.30, 1.20, 1.33, 1.37, 7.8, 7.11, 7.12, 7.33, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 19, 8.40, 9.35, 20, 5.5ff (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 248 |
117. Plato, Protagoras, 314b-316a, 320b, 323d, 324a, 324b, 324d, 325a, 325b, 327a, 337d2-3, 337e2-338b1, 353c1-354e2, 347c (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 294| 347c. ἐάσωμεν, περὶ δὲ ὧν τὸ πρῶτον ἐγώ σε ἠρώτησα, ὦ Πρωταγόρα, ἡδέως ἂν ἐπὶ τέλος ἔλθοιμι μετὰ σοῦ σκοπούμενος. καὶ γὰρ δοκεῖ μοι τὸ περὶ ποιήσεως διαλέγεσθαι ὁμοιότατον εἶναι τοῖς συμποσίοις τοῖς τῶν φαύλων καὶ ἀγοραίων ἀνθρώπων. καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι, διὰ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι ἀλλήλοις διʼ ἑαυτῶν συνεῖναι ἐν τῷ πότῳ μηδὲ διὰ τῆς ἑαυτῶν φωνῆς καὶ τῶν λόγων τῶν ἑαυτῶν ὑπὸ ἀπαιδευσίας, τιμίας ποιοῦσι | 347c. But if he does not mind, let us talk no more of poems and verses, but consider the points on which I questioned you at first, Protagoras, and on which I should be glad to reach, with your help, a conclusion. For it seems to me that arguing about poetry is comparable to the wine-parties of common market-folk. These people, owing to their inability to carry on a familiar conversation over their wine by means of their own voices and discussions— [347d] such is their lack of education—put a premium on flute-girls by hiring the extraneous voice of the flute at a high price, and carry on their intercourse by means of its utterance. But where the party consists of thorough gentlemen who have had a proper education, you will see neither flute-girls nor dancing-girls nor harp-girls, but only the company contenting themselves with their own conversation, and none of these fooleries and frolics—each speaking and listening decently in his turn, [347e] even though they may drink a great deal of wine. And so a gathering like this of ours, when it includes such men as most of us claim to be, requires no extraneous voices, not even of the poets, whom one cannot question on the sense of what they say; when they are adduced in discussion we are generally told by some that the poet thought so and so, and by others, something different, and they go on arguing about a matter which they are powerless to determine. No, this sort of meeting is avoided by men of culture, 347c. But if he does not mind, let us talk no more of poems and verses, but consider the points on which I questioned you at first, Protagoras, and on which I should be glad to reach, with your help, a conclusion. For it seems to me that arguing about poetry is comparable to the wine-parties of common market-folk. These people, owing to their inability to carry on a familiar conversation over their wine by means of their own voices and discussions— |
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| 118. Plato, Timaeus, 22a, 22c, 22d, 30a3, 37d2, 38c1, 39d4, 42e2, 47e5-48a5, 56c5-6, 60e2, 89d6, 34c-35a (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scopello, The Gospel of Judas in Context: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Gospel of Judas (2008) 271 |
| 119. Euripides, Alcestis, 220 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cleinias (the laws) Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374 |
| 120. Euripides, Medea, 226ff (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 247 |
121. Euripides, Orestes, 536-537, 608-629, 903-909 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 94| 909. ὅσοι δὲ σὺν νῷ χρηστὰ βουλεύους' ἀεί, | 909. confident in bluster and ignorant free speech, and plausible enough to involve them in some mischief sooner or later; for whenever a man with a pleasing trick of speech, but of unsound principles, persuades the mob, it is a serious evil to the state; but those who give sound and sensible advice on all occasions, |
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122. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 469 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 153| 469. ἁπλοῦς ὁ μῦθος τῆς ἀληθείας ἔφυ, | 469. The words of truth are naturally simple, |
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123. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 430-434, 429 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 98| 429. οὐδὲν τυράννου δυσμενέστερον πόλει, | 429. This herald is a clever fellow, a dabbler in the art of talk. But since thou hast thus entered the lists with me, listen awhile, for ’twas thou didst challenge a discussion. Naught is more hostile to a city than a despot; |
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| 124. Lysias, Orations, 1.23-1.37, 1.47-1.49, 3.44-3.46, 3.48, 4.20, 6.4, 6.54, 7.31, 7.41-7.42, 9.1, 9.3, 9.21-9.22, 10.3, 10.6-10.9, 10.22, 10.28, 12.35, 12.85, 13.1, 13.3, 13.23, 13.41-13.42, 13.48-13.49, 13.83-13.84, 13.92, 13.97, 14.1, 14.3-14.4, 14.12-14.13, 14.45, 15.9, 15.12, 17.2, 17.5, 18.1, 18.20-18.21, 18.27, 19.33, 19.45, 19.53, 19.61, 20.34-20.35, 21.24-21.25, 22.2-22.4, 22.8, 22.17-22.21, 27.6-27.7, 29.13, 30.6, 30.15, 30.21-30.24, 32.12, 34.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 113, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 136, 138, 154, 155, 162, 171, 172, 175, 200, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 227, 230, 242, 243, 283, 299, 301; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 86, 256, 287; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 93; Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 308 |
| 125. Antiphon of Athens, Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 102 |
| 126. Plato Comicus, Fragments, 182, 185, 203, 601 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 93 |
| 127. Isocrates, Panegyricus, 89 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 326 |
| 128. Euripides, Archelaus (Fragmenta Papyracea), 360.13, 370.67-370.70 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •periclean citizenship law, the Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 108, 109 |
129. Euripides, Andromache, 155-156, 196-197, 201-202, 713-714, 900, 942 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford, Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays (2018) 319| 942. ἡ δ' ἡμιδούλους τοῖς ἐμοῖς νοθαγενεῖς. | |
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| 130. Plato Comicus, Fragments, 182, 185, 203, 601 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun, The History of Religions School Today: Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts (2014) 93 |
131. Xenophon, Constitution of The Spartans, 4.3-4.5, 8.3-8.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •on law and justice (attrib. archytas), on the best constitution Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473 | 4.5. Here then you find that kind of strife that is dearest to the gods, and in the highest sense political — the strife that sets the standard of a brave man’s conduct; and in which either party exerts itself to the end that it may never fall below its best, and that, when the time comes, every member of it may support the state with all his might. Horsemanship , 2.1. 4.5. , After this the Lacedaemonians, upon hearing 390 B.C. from the Corinthian exiles that the people in the city had all their cattle in Piraeum A mountainous peninsula of considerable extent on the north-western side of the isthmus of Corinth (see note 2, below). At its western extremity was the Heraeum, or temple of Hera (see 5, below), near which was a small lake (6). In the north-eastern part of the peninsula was the fortress of Oenoe (5). and there kept them safe, and that many were being maintained from this supply, made another expedition to the territory of Corinth, Agesilaus being in command this time also. And first he came to the Isthmus The term was used by the Greeks, not (as in the preceding note) of the entire neck of land connecting Peloponnesus with northern Greece, but only of its narrowest part, some three or four miles north-east of the city of Corinth. Toward the eastern side of this Isthmus proper was the famous sanctuary of Poseidon where, every two years, the Isthmian games were celebrated. ; for it was the month during which the Isthmian games are celebrated, and the Argives chanced at the time to be offering the sacrifice there to Poseidon, as though Argos were Corinth. But when they learned that Agesilaus was approaching, they left behind both the victims that had been offered and the breakfast that was being made ready and retired to the city in very great fear, along the road leading to Cenchreae., Agesilaus, however, did not pursue them, even though he saw them, but encamping in the sacred precinct offered sacrifice himself to the god and waited until the Corinthian exiles had conducted 390 B.C. the sacrifice and the games in honour of Poseidon. But when Agesilaus had left the Isthmus, the Argives celebrated the Isthmian games all over again. In that year, accordingly, in some of the contests individual competitors were beaten twice, while in others the same competitors were twice proclaimed victors., On the fourth day Agesilaus led his army against Piraeum. But seeing that it was guarded by many, he withdrew after breakfast in the direction of the capital, as though the city were going to be betrayed to him; so that the Corinthians, in fear that the city was to be betrayed by some one, summoned Iphicrates with the greater part of his peltasts. Agesilaus, however, upon perceiving that they had passed by during the night, turned about, and at daybreak proceeded to lead his army to Piraeum. And he himself advanced by way of the hot springs Situated near the shore on the road leading from the Isthmus to Piraeum., but he sent one regiment up the heights to proceed along the topmost ridge. On that night, accordingly, he was in camp at the hot springs, while the regiment bivouacked, holding possession of the heights., It was then that Agesilaus won credit by a trifling but timely expedient. For since no one among those who carried provisions for the regiment had brought fire, and it was cold, not only because they were at a high altitude, but also because there had been rain and hail towards evening—and besides, they had gone up in light clothing suitable to the summer season—and they were shivering and, in the darkness, had no heart for their dinner, Agesilaus sent up not less than ten men carrying fire in earthen pots. And when these men had climbed up by one way and another and many large fires had been 390 B.C. made, since there was a great deal of fuel at hand, all the soldiers anointed themselves and many of them only then began their dinner. It was on this night also that the temple of Poseidon See note 2, p. 323. was seen burning; but no one knows by whom it was set on fire., Now when the people in Piraeum perceived that the heights were occupied, they gave no further thought to defending themselves, but fled for refuge to the Heraeum, See note 1, p. 323. men and women, slaves and freemen, and the greater part of the cattle. And Agesilaus with the army proceeded along the sea shore; while the regiment, descending at the same time from the heights, captured Oenoe, See note 1, p. 323. the stronghold which had been fortified in Piraeum, and took possession of all that was within it, and in fact all the soldiers on that day possessed themselves of provisions in abundance from the farms. Meanwhile those who had taken refuge in the Heraeum came out, with the purpose of leaving it to Agesilaus to decide as he chose in regard to them. He decided to deliver over to the exiles all those who had a part in the massacre, c.p. 4.4.2 and that all else should be sold., Thereupon the prisoners came forth from the Heraeum, a very great number of them, together with their property; and many embassies from various states presented themselves, while from the Boeotians in particular ambassadors had come to ask what they should do in order to obtain peace. Agesilaus, however, in a very lofty way affected not even to see these ambassadors, although Pharax, diplomatic agent for the Thebans at Lacedaemon, was standing beside them for the purpose of presenting them to him; but sitting in the circular structure The reference is uncertain. near the lake, See note 1, p. 323 he occupied himself in watching the great quantity of 390 B.C. prisoners and property that was being brought out. And some Lacedaemonians from the camp followed with their spears to guard the prisoners, and were much regarded by the bystanders; for somehow men who are fortunate and victorious seem ever to be a noteworthy spectacle., But while Agesilaus was still sitting there in the attitude of a man who exulted in what had been accomplished, a horseman rode up, his horse sweating profusely. And being asked by many people what news he brought, he made no reply to anyone, but when he was near Agesilaus, he leaped down from his horse, ran up to him, and with a very gloomy face told him of the disaster Described in 11-17, below. to the regiment stationed in Lechaeum. When Agesilaus heard this, he immediately leaped up from his seat, seized his spear, and ordered the herald to summon the commanders of regiments and of fifties and the leaders of the allies., When they came running together, he told the rest of them to follow along as quickly as possible after swallowing what they could—for they had not yet breakfasted—while he himself with his tent companions The tent companions of a Spartan king were the six polemarchs, or commanders of regiments, and three other Spartiatae. Xen. de Rep. Lac. xiii. 1. went on ahead breakfastless. And the spearmen of his body-guard, fully armed, accompanied him with all speed, he leading the way and his tent companions following after him. But when he had already passed the hot springs and come to the plain of Lechaeum, three horsemen rode up and reported that the bodies of the dead had been recovered. When he heard this, he gave the order to ground arms, and after resting the army for a short time, led it back again to the Heraeum; and on the following day he exposed the prisoners and 390 B.C. captured property for sale., The ambassadors of the Boeotians were now summoned and asked for what purpose they had come. They made no further mention of peace, but said that if there were nothing to hinder, they desired to pass into the city to join their own soldiers. And Agesilaus said with a laugh, On the contrary, I know that you are not desirous of seeing your soldiers, but of beholding the good fortune of your friends, that you may see how great it has been. Wait, therefore, he said, for I will conduct you myself, and by being with me you will find out better what manner of thing it is that has happened. , And he did not belie his words, but on the next day, after offering sacrifice, he led his army to the city. He did not throw down the trophy, but by cutting down and burning any fruit-tree that was still left, he showed that no one wanted to come out against him. When he had done this, he encamped near Lechaeum; as for the ambassadors of the Thebans, although he did not let them go into the city, yet he sent them home by sea to Creusis. A Boeotian port on the Corinthian Gulf. Now inasmuch as such a calamity had been unusual with the Lacedaemonians, there was great mourning throughout the Laconian army, except among those whose sons, fathers, or brothers had fallen where they stood; they, however, went about like victors, with shining counteces and full of exultation in their own misfortune., Now it was in the following way that the disaster to the regiment happened. The Amyclaeans invariably go back home to the festival of the Hyacinthia for the paean to Apollo, whether they chance to be on a campaign or away from home for any other reason. 390 B.C. Accordingly Agesilaus had on this occasion left behind at Lechaeum all the Amyclaeans in the army. Now the polemarch in command of the garrison there detailed the garrison troops of the allies to guard the wall, and himself with the regiment of hoplites and the regiment of horsemen conducted the Amyclaeans along past the city of the Corinthians., And when they were distant from Sicyon about twenty or thirty stadia, the polemarch with the hoplites, who were about six hundred in number, set out to return to Lechaeum, and ordered the commander of horse to follow after him with the regiment of horsemen after they had escorted the Amyclaeans as far as they themselves directed. Now they were by no means unaware that there were many peltasts and many hoplites in Corinth; but on account of their previous successes they contemptuously thought that no one would attack them., But those in the city of the Corinthians, both Callias, the son of Hipponicus, commander of the Athenian hoplites, and Iphicrates, leader of the peltasts, when they descried the Lacedaemonians and saw that they were not only few in number, but also unaccompanied by either peltasts or cavalry, thought that it was safe to attack them with their force of peltasts. For if they should proceed along the road, they could be attacked with javelins on their unprotected side and destroyed; and if they should undertake to pursue, they with their peltasts, the nimblest of all troops, could easily escape the hoplites., Having come to this conclusion, they led forth their troops. And Callias formed his hoplites in line of battle not far from the city, while Iphicrates with his peltasts attacked the Lacedaemonian regiment. Now when the Lacedaemonians 390 B.C. were being attacked with javelins, and several men had been wounded and several others slain, they directed the shield-bearers Slaves who carried the shields of the hoplites. to take up these wounded men and carry them back to Lechaeum; and these were the only men in the regiment who were really saved. i.e., saved both in life and in honour. Then the polemarch ordered the first ten year-classes See note on II. iv. 32. to drive off their assailants., But when they pursued, they caught no one, since they were hoplites pursuing peltasts at the distance of a javelin’s cast; for Iphicrates had given orders to the peltasts to retire before the hoplites got near them; and further, when the Lacedaemonians were retiring from the pursuit, being scattered because each man had pursued as swiftly as he could, the troops of Iphicrates turned about, and not only did those in front again hurl javelins upon the Lacedaemonians, but also others on the flank, running along to reach their unprotected side. Indeed, at the very first pursuit the peltasts shot down nine or ten of them. And as soon as this happened, they began to press the attack much more boldly., Then, as the Lacedaemonians continued to suffer losses, the polemarch again ordered the first fifteen year-classes to pursue. But when these fell back, even more of them were shot down than at the first retirement. And now that the best men had already been killed, the horsemen joined them, and with the horsemen they again undertook a pursuit. But when the peltasts turned to flight, at that moment the horsemen managed their attack badly; for they did not chase the enemy until they had killed some of them, but both in the pursuit and in the turning backward kept an 390 B.C. even front with the hoplites. And what with striving and suffering in this way again and again, the Lacedaemonians themselves kept continually becoming fewer and fainter of heart, while their enemies were becoming bolder, and those who attacked them continually more numerous., Therefore in desperation they gathered together on a small hill, distant from the sea about two stadia, and from Lechaeum about sixteen or seventeen stadia. And the men in Lechaeum, upon perceiving them, embarked in small boats and coasted along until they came opposite the hill. Then the troops, being now desperate, because they were suffering and being slain, while unable to inflict any harm themselves, and, besides this, seeing the Athenian hoplites also coming against them, took to flight. And some of them plunged into the sea, and some few made their escape with the horsemen to Lechaeum. But in all the battles and in the flight about two hundred and fifty of them were killed., Thus it was that these events took place. After this Agesilaus departed with the defeated regiment, and left another behind him in Lechaeum. And as he passed along homeward, he led his troops into the cities as late in the day as he could and set out again in the morning as early as he could. When he approached Mantinea, Cp. iv. 17. by leaving Orchomenus before dawn he passed by that city while it was still dark: so hard, he thought, would the soldiers find it to see the Mantineans rejoicing at their misfortune., After this, Iphicrates was very successful in his other undertakings also. For although garrisons had been stationed in Sidus and Crommyon by Praxitas when he captured these strongholds, and in Oenoe 390 B.C. by Agesilaus at the time when Piraeum was taken, Iphicrates captured all these places. In Lechaeum, however, the Lacedaemonians and their allies maintained their garrison. And the Corinthian exiles, no longer proceeding by land from Sicyon past Corinth, on account of the disaster to the regiment, but sailing along the coast to Lechaeum and sallying forth from there, caused annoyance to the people in the city even as they suffered annoyance themselves. 8.3. It is probable also that these same citizens helped to set up the office of Ephor, having come to the conclusion that obedience is a very great blessing whether in a state or an army or a household. For they thought that the greater the power of these magistrates the more they would impress the minds of the citizens. τοῦ ὑπακούειν is omitted in the translation. It can hardly be right; Schneider removed it, and Cobet proposed εἰς τὸ ὑπακούειν , so as to make them obedient. 8.4. Accordingly, the Ephors are competent to fine whom they choose, and have authority to enact immediate payment: they have authority also to deprive the magistrates of office, and even to imprison and prefer a capital charge against them. Possessing such wide power they do not, like other states, leave persons elected to office to rule as they like throughout the year, but in common with despots and the presidents of the games, they no sooner see anyone breaking the law than they punish the offender. |
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| 132. Xenophon, Constitution of The Athenians, 3.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, on the mysteries Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 36 |
133. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.1.1-1.1.2, 1.2.20, 1.2.41-1.2.42, 2.7, 4.6.2-4.6.7 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws and prescriptions •mother of the gods, and laws •law, athenian. •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 174; Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 334, 335; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 331| 1.1.1. πολλάκις ἐθαύμασα τίσι ποτὲ λόγοις Ἀθηναίους ἔπεισαν οἱ γραψάμενοι Σωκράτην ὡς ἄξιος εἴη θανάτου τῇ πόλει. ἡ μὲν γὰρ γραφὴ κατʼ αὐτοῦ τοιάδε τις ἦν· ἀδικεῖ Σωκράτης οὓς μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεοὺς οὐ νομίζων, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ δαιμόνια εἰσφέρων· ἀδικεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς νέους διαφθείρων. 1.1.2. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν, ὡς οὐκ ἐνόμιζεν οὓς ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεούς, ποίῳ ποτʼ ἐχρήσαντο τεκμηρίῳ; θύων τε γὰρ φανερὸς ἦν πολλάκις μὲν οἴκοι, πολλάκις δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν κοινῶν τῆς πόλεως βωμῶν, καὶ μαντικῇ χρώμενος οὐκ ἀφανὴς ἦν. διετεθρύλητο γὰρ ὡς φαίη Σωκράτης τὸ δαιμόνιον ἑαυτῷ σημαίνειν· ὅθεν δὴ καὶ μάλιστά μοι δοκοῦσιν αὐτὸν αἰτιάσασθαι καινὰ δαιμόνια εἰσφέρειν. 1.2.20. διʼ ὃ καὶ τοὺς υἱεῖς οἱ πατέρες, κἂν ὦσι σώφρονες, ὅμως ἀπὸ τῶν πονηρῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴργουσιν, ὡς τὴν μὲν τῶν χρηστῶν ὁμιλίαν ἄσκησιν οὖσαν τῆς ἀρετῆς, τὴν δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν κατάλυσιν. μαρτυρεῖ δὲ καὶ τῶν ποιητῶν ὅ τε λέγων· ἐσθλῶν μὲν γὰρ ἄπʼ ἐσθλὰ διδάξεαι· ἢν δὲ κακοῖσι συμμίσγῃς, ἀπολεῖς καὶ τὸν ἐόντα νόον, Theognis καὶ ὁ λέγων· αὐτὰρ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς τοτὲ μὲν κακός, ἄλλοτε δʼ ἐσθλός. unknown 1.2.41. εἰπέ μοι, φάναι, ὦ Περίκλεις, ἔχοις ἄν με διδάξαι τί ἐστι νόμος; πάντως δήπου, φάναι τὸν Περικλέα. δίδαξον δὴ πρὸς τῶν θεῶν, φάναι τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην· ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκούων τινῶν ἐπαινουμένων, ὅτι νόμιμοι ἄνδρες εἰσίν, οἶμαι μὴ ἂν δικαίως τούτου τυχεῖν τοῦ ἐπαίνου τὸν μὴ εἰδότα τί ἐστι νόμος. 1.2.42. ἀλλʼ οὐδέν τι χαλεποῦ πράγματος ἐπιθυμεῖς, ὦ Ἀλκιβιάδη, φάναι τὸν Περικλέα, βουλόμενος γνῶναι τί ἐστι νόμος· πάντες γὰρ οὗτοι νόμοι εἰσίν, οὓς τὸ πλῆθος συνελθὸν καὶ δοκιμάσαν ἔγραψε, φράζον ἅ τε δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ ἃ μή. πότερον δὲ τἀγαθὰ νομίσαν δεῖν ποιεῖν ἢ τὰ κακά; τἀγαθὰ νὴ Δία, φάναι, ὦ μειράκιον, τὰ δὲ κακὰ οὔ. 4.6.2. πρῶτον δὲ περὶ εὐσεβείας ὧδέ πως ἐσκόπει· εἰπέ μοι, ἔφη, ὦ Εὐθύδημε, ποῖόν τι νομίζεις εὐσέβειαν εἶναι; καὶ ὅς, κάλλιστον νὴ Δίʼ, ἔφη. ἔχεις οὖν εἰπεῖν ὁποῖός τις ὁ εὐσεβής ἐστιν; ἐμοὶ μὲν δοκεῖ, ἔφη, ὁ τοὺς θεοὺς τιμῶν. ἔξεστι δὲ ὃν ἄν τις βούληται τρόπον τοὺς θεοὺς τιμᾶν; οὐκ ἀλλὰ νόμοι εἰσὶ καθʼ οὓς δεῖ τοὺς θεοὺς τιμᾶν. 4.6.3. οὐκοῦν ὁ τοὺς νόμους τούτους εἰδὼς εἰδείη ἂν ὡς δεῖ τοὺς θεοὺς τιμᾶν; οἶμαι ἔγωγʼ, ἔφη. ἆρʼ οὖν ὁ εἰδὼς ὡς δεῖ τοὺς θεοὺς τιμᾶν οὐκ ἄλλως οἴεται δεῖν τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἢ ὡς οἶδεν; οὐ γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη. ἄλλως δέ τις θεοὺς τιμᾷ ἢ ὡς οἴεται δεῖν; 4.6.4. οὐκ οἶμαι, ἔφη. ὁ ἄρα τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς νόμιμα εἰδὼς νομίμως ἂν τοὺς θεοὺς τιμῴη; πάνυ μὲν οὖν. οὐκοῦν ὅ γε νομίμως τιμῶν ὡς δεῖ τιμᾷ; πῶς γὰρ οὔ; ὁ δέ γε ὡς δεῖ τιμῶν εὐσεβής ἐστι; πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη. ὁ ἄρα τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς νόμιμα εἰδὼς ὀρθῶς ἂν ἡμῖν εὐσεβὴς ὡρισμένος εἴη; ἐμοὶ γοῦν, ἔφη, δοκεῖ. 4.6.5. ἀνθρώποις δὲ ἆρα ἔξεστιν ὃν ἄν τις τρόπον βούληται χρῆσθαι; οὐκ ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τούτους ὁ εἰδὼς ἅ ἐστι νόμιμα καθʼ ἃ δεῖ πως ἀλλήλοις χρῆσθαι, νόμιμος ἂν εἴη . οὐκοῦν οἱ κατὰ ταῦτα χρώμενοι ἀλλήλοις ὡς δεῖ χρῶνται; πῶς γὰρ οὔ; οὐκοῦν οἵ γε ὡς δεῖ χρώμενοι καλῶς χρῶνται; πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν οἵ γε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις καλῶς χρώμενοι καλῶς πράττουσι τὰ ἀνθρώπεια πράγματα; εἰκός γʼ, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν οἱ τοῖς νόμοις πειθόμενοι δίκαια οὗτοι ποιοῦσι; 4.6.6. πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη. δίκαια δὲ ἔφη, οἶσθα ὁποῖα καλεῖται; ἃ οἱ νόμοι κελεύουσιν, ἔφη. οἱ ἄρα ποιοῦντες ἃ οἱ νόμοι κελεύουσι δίκαιά τε ποιοῦσι καὶ ἃ δεῖ; πῶς γὰρ οὔ; οὐκοῦν οἵ γε τὰ δίκαια ποιοῦντες δίκαιοί εἰσιν; οἴομαι ἔγωγʼ, ἔφη. οἴει οὖν τινας πείθεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις μὴ εἰδότας ἃ οἱ νόμοι κελεύουσιν; οὐκ ἔγωγʼ, ἔφη. εἰδότας δὲ ἃ δεῖ ποιεῖν οἴει τινὰς οἴεσθαι δεῖν μὴ ταῦτα ποιεῖν; οὐκ οἶμαι, ἔφη. οἶδας δέ τινας ἄλλα ποιοῦντας ἢ ἃ οἴονται δεῖν; οὐκ ἔγωγʼ, ἔφη. οἱ ἄρα τὰ περὶ ἀνθρώπους νόμιμα εἰδότες οὗτοι τὰ δίκαια ποιοῦσι; πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν οἵ γε τὰ δίκαια ποιοῦντες δίκαιοί εἰσι; τίνες γὰρ ἄλλοι; ἔφη. ὀρθῶς ἄν ποτε ἄρα ὁριζοίμεθα ὁριζόμενοι δικαίους εἶναι τοὺς εἰδότας τὰ περὶ ἀνθρώπους νόμιμα; ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ἔφη. 4.6.7. σοφίαν δὲ τί ἂν φήσαιμεν εἶναι; εἰπέ μοι, πότερά σοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ σοφοί, ἃ ἐπίστανται, ταῦτα σοφοὶ εἶναι, ἢ εἰσί τινες ἃ μὴ ἐπίστανται σοφοί; ἃ ἐπίστανται δῆλον ὅτι, ἔφη· πῶς γὰρ ἄν τις, ἅ γε μὴ ἐπίσταιτο, ταῦτα σοφὸς εἴη; ἆρʼ οὖν οἱ σοφοὶ ἐπιστήμῃ σοφοί εἰσι; τίνι γὰρ ἄν, ἔφη, ἄλλῳ τις εἴη σοφός, εἴ γε μὴ ἐπιστήμῃ; ἄλλο δέ τι σοφίαν οἴει εἶναι ἢ ᾧ σοφοί εἰσιν; οὐκ ἔγωγε. ἐπιστήμη ἄρα σοφία ἐστίν; ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ. ἆρʼ οὖν δοκεῖ σοι ἀνθρώπῳ δυνατὸν εἶναι τὰ ὄντα πάντα ἐπίστασθαι; οὐδὲ μὰ Δίʼ ἔμοιγε πολλοστὸν μέρος αὐτῶν. πάντα μὲν ἄρα σοφὸν οὐχ οἷόν τε ἄνθρωπον εἶναι; μὰ Δίʼ οὐ δῆτα, ἔφη. ὃ ἄρα ἐπίσταται ἕκαστος, τοῦτο καὶ σοφός ἐστιν; ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ. | 1.1.1. I have often wondered by what arguments those who drew up the indictment against Socrates could persuade the Athenians that his life was forfeit to the state. The indictment against him was to this effect: Socrates is guilty of rejecting the gods acknowledged by the state and of bringing in strange deities: he is also guilty of corrupting the youth. 1.1.1. I have often wondered by what arguments those who drew up the indictment against Socrates could persuade the Athenians that his life was forfeit to the state. The indictment against him was to this effect: Socrates is guilty of rejecting the gods acknowledged by the state and of bringing in strange deities: he is also guilty of corrupting the youth. 1.1.2. First then, that he rejected the gods acknowledged by the state — what evidence did they produce of that? He offered sacrifices constantly, and made no secret of it, now in his home, now at the altars of the state temples, and he made use of divination with as little secrecy. Indeed it had become notorious that Socrates claimed to be guided by the deity: That immanent divine something, as Cicero terms it, which Socrates claimed as his peculiar possession. it was out of this claim, I think, that the charge of bringing in strange deities arose. 1.1.2. First then, that he rejected the gods acknowledged by the state — what evidence did they produce of that? He offered sacrifices constantly, and made no secret of it, now in his home, now at the altars of the state temples, and he made use of divination with as little secrecy. Indeed it had become notorious that Socrates claimed to be guided by 'the deity:' it was out of this claim, I think, that the charge of bringing in strange deities arose. 1.2.20. For this cause fathers try to keep their sons, even if they are prudent lads, out of bad company: for the society of honest men is a training in virtue, but the society of the bad is virtue’s undoing. As one of the poets says: From the good shalt thou learn good things; but if thou minglest with the bad thou shalt lose even what thou hast of wisdom. Theognis And another says: Ah, but a good man is at one time noble, at another base. unknown 1.2.20. For this cause fathers try to keep their sons, even if they are prudent lads, out of bad company: for the society of honest men is a training in virtue, but the society of the bad is virtue's undoing. As one of the poets says: "From the good shalt thou learn good things; but if thou minglest with the bad thou shalt lose even what thou hast of wisdom." And another says: "Ah, but a good man is at one time noble, at another base." 1.2.41. Tell me, Pericles, he said, can you teach me what a law is? Certainly, he replied. Then pray teach me. For whenever I hear men praised for keeping the laws, it occurs to me that no one can really deserve that praise who does not know what a law is. 1.2.41. "Tell me, Pericles," he said, "can you teach me what a law is?" "Certainly," he replied. "Then pray teach me. For whenever I hear men praised for keeping the laws, it occurs to me that no one can really deserve that praise who does not know what a law is." 1.2.42. Well, Alcibiades, there is no great difficulty about what you desire. You wish to know what a law is. Laws are all the rules approved and enacted by the majority in assembly, whereby they declare what ought and what ought not to be done. Do they suppose it is right to do good or evil? Good, of course, young man, — not evil. 1.2.42. "Well, Alcibiades, there is no great difficulty about what you desire. You wish to know what a law is. Laws are all the rules approved and enacted by the majority in assembly, whereby they declare what ought and what ought not to be done." "Do they suppose it is right to do good or evil?" "Good, of course, young man, — not evil." 2.7. , To pass to another subject. The distresses of his friends that arose from ignorance he tried to cure by advice, those that were due to want by telling them how to help one another according to their power. On this subject too I will state what I know about him. One day, noticing that Aristarchus looked glum, he said: Aristarchus, you seem to have a burden on your mind. You should let your friends share it; possibly we may do something to ease you. , Ah yes, Socrates, replied Aristarchus, I am in great distress. Since the revolution there has been an exodus to the Piraeus, and a crowd of my women-folk, being left behind, are come to me, — sisters, nieces and cousins, — so that we are fourteen in the house without counting the slaves. We get nothing from our land, because our enemies have seized it, and nothing from our house property, now there are so few residents in the city. Portable property finds no buyers, and it’s quite impossible to borrow money anywhere: I really think a search in the street would have better result than an application for a loan. It’s hard, Socrates, to let one’s people die, but impossible to keep so many in times like these. When Socrates heard this, he asked: , How is it that with so many mouths to feed Ceramon not only contrives to provide for the needs of himself and his family, but actually saves enough to make him a rich man, whereas you, with so many mouths to feed, fear you will all be starved to death? The explanation, of course, is this: my dependants are gentlefolk, his are slaves. , And which do you think are the better, his slaves or your gentlefolk? My gentlefolk, I think. Then is it not disgraceful that you with your gentlefolk should be in distress, while he is kept in affluence by his meaner household? of course his dependants are artisans, while mine have had a liberal education. , What is an artisan? one who knows how to produce something useful? Certainly. Are groats useful? Yes, very. And bread? No less so. What about men’s and women’s cloaks, shirts, capes, smocks? Yes, all these things too are very useful. Then don’t the members of your household know how to make any of these? I believe they can make all of them. , Don’t you know, then, that by manufacturing one of these commodities, namely groats, Nausicydes keeps not only himself and his family, but large herds of swine and cattle as well, and has so much to spare that he often undertakes costly public duties; that Cyrebus feeds his whole family well and lives in luxury by baking bread, Demeas of Collytus by making capes, Menon by making cloaks; and most of the Megarians make a good living out of smocks? Yes, of course; for they buy foreign slaves and can force them to make what is convenient, but my household is made up of gentlefolk and relations. , And so, just because they are gentlefolk and related to you, you think they should do nothing but eat and sleep? Do you find that other gentlefolk who live this sort of life are better off and happier than those who are usefully employed in work that they understand? Or is it your experience that idleness and carelessness help men to learn what they ought to know and remember what they learn, to make themselves healthy and strong, and to get and keep things that are of practical use, but industry and carefulness are useless things? , When these women learned the work that you say they understand, did they regard it as of no practical use, and had they no intention of taking it up, or did they mean to occupy themselves in it and obtain some benefit from it? Which makes men more prudent, idleness or useful employment? Which makes men more just, work or idle discussions about supplies? , Besides, at present, I fancy, you don’t love these ladies and they don’t love you: you think they are a tax on you, and they see that you feel them to be a burden. And the danger in this state of things is that dislike may grow and their former gratitude fade away; but if you exert your authority and make them work, you will love them, when you find that they are profitable to you, and they will be fond of you, when they feel that you are pleased with them. Both you and they will like to recall past kindnesses and will strengthen the feeling of gratitude that these engender; thus you will be better friends and feel more at home. , To be sure, if they were going to do something disgraceful, death would be a better fate. But in point of fact the work they understand is, as it appears, the work considered the most honourable and the most suitable for a woman; and the work that is understood is always done with the greatest ease, speed, pride and pleasure. So do not hesitate to offer them work that will yield a return both to you and to them, and probably they will welcome your proposal. , Well, well, said Aristarchus, your advice seems so good, Socrates, that I think I shall now bring myself to borrow capital to make a start. Hitherto I have had no inclination to do so, knowing that when I had spent the loan I should not have the wherewithal to repay it. , The consequence was that capital was provided and wool purchased. The women worked during dinner and only stopped at the supper hour. There were happy instead of gloomy faces: suspicious glances were exchanged for pleasant smiles. They loved him as a guardian and he liked them because they were useful. Finally Aristarchus came to Socrates and told him this with delight. One objection they have to me, he added: I am the only member of the household who eats the bread of idleness. , Then why not tell them the story of the dog? asked Socrates . It is said that when beasts could talk, a sheep said to her master: It is strange that you give us sheep nothing but what we get from the land, though we supply you with wool and lambs and cheese, and yet you share your own food with your dog, who supplies you with none of these things. The dog heard this, and said: , of course he does. Do not I keep you from being stolen by thieves, and carried off by wolves? Why, but for my protection you couldn’t even feed for fear of being killed. And so, they say, the sheep admitted the dog’s claim to preference. Do you then tell these women that you are their watch-dog and keeper, and it is due to you that they live and work in safety and comfort, with none to harm them. 4.6.2. His analysis of Piety — to take that first — was more or less as follows: Tell me, Euthydemus, what sort of thing is Piety, in your opinion? A very excellent thing, to be sure, he replied. Can you say what sort of man is pious? He who worships the gods, I think. May a man worship the gods according to his own will and pleasure? No, there are laws to be observed in worshipping the gods! 4.6.2. His analysis of Piety — to take that first — was more or less as follows: "Tell me, Euthydemus, what sort of thing is Piety, in your opinion?" "A very excellent thing, to be sure," he replied. "Can you say what sort of man is pious?" "He who worships the gods, I think." "May a man worship the gods according to his own will and pleasure?" "No, there are laws to be observed in worshipping the gods!" 4.6.3. Then will not he who knows these laws know how he must worship the gods? I think so. Then does he who knows how he must worship the gods think that he must do so according to his knowledge, and not otherwise? He does indeed. And does everyone worship the gods as he thinks he ought, and not otherwise? I think so. 4.6.3. "Then will not he who knows these laws know how he must worship the gods?" "I think so." "Then does he who knows how he must worship the gods think that he must do so according to his knowledge, and not otherwise?" "He does indeed." "And does everyone worship the gods as he thinks he ought, and not otherwise?" "I think so." 4.6.4. Then will he who knows what is lawful about the gods worship the gods lawfully? Certainly. Then does not he who worships lawfully worship as he ought? of course. Yes, but he who worships as he ought is pious? Certainly. Shall we therefore rightly define the pious man as one who knows what is lawful concerning the gods? I at any rate think so. 4.6.4. "Then will he who knows what is lawful about the gods worship the gods lawfully?" "Certainly." "Then does not he who worships lawfully worship as he ought?" "of course." "Yes, but he who worships as he ought is pious?" "Certainly." "Shall we therefore rightly define the pious man as one who knows what is lawful concerning the gods?" "I at any rate think so." 4.6.5. In dealing with men, again, may one do as one chooses? No, in the case of men too there are laws of conduct. Then do not those who observe them in their dealings with one another behave as they ought? of course. And do not they who behave as they ought behave well? Certainly. And do not they who behave well towards men act well in human affairs? Presumably. And do not those who obey the laws do what is just? Certainly. 4.6.5. "In dealing with men, again, may one do as one chooses?" "No, in the case of men too there are laws of conduct." "Then do not those who observe them in their dealings with one another behave as they ought?" "of course." "And do not they who behave as they ought behave well?" "Certainly." "And do not they who behave well towards men act well in human affairs?" "Presumably." "And do not those who obey the laws do what is just?" "Certainly." 4.6.6. Do you know what sort of things are called just? The things that the laws command. Consequently those who do what the laws command do both what is just and what they must do? of course. And are not they who do what is just, just men? I think so. Do you think then, that any obey the laws without knowing what the laws command? I do not. And knowing what they must do, do you suppose that any think they must not do it? I don’t think so. Do you know of any who do, not what they think they must do, but something else? I do not. Consequently those who know what is lawful concerning men do what is just? Certainly. But are not they who do what is just, just men? Exactly. At last, then, we may rightly define just men as those who know best what is just concerning men? I think so. And what of Wisdom? 4.6.6. "Do you know what sort of things are called just?" "The things that the laws command." "Consequently those who do what the laws command do both what is just and what they must do?" "of course." "And are not they who do what is just, just men?" "I think so." "Do you think then, that any obey the laws without knowing what the laws command?" "I do not." "And knowing what they must do, do you suppose that any think they must not do it?" "I don't think so." "Do you know of any who do, not what they think they must do, but something else?" "I do not." "Consequently those who know what is lawful concerning men do what is just?" "Certainly." "But are not they who do what is just, just men?" "Exactly." "At last, then, we may rightly define just men as those who know best what is just concerning men?" "I think so." "And what of Wisdom? 4.6.7. How shall we describe it? Tell me, does it seem to you that the wise are wise about what they know, or are some wise about what they do not know? About what they know, obviously; for how can a man be wise about the things he doesn’t know? The wise, then, are wise by knowledge? How else can a man be wise if not by knowledge? Do you think that wisdom is anything but that by which men are wise? No. It follows that Wisdom is Knowledge? I think so. Then do you think it possible for a man to know all things? of course not — nor even a fraction of them. So an all-wise man is an impossibility? of course, of course. Consequently everyone is wise just in so far as he knows? I think so. 4.6.7. How shall we describe it? Tell me, does it seem to you that the wise are wise about what they know, or are some wise about what they do not know?" "About what they know, obviously; for how can a man be wise about the things he doesn't know?" "The wise, then, are wise by knowledge?" "How else can a man be wise if not by knowledge?" "Do you think that wisdom is anything but that by which men are wise?" "No." "It follows that Wisdom is Knowledge?" "I think so." "Then do you think it possible for a man to know all things?" "of course not — nor even a fraction of them." "So an all-wise man is an impossibility?" "of course, of course." "Consequently everyone is wise just in so far as he knows?" "I think so." |
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134. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 8.8.7 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws and prescriptions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 328| 8.8.7. τοιγαροῦν ὅστις ἂν πολεμῇ αὐτοῖς, πᾶσιν ἔξεστιν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ αὐτῶν ἀναστρέφεσθαι ἄνευ μάχης ὅπως ἂν βούλωνται διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων περὶ μὲν θεοὺς ἀσέβειαν, περὶ δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἀδικίαν. αἱ μὲν δὴ γνῶμαι ταύτῃ τῷ παντὶ χείρους νῦν ἢ τὸ παλαιὸν αὐτῶν. | 8.8.7. |
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135. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.2.14, 1.4.12-1.4.21, 5.1.21 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, concerning the temene •law, on the lesser panathenaia •law, on the fortification walls •mother of the gods, and laws •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 291; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 330; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 85, 230 | 1.2.14. And now the winter came on. During the course of it the Syracusan prisoners, who were immured in stone quarries in Piraeus, dug through the rock and made their escape by night, most of them to Decelea and the rest to Megara. 1.4.12. And when he found that the temper of the Athenians was kindly, that they had chosen him general, and that his friends were urging him by personal messages to return, he sailed in to Piraeus, arriving on the day when the city was celebrating the Plynteria When the clothing of the ancient wooden statue of Athena Polias was removed and washed ( πλύνειν ). and the statue of Athena was veiled from sight,—a circumstance which some people imagined was of ill omen, both for him and for the state; for on that day no Athenian would venture to engage in any serious business. 1.4.13. When he sailed in, the common crowd of Piraeus and of the city gathered to his ships, filled with wonder and desiring to see the famous Alcibiades. Some of them said that he was the best of the citizens; that he alone was banished without just cause, but rather because he was plotted against by those who had less power than he and spoke less well and ordered their political doings with a view to their own private gain, whereas he was always 407 B.C. advancing the common weal, both by his own means and by the power of the state. 1.4.14. At the time in question, In 415 B.C. , just before the departure of Alcibiades with the Syracusan expedition. they said, he was willing to be brought to trial at once, when the charge had just been made that he had committed sacrilege against the Eleusinian Mysteries; his enemies, however, postponed the trial, which was obviously his right, and then, when he was absent, robbed him of his fatherland; 1.4.15. thereafter, in his exile, helpless as a slave and in danger of his life every day, he was forced to pay court to those whom he hated most The Spartans and the Persians. ; and though he saw those who were dearest to him, his fellow-citizens and kinsmen and all Athens, making mistakes, he was debarred by his banishment from the opportunity of helping them. 1.4.16. It was not the way, they said, of men such as he to desire revolution or a change in government; for under the democracy it had been his fortune to be not only superior to his contemporaries but also not inferior to his elders, while his enemies, on the other hand, were held in precisely the same low estimation after his banishment as before; later, however, when they had gained power, they had slain the best men, and since they alone were left, they were accepted by the citizens merely for the reason that better men were not available. 1.4.17. Others, however, said that Alcibiades alone was responsible for their past troubles, and as for the ills which threatened to befall the state, he alone would probably prove to be the prime cause of them. 1.4.18. Meanwhile Alcibiades, who had come to anchor close to the shore, did not at once disembark, through fear of his enemies; but mounting upon the deck of 407 B.C. his ship, he looked to see whether his friends were present. 1.4.19. But when he sighted his cousin Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and his other relatives and with them his friends, then he disembarked and went up to the city, accompanied by a party who were prepared to quell any attack that anyone might make upon him. 1.4.20. And after he had spoken in his own defence before the Senate and the Assembly, saying that he had not committed sacrilege and that he had been unjustly treated, and after more of the same sort had been said, with no one speaking in opposition because the Assembly would not have tolerated it, he was proclaimed general-in-chief with absolute authority, the people thinking that he was the man to recover for the state its former power; then, as his first act, he led out all his troops and conducted by land the procession From Athens to the temple of Demeter at Eleusis. of the Eleusinian Mysteries, which the Athenians had been conducting by sea on account of the war; 1.4.21. and after this he collected an armament of fifteen hundred hoplites, one hundred and fifty horsemen, and one hundred ships. Then, in the fourth month after his return to Athens, he set sail for Andros, which had revolted from the Athenians; and with him were sent Aristocrates and Adeimantus, the son of Leucolophides, the generals who had been chosen for service by land. |
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| 136. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 7.5.14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 298 |
| 137. Euripides, Antiope (Fragmenta Antiopes ), 360.13, 370.67-370.70 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •periclean citizenship law, the Found in books: Kirichenko, Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age (2022) 108, 109 |
| 138. Plato, Republic, republic, 371c, 615c, 532c, 344a, 4.427e-434c, 331c-332a, 485b, 478, 479, 477, 475, 476, 617e, 4.433d3, 8.558c5-6, 8.546a2-3, 1.347b9-d2, 7.520e14-521a8, 5.457b7, 5.457b7-471c2, 8.554c11-d3, 5.457b8, 5.457c4-5, 6.502c5-7, 4.442c10-d1, 5.473b6, 4.442c5, 4.442b11, 5.473a8, 5.473a7, 2.383c3-5, 5.452c2, 7.540e5-541b1, 2.376e2-3.412b6, 2.369a5, 6.501a9-c4, 6.501a2, 6.500d10-501c8, 6.500c9-d1, 5.449c2-450a2, 5.450c1-5, 5.450c6-d2, 6.498e3-499a2, 6.498d8, 5.473c3, 5.451d4-457b6, 3.416c5-d1, 3.416d4-6, 3.417a3, 3.417a6, 4.423e6-7, 4.423e6-424a2, 5.453d2, 5.457c7, 5.450c6-6.502c7, 4.434d1, 4.445b5-7, 4.445a5-b4, 9.591c1, 4.444d3-e3, 4.435a4, 9.588b1-591b8, 4.445c1-2, 9.591c1-592b6, 4.430d6-432b1, 4.432b2-434c3, 9.591b8, 1.344a4-b1, 9.587d12-e4, 5.472c4, 5.471c3, 4.429a8-430c7, 4.428a11-429a7, 2.369a6, 2.367e1-5, 1.354b4-5, 10.604a10, 9.587c2, 10.604b6, 10.607a7, 9.587a10, 5.473c11-e2, 2.379a5-6, 5.462a9-e3, 7.534b3-6, 6.510c6-7, 7.531e4-5, 5.452a7-c2, 5.473c7-8, 6.499a11-d5, 5.473a5-b1, 7.535a3, 7.533d7-e2, 5.472c1, 5.473b1, 4.427e6-444e6, 479a, 479b, 479c, 495a, 495b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 388 |
| 139. Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 1.91, 2.72 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •athens, homicide laws •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146; Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 135 |
140. Aeschines, Letters, 1.1-1.2, 1.5-1.6, 1.15-1.17, 1.19, 1.36, 1.44-1.50, 1.90-1.92, 1.94, 1.119, 1.176-1.177, 1.192-1.193, 2.68, 2.124, 2.156, 2.170, 2.180, 2.184, 3.6-3.8, 3.14, 3.16, 3.37, 3.39, 3.121, 3.137, 3.173, 3.198, 3.200, 3.219, 3.245-3.247, 3.254 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. •hyperides, paraphrases the laws •nomothetai, enactment of laws •laws, of the polis Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 102, 109, 116, 124, 138, 141, 152, 160, 166, 168, 169, 198, 201, 203, 204, 223, 224, 226, 234, 243, 252, 301; Hitch, Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world (2017) 145; Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 126, 127 | 1.1. I have never, fellow citizens, brought indictment against any Athenian, nor vexed any man when he was rendering account of his office. The Athenian Constitution provided for rigid auditing of the accounts of all officials at the close of their year of office, and gave full opportunity to any citizen to bring charges against any act of their administration. Such opportunity might easily be used for malicious or blackmailing attack; but in all such matters I have, as I believe, shown myself a quiet and modest man.A quiet citizen, as distinguished from the professional political blackmailer, sukofa/nths But when I saw that the city was being seriously injured by the defendant, Timarchus, who, though disqualified by law, was speaking in your assemblies,As the speech proceeds we shall see that Aeschines declares that Timarchus was guilty of immoral practices that disqualified him from speaking before the people. and when I myself was made a victim of his blackmailing attack—the nature of the attack I will show in the course of my speech— 1.2. I decided that it would be a most shameful thing if I failed to come to the defence of the whole city and its laws, and to your defence and my own; and knowing that he was liable to the accusations that you heard read a moment ago by the clerk of the court, I instituted this suit, challenging him to official scrutiny. Thus it appears,fellow citizens, that what is so frequently said of public suits is no mistake, namely, that very often private enmities correct public abuses. 1.6. And it behooves us, I think, not only when we are enacting laws, to consider always how the laws that we make may be good and advantageous to the democracy, but when once we have enacted them, it equally behooves us, if all is to be well with the state, to obey the laws that we have enacted, and to punish those who do not obey them.Consider, fellow citizens, how much attention that ancient lawgiver, Solon, gave to morality, as did Draco and the other lawgivers of those days. 1.19. And what does he say? “If any Athenian,” he says, “shall have prostituted his person, he shall not be permitted to become one of the nine archons,” because, no doubt, that official wears the wreath;The myrtle wreath was worn as sign of the sacred character of the office, and it protected the person from assault.“nor to discharge the office of priest,” as being not even clean of body; “nor shall he act as an advocate for the state,” he says, “nor shall ever hold any office whatsoever, at home or abroad,whether filled by lot or by election; nor shall he be a herald or an ambassador” 1.44. The truth of this story is known to everybody who knew Misgolas and Timarchus in those days. Indeed, I am very glad that the suit that I am prosecuting is against a man not unknown to you, and known for no other thing than precisely that practice as to which you are going to render your verdict. For in the case of facts which are not generally known, the accuser is bound, I suppose, to make his proofs explicit; but where the facts are notorious, I think it is no very difficult matter to conduct the prosecution, for one has only to appeal to the recollection of his hearers. 1.47. But if Misgolas does indeed answer the summons, but resorts to the most shameless course, denial of the truth under oath, as a grateful return to Timarchus, and a demonstration to the rest of them that he well knows how to help cover up such conduct, in the first place he will damage himself, and in the second place he will gain nothing by it. For I have prepared another affidavit for those who know that this man Timarchus left his father's house and lived with Misgolas, though it is a difficult thing, no doubt, that I am undertaking. For I have to present as my witnesses, not friends of mine nor enemies of theirs, nor those who are strangers to both of us, but their friends. 1.48. But even if they do persuade these men also not to testify—I do not expect they will, at any rate not all of them—one thing at least they will never succeed in accomplishing: they will never hush up the truth, nor blot out Timarchus' reputation among his fellow citizens—a reputation which he owes to no act of mine, but to his own conduct. For the life of a virtuous man ought to be so clean that it will not admit even of a suspicion of wrong-doing. 1.49. But I wish to say another thing in anticipation, in case Misgolas shall answer before the laws and before you. There are men who by nature differ widely from the rest of us as to their apparent age. For some men, young in years, seem mature and older than they are; others, old by count of years, seem to be mere youths. Misgolas is such a man. He happens, indeed, to be of my own age, and was in the cadet corps with me;All Athenian young men were required to undergo military training during the two years following their eighteenth birthday. The first year they were in garrison at the Piraeus. At the close of the year, after a public exhibition of their military attainments, they received a shield and spear from the state, and then were sent out for another year to garrison the forts and patrol the borders. we are now in our forty-fifth year. I am quite gray, as you see, but not he. Why do I speak of this? Because I fear that,seeing him for the first time, you may be surprised,and some such thought as this may occur to you: “Heracles! This man is not much older than Timarchus.” For not only is this youthful appearance characteristic of the man, but moreover Timarchus was already past boyhood when he used to be in his company. 1.50. But not to delay, call first, if you please, those who know that Timarchus here lived in the house of Misgolas, then read the testimony of Phaedrus, and, finally, please take the affidavit of Misgolas himself, in case fear of the gods, and respect for those who know the facts as well as he does, and for the citizens at large and for you the jurors, shall persuade him to testify to the truth.Testimony[;Misgolas, son of Nicias, of Piraeus, testifies. Timarchus, who once used to stay at the house of Euthydicis the physician, became intimate with me, and I hold him today in the same esteem as in all my past acquaintance with him.]; 1.90. For if in the future, as always in the past, this practice is going to be carried on in secret, and in lonely places and in private houses, and if the man who best knows the facts, but has defiled one of his fellow citizens, is to be liable to the severest punishment if he testifies to the truth, while the man on trial, who has been denounced by the testimony of his own life and of the truth, is to demand that he be judged, not by the facts that are notorious, but by the testimony of witnesses, then the law is done away with, and so is the truth, while a plain path is marked out by which the worst wrongdoers may escape. 1.91. For what foot-pad or adulterer or assassin, or what man who has committed the greatest crimes, but has done it secretly, will be brought to justice? For whereas such of these criminals as are caught in the act are instantly punished with death, if they acknowledge the crime, those who have done the act secretly and deny their guilt, are tried in the courts, and the truth can be determined by circumstantial evidence only. 1.94. And yet a certain speech-writer who is concocting his defenseAeschines names this speech-writer in Aeschin. 1.119. says that I contradict myself; since it seems to him impossible, he says, for the same man to have been a prostitute and to have consumed his patrimony. For, he says, to have sinned against one's own body is the act of a boy, but to have consumed one's patrimony is that of a man. And furthermore he says that those who defile themselves exact pay for it. He therefore goes up and down the marketplace expressing his wonder and amazement that one and the same man should have prostituted himself and also have consumed his patrimony. 1.176. But it is your business to take your stand against this sort of thing, and following close on his every step, to let him at no point turn aside nor persist in irrelevant talk; on the contrary, act as you do in a horse-race, make him keep to the track—of the matter at issue. If you do that, you will not fail of respect, and you will have the same sentiments when you are called to enforce laws that you had when you made them; but if you do otherwise, it will appear that when crimes are about to be committed, you foresee them and are angry, but after they have been committed, you no longer care. 1.177. To sum it all up, if you punish the wrongdoers, your laws will be good and valid; but if you let them go, good laws, indeed, but valid no longer. And I shall not hesitate to speak out and tell you why I say this. I will explain by means of an illustration. Why do you suppose it is, fellow citizens, that the existing laws are good, but that the decrees of the city are inferior to them,A law (no/mos) could be enacted or amended only by a special legislative commission, by an elaborate process, under careful precautions, at a fixed time in the civil year. A decree (yh/fisma) could he passed any day by joint action of senate and assembly, and as easily amended or repealed. and that the verdicts rendered in the courts are sometimes open to censure? 1.192. And be assured—I earnestly beg of you to remember what I am about to say—be assured that if Timarchus shall pay the penalty for his practices, you will lay the foundation for orderly conduct in this city; but if he shall be cleared, the case had better never have been tried. For before Timarchus came to trial, the law and the name of the courts did cause some men to fear; but if the leader in indecency and the most notorious man of all shall once have been brought into court and then come safely off, many will be induced to offend; and it will finally be, not what is said, but the desperate situation, that will arouse your anger. 1.193. therefore punish one man, and do not wait till you have a multitude to punish; and be on your guard against their machinations and their advocates. I will name no one of these, lest they make that their excuse for speaking, saying that they would not have come forward had not someone mentioned them by name. But this I will do: I will omit their names, but by describing their habits will make known their persons also. And each man will have only himself to blame if he comes up here and displays his impudence. 2.68. At that meeting Demosthenes was sitting by the side of the witness, and showed him a decree, over which the name of Demosthenes stood written; and that he consulted him as to whether he should hand it to the presiding officers to put to vote; this decree contained the terms on which Demosthenes moved that peace and alliance he made, and these terms were identical with the terms which Philocrates had moved. Now, if you please, call Amyntor of the deme Herchia; if he does not come hither voluntarily, serve summons upon him. Testimony 2.124. How he has deceived you—deceit is ever the mark of the charlatan—see from his own words. He says that I went down the Loedias river to Philip in a canoe by night, and that I wrote for Philip the letter which came to you. For Leosthenes, who had been exiled from Athens through the work of blackmailers, was not competent to write a clever letter—a man whom some do not hesitate to rank next to Callistratus of Aphidna as an able orator! 2.156. You hear the sworn testimony. But these wicked arts of rhetoric, which Demosthenes offers to teach our youth, and has now employed against me, his tears and groans for Hellas , and his praise of Satyrus the comic actor, because over the cups he begged of Philip the release of certain friends of his who were captives in chains, digging in Philip's vineyard—you remember, do you not, how after this preface he lifted up that shrill and abominable voice of his and cried out, 2.170. But to prove that I am speaking the truth, please take this decree, and call Temenides and those who were my comrades in the expedition in the service of the city, and call Phocion, the general, not yet to plead for me, if it please the jury, but as a witness who cannot speak falsely without exposing himself to the libellous attacks of my prosecutor. Decree Testimony 2.180. And first of all I pray and beseech the gods to save me, and then I beseech you, who hold the verdict in your hands, before whom I have defended myself against every one of the accusations, to the best of my recollection; I beg you to save me, and not give me over to the hands of the rhetorician and the Scythian. You who are fathers of children or have younger brother's whom you hold dear, remember that to me they are indebted for a warning which they will not forget, admonished to live chastely through my prosecution of Timarchus. 3.6. There are, as you know, fellow-citizens, three forms of government in the world tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy. Tyrannies and oligarchies are administered according to the tempers of their lords, but democratic states according to their own established laws. Let no man among you forget this, but let each bear distinctly in mind that when he enters a court-room to sit as juror in a suit against an illegal motion, on that day he is to cast his vote for or against his own freedom of speech. This is why the lawgiver placed first in the jurors' oath these words, “I will vote according to the laws.” For he well knew that if the laws are faithfully upheld for the state, the democracy also is preserved. 3.7. This you ought always to remember, and to hate those who make illegal motions, and to hold no such offence as trivial, but every one as serious indeed. And you ought to let no man rob you of this right of yours, whether through the intercession of the generals, who by their cooperation with certain public men have this long time been outraging the constitution, or through petitions of foreigners, whom some bring in here, and so escape the courts, when their whole political career has been in defiance of the laws. But as each man of you would be ashamed to desert the post to which he had been assigned in war, so now you should be ashamed to desert the post to which the laws have called you, sentinels, guarding the democracy this day. 3.8. And another thing you have to remember: today your fellow citizens as a body have put the city and the constitution into your hands as a solemn trust. Some of them are present, listening to this case; others are absent, busy with their personal affairs. Respect them therefore, and remember the oaths which you have sworn, and the laws; and if I convict Ctesiphon of having made a motion that is illegal, false, and injurious to the state, annul the illegal motion, fellow citizens; confirm the democratic government for our state; punish those whose policies are opposed to the laws and to your interests. If in this spirit you listen to the words which are about to be spoken, I am sure that your verdict will be just, faithful to your oath, and salutary alike to yourselves and to the commonwealth. 3.16. When, therefore, fellow citizens, what the lawgiver names “offices,” they call “employments” and “commissions,” it is your duty to remember the law, and to set it against their shamelessness, and to remind them that you refuse to accept a rascally sophist, who expects to destroy the laws with phrases; but that when a man has made an illegal motion, the more cleverly he talks, the more angry will he find you. For by right, fellow citizens, the orator and the law ought to speak the same language; but when the law utters one voice and the orator another, you ought to give your vote to the just demand of the law, not to the shamelessness of the speaker. 3.121. Consider then with what voice, with what spirit, with what countece, possessed of what effrontery, you will make your supplications, if you let go unpunished these men, who stand under the ban of the curse. For not in riddles, but plainly is written the penalty to be suffered by those who have been guilty of impiety, and for those who have permitted it; and the curse closes with these words: ‘May they who fail to punish them never offer pure sacrifice unto Apollo, nor to Artemis, nor to Leto, nor to Athena Pronaea, and may the gods refuse to accept their offerings.’” 3.137. I think that not Phrynondas and not Eurybatus, nor any other of the traitors of ancient times ever proved himself such a juggler and cheat as this man, who, oh earth and heaven, oh ye gods and men—if any men of you will listen to the truth—dares to look you in the face and say that Thebes actually made the alliance with you, not because of the crisis, not because of the fear that was impending over them, not because of your reputation, but because of Demosthenes' declamations! 3.173. But in daily life what is he? From being a trierarch he suddenly came forward as a hired writer of speeches, when he had disreputably squandered his patrimony. But when he had lost his reputation even in this profession, for he disclosed his clients' arguments to their opponents, he vaulted on to the political platform. And though he made enormous profits out of politics, he laid up next to nothing. It is true that just now the Persian's gold has floated his extravagance, but even that will not suffice, for no wealth ever yet kept up with a debauched character. And to sum it all up, he supplies his wants, not from his private income, but from your perils. |
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| 141. Anaximenes of Lampsacus, Rhetoric To Alexander, 7.2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 107, 148 |
| 142. Hyperides, Fragments, 214 jensen (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nomothetai, enactment of laws Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 111 |
143. Hyperides, Pro Euxenippo, 17, 16 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 45 | 16. Let us consider it in this way. The tribes, formed into groups of two, shared out the mountains in Oropus awarded to them by the people. This mountain fell to the lot of Acamantis and Hippothoontis. You proposed that these tribes should restore the mountain to Amphiaraus and the price of produce from it which they had sold; your reason being that the fifty boundary officials had selected it beforehand and set it apart for the god, and that the two tribes had no right to be holding it. |
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| 144. Eubulus, Fragments, 93 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public feasts, and the laws of charondas Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 28 |
| 145. Eubulus, Fragments, 93 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public feasts, and the laws of charondas Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 28 |
146. Septuagint, Tobit, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 2.16, 1.14b, 1.11b, 2.8, 2.10a, 1.6b, 1.20, 14.9, 14.10, 14.11, 14.12, 14.13, 14.14, 14.15, 14.8, 14.7, 1, 14.2, 14.3, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6, 1.1, 2.10b-12a, 2.10b, 2.14b, 5.10, 5.14, 5.3b, 2.11, 2.10, 1.5, 1.4, 1.3, 1.2, 11.13, 11.14, 14.1, 11.21, 11.20, 11.19, 11.18, 11.17, 11.16, 11.15, 1.11, 2, 1.21, 3, 4.1-14.1, 1.17, 1.16, 1.14, 11.5, 11.4, 11.3, 11.2, 11.6, 11.8, 11.7, 11.1, 3.17, 6.11, 6.10, 3.11, 6.12, 11.13b, 10.5, 6.18, 6.17, 3.6, 6.16, 6.13, 12.22, 12.21, 12.20, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.14, 12.11, 12.12, 12.13, 12.14, 12.15, 12.16, 12.17, 12.19, 12.18, 12.7b, 12.10, 4.15, 4.16, 4.17, 4.18, 4.6a, 12.7, 12.8, 12.9, 4.19, 4.4, 4.3, 14, 13, 12, 13.18, 13.17, 13.16, 13.15, 13.14, 13.13, 13.12, 13.11, 13.10, 13.9, 8.17, 8.16, 8.15, 8.6, 8.5, 4, 3.15, 3.14, 3.13, 3.12, 13.1, 13.2, 13.8, 13.7, 13.6, 13.5, 13.4, 13.3, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 14.11a (4th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Toloni, The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis (2022) 86, 87; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 246 | 1.6. But I alone went often to Jerusalem for the feasts, as it is ordained for all Israel by an everlasting decree. Taking the first fruits and the tithes of my produce and the first shearings, I would give these to the priests, the sons of Aaron, at the altar. |
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| 147. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 103, 102 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 218 |
| 148. Menander, Fragments, 459 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
| 149. Menander, Fragments, 459 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
| 150. Menander, Fragments, 459 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
| 151. Menander, Fragments, 459 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
152. Demosthenes, Orations, 23.53, 54, 59.59, 45.60, 32.6, 33.1, 57.70, 30.26, 27.67, 25.60, 21.25, 57.59, 54.43, 53.15, 24.152, 59.115, 24.151, 35.20, 29.33, 46.22, 23.69, 56.4, 56.48, 37.36, 20.9, 19.246, 18.2, 24.115, 35.32, 54.21, 37.37, 30.17, 47.43, 40.56, 37.38, 19.248, 25.17, 25.26, 45.58, 23, 43.45, 19.250, 32.7, 44.42, 46.7, 35.29, 28.19, 35.3, 30.31, 36.57, 36.1, 43.46, 25.27, 32.30, 43.43, 45.85, 46.6, 43.42, 35.33, 27.66, 28.24, 56.2, 34.51, 35.54, 32.5, 43.44, 35.34, 32.8, 36.42, 45.62, 32.16, 24.113, 43.51, 25.15, 19.249, 54.22, 49.36, 47, 45.1, 44.32, 27.68, 30.2, 43.1, 24.149, 36.7, 27.69, 36.55, 32.29, 42.11, 37.35, 35, 42.12, 49.20, 36.56, 45.61, 41.8, 21.188, 59.14, 49.21, 48.2, 37.48, 49.35, 36.52, 43.31, 30.35, 59.15, 41.1, 52.2, 49.19, 36.45, 41.2, 56.43, 29.9, 37.34, 55.35, 45.46, 59.23, 47.11, 37.33, 58.19, 22.25, 21.26, 22.28, 22.27, 36, 52.1, 27.1, 43.38, 29.27, 36.59, 43.37, 27.9, 43.35, 43.36, 46.8, 45.2, 29.58, 35.11, 54.42, 56.44, 32.14, 25.16, 24.148, 24.19, 45.57, 50.24, 37.54, 30.15, 57.67, 28.18, 56.6, 19.247, 56.24, 55.27, 26.24, 37.52, 47.46, 45.59, 29.50, 27, 35.47, 25.25, 40.52, 44.31, 48.40, 53.14, 24.150, 43.41, 45.6, 43.40, 43.2, 35.31, 47.42, 43.39, 47.81, 37, 23.66, 46.10, 54.1, 22.26, 21.48, 21.11, 21.169, 25.10, 21.123, 59.112, 57.30, 24.101, 21.221, 56.50, 21.53, 21.57, 35.51, 21.37, 21.42, 21.47, 21.60, 21.220, 56.49, 24.218, 21.58, 21.61, 21.98, 21.45, 45.7, 58.122, 59.12, 22.56, 21.21, 21.51, 59.1, 21.44, 45.87, 59.104, 59.16, 21.54, 34.37, 21.56, 23.75, 21.52, 21.59, 35.39, 23.76, 21.224, 56.11, 54.15, 21.207, 23.31, 21.10, 23.25, 21.49, 22.88, 51.112, 32.1, 21.225, 21.176, 21.75, 21.76, 23.94, 59.28, 59.105, 35.50, 21.112, 23.26, 59.111, 21.12, 21.46, 47.77, 53.2, 21.183, 58.1, 21.8, 21.43, 24.154, 56.26, 21.125, 21.50, 53.29, 21.9, 22.29, 57.49, 57, 57.46, 22.7, 57.31, 58.8, 45.64, 21.227, 25.53, 21.223, 22.68, 21.74, 36.58, 59.126, 20.142, 21.222, 20.141, 21.19, 23.38, 58.28, 28.1, 27.63, 57.25, 20, 19.284, 26.2, 18.123, 50.28, 26.1, 5.8, 19.232, 21.124, 24.8, 21.7, 59, 21.170, 21.55, 58.58, 53.1, 59.106, 59.113, 50.65, 23.32, 21.20, 51.111, 21.219, 58.9, 56.47, 32.18, 22.55, 50.66, 57.63, 23.39, 45.63ff, 27.4ff, 21.78ff, 21, 22.2, 24.137, 24.112, 24.82, 24.144, 43.58, 21.171, 53.21, 19.255, 57.18 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 173; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 202, 239; Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 135 | 23.53. Read another statute. Statute If a man kill another unintentionally in an athletic contest, or overcoming him in a fight on the highway, or unwittingly in battle, or in intercourse with his wife, or mother, or sister, or daughter, or concubine kept for procreation of legitimate children, he shall not go into exile as a manslayer on that account. Many statutes have been violated, men of Athens, in the drafting of this decree, but none more gravely than that which has just been read. Though the law so clearly gives permission to slay, and states under what conditions, the defendant ignores all those conditions, and has drawn his penal clause without any suggestion as to the manner of the slaying. |
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| 153. Demosthenes, On The Crown, 18.241 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146 |
| 154. Demosthenes, Against Neaera, 86-87, 85 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al., Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel (2012a) 163 |
| 155. Menander, Fragments, 459 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
| 156. Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, 1.22 83a33 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 288 |
| 157. Aristotle, Politics, 1297a6, 1297a7, 1265b33-6a1, 1265b40-6a1, 1257a, 1260a, 1275a, 1254b, 1253b, 1275b23, 1275b24, 1275b25, 1275b26, 1275b27, 1275b28, 1275b29, 1275b30, 1275b31, 1275b32, 1275b33, 1275b19, 1275b20, 1275b21, 1275b34, 1275b35, 1275b36, 1275b37, 1275b38, 1275b39, 1274b40, 1274b41, 1274b42, 1267a, 1267b, 1274a, 1274b, 3.8.1, 3.8.2, 1335b12, 1335b13, 1335b14, 1335b15, 1335b16, 1335b51, 1335b78, 1328b7, 1328b8, 1328b9, 1328b10, 1328b51, 1320b.9-11, 1321b.31-3, 5.8.14, 3.16.1287a, 3.9 1280a7-31, 2.7 1267a1-2, 4.9 1294a35-b13, 2.6 1266a14-22, 2.6 1265a2-4, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.2, 2.7 1266a39-40, 2.9 1270b28, "7 (1332a)" (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473 |
| 158. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.1.3, 1.1.4, 1.1.5, 1.1.6, 1.2.2, 1.2.3, 1.2.4, 1.2.5, 1.13, 1.15, 1.15.1, 1.15.2, 3.17.10, 1354a, 1355b36, 1361a, 1361a21, 1361a22, 1370b, 1374a13, 1374a14, 1374a15, 1375a22, 1375a23, 1375a24, 1375a25, 1375b10, 1375b9, 1378a, 1378b, 1378b23, 1378b23-35, 1378b24, 1378b25, 1385b (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 2; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 107, 150, 199, 200; Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 397; Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 141 |
| 159. Theocritus, Idylls, 15, 22 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 224 |
| 160. Theophrastus, Fragments, ap. porph. abst. 2.26, fr., 2018-05-06 00:00:00, 20, 21.4 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 215 |
| 161. Theophrastus, De Odoribus, 8.14-8.16 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •twelve tables, law of the, Found in books: Luck, Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts (2006) 22 |
| 162. Theophrastus, Characters, characters 16.9 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •athens, law and legal discourse Found in books: Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 82 |
| 163. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 4.2, 5.1, 6.3, 7.1, 8.4-8.5, 9.1-9.2, 12.3-12.4, 16.8, 16.10, 19.4, 26.4, 27.4-27.5, 29.5, 30.2, 35.2, 41.2, 42.1, 43.4, 44.1, 47.2, 47.4-47.5, 48.1-48.2, 50.2, 51.1, 51.3-51.4, 52.1, 53.1-53.3, 54.5, 55.3, 55.5, 56.2, 56.6, 57.1-57.2, 59.1, 59.3, 60.2, 67.1-67.5, 68.4, 69.1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 110, 113, 132, 133, 134, 136, 147, 148, 150, 154, 156, 157, 159, 160, 168, 215, 226, 229, 232, 240, 244, 245, 252, 255, 256, 258, 260, 268, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 278, 284, 286, 292, 299, 300; Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 121, 127; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 36, 38, 53, 56, 58, 72, 74, 75, 256, 286, 288 |
| 164. Aristotle, Soul, "420b" (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 523 |
| 165. Aristotle, Heavens, "279a" (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 177 |
| 166. Aristotle, Categories, "4" (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 177 |
| 167. Aristotle, Generation And Corruption, 2.7, 1.10 328a5-18 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 208 |
| 168. Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, 1.1.4, 1.1.5, 1216a, 1214a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 154; Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 283 |
| 169. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1161b8, 1161b9, 1161b10, 1160a3ff, 1095a28, 2.9(1109B), 1099a25-9, 1137b15, 1095b, 5.10, 2.5 1106a26-2.7 1108b10, "2.1 (1103a)" (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 470 |
| 170. Aristotle, Metaphysics, 995a4, 995a5, 995a6, 995a3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Segev, Aristotle on Religion (2017) 81 |
| 171. Aristotle, Economics, 2.1346b 13-20 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, on the lesser panathenaia Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 22 |
| 172. Aristotle, Generation of Animals, 728a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 252 |
| 173. Anon., 1 Enoch, dec-13 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •enoch, as righteous apart from the law Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 158 |
| 174. Hebrew Bible, Baruch, a b c d\n0 "3.14" "3.14" "3 14"\n1 4.1 4.1 4 1\n2 4.2 4.2 4 2\n3 4.3 4.3 4 3\n4 4.4 4.4 4 4\n5 5.2 5.2 5 2\n6 5.3 5.3 5 3\n7 5.4 5.4 5 4\n8 5.1 5.1 5 1 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 466 |
| 175. Plautus, Pseudolus, 342-346, 373-374 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
| 176. Plautus, Mostellaria, 638-648, 637 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
| 177. Plautus, Rudens, 1282-1283, 45-46, 860-862, 1281 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
178. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 20, 21, 26, 24, 23, 22, 19, 25, 18, 17, 16, 15, 24.23, 24.24, 1.5, 1.16, 1.27, 24.19, 24.20, 24.21, 24.22, 24.25, 24.26, 24.27, 4\u202fmaccabees, 49.14, 44.16, 19.20, 4.13, 4.14, 1.11-45.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Honigman, The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas (2003) 45 | 20. There is a reproof which is not timely;and there is a man who keeps silent but is wise., How much better it is to reprove than to stay angry!And the one who confesses his fault will be kept from loss., Like a eunuchs desire to violate a maiden is a man who executes judgments by violence., There is one who by keeping silent is found wise,while another is detested for being too talkative., There is one who keeps silent because he has no answer,while another keeps silent because he knows when to speak., A wise man will be silent until the right moment,but a braggart and fool goes beyond the right moment., Whoever uses too many words will be loathed,and whoever usurps the right to speak will be hated., There may be good fortune for a man in adversity,and a windfall may result in a loss., There is a gift that profits you nothing,and there is a gift that brings a double return., There are losses because of glory,and there are men who have raised their heads from humble circumstances., There is a man who buys much for a little,but pays for it seven times over., The wise man makes himself beloved through his words,but the courtesies of fools are wasted., A fools gift will profit you nothing,for he has many eyes instead of one., He gives little and upbraids much,he opens his mouth like a herald;today he lends and tomorrow he asks it back;such a one is a hateful man., A fool will say, "I have no friend,and there is no gratitude for my good deeds;those who eat my bread speak unkindly.", How many will ridicule him, and how often!, An ungracious man is like a story told at the wrong time,which is continually on the lips of the ignorant., A proverb from a fools lips will be rejected,for he does not tell it at its proper time., A man may be prevented from sinning by his poverty,so when he rests he feels no remorse., A man may lose his life through shame,or lose it because of his foolish look., A man may for shame make promises to a friend,and needlessly make him an enemy., A lie is an ugly blot on a man;it is continually on the lips of the ignorant., A thief is preferable to a habitual liar,but the lot of both is ruin., The disposition of a liar brings disgrace,and his shame is ever with him., He who speaks wisely will advance himself,and a sensible man will please great men., Whoever cultivates the soil will heap up his harvest,and whoever pleases great men will atone for injustice., Presents and gifts blind the eyes of the wise;like a muzzle on the mouth they avert reproofs., Hidden wisdom and unseen treasure,what advantage is there in either of them?, Better is the man who hides his folly than the man who hides his wisdom. |
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| 179. Dead Sea Scrolls, Messianic Rule, 2.8-2.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeal for the law Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 253 |
180. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 3.24-3.25, 3.40, 3.64-3.71, 3.80, 3.83, 4.2.3, 4.11, 4.65, 4.76, 4.79, 4.82-4.83 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 25| 3.24. Est igitur causa omnis in opinione, nec vero aegritudinis St. fr. 3, 385 solum, sed etiam reliquarum omnium perturbationum, quae sunt genere quattuor, partibus plures. nam cum omnis perturbatio sit animi motus vel rationis expers vel rationem aspers vel rationi non oboediens, isque motus aut boni aut mali opinione citetur bifariam, quattuor perturbationes aequaliter distributae sunt. nam duae sunt ex opinione boni; quarum altera, voluptas gestiens, id est praeter modum elata aelata G 1 R 1 laetitia, opinione praesentis magni alicuius boni, altera, cupiditas, quae recte vel libido dici potest, quae est inmoderata adpetitio opinati magni boni rationi non obtemperans, post obtemperans add. vel cupiditas recte vel libido dici potest X quae retinent sec. Dav. edd., in v. 17. 8 verba cupiditas — potest delentes. sed ut voluptatis sic cupi- ditatis nomen appositionis locum tenere debebat. de cupiditate autem praedicandam erat 'opinione futuri boni turbatur'; quod cum iam in enuntiato relativo expressum esset, anacoluthon natum est. ad boni 17 V c in mg. adscr. : et quidem magis significat nomen libidinis magnitudinem erroris. itaque in ea cupiditate quae flagrantissima est proprie plerumque nomen hoc ponitur si omnis appetitio opinati boni haec] ut H 3.25. —ergo haec duo genera, voluptas gestiens et libido, bonorum opinione turbantur, ut ut in at corr. V 2 duo reliqua, metus et et om. H s aegritudo, malorum. nam et metus est post metus add. V c s non male. opinio magni mali inpendentis inpendentes G 1 R 1 V 1 ( corr. G 2 R 1 V 1 ) et aegritudo est opinio magni mali praesentis, et quidem recens opinio talis mali, ut in eo rectum recte H videatur esse angi, id autem est, ut ut om. G 1 dolore V is qui doleat oportere opinetur se dolere. his autem perturbationibus, quas in quas in quasi in GKH quas in R vitam vitam Lb. vita ( cf. off. 3,34 ) homini H hominum stultitia quasi quasdam Furias inmittit atque incitat,, 3 omne ... 330, 4 incitat H omnibus viribus atque opibus repugdum est, si volumus hoc, quod datum est vitae, tranquille placideque traducere. Sed cetera alias; nunc aegritudinem, si possumus, depellamus. id enim sit sit (si V 1 )] est Bouh. sed cf. fin. 4,25 propositum, quandoquidem eam tu videri tibi in sapientem cadere dixisti, quod ego nullo modo existimo; taetra enim res est, misera, detestabilis, omni omne GRV ( corr. R 1 V 1 ) contentione, velis, ut ita dicam, remisque fugienda. 3.40. quodsi cui, ut ait idem, simul animus cum re concidit animus rem condidit X corr. V c s , a gravibus illis antiquis philosophis petenda medicina est, non est non V est si non X ab his voluptariis. quam enim isti bonorum copiam dicunt? fac sane esse summum bonum non dolere—quamquam id non vocatur voluptas, sed non necesse est nunc omnia—: idne est, quo traducti luctum levemus? sit sane summum malum dolere: dolore in dolere corr. G 2 K 2 V 2 in eo igitur qui non est, si malo careat, continuone fruitur summo bono? 3.64. haec omnia recta vera debita putantes faciunt in dolore, maximeque declaratur declaratur hoc sana cf. Mue. ( off. 1, 61 ) hoc quasi officii iudicio fieri, quod, si qui forte, cum se in luctu esse vellent, aliquid fecerunt humanius aut si hilarius locuti sunt, revocant se rursus ad maestitiam peccatique se insimulant, quod dolere dolore K 1 V 1 intermiserint. pueros vero matres et magistri castigare etiam solent, nec verbis solum, sed etiam verberibus, si quid in domestico luctu hilarius ab is factum est aut dictum, plorare cogunt. Quid? ipsa remissio luctus cum est consecuta intellectumque intellectaque X corr. V c est est om. K 1 nihil profici maerendo, nonne res declarat fuisse totum illud voluntarium? 3.65. Quid ille Terentianus terentianus K 2 mg. V rec terrentianus X ipse se poeniens, poenitens (pen. K)X e a\g TON T e lM w PO g M e NOC fere X id est e(auto\n timwrou/menos ? Decre/vi tantispe/r decrevi tant. V ( prius t V c ) me minus iniu/riae, Chreme/s, me ... 7 Chreme s V c in r. (s scr. V 1 ) meo gnato fa/cere, dum fia/m miser. hic decernit, ut miser sit. num quis igitur quicquam decernit invitus? malo quidem me quovis dignum deputem— malo se dignum deputat, nisi miser sit. vides Ter. 147. 8. 135 ergo opinionis esse, non naturae malum. Quid, quos res quid quod res H ipsa lugere prohibet? ut apud Homerum cotidianae neces interitusque multorum sedationem maerendi adferunt, apud quem ita dicitur: Namque nimis multos atque omni luce cadentis T 226 cadentis ( i/ptousin ) Man. carentis Cernimus, ut nemo possit maerore vacare. Quo magis est aequum tumulis mandare peremptos Firmo animo et luctum lacrimis finire diurnis. 3.66. Ergo in potestate est abicere dolorem, cum velis, tempori servientem. an est ullum tempus, quoniam quidem res in nostra potestate est, cui cui cum V non ponendae curae et aegritudinis add. Dav. ex s . aut aegritudinis aut curae del. alii ( iam in V curaer sec. Str. ut vid. ) causa serviamus? vides ... 22 serviamus constabat eos, qui concidentem volneribus Cn. Pompeium vidissent, GN. X cum in illo ipso acerbissimo miserrimoque spectaculo sibi timerent, quod se classe hostium circumfusos viderent, nihil aliud tum egisse, nisi ut remiges hortarentur et ut salutem adipiscerentur fuga; posteaquam Tyrum venissent, tum adflictari lamentarique coepisse. timor igitur ab his aegritudinem potuit repellere, ratio ab sapienti viro ab sapienti viro Bentl. ac sapientia vera ( def. Linde Era- nos XII p. 175 ) non poterit? Quid est autem quod plus valeat ad ponendum dolorem, quam cum est intellectum nil nihil KH profici et frustra esse susceptum? si igitur deponi potest, etiam non suscipi potest; voluntate igitur et iudicio suscipi aegritudinem confitendum est. si timor aliquoties ab aegritudine potest repellere ... 351, 6 est H 3.67. Idque idque itaque K 1 indicatur eorum patientia, qui cum multa sint saepe perpessi, facilius ferunt ferant X cf. praef. quicquid accidit, obduruisseque obduruisseque iam Tr. obduruisse quam X (e ex am corr. V 2 ) iam sese sese V contra fortunam arbitrantur, ut ille apud Euripidem: Eur. Phrix. fr. 821 ( Chrys. fr. eth. 482 ) Si mi/hi nunc tristis pri/mum inluxisse/t dies Nec tam ae/rumnoso na/vigavisse/m navigassem X salo, Esse/t dolendi cau/sa, ut iniecto e/culei Freno/ repente ta/ctu exagitantu/r novo; Sed ia/m subactus subiactus GV 1 (i del. 2 ) sub- iectus KRP mi/seriis opto/rpui. obt. KR c defetigatio igitur miseriarum aegritudines cum faciat leniores, intellegi necesse est non rem ipsam causam atque ipsam atque causam W trp. Er. fontem fontem fon in r. V c esse maeroris. 3.68. Philosophi summi nequedum neque nondum X corr. V 3 tamen sapientiam consecuti nonne intellegunt in summo se malo esse? sunt enim insipientes, neque insipientia ullum maius malum est. neque tamen lugent. quid ita? quia huic generi malorum non adfingitur non affingitur V (non af in r. V c n ante g del. idem ) nodfingitur R 1 illa opinio, rectum esse et aequum et ad officium pertinere aegre ferre, quod sapiens non sis, quod idem adfingimus huic aegritudini, in qua luctus inest, quae omnium maxuma est. 3.69. itaque Aristoteles veteres philosophos Arist. fr. 53 accusans, qui existumavissent philosophiam suis ingeniis esse perfectam, ait eos aut stultissimos aut gloriosissimos fuisse; sed sed si V se videre, quod paucis annis magna accessio facta esset, brevi tempore philosophiam plane absolutam fore. Aristoteles . .. 352, 3 fore libere redd. Lact. inst. 3, 28, 20 Theophrastus autem moriens accusasse naturam dicitur, quod cervis et cornicibus vitam diuturnam, quorum id nihil interesset, hominibus, quorum maxime interfuisset, tam tamen KR 1 exiguam vitam dedisset; quorum si aetas potuisset esse longinquior, futurum fuisse ut omnibus perfectis artibus omni doctrina hominum vita erudiretur. querebatur quaerebatur VK 2 quaerebat GK 1 (quer-) R igitur se tum, cum illa videre coepisset, extingui. quid? ex ceteris philosophis nonne optumus et gravissumus quisque confitetur multa se ignorare et multa multa V 2 s multi sibi etiam atque etiam esse discenda? 3.70. neque tamen, cum se in media stultitia, qua nihil quia n. G 1 est peius, haerere intellegant, aegritudine premuntur; nulla enim admiscetur opinio officiosi doloris. Quid, qui non putant lugendum lungendum GV 1 ( prius n eras. ) iungen- dum KR viris? sqq. cf. Hier. epist. 60, 5 qualis fuit Q. Maxumus fuitque maxumus G 2 (quae G 1 ) KV ( ss. m. 3 ) ac fortasse R 1 (Q post fuit in r. m. al. ) efferens efferrens GR 1 V filium consularem, qualis L. Paulus paullus RG 1 e corr. V 1 (l eras. ) cf.p. 263, 17; 274, 19; 457, 7 duobus paucis lucius et marcus X diebus amissis amisis G 1 R 1 V 1 filiis, qualis M. Cato praetore designato mortuo filio, quales reliqui, quos in Consolatione consolationem G -ne V conlegimus. 3.71. quid hos aliud placavit nisi quod luctum et maerorem esse non putabant viri? ergo id, quod alii rectum opites aegritudini se solent dedere, id hi turpe putantes aegritudinem reppulerunt. ex quo intellegitur non in natura, sed in opinione esse aegritudinem. Contra dicuntur haec: quis tam demens, ut sua voluntate maereat? natura adfert dolorem, cui quidem Crantor, inquiunt, vester cedendum putat; premit enim atque instat, nec resisti potest. itaque Oileus oileus V ille apud Sophoclem, qui Telamonem antea de Aiacis morte morte V consolatus esset, is cum audivisset audisset K de suo, fractus est. de cuius commutata mente sic dicitur: Nec ve/ro tanta prae/ditus sapie/ntia Soph.fr. 666 Quisqua/m est, quisquamst edd. qui aliorum aeru/mnam dictis a/dlevans Non i/dem, cum fortu/na mutata i/mpetum Conve/rtat, convertit Sey. clade ut subita X corr. s clade su/bita frangatu/r sua, Ut i/lla ad alios di/cta et praecepta e/xcidant. ex p. G 2 haec cum disputant, hoc student efficere, naturae obsisti nullo modo posse; idem iidem Ern. (idem tamen Phil. 2, 91 al. ) hi (= i cf. praef. ) W et Sey. tamen fatentur graviores aegritudines suscipi, quam natura cogat. quae est igitur amentia—? ut nos quoque idem ab illis illis Urs. ex s allis requiramus. 3.80. Sed nescio quo pacto ab eo, quod erat a te a te ante K propositum, aberravit oratio. tu enim de sapiente quaesieras, cui aut malum videri nullum potest, quod vacet turpitudine, aut ita parvum malum, ut id obruatur sapientia vixque appareat, qui qui add. V 2 nihil opinione adfingat adsumatque ad aegritudinem nec id putet esse rectum, tum post rectum add. V c se quam maxume excruciari luctuque confici, quo pravius nihil esse possit. edocuit tamen ratio, ut mihi quidem videtur, cum hoc ipsum proprie non quaereretur hoc tempore, num num V x nunc X num quid We. sed cf. Mue. quod esset malum nisi quod idem dici turpe posset, tamen ut videremus, viderimus V 1 quicquid esset in aegritudine mali, id non naturale esse, sed voluntario iudicio et opinionis errore contractum. 3.83. Hoc detracto, quod totum est voluntarium, aegritudo erit sublata illa ilia ita G 1 maerens, morsus tamen tamen tantum Bentl. sed cf. p. 323, 11 quo Cic. hic respicit et contractiuncula quaedam contractiuncuculae quaedam (quadam G quandam V 1 ) relinquentur W Non. (relincuntur) corr. Bentl. cf. 9 hanc et Sen. ad Marc. 7, 1 animi relinquetur. hoc... 9 relinquentur Non. 92, 24 hanc dicant sane naturalem, dum aegritudinis nomen absit grave taetrum funestum, quod cum sapientia esse atque, ut ita dicam, habitare nullo modo possit. At quae at quae Bentl. atque stirpes sunt aegritudinis, quam multae, quam amarae! quae ipso ipso om. V trunco everso omnes eligendae elidendae R 2 sunt et, si necesse erit, singulis disputationibus. superest enim nobis hoc, cuicuimodi cuicuimodi cuiusmodi V 3 est, otium. sed ratio una omnium est aegritudinum, plura sed plura H nomina. nam et invidere aegritudinis est et aemulari et obtrectare et misereri et angi, lugere, maerere, aerumna adfici, lamentari, sollicitari, sollicitari add. G 2 dolere, dolore V in molestia esse, adflictari, desperare. 4.11. sit igitur hic hic K 1 fons; utamur tamen in his perturbationibus describendis discrib. Mue. sed cf. Th. l. l. 5, 663 Stoicorum definitionibus et partitionibus, parti cipationibus R 1 particionibus GVH qui mihi videntur in hac quaestione versari acutissime. Est igitur Zenonis haec definitio, ut perturbatio Zeno fr. 205 sit, quod pa/qos pat OC K patos R ( p ex ) PL T w C H ille dicit, aversa a a om. V 1 ( add. c ) recta ratione contra naturam animi commotio. quidam brevius perturbationem esse adpetitum vehementiorem, sed vehementiorem eum volunt esse, qui longius discesserit a naturae constantia. partes autem perturbationum volunt ex duobus opinatis bonis nasci et ex duobus opinatis malis; ita esse quattuor, ex bonis libidinem et laetitiam, ut sit laetitia praesentium bonorum, libido futurorum, ex malis metum et aegritudinem nasci censent, metum futuris, aegritudinem praesentibus; quae enim venientia metuuntur, eadem adficiunt aegritudine aegritudinem K ( corr. 2 ) RH instantia. 4.65. videamus nunc de bonorum, id est de laetitia et de cupiditate. mihi quidem in tota ratione ea, quae eaque KR pertinet pertinet s pertinent X ad animi perturbationem, una res videtur causam continere, omnis eas esse in nostra potestate, omnis iudicio susceptas, omnis voluntarias. hic igitur error est eripiendus, haec detrahenda opinio haec detrahenda opinio ne consererent Gr atque ut in malis opinatis tolerabilia, tollerabilia X ( corr. R c? ) sic in bonis sedatiora sunt efficienda ea quae magna et laetabilia ducuntur. dicuntur W corr. Wo. atque hoc quidem commune malorum et bonorum, bonorum et malorum G 1 ut, si iam difficile sit persuadere nihil earum rerum, quae perturbent perturbant K 1 animum, aut in bonis aut in malis esse habendum, tamen alia ad alium motum curatio sit adhibenda aliaque ratione malevolus, alia amator, alia rursus anxius, alia timidus corrigendus. 4.76. nam ut illa praeteream, quae sunt furoris, futuris K 1 furoris haec ipsa per sese sese V ( exp. 3 ) quam habent levitatem, quae videntur esse mediocria, Iniu/riae Ter. Eun. 59–63 Suspi/ciones i/nimicitiae induciae RV indu/tiae Bellu/m pax rursum! ince/rta haec si tu si tu s sit ut X ( prius t exp. V 3 ) po/stules Ratio/ne certa fa/cere, nihilo plu/s plus add. G 2 agas, Quam si/ des operam, ut cu/m ratione insa/nias. haec inconstantia mutabilitasque mentis quem non ipsa pravitate deterreat? est etiam etiam Man. enim illud, quod in omni perturbatione dicitur, demonstrandum, nullam esse nisi opinabilem, nisi iudicio susceptam, nisi voluntariam. etenim si naturalis amor esset, amor esset ex amorem et K c et amarent omnes et semper amarent et idem amarent, et idem amarent om. H neque alium pudor, alium cogitatio, alium satietas deterreret. etenim ... 26 deterreret H deterret G 1 Ira vero, quae quae -ae in r. V 2 quam diu perturbat animum, dubitationem insaniae non habet, cuius inpulsu imp. KR existit etiam inter fratres tale iurgium: 4.79. Ubi sunt ergo isti, qui iracundiam utilem dicunt —potest utilis esse insania?—aut naturalem? an an s hanc X quicquam est secundum est sec. s es sec. R esse sec. GKV naturam, quod fit repugte ratione? quo modo autem, si naturalis esset ira, ira add. G 2 aut alius alio magis iracundus esset, aut finem haberet prius quam esset aut finem ... 4 esset add. V 3 ulta, ulta Man. ulla ulciscendi lubido, aut quemquam paeniteret, quod fecisset fecisse V 1 per iram? ut Alexandrum regem videmus, qui cum interemisset Clitum clitum iditum K familiarem suum, vix a se manus abstinuit; tanta vis fuit paenitendi. quibus cognitis quis est qui dubitet dubitat K quin hic quoque motus animi sit totus opinabilis ac voluntarius? Quis enim dubitarit quin aegrotationes animi, qualis est avaritia, gloriae cupiditas, ex eo, quod magni magna V aestumetur ea res ex qua animus aegrotat, oriantur? oriantur s oriatur unde intellegi debet perturbationem quoque omnem esse in opinione. 4.83. itaque non fortuito factum videtur, sed a te ratione propositum, ut separatim de aegritudine et de ceteris perturbationibus disputaremus; in ea est enim fons miseriarum et caput. sed et alt. et om. V aegritudinis et reliquorum animi morborum una sanatio est, omnis opinabilis esse et voluntarios ea reque requae GKR (quae ... videatur in r. K 1 ) suscipi, quod ita rectum esse videatur. hunc errorem quasi radicem malorum omnium stirpitus stirpitus Statil. Max. ap. Char. GL. 2, 219, 25 philosophia se extracturam pollicetur. | |
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181. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 3.58-3.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 89| 3.58. Sed cum, quod honestum sit, id solum bonum esse dicamus, consentaneum tamen est fungi officio, cum id officium nec in bonis ponamus nec in malis. est enim aliquid in his rebus probabile, et quidem ita, ut eius ratio reddi possit, ergo ut etiam probabiliter acti ratio reddi possit. est autem officium, quod ita factum est, ut eius facti probabilis ratio reddi possit. ex quo intellegitur officium medium quiddam quiddam Mdv. quoddam esse, quod neque in bonis ponatur neque in contrariis. quoniamque in iis iis edd. his rebus, quae neque in virtutibus sunt neque in vitiis, est tamen quiddam, quod usui possit esse, tollendum id non est. est autem eius generis actio quoque quaedam, et quidem talis, ut ratio postulet agere aliquid et facere eorum. quod autem ratione actum est, actum est Mdv. actum sit ABEN fit V id officium appellamus. est igitur officium eius generis, quod nec in bonis ponatur nec in ratione ... ponatur nec in om. R contrariis. 3.59. Atque Atque dett. Atqui (At qui) perspicuum etiam illud est, in istis rebus mediis aliquid agere sapientem. iudicat igitur, cum agit, officium illud esse. quod quoniam numquam fallitur in iudicando, erit in mediis rebus officium. quod efficitur hac etiam conclusione rationis: Quoniam enim videmus esse quiddam, quod recte factum appellemus, id autem est perfectum officium, erit autem etiam del. Lamb. inchoatum, ut, si iuste depositum reddere in recte factis sit, in officiis ponatur depositum reddere; illo enim addito iuste fit fit Lamb. facit recte factum, per se autem hoc ipsum reddere in officio ponitur. quoniamque quoniamque quandoque RV non dubium est quin in iis, iis V his quae media dicimus, dicamus A sit aliud sumendum, aliud reiciendum, quicquid ita fit aut aut autem A ut BE dicitur, omne omne Grut. omni officio continetur. ex quo intellegitur, quoniam se ipsi ipsi BE ipsos omnes natura diligant, tam insipientem quam sapientem sumpturum, quae secundum naturam sint, reiecturumque contraria. ita est quoddam commune officium sapientis et insipientis, ex quo efficitur versari in iis, iis edd. his quae media dicamus. | 3.58. "But although we pronounce Moral Worth to be the sole good, it is nevertheless consistent to perform an appropriate act, in spite of the fact that we count appropriate action neither a good nor an evil. For in the sphere of these neutral things there is an element of reasonableness, in the sense that an account can be rendered of it, and therefore in the sense that an account can also be rendered of its performance; and this proves that an appropriate act is an intermediate thing, to be reckoned neither as a good nor as the opposite. And since those things which are neither to be counted among virtues nor vices nevertheless contain a factor which can be useful, their element of utility is worth preserving. Again, this neutral class also includes action of a certain kind, viz. such that reason calls upon us to do or to produce some one of these neutral things; but an action reasonably performed we call an appropriate act; appropriate action therefore is included in the class which is reckoned neither as good nor the opposite. < 3.59. "It is also clear that some actions are performed by the Wise Man in the sphere of these neutral things. Well then, when he does such an action he judges it to be an appropriate act. And as his judgment on this point never errs, therefore appropriate action will exist in the sphere of these neutral things. The same thing is also proved by the following argument: We observe that something exists which we call right action; but this is an appropriate act perfectly performed; therefore there will also be such a thing as an imperfect appropriate act; so that, if to restore a trust as a matter of principle is a right act, to restore a trust must be counted as an appropriate act; the addition of the qualification 'on principle' makes it a right action: the mere restitution in itself is counted an appropriate act. Again, since there can be no question but that class of things we call neutral includes some things worthy to be chosen and others to be rejected; therefore whatever is done or described in this manner is entirely included under the term appropriate action. This shows that since love of self is implanted by nature in all men, both the foolish and the wise alike will choose what is in accordance with nature and reject the contrary. Thus there is a region of appropriate action which is common to the wise and the unwise; and this proves that appropriate action deals with the things we call neutral. < |
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182. Cicero, Republic, 1.25.39, 1.39.1, 1.42-1.44, 1.47-1.50, 2.44.70, 3.33, 3.43, 4.12, 22.211 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 25, 225| 4.12. Nostrae contra duo decim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Praeclare; iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis, habere debemus nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere. veteribus displicuisse Romanis vel laudari quemquam in scaena vivum hominem vel vituperari. | 4.12. On the other hand, our Twelve Tables, ** though they provided the death penalty for only a few crimes, did provide it for any person who sang or composed a song which contained a slander or insult to anyone else This was an excellent rule ; for our mode of life ought to be liable to judgment by the magistrates and the courts of law, but not by clever poets ; nor ought we to be subject to disgrace unless we have an opportunity to answer and defend ourselves in a court of law. . . . The early Romans did not desire that any living man should either be praised or blamed on the stage . . . |
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183. Cicero, On Duties, 1.12, 1.124, 1.136, 2.41-2.42 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces •equality under the law •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 15; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 125, 128; Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233| 1.12. Eademque natura vi rationis hominem conciliat homini et ad orationis et ad vitae societatem ingeneratque in primis praecipuum quendam amorem in eos, qui procreati sunt, impellitque, ut hominum coetus et celebrationes et esse et a se obiri velit ob easque causas studeat parare ea, quae suppeditent ad cultum et ad victum, nec sibi soli, sed coniugi, liberis ceterisque, quos caros habeat tuerique debeat; quae cura exsuscitat etiam animos et maiores ad rem gerendam facit. 1.124. Ac ne illud quidem alienum est, de magistratuum, de privatorum, de civium, de peregrinorum officiis dicere. Est igitur proprium munus magistratus intellegere se gerere personam civitatis debereque eius dignitatem et decus sustinere, servare leges, iura discribere, ea fidei suae commissa meminisse. Privatum autem oportet aequo et pari cum civibus iure vivere neque summissum et abiectum neque se efferentem, tum in re publica ea velle, quae tranquilla et honesta sint; talem enim solemus et sentire bonum civem et dicere. 1.136. Sed quo modo in omni vita rectissime praecipitur, ut perturbationes fugiamus, id est motus animi nimios rationi non optemperantes, sic eius modi motibus sermo debet vacare, ne aut ira exsistat aut cupiditas aliqua aut pigritia aut ignavia aut tale aliquid appareat, maximeque curandum est, ut eos, quibuscum sermonem conferemus, et vereri et diligere videamur. Obiurgationes etiam non numquam incidunt necessariae, in quibus utendum est fortasse et vocis contentione maiore et verborum gravitate acriore, id agendum etiam, ut ea facere videamur irati. Sed, ut ad urendum et secandum, sic ad hoc genus castigandi raro invitique veniemus nec umquam nisi necessario, si nulla reperietur alia medicina; sed tamen ira procul absit,cum qua nihil recte fieri, nihil considerate potest. 2.41. Mihi quidem non apud Medos solum, ut ait Herodotus, sed etiam apud maiores nostros iustitiae fruendae causa videntur olim bene morati reges constituti. Nam cum premeretur inops multitudo ab iis, qui maiores opes habebant, ad unum aliquem confugiebant virtute praestantem; qui cum prohiberet iniuria tenuiores, aequitate constituenda summos cum infimis pari iure retinebat. Eademque constituendarum legum fuit causa, quae regum. 2.42. Ius enim semper est quaesitum aequabile; neque enim aliter esset ius. Id si ab uno iusto et bono viro consequebantur, erant eo contenti; cum id minus contingeret, leges sunt inventae, quae cum omnibus semper una atque eadem voce loquerentur. Ergo hoc quidem perspicuum est, eos ad imperandum deligi solitos, quorum de iustitia magna esset opinio multitudinis. Adiuncto vero, ut idem etiam prudentes haberentur, nihil erat, quod homines iis auctoribus non posse consequi se arbitrarentur. Omni igitur ratione colenda et retinenda iustitia est cum ipsa per sese (nam aliter iustitia non esset), tum propter amplificationem honoris et gloriae. Sed ut pecuniae non quaerendae solum ratio est, verum etiam collocandae, quae perpetuos sumptus suppeditet, nec solum necessaries, sed etiam liberales, sic gloria et quaerenda et collocanda ratione est. | 1.124. At this point it is not at all irrelevant to discuss the duties of magistrates, of private individuals, [of native citizens,] and of foreigners. It is, then, peculiarly the place of a magistrate to bear in mind that he represents the state and that it is his duty to uphold its honour and its dignity, to enforce the law, to dispense to all their constitutional rights, and to remember that all this has been committed to him as a sacred trust. The private individual ought first, in private relations, to live on fair and equal terms with his fellow-citizens, with a spirit neither servile and grovelling nor yet domineering; and second, in matters pertaining to the state, to labour for her peace and honour; for such a man we are accustomed to esteem and call a good citizen. < 1.136. But as we have a most excellent rule for every phase of life, to avoid exhibitions of passion, that is, mental excitement that is excessive and uncontrolled by reason; so our conversation ought to be free from such emotions: let there be no exhibition of anger or inordinate desire, of indolence or indifference, or anything of the kind. We must also take the greatest care to show courtesy and consideration toward those with whom we converse. It may sometimes happen that there is need of administering reproof. On such occasions we should, perhaps, use a more emphatic tone of voice and more forcible and severe terms and even assume an appearance of being angry. But we shall have recourse to this sort of reproof, as we do to cautery and amputation, rarely and reluctantly â never at all, unless it is unavoidable and no other remedy can be discovered. We may seem angry, but anger should be far from us; for in anger nothing right or judicious can be done. < 2.41. Now it seems to me, at least, that not only among the Medes, as Herodotus tells us, but also among our own ancestors, men of high moral character were made kings in order that the people might enjoy justice. For, as the masses in their helplessness were oppressed by the strong, they appealed for protection to some one man who was conspicuous for his virtue; and, as he shielded the weaker classes from wrong, he managed by establishing equitable conditions to hold the higher and the lower classes in an equality of right. The reason for making constitutional laws was the same as that for making kings. < 2.42. For what people have always sought is equality of rights before the law. For rights that were not open to all alike would be no rights. If the people secured their end at the hands of one just and good man, they were satisfied with that; but when such was not their good fortune, laws were invented, to speak to all men at all times in one and the same voice. This, then, is obvious: nations used to select for their rulers those men whose reputation for justice was high in the eyes of the people. If in addition they were also thought wise, there was nothing that men did not think they could secure under such leadership. Justice is, therefore, in every way to be cultivated and maintained, both for its own sake (for otherwise it would not be justice) and for the enhancement of personal honour and glory. But as there is a method not only of acquiring money but also of investing it so as to yield an income to meet our continuously recurring expenses â both for the necessities and for the more refined comforts of life â so there must be a method of gaining glory and turning it to account. And yet, as Socrates used to express it so admirably, < |
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184. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.36, 2.58, 3.89 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law •theodosios ii, laws against dissenting christian sects and •athens, laws and prescriptions Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 174; Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 333; Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233; Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 256 | 1.36. Zeno (to come to your sect, Balbus) thinks the law of nature to be the divinity, and that it has the power to force us to what is right, and to restrain us from what is wrong. How this law can be an animated being I cannot conceive; but that God is so we would certainly maintain. The same person says, in another place, that the sky is God; but can we possibly conceive that God is a being insensible, deaf to our prayers, our wishes, and our vows, and wholly unconnected with us? In other books he thinks there is a certain rational essence pervading all nature, indued with divine efficacy. He attributes the same power to the stars, to the years, to the months, and to the seasons. In his interpretation of Hesiod's Theogony, he entirely destroys the established notions of the Gods; for he excludes Jupiter, Juno, and Vesta, and those esteemed divine, from the number of them; but his doctrine is that these are names which by some kind of allusion are given to mute and iimate beings. The sentiments of his disciple Aristo are not less erroneous. He thought it impossible to conceive the form of the Deity, and asserts that the Gods are destitute of sense; and he is entirely dubious whether the Deity is an animated being or not. Cleanthes, who next comes under my notice, a disciple of Zeno at the same time with Aristo, in one place says that the world is God; in another, he attributes divinity to the mind and spirit of universal nature; then he asserts that the most remote, the highest, the all-surrounding, the all-enclosing and embracing heat, which is called the sky, is most certainly the Deity. In the books he wrote against pleasure, in which he seems to be raving, he imagines the Gods to have a certain form and shape; then he ascribes all divinity to the stars; and, lastly, he thinks nothing more divine than reason. So that this God, whom we know mentally and in the speculations of our minds, from which traces we receive our impression, has at last actually no visible form at all. Persaeus, another disciple of Zeno, says that they who have made discoveries advantageous to the life of man should be esteemed as Gods; and the very things, he says, which are healthful and beneficial have derived their names from those of the Gods; so that he thinks it not sufficient to call them the discoveries of Gods, but he urges that they themselves should be deemed divine. 1.36. "Lastly, Balbus, I come to your Stoic school. Zeno's view is that the law of nature is divine, and that its function is to command what is right and to forbid the opposite. How he makes out this law to be alive passes our comprehension; yet we undoubtedly expect god to be a living being. In another passage however Zeno declares that the aether is god — if there is any meaning in a god without sensation, a form of deity that never presents itself to us when we offer up our prayers and supplications and make our vows. And in other books again he holds the view that a 'reason' which pervades all nature is possessed of divine power. He likewise attributes the same powers to the stars, or at another time to the years, the months and the seasons. Again, in his interpretation of Hesiod's Theogony (or Origin of the Gods) he does away with the customary and received ideas of the gods altogether, for he does not reckon either Jupiter, Juno or Vesta as gods, or any being that bears a personal name, but teaches that these names have been assigned allegorically to dumb and lifeless things. 2.58. the nature of the world itself, which encloses and contains all things in its embrace, is styled by Zeno not merely 'craftsmanlike' but actually 'a craftsman,' whose foresight plans out the work to serve its use and purpose in every detail. And as the other natural substances are generated, reared and sustained each by its own seeds, so the world-nature experiences all those motions of the will, those impulses of conation and desire, that the Greeks call hormae, and follows these up with the appropriate actions in the same way as do we ourselves, who experience emotions and sensations. Such being the nature of the world-mind, it can therefore correctly be designated as prudence or providence (for in Greek it is termed pronoia); and this providence is chiefly directed and concentrated upon three objects, namely to secure for the world, first, the structure best fitted for survival; next, absolute completeness; but chiefly, consummate beauty and embellishment of every kind. 3.89. But good men have sometimes success. They have so; but we cannot, with any show of reason, attribute that success to the Gods. Diagoras, who is called the atheist, being at Samothrace, one of his friends showed him several pictures of people who had endured very dangerous storms; "See," says he, "you who deny a providence, how many have been saved by their prayers to the Gods." "Ay," says Diagoras, "I see those who were saved, but where are those painted who were shipwrecked?" At another time, he himself was in a storm, when the sailors, being greatly alarmed, told him they justly deserved that misfortune for admitting him into their ship; when he, pointing to others under the like distress, asked them "if they believed Diagoras was also aboard those ships?" In short, with regard to good or bad fortune, it matters not what you are, or how you have lived. 3.89. 'But sometimes good men come to good ends.' Yes, and we seize upon these cases and impute them with no reason to the immortal gods. Diagoras, named the Atheist, once came to Samothrace, and a certain friend said to him, 'You who think that the gods disregard men's affairs, do you not remark all the votive pictures that prove how many persons have escaped the violence of the storm, and come safe to port, by dint of vows to the gods?' 'That is so,' replied Diagoras; 'it is because there are nowhere any pictures of those who have been shipwrecked and drowned at sea.' On another voyage he encountered a storm which threw the crew of the vessel into a panic, and in their terror they told him that they had brought it on themselves by having taken him on board their ship. He pointed out to them a never of other vessels making heavy weather on the same course, and inquired whether they supposed that those ships also had a Diagoras on board. The fact really is that your character and past life make no difference whatever as regards your fortune good or bad. |
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185. Cicero, On Laws, 1.8.25, 1.18, 1.19, 1.23, 2.6.14, 2.11, 2.14, 2.58, 2.62, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25, 3.26, 909e, 910b (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 210; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 128; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 57, 58, 61; Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 198, 200; Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 133 | 1.23. There exists, therefore, since nothing is better than reason, and since this is the common property of God and man, a certain aboriginal rational intercourse between divine and human natures. This reason, which is common to both, therefore, can be none other than right reason; and since this right reason is what we call Law, God and men are said by Law to be consociated. Between whom, since there is a communion of law, there must be also a communication of Justice. Law and Justice being thus the common rule of immortals and mortals, it follows that they are both the fellow-citizens of one city and commonwealth. And if they are obedient to the same rule, the same authority and denomination, they may with still closer propriety be termed fellow-citizens, since one celestial regency, one divine mind, one omnipotent Deity then regulates all their thoughts and actions. This universe, therefore, forms one immeasurable Commonwealth and city, common alike to gods and mortals. And as in earthly states, certain particular laws, which we shall hereafter describe, govern the particular relationships of kindred tribes; so in the nature of things doth an universal law, far more magnificent and resplendent, regulate the affairs of that universal city where gods and men compose one vast association. When we thus reason on universal nature, we are accustomed to reason after this method. We believe that in the long course of ages and the uninterrupted succession of celestial revolutions, the seed of the human race was sown on our planet, and being scattered over the earth, was animated by the divine gift of souls. Thus men retained from their terrestrial origin, their perishable and mortal bodies, while their immortal spirits were ingenerated by Deity. From which consideration we are bold to say that we possess a certain consanguinity and kindred fellowship with the celestials. And so far as we know, among all the varieties of animals, man alone retains the idea of the Divinity. And among men there is no nation so savage and ferocious as to deny the necessity of worshipping God, however ignorant it may be respecting the nature of his attributes. 2.14. MARCUS: Then you regard as nullable and voidable the laws of Titius and Apuleius, because they are unjust. QUINTUS: You may say the same of the laws of Livius. MARCUS: You are right, and so much the more, since a single vote of the senate would be sufficient to abrogate them in an instant. But that law of justice, which I have explained can never be rendered obsolete or inefficacious. QUINTUS: And, therefore, you require those laws of justice the more ardently, because they would be durable and permanent, and would not require those perpetual alterations which all injudicious enactments demand. MARCUS: Certainly, if I could get you both to agree with me. But Plato, that wisest philosopher, that gravest prince of literature, who first composed his Commonwealth, and afterwards his Treatise on the Laws, induces me to follow his illustrious example, and to proclaim the praises of law, before I begin to recite its regulations. Such likewise, was the practice of Zaleucus and Charondas, when they wrote their laws, not for literary amusement, but for the benefit of their country and their fellow-citizens. And in this conduct, they were emulated by Plato, who considered that it was the property of law, to persuade as well as compel. 2.58. ATTICUS: I am well aware of these rules of the pontifical statutes; but what do our civil laws say? MARCUS: Little enough on this subject, my Atticus, and I expect you are acquainted with it already. The civil regulation has less regard to the religious ceremonials than to the rights of sepulchres. A law of the Twelve Tables determines that a dead person shall neither be buried nor burned within the city, I suppose on account of the danger of fire. But the addition of this disjunctive nor burned, indicates, that the corpse which is burned is not so appropriately consigned to burial as to inhumation. ATTICUS: How is it, that notwithstanding this law of the Twelve Tables, so many of our great men have been buried in the city? MARCUS: I believe, my Atticus, that this privilege was granted before this law was made, to certain heroic worthies, as Publicola and Tubertus, on account of their virtue, and that their descendents have succeeded to this privilege, though it is an exception to the law. Some others may since have gained this privilege, like Caius Fabricius, whose virtue has in some sense made them free of the laws. The civil law, in all other cases, forbids burials in the city, and the Pontifical College has decreed that it is unlawful to raise a sepulchre in the public places. You know the Temple of Honour, outside the Colline gate. We learn from tradition, that there was in ancient times an altar on the spot; and it appears from a medal discovered there, on which was inscribed, the name "Honour." that this was the reason why that temple was so dedicated. But since there were many sepulchres in the neighbourhood, they were ploughed up when the city was enlarged. For the Pontifical College ordained that public places could not be bound by private consecrations. 2.62. whether the praises of the honorable dead shall be commemorated in a panegyric; whether the elegiac songs shall be accompanied by flutes, so as to form dirges, by which name Gracchus designated funeral lamentations. QUINTUS: I am delighted that our laws are so far conformable to nature, and above measure pleased with the wisdom of our ancestors. MARCUS: Yet I believe, my Quintus, that some further limitation should be made to the funeral pomps and ceremonials. You may see in the funeral of Figulus to what an excess these vanities were carried. QUINTUS: I think there was formerly far less ambition for this kind of extravagance than at present prevails, as many examples of funeral frugality and simplicity are extant in the records of our ancestors. MARCUS: At least our legal interpreters inform us, that the chapter of the law which forbids profuse and excessive ceremonials in the funeral rites of the dead, likewise condemns the superfluous magnificence of sepulchres. And we cannot believe that this important subject should have escaped the attention of our wisest legislators. 2.63 They say that the custom of interring the dead in the Greek mode, began at Athens in the time of Cecrops. And that immediately after such interments, the next relatives, when they had cast the earth over the dead, scattered the seeds of vegetables over the spot; that, having like a benigt mother, taken her lifeless son to her bosom, by the expiation of the seed she should again bear fruit for the living. Then followed the festivals, which the relatives attended, crowned with flowers; and in these festivals they pronounced the eulogies on the deceased, if his virtues were worthy of commendation; for it was reckoned impious to lie on such occasions, and thus the ceremony terminated. 3.19. MARCUS: But if these nameless gentlemen, my Atticus, were content to obey the just laws of their country, they would like nothing better than Rome and their Roman villas; and would hold nothing more laborious and troublesome than their provincial appointments. The subsequent legal maxim confirms to the tribunes of the people, the power they possess in our commonwealth, on which I need not enlarge. QUINTUS: I beg your pardon, my brother, but I particularly wish to know your opinion of this power of the tribunes. To me it appears extremely mischievous, at once the child and the parent of endless seditions. If we look back to the origin of the tribunate, we find that it originally sprung from a hubbub of civil disturbances, and that in process of time, a mutinous populace gave it the ascendancy over all magisterial authorities of Rome. After this, being stifled, as one of those monstrous abortions which, by a law of the Twelve Tables, are not suffered to live, it again recovered its existence in a very inexplicable manner, only to become baser and viler than ever. It then committed every kind of atrocity. Its first act was a piece of villainy well worthy of its impious violence, namely, the abrogation of the honours of the senate and patricians. By an infernal system of levelling, it reduced the highest dignities to an equality with the meanest degradations, agitating and confounding all things. When it had thus insulted and violated the gravity of our nobles, it was still as insane and insensate as before. |
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186. Cicero, On Invention, 2.66, 32.98 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws and prescriptions •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 327; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 21| 2.66. tatem. religionem eam, quae in metu et caerimonia deorum sit, appellant; pietatem, quae erga patriam aut parentes aut alios sanguine coniunctos officium conservare moneat; gratiam, quae in memoria et re- muneratione officiorum et honoris et amicitiarum ob- servantiam teneat; vindicationem, per quam vim et contumeliam defendendo aut ulciscendo propulsamus a nobis et nostris, qui nobis cari esse debent, et per quam peccata punimur; observantiam, per quam aetate aut sapientia aut honore aut aliqua dignitate antecedentes veremur et colimus; veritatem, per quam damus operam, ne quid aliter, quam confirmaverimus, fiat aut factum aut futurum sit. | 2.66. They call religion, that which is conversant with the fear of, and ceremonious observance paid to the gods; they call that piety, which warns us to fulfil our duties towards our country, our parents, or others connected with us by ties of blood; gratitude is that which retains a recollection of honours and benefits conferred on one, and acts of friendship done to one, and which shows itself by a requital of good offices; revenge for injuries is that by which we repel violence and insult from ourselves and from those who ought to be dear to us, by defending or avenging ourselves, and by means of which we punish offences; attention to superiors, they call the feeling under the influence of which we feel reverence for and pay respect to those who excel us in wisdom or honour or in any dignity; truth, they style that habit by which we take care that nothing has been or shall be done in any other manner than what we state. |
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| 187. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q414, 0, 22.3, 22.4, 22.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 248, 254 |
188. Polybius, Histories, 6.3.7-6.3.8, 6.10.6-6.10.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •on law and justice (attrib. archytas), on the best constitution Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472| 6.3.7. κατʼ ἀμφότερα γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν μοι δοκοῦσι. δῆλον γὰρ ὡς ἀρίστην μὲν ἡγητέον πολιτείαν τὴν ἐκ πάντων τῶν προειρημένων ἰδιωμάτων συνεστῶσαν· 6.3.8. τούτου γὰρ τοῦ μέρους οὐ λόγῳ μόνον, ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ πεῖραν εἰλήφαμεν, Λυκούργου συστήσαντος πρώτου κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα. 6.10.6. ἃ προϊδόμενος Λυκοῦργος οὐχ ἁπλῆν οὐδὲ μονοειδῆ συνεστήσατο τὴν πολιτείαν, ἀλλὰ πάσας ὁμοῦ συνήθροιζε τὰς ἀρετὰς καὶ τὰς ἰδιότητας τῶν ἀρίστων πολιτευμάτων, 6.10.7. ἵνα μηδὲν αὐξανόμενον ὑπὲρ τὸ δέον εἰς τὰς συμφυεῖς ἐκτρέπηται κακίας, ἀντισπωμένης δὲ τῆς ἑκάστου δυνάμεως ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων μηδαμοῦ νεύῃ μηδʼ ἐπὶ πολὺ καταρρέπῃ μηδὲν αὐτῶν, ἀλλʼ ἰσορροποῦν καὶ ζυγοστατούμενον ἐπὶ πολὺ διαμένῃ κατὰ τὸν τῆς ἀντιπλοίας λόγον ἀεὶ τὸ πολίτευμα, 6.10.8. τῆς μὲν βασιλείας κωλυομένης ὑπερηφανεῖν διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου φόβον, δεδομένης καὶ τούτῳ μερίδος ἱκανῆς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ, 6.10.9. τοῦ δὲ δήμου πάλιν μὴ θαρροῦντος καταφρονεῖν τῶν βασιλέων διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν γερόντων φόβον, οἳ κατʼ ἐκλογὴν ἀριστίνδην κεκριμένοι πάντες ἔμελλον ἀεὶ τῷ δικαίῳ προσνέμειν ἑαυτούς, 6.10.10. ὥστε τὴν τῶν ἐλαττουμένων μερίδα διὰ τὸ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐμμένειν, ταύτην ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι μείζω καὶ βαρυτέραν τῇ τῶν γερόντων προσκλίσει καὶ ῥοπῇ. 6.10.11. τοιγαροῦν οὕτως συστησάμενος πλεῖστον ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν χρόνον διεφύλαξε τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. | 6.3.7. for in either case my opinion is that they are wrong. For it is evident that we must regard as the best constitution a combination of all these three varieties, since we have had proof of this not only theoretically but by actual experience, Lycurgus having been the first to draw up a constitution â that of Sparta â on this principle. < 6.10.6. Lycurgus, then, foreseeing this, did not make his constitution simple and uniform, but united in it all the good and distinctive features of the best governments, so that none of the principles should grow unduly and be perverted into its allied evil, but that, the force of each being neutralized by that of the others, neither of them should prevail and outbalance another, but that the constitution should remain for long in a state of equilibrium like a well-trimmed boat, kingship being guarded from arrogance by the fear of the commons, who were given a sufficient share in the government, and the commons on the other hand not venturing to treat the kings with contempt from fear of the elders, who being selected from the best citizens would be sure all of them to be always on the side of justice; < 6.10.10. so that that part of the state which was weakest owing to its subservience to traditional custom, acquired power and weight by the support and influence of the elders. < 6.10.11. The consequence was that by drawing up his constitution thus he preserved liberty at Sparta for a longer period than is recorded elsewhere. < |
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189. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 15 | 5.3. These relations are often rather obscure for the following reasons: Not every word that has been applied, still exists, because lapse of time has blotted out some. Not every word that is in use, has been applied without inaccuracy of some kind, nor does every word which has been applied correctly remain as it originally was; for many words are disguised by change of the letters. There are some whose origin is not from native words of our own language. Many words indicate one thing now, but formerly meant something else, as is the case with hostis 'enemy': for in olden times by this word they meant a foreigner from a country independent of Roman laws, but now they give the name to him whom they then called perduellis 'enemy.' |
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| 190. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •equality under the law Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 132 |
| 191. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q512, a b c d\n0 42-442.3-5 42 42 None\n1 392.2 392.2 392 2\n2 392.1 392.1 392 1\n3 6 6 6 None\n4 5 5 5 None\n5 4 4 4 None\n6 36-386 36 36 None\n7 29-328-9 29 29 None\n8 42-442.2-3 42 42 None\n9 33+355 33+355 33+355 None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 254 |
| 192. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q503, 0 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeal for the law Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 248 |
| 193. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Habakkuk, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 3.1, 3.4, 3.5, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.11, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.8, 5.9, 5.10, 5.11, 5.12, 6.1, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.10, 6.11, 6.12, 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 7.4, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9, 7.10, 7.11, 7.12, 7.13, 7.14, 8.1, 8.2, 8.3, 8.8, 8.9, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.13, 8.13-9.2, 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7, 9.8, 9.9, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.12-10.5, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7, 10.8, 10.9, 10.10, 10.11, 10.12, 10.13, 11.2, 11.3, 11.4, 11.5, 11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 11.9, 11.10, 11.11, 11.12, 11.13, 11.14, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17-12.10, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5, 12.6, 12.10-13.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 203; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 95 |
| 194. Dead Sea Scrolls, Hodayot, 9.9, 9.24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 95 |
| 195. Dead Sea Scrolls, Hodayot, 9.24, 9.9, 19.8, 19.9, 19.12, 19.15, 19.16, 19.23, 10.28, 23.16, 23.15, 19.13, 19.7, 5.12, 5.12-6.33, 6.19, 6.20, 6.21, 6.22, 6.29, 6.30, 6.31, 6.32, 19.17, 19.22, 19.24, 19.25, 9.29, 9.30, 9.31, 5.13, 5.30, 5.31, 5.34, 19.6, 6.33, 23.13, 6.28, 6.14, 5.36, 5.35, 20.38, 20.37, 9.16, 9.15, 9.14, 9.1-10.4, 9.1-19.5, 11.20, 11.21, 11.22, 9.17, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 2, 19.14, 20.36, 20.35, 19.37, 19.36, 19.35, 20.31, 20.30, 20.29, 20.28, 20.27, 20.14, 9.22, 9.21, 9.20, 9.19, 9.18, 9.32, 19.26, 19.28, 9.23, 19.21, 19.20, 9.25, 9.27, 9.28, 19.19, 19.18, 9.26, 10.27, 19.29, 19.30, 11.23, 11.24, 11.25, 11.26, 11.27, 11.28, 11.29, 11.30, 11.31, 11.32, 11.33, 11.34, 11.35, 11.36, 11.37, 19.27, 9.33, 7.25, 10.23, 10.24, 23.8, 23.9, 23.10, 23.11, 10.25, 23.12, 23.14, 9.35, 9.34, 23.7, 10.26, 14.31, 14.32, 15.10, 15.25, 20.34, 20.33, 20.32, 13.9, 11.41, 10.32, 10.31, 10.29, 10.30, 23.6, 9.36, 5.33, 5.32, 7.30, 7.29, 5.22, 7.28, 6.13, 7.27, 5.21, 5.17, 10.38, 10.11, 9.37, 10.10, 9.38, 10.5, 10.6, 9.11, 10.7, 10.8, 5.19, 10.9, 10.22, 13.30, 19.6-20.6, 17.20, 13.12, 12.29, 12.28, 12.27, 12.26, 12.22, 12.21, 12.17, 12.14, 12.13, 12.11, 12.8, 10.18, 10.16, 15.8, 15.7, 15.6, 14.9, 12.15, 12.12, 19.33, 19.31, 19.34, 9.13, 12.37, 12.35, 10.13, 10.15, 14.33, 14.35, 14.36, 12.36, 13.41, 14.21, 14.22, 14.34, 10.12, 15.15, 16.33, 16.34, 17.10, 17.23, 17.24, 12.30, 12.31, 12.32, 12.34, 12.38, 10.36, 10.37, 11.38, 11.39, 13.15, 14.10, 13.31, 13.39, 13.40, 16.31, 16.32, 16.35, 16.36, 14.11, 14.24, 9.12, 11.20-13.6, 12.10, 12.33, 12.9, 19.25a (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 173; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 95 |
| 196. Dead Sea Scrolls, Festival Prayersc 4Q509, 2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philo, on the torah as the natural law Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 115 |
| 197. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Document, 2.2, 3.10, 4.3-4.4, 5.6-5.10, 6.2-6.11, 6.19, 7.18-7.20, 15.9, 15.12, 16.1-16.2, 19.33-19.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •interpreter of the law Found in books: Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 92, 93, 94, 99 |
| 198. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Document, 2.2, 3.10, 4.3-4.4, 5.6-5.10, 6.2-6.11, 6.19, 7.18-7.20, 15.9, 15.12, 16.1-16.2, 19.33-19.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •interpreter of the law Found in books: Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 92, 93, 94, 99 |
| 199. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, 1, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13, 1.14, 1.15, 1.16, 1.17, 1.18-2.18, 1.18, 1.19, 1.20, 1.21, 1.22, 1.24, 1.25, 1.26, 2, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 2.21, 2.22, 2.23, 2.24, 2.25-3.3, 2.25, 2.26, 3.1, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.11, 3.12, 3.26-4.1, 4.1, 4.20, 4.21, 4.22, 4.23, 4.24, 4.25, 5, 5.2, 5.8, 5.9, 5.10, 5.11, 5.12, 5.13, 5.14, 5.19, 5.23, 5.24, 6, 6.6, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.11, 6.12, 6.13, 6.26, 6.27, 8.16, 8.17, 8.18, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.14, 9.15, 9.16, 9.17, 9.18, 9.19, 9.20, 9.21, 9.22, 9.23, 9.24, 11.7, 11.9, 11.10, 11.12, 11.14, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17, 11.18, 11.19, 11.20, 11.21, 11.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 228, 235, 242; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 62, 63 |
| 200. Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira, 44.16, 49.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •enoch, as righteous apart from the law Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 158 |
| 201. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 2.1, 2.2, 2.14, 2.15, 4.21, 6.19, 8.5, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7, 9.8, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.14, 9.15, 9.16, 9.17, 9.18, 9.19, 9.20, 9.21, 9.22, 9.23, 9.23-10.3, 10.1, 10.14, 10.15, 10.16, 10.17, 11.4, 13.6, 13.7, 13.8, 13.9, 13.10, 13.11, 13.12, 13.13, 14.3, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6, 14.22, 15.5, 15.6, 15.7, 15.8, 15.9, 15.10, 15.11, 15.12, 15.13, 15.556, 19.18, 20.1, 20.2, 20.3, 20.4, 20.5, 20.6, 20.7, 20.8, 20.27, 20.28, 20.29, 20.30, 20.32, 20.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 170, 171 |
| 202. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Qppsa, 2.15, 2.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeal (for the law) Found in books: Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 362 |
| 203. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q511, a b c d\n0 18 2.7 18 2.7 18 2 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeal for the law Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 255 |
| 204. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q286, 2a, 2b, 2c, 7i, 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Allen and Dunne, Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity (2022) 36 |
| 205. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q174 (The Florilegium) 195, 199, 339, fgs. 1-2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •interpreter of the law Found in books: Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 92 |
| 206. Dead Sea Scrolls, 11Qt, 63.4-63.12, 63.15-63.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, in early biblical literature, conflicting biblical laws for Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 247 |
| 207. Dead Sea Scrolls, (Cairo Damascus Covenant) Cd-A, 2.1, 2.2, 2.14, 2.15, 4.21, 6.19, 8.5, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7, 9.8, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.14, 9.15, 9.16, 9.17, 9.18, 9.19, 9.20, 9.21, 9.22, 9.23, 9.23-10.3, 10.1, 10.14, 10.15, 10.16, 10.17, 11.4, 13.6, 13.7, 13.8, 13.9, 13.10, 13.11, 13.12, 13.13, 14.3, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6, 14.22, 15.5, 15.6, 15.7, 15.8, 15.9, 15.10, 15.11, 15.12, 15.13, 15.556, 19.18, 20.1, 20.2, 20.3, 20.4, 20.5, 20.6, 20.7, 20.8, 20.27, 20.28, 20.29, 20.30, 20.32, 20.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 170, 171 |
| 208. Dead Sea Scrolls, War Scroll, 7.1, 7.3-7.8, 13.1, 13.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law •zeal for the law Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 253, 255; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 100 |
| 209. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Psalms, a b c\n0 1-10 4.8-9 1 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeal for the law Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 210 |
| 210. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Qmmt, b62-63; 277 b 63-64; 276 c 7-8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, in early biblical literature, conflicting biblical laws for Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 277 |
| 211. Dead Sea Scrolls, of Discipline, 1.24-2.1, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 2.21, 5.14, 5.15, 5.16, 5.17, 6.1, 6.2, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.17, 6.22, 6.24, 6.25-7.16, 6.25, 6.26, 6.27, 6.27-7.2, 7.4, 7.8, 7.16, 7.17, 7.18, 7.19, 7.20, 7.21, 7.22, 7.23, 7.24, 7.25, 7.2161, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.16-9.11, 8.16, 8.17, 8.17-9.2, 8.18, 8.19, 8.20-9.2, 8.20, 8.21-9.2, 8.21, 8.22, 8.23, 8.24, 9.1, 9.8, 9.16, 9.17, 9.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 67, 166, 171 |
212. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, a b c d\n0 15.17 15.17 15 17\n1 1.14 1.14 1 14\n2 19.20 19.20 19 20\n3 4.14 4.14 4 14\n4 4.13 4.13 4 13\n5 "2.25" "2.25" "2 25"\n6 "12.1" "12.1" "12 1"\n7 "1.4" "1.4" "1 4"\n8 1.11-45.23 1.11 1 11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73 | 15.17. He is mortal, and what he makes with lawless hands is dead,for he is better than the objects he worships,since he has life, but they never have. |
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| 213. Dead Sea Scrolls, Purities 4Q274, 20.158, 23.53, 23.60, 23.72, 23.74, 23.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •homicide law, athenian Found in books: Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 61, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162 |
| 214. Dead Sea Scrolls, Scroll of Blessings, 3.22-3.28, 5.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •interpreter of the law Found in books: Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 99 |
| 215. Dead Sea Scrolls, Temple Scroll, 45.7-45.12, 49.20-49.21, 57.15-57.19, 64.6-64.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jubilees, book of,, and law of tithes •levites, and law of tithes •rule of the community, and law of tithes •tithes, law of •zeal for the law •violation of the law Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 245; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 76; Shemesh, Halakhah in the Making: The Development of Jewish Law from Qumran to the Rabbis (2009) 156, 157, 158 |
| 216. Dead Sea Scrolls, Rule of The Community, 1.9-1.11, 2.3-2.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenean •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 62, 63, 199 |
| 217. Dead Sea Scrolls, Rule of The Community, 1.9-1.11, 2.3-2.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenean •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 62, 63, 199 |
218. Anon., Jubilees, 1.1, 1.26-1.29, 2.1, 2.3, 4.21-4.22, 6.35-6.38, 13.9-13.11, 13.25-13.27, 16.28-16.30, 23.13, 23.23-23.24, 30.8-30.10, 32.1-32.15, 33.9-33.12, 50.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tablets, of the law •law, and the testimony •law, the •enoch, as righteous apart from the law •tithe, in early biblical literature, conflicting biblical laws for •jubilees, book of,, and law of tithes •levites, and law of tithes •rule of the community, and law of tithes •tithes, law of •public reading of the law in israel, samaritan pentateuch •jewish practices/torah observance, “works of the law” (erga nomou) •de-orayta (laws from the torah) •de-rabbanan (laws decreed by the rabbis) Found in books: Allen and Dunne, Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity (2022) 36; Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 248; Najman, The Significance of Sinai: Traditions about Sinai and Divine Revelation in Judaism and Christianity (2010) 50, 52, 53, 62, 124; Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 158; Shemesh, Halakhah in the Making: The Development of Jewish Law from Qumran to the Rabbis (2009) 97, 156, 157, 158; Stuckenbruck, 1 Enoch 91-108 (2007) 83; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 247; Wilson, Paul and the Jewish Law: A Stoic Ethical Perspective on his Inconsistency (2022) 111 | 1.1. THIS is the history of the division of the days of the law and of the testimony, of the events of the years, of their (year) weeks, of their jubilees throughout all the years of the world, as the Lord spake to Moses on Mount Sinai when he went up to receive the tables of the law and of the commandment, according to the voice of God as He said unto him, "Go up to the top of the Mount."r) And it came to pass in the first year of the A.M. (A.M. = Anno Mundi) exodus of the children of Israel out of Egypt, in the third month, on the sixteenth day of the month, that God spake to Moses, saying: 1.26. And Moses fell on his face and prayed and said, 1.27. "O Lord my God, do not forsake Thy people and Thy inheritance, so that they should wander in the error of their hearts, and do not deliver them into the hands of their enemies, the Gentiles, lest they should rule over them and cause them to sin against Thee. 1.28. Let Thy mercy, O Lord, be lifted up upon Thy people, and create in them an upright spirit, 1.29. and let not the spirit of Beliar rule over them to accuse them before Thee, and to ensnare them from all the paths of righteousness, so that they may perish from before Thy face. 2.1. And the angel of the presence spake to Moses according to the word of the Lord, saying: 2.3. For on the first day He created the heavens which are above and the earth and the waters and all the spirits which serve before Him 4.21. And he was the first among men that are born on earth who learnt writing and knowledge and wisdom 4.22. and who wrote down the signs of heaven according to the order of their months in a book, that men might know the seasons of the years according to the order of their separate months. 6.35. And on the new moon of the first month, and on the new moon of the fourth month, and on the new moon of the seventh month, and on the new moon of the tenth month are the days of remembrance, and the days of the seasons in the four divisions of the year. 6.36. These are written and ordained as a testimony for ever. 6.37. And Noah ordained them for himself as feasts for the generations for ever, so that they have become thereby a memorial unto him. 6.38. And on the new moon of the first month he was bidden to make for himself an ark, and on that (day) the earth became dry and he opened (the ark) and saw the earth. 13.25. and slew the king of Gomorrah, and the king of Sodom fled, and many fell through wounds in the vale of Siddim, by the Salt Sea.rAnd they took captive Sodom and Adam and Zeboim, 13.26. and they took captive Lot also, the son of Abram's brother, and all his possessions, and they went to Dan. 13.27. And one who had escaped came and told Abram that his brother's son 16.28. and he was the first to celebrate the feast of tabernacles on the earth.rAnd during these seven days he brought each day to the altar a burnt-offering to the Lord, 16.29. two oxen, two rams, seven sheep, one he-goat, for a sin-offering, that he might atone thereby for himself and for his seed. 16.30. And, as a thank-offering, seven rams, seven kids, seven sheep, and seven he-goats, and their fruit-offerings and their drink-offerings; 23.13. For the days of the forefathers, of their life, were nineteen jubilees; and after the Flood they began to grow less than nineteen jubilees, 23.23. And all these will come on an evil generation, which transgresseth on the earth: their works are uncleanness and fornication, and pollution and abominations. 23.24. Then they will say: "The days of the forefathers were many (even), unto a thousand years, and were good; but, behold, the days of our life, if a man hath lived many, are three score years and ten, and, if he is strong, four score years, and those evil 30.8. for judgment is ordained in heaven against them that they should destroy with the sword all the men of the Shechemites because they had wrought shame in Israel. 30.9. And the Lord delivered them into the hands of the sons of Jacob that they might exterminate them with the sword and execute judgment upon them,... 30.10. and that it might not thus again be done in Israel that a virgin of Israel should be defiled. 32.1. And he abode that night at Bethel, and Levi dreamed that they had ordained and made him the priest of the Most High God,him and his sons for ever; 32.2. and he awoke from his sleep and blessed the Lord. 32.3. And Jacob rose early in the morning, on the fourteenth of this month, and he gave a tithe of all that came with him, both of men and cattle, both of gold and every vessel and garment, yea, he gave tithes of all. 32.4. And in those days Rachel became pregt with her son Benjamin. And Jacob counted his sons from him upwards and Levi fell to the portion of the Lord, 32.5. and his father clothed him in the garments of the priesthood and filled his hands. 32.6. And on the fifteenth of this month, he brought to the altar fourteen oxen from amongst the cattle, and twenty-eight rams, and forty-nine sheep, and seven lambs, and twenty-one kids of the goats as a burnt-offering on the altar of sacrifice, well pleasing for a sweet savour before God 32.7. This was his offering, in consequence of the vow which he had vowed that he would give a tenth, with their fruit-offerings and their drink-offerings. 32.8. And when the fire had consumed it, he burnt incense on the fire over the fire, 32.9. and for a thank-offering two oxen and four rams and four sheep, four he-goats, and two sheep of a year old, and two kids of the goats; 32.10. and thus he did daily for seven days.rAnd he and all his sons and his men were eating (this) with joy there during seven day 32.11. and blessing and thanking the Lord, who had delivered him out of all his tribulation and had given him his vow. 32.12. And he tithed all the clean animals, and made a burnt sacrifice, but the unclean animals he gave (not) to Levi his son, and he gave him all the souls of the men 32.13. And Levi discharged the priestly office at Bethel before Jacob his father in preference to his ten brothers, and he was a priest there, 32.14. and Jacob gave his vow: thus he tithed again the tithe to the Lord and sanctified it, and it became holy unto Him. 32.15. And for this reason it is ordained on the heavenly tables as a law for the tithing again the tithe to eat before the Lord from year to year, 33.9. For this reason it is written and ordained on the heavenly tables that a man should not lie with his father's wife, and should not uncover his father's skirt, for this is unclean: 33.10. they shall surely die together, the man who lieth with his father's wife and the woman also, for they have wrought uncleanness on the earth. 33.11. And there shall be nothing unclean before our God in the nation which He hath chosen for Himself as a possession. 33.12. And again, it is written a second time: "Cursed he be who lieth with the wife of his father, for he hath uncovered his father's shame"; and all the holy ones of the Lord said "So be it; so be it." 50.12. and a holy day: and a day of the holy kingdom for all Israel is this day among their days for ever. |
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219. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.1-6.17, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13, 1.14, 1.15, 1.16, 1.17, 1.18, 1.19, 1.20, 1.21, 1.22, 1.23, 1.24, 1.25, 1.26, 1.27, 1.28, 1.29, 1.30, 1.31, 1.32, 1.33, 1.34, 1.35, 1.36, 1.37, 1.38, 1.39, 1.40, 1.41, 1.42, 1.43, 1.44, 1.45, 1.46, 1.47, 1.48, 1.49, 1.50, 1.51, 1.52, 1.53, 1.54, 1.55, 1.56, 1.57, 1.58, 1.59, 1.60, 1.61, 1.62, 1.63, 1.64, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.15, 2.16, 2.17, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 2.21, 2.22, 2.23, 2.24, 2.25, 2.26, 2.27, 2.28, 2.29, 2.30, 2.31, 2.32, 2.33, 2.34, 2.35, 2.36, 2.37, 2.38, 2.39, 2.40, 2.41, 2.42, 2.43, 2.44, 2.45, 2.46, 2.47, 2.48, 2.49, 2.50, 2.51, 2.52, 2.53, 2.54, 2.55, 2.56, 2.57, 2.58, 2.59, 2.60, 2.61, 2.62, 2.63, 2.64, 2.65, 2.66, 2.67, 2.68, 2.69, 2.70, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25, 3.26, 3.27, 3.27-4.35, 3.35, 3.47, 3.53, 4.10, 4.36, 4.37, 4.38, 4.39, 4.40, 4.41, 4.42, 4.43, 4.44, 4.45, 4.46, 4.47, 4.48, 4.49, 4.50, 4.51, 4.52, 4.53, 4.54, 4.55, 4.56, 4.57, 4.58, 4.59, 4.60, 4.61, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8, 5.9, 5.10, 5.11, 5.12, 5.13, 5.14, 5.15, 5.16, 5.17, 5.18, 5.19, 5.20, 5.21, 5.22, 5.23, 5.24, 5.25, 5.26, 5.27, 5.28, 5.29, 5.30, 5.31, 5.32, 5.33, 5.34, 5.35, 5.36, 5.37, 5.38, 5.39, 5.40, 5.41, 5.42, 5.43, 5.44, 5.45, 5.46, 5.47, 5.48, 5.49, 5.50, 5.51, 5.52, 5.53, 5.54, 5.55, 5.56, 5.57, 5.58, 5.59, 5.60, 5.61, 5.62, 5.63, 5.64, 5.65, 5.66, 5.67, 5.68, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.11, 6.12, 6.13, 6.14, 6.15, 6.16, 6.17, 6.59, 7.37, 7.38, 7.41, 7.42, 7.48, 9.69, 11.22, 15.36 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 120, 121, 123 | 2.49. Now the days drew near for Mattathias to die, and he said to his sons: "Arrogance and reproach have now become strong; it is a time of ruin and furious anger. |
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220. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 6.8, 6.15, 11.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •persian, law of the medes and persians •law, the, in origen •zeal for the law Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 527; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea, Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction: Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives (2018) 108; Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 230| 6.8. אִתְיָעַטוּ כֹּל סָרְכֵי מַלְכוּתָא סִגְנַיָּא וַאֲחַשְׁדַּרְפְּנַיָּא הַדָּבְרַיָּא וּפַחֲוָתָא לְקַיָּמָה קְיָם מַלְכָּא וּלְתַקָּפָה אֱסָר דִּי כָל־דִּי־יִבְעֵה בָעוּ מִן־כָּל־אֱלָהּ וֶאֱנָשׁ עַד־יוֹמִין תְּלָתִין לָהֵן מִנָּךְ מַלְכָּא יִתְרְמֵא לְגֹב אַרְיָוָתָא׃ 6.15. אֱדַיִן מַלְכָּא כְּדִי מִלְּתָא שְׁמַע שַׂגִּיא בְּאֵשׁ עֲלוֹהִי וְעַל דָּנִיֵּאל שָׂם בָּל לְשֵׁיזָבוּתֵהּ וְעַד מֶעָלֵי שִׁמְשָׁא הֲוָא מִשְׁתַּדַּר לְהַצָּלוּתֵהּ׃ 11.27. וּשְׁנֵיהֶם הַמְּלָכִים לְבָבָם לְמֵרָע וְעַל־שֻׁלְחָן אֶחָד כָּזָב יְדַבֵּרוּ וְלֹא תִצְלָח כִּי־עוֹד קֵץ לַמּוֹעֵד׃ | 6.8. All the presidents of the kingdom, the prefects and the satraps, the ministers and the governors, have consulted together that the king should establish a statute, and make a strong interdict, that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man for thirty days, save of thee, O king, he shall be cast into the den of lions. 6.15. Then the king, when he heard these words, was sore displeased, and set his heart on Daniel to deliver him; and he laboured till the going down of the sun to deliver him. 11.27. And as for both these kings, their hearts shall be to do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one table; but it shall not prosper, for the end remaineth yet for the time appointed. 9. Yea, all Israel have transgressed Thy law, and have turned aside, so as not to hearken to Thy voice; and so there hath been poured out upon us the curse and the oath that is written in the Law of Moses the servant of God; for we have sinned against Him.,And after the threescore and two weeks shall an anointed one be cut off, and be no more; and the people of a prince that shall come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary; but his end shall be with a flood; and unto the end of the war desolations are determined.,And I set my face unto the Lord God, to seek by prayer and supplications, with fasting, and sackcloth, and ashes.,And He hath confirmed His word, which He spoke against us, and against our judges that judged us, by bringing upon us a great evil; so that under the whole heaven hath not been done as hath been done upon Jerusalem.,neither have we hearkened to the voice of the LORD our God, to walk in His laws, which He set before us by His servants the prophets. .,And he shall make a firm covet with many for one week; and for half of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and the offering to cease; and upon the wing of detestable things shall be that which causeth appalment; and that until the extermination wholly determined be poured out upon that which causeth appalment.’,And so the LORD hath watched over the evil, and brought it upon us; for the LORD our God is righteous in all His works which He hath done, and we have not hearkened to His voice.,Know therefore and discern, that from the going forth of the word to restore and to build Jerusalem unto one anointed, a prince, shall be seven weeks; and for threescore and two weeks, it shall be built again, with broad place and moat, but in troublous times.,in the first year of his reign I Daniel meditated in the books, over the number of the years, whereof the word of the LORD came to Jeremiah the prophet, that He would accomplish for the desolations of Jerusalem seventy years.,neither have we hearkened unto Thy servants the prophets, that spoke in Thy name to our kings, our princes, and our fathers, and to all the people of the land.,To the Lord our God belong compassions and forgivenesses; for we have rebelled against Him;,Unto Thee, O Lord, belongeth righteousness, but unto us confusion of face, as at this day; to the men of Judah, and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and unto all Israel, that are near, and that are far off, through all the countries whither Thou hast driven them, because they dealt treacherously with Thee.,Now therefore, O our God, hearken unto the prayer of Thy servant, and to his supplications, and cause Thy face to shine upon Thy sanctuary that is desolate, for the Lord’s sake.,And now, O Lord our God, that hast brought Thy people forth out of the land of Egypt with a mighty hand, and hast gotten Thee renown, as at this day; we have sinned, we have done wickedly.,And I prayed unto the LORD my God, and made confession, and said: ‘O Lord, the great and awful God, who keepest covet and mercy with them that love Thee and keep Thy commandments,,O my God, incline Thine ear, and hear; open Thine eyes, and behold our desolations, and the city upon which Thy name is called; for we do not present our supplications before Thee because of our righteousness, but because of Thy great compassions.,O Lord, according to all Thy righteousness, let Thine anger and Thy fury, I pray Thee, be turned away from Thy city Jerusalem, Thy holy mountain; because for our sins, and for the iniquities of our fathers, Jerusalem and Thy people are become a reproach to all that are about us.,O LORD, to us belongeth confusion of face, to our kings, to our princes, and to our fathers, because we have sinned against Thee.,And while I was speaking, and praying, and confessing my sin and the sin of my people Israel, and presenting my supplication before the LORD my God for the holy mountain of my God;,And he made me to understand, and talked with me, and said: ‘O Daniel, I am now come forth to make thee skilful of understanding.,O Lord, hear, O Lord, forgive, O Lord, attend and do, defer not; for Thine own sake, O my God, because Thy name is called upon Thy city and Thy people.’,In the first year of Darius the son of Ahasuerus, of the seed of the Medes, who was made king over the realm of the Chaldeans;,yea, while I was speaking in prayer, the man Gabriel, whom I had seen in the vision at the beginning, being caused to fly swiftly, approached close to me about the time of the evening offering.,we have sinned, and have dealt iniquitously, and have done wickedly, and have rebelled, and have turned aside from Thy commandments and from Thine ordices;,At the beginning of thy supplications a word went forth, and I am come to declare it; for thou art greatly beloved; therefore look into the word, and understand the vision.,As it is written in the Law of Moses, all this evil is come upon us; yet have we not entreated the favour of the LORD our God, that we might turn from our iniquities, and have discernment in Thy truth.,Seventy weeks are decreed upon thy people and upon thy holy city, to finish the transgression, and to make an end of sin, and to forgive iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal vision and prophet, and to anoint the most holy place. |
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221. Septuagint, 4 Maccabees, 4, 5.1-7.23, 5.8, 5.9, 5.10, 5.11, 5.18, 5.19, 5.20, 5.21, 5.22, 5.23, 5.24, 5.25, 5.26, 6.17, 6.18, 6.19, 6.20, 6.21, 6.22, 7.7, 7.16, 7.17, 7.18, 7.19, 7.20, 7.21, 7.22, 7.23, 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7, 9.8, 9.9, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.14, 9.15, 9.16, 9.17, 9.18, 9.19, 9.20, 9.21, 9.22, 9.23, 9.24, 9.25, 9.26, 9.27, 9.28, 9.29, 9.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 111 | 5.19. Therefore do not suppose that it would be a petty sin if we were to eat defiling food; |
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222. Anon., Psalms of Solomon, 17, 8, 2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 186 | 2. When the sinner waxed proud, with a battering-ram he cast down fortified walls, And Thou didst not restrain (him)., Alien nations ascended Thine altar, They trampled (it) proudly with their sandals;, Because the sons of Jerusalem had defiled the holy things of the Lord, Had profaned with iniquities the offerings of God., Therefore He said: Cast them far from Me;, It was set at naught before God, It was utterly dishonoured;, The sons and the daughters were in grievous captivity, Sealed (?) (was) their neck, branded (?) (was it) among the nations., According to their sins hath He done unto them, For He hath left them in the hands of them that prevailed., He hath turned away His face from pitying them, Young and old and their children together;, For they had done evil one and all, in not hearkening., And the heavens were angry, And the earth abhorred them;, For no man upon it had done what they did,, And the earth recognized all Thy righteous judgements, O God., They set the sons of Jerusalem to be mocked at in return for (the) harlots in her; Every wayfarer entered in in the full light of day., They made mock with their transgressions, as they themselves were wont to do; In the full light of day they revealed their iniquities. And the daughters of Jerusalem were defiled in accordance with Thy judgement,, Because they had defiled themselves with unnatural intercourse. I am pained in my bowels and my inward parts for these things. (And yet) I will justify Thee, O God, in uprightness of heart, For in Thy judgements is Thy righteousness (displayed), O God., For Thou hast rendered to the sinners according to their deeds, Yea according to their sins, which were very wicked., Thou hast uncovered their sins, that Thy judgement might be manifest;, Thou hast wiped out their memorial from the earth. God is a righteous judge, And He is no respecter of persons., For the nations reproached Jerusalem, trampling it down; Her beauty was dragged down from the throne of glory., She girded on sackcloth instead of comely raiment, A rope (was) about her head instead of a crown., She put off the glorious diadem which God had set upon her,, In dishonour was her beauty cast upon the ground., And I saw and entreated the Lord and said, Long enough, O Lord, has Thine hand been heavy on Israel, in bringing the nations upon (them)., For they have made sport unsparingly in wrath and fierce anger;, And they will make an utter end, unless Thou, O Lord, rebuke them in Thy wrath., For they have done it not in zeal, but in lust of soul,, Pouring out their wrath upon us with a view to rapine., Delay not, O God, to recompense them on (their) heads, To turn the pride of the dragon into dishonour. 30 And I had not long to wait before God showed me the insolent one Slain on the mountains of Egypt, Esteemed of less account than the least on land and sea;, His body, ( too,) borne hither and thither on the billows with much insolence, With none to bury (him), because He had rejected him with dishonour. He reflected not that he was man., And reflected not on the latter end;, He said: I will be lord of land and sea; And he recognized not that it is God who is great, Mighty in His great strength., He is king over the heavens, And judgeth kings and kingdoms., (It is He) who setteth me up in glory, And bringeth down the proud to eternal destruction in dishonour, Because they knew Him not., And now behold, ye princes of the earth, the judgement of the Lord, For a great king and righteous (is He), judging (all) that is under heaven., Bless God, ye that fear the Lord with wisdom, For the mercy of the Lord will be upon them that fear Him, in the Judgement;, So that He will distinguish between the righteous and the sinner, (And) recompense the sinners for ever according to their deeds;, And have mercy on the righteous, (delivering him) from the affliction of the sinner, And recompensing the sinner for what he hath done to the righteous., For the Lord is good to them that call upon Him in patience, Doing according to His mercy to His pious ones, Establishing (them) at all times before Him in strength., Blessed be the Lord for ever before His servants. |
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| 223. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 13.60, 13.61, 46.268, "103", "153", "198", "201", "219", "43", "48", "54", "57", 01-May, 03-Jun, 05-Jun, 119, 120, 121, 122, 17, 178, 179, 18, 180, 181, 182, 183, 2, 275, 276, 3, 34, 35, 36, 4, 5, 51, 52, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 121, 122, 123; Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 171 |
224. Philo of Alexandria, Plant., "108", "22", "26", "71", 134, 113 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 33 | 113. And again Moses says, "Its fruit shall be impure for three days, it shall not be Eaten;" as if in fact it were customary for it to be purified for ever. We must, therefore, say that this is one of those expressions which have a concealed meaning, since the words themselves are not quite consistent with it; for the expression is an ambiguous one; for it bears one sense of this kind, the fruit shall remain for three years; and then there is a distinct injunction, "it shall not be eaten before it is purified." But there is also another meaning, "the fruit of the tree shall for three years be unpurified, and while in that state it shall not be eaten." |
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| 225. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, "128", "142", "34", "71", "72", "73", 1, 12, 126, 127, 131, 142, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 2, 28, 3, 4, 47, 48, 49, 5, 50, 51, 52, 6, 65, 7, 72, 173 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 177 |
226. Philo of Alexandria, On The Change of Names, "180", "187", "220", "225", "241", "26", "48", "50", "51", "8", "82", 10, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 11, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 12, 120, 13, 14, 145, 146, 15, 16, 163, 171, 172, 177, 178, 18, 188, 189, 19, 190, 191, 192, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 27, 28, 29, 3, 36, 37, 39, 4, 40, 47, 5, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 6, 7, 8, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 9, 35 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 114 | 35. for by what kind of contemplation could a man attain to this good thing? What seas must he cross over? What islands, or what continents, must he visit? Must he dwell among Greeks or among the barbarians? |
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227. Philo of Alexandria, On The Migration of Abraham, "124", "136", "138", "165", "191", "219", "39", "44", "49", "8", "84", "99", 127, 128, 130, 14, 15, 16, 17, 178, 179, 18, 180, 181, 19, 198, 199, 20, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 47, 48, 49, 50, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 92 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fisch,, Written for Us: Paul’s Interpretation of Scripture and the History of Midrash (2023) 129; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 114; Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 175; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 321 | 92. Nor does it follow, because the feast is the symbol of the joy of the soul and of its gratitude towards God, that we are to repudiate the assemblies ordained at the periodical seasons of the year; nor because the rite of circumcision is an emblem of the excision of pleasures and of all the passions, and of the destruction of that impious opinion, according to which the mind has imagined itself to be by itself competent to produce offspring, does it follow that we are to annul the law which has been enacted about circumcision. Since we shall neglect the laws about the due observance of the ceremonies in the temple, and numbers of others too, if we exclude all figurative interpretation and attend only to those things which are expressly ordained in plain words. |
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228. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Joseph, "1", "147", "151", "27", "28", "31", "52", 1, 125, 242, 250, 251, 28, 35, 36, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 30 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 89 | 30. and the cause of this the want of union, and participation existing not merely between the Greeks and the barbarians, or between the barbarians and the Greeks, but also between the different tribes of each of these respective nations. Then they, as it would seem, blaming those things which do not deserve blame, such as unexpected occurrences or opportunities, deficiency of crops, badness of soil, their own situation either as being by the sea-side, or inland, or insular, or on the continent, or anything of that sort, are silent as to the real truth. The real truth is their covetousness, their want of good faith towards and confidence in one another, on which account they have not been satisfied with the laws of nature, but have called those regulations, which have appeared to be for the common advantage of the agreeing and uimous multitudes, laws, so that the individual constitutions do naturally appear rather in the light of additions to the one great general constitution of nature; |
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| 229. Philo of Alexandria, On Giants, "40", 62, 63, 64, "50" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 344 |
230. Ovid, Fasti, 4.363-4.364 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 339| 4.363. inter ait ‘viridem Cybelen altasque Celaenas 4.364. amnis it insana, nomine Gallus, aqua. | 4.363. ‘Between green Cybele and high Celaenae,’ she said, 4.364. ‘Runs a river of maddening water, called the Gallus. |
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231. Philo of Alexandria, On Flight And Finding, "10", "165", "168", "208", "46", 110, 111, 112, 119, 208, 28, 29, 30, 32, 40, 31 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 63 | 31. And if you ever to go a drinking party or to a costly entertainment, go with a good confidence; for you will put to shame the intemperate man by your own dexterity. For he, falling on his belly, and opening his insatiable desires even before he opens his mouth, will glut himself in a most shameless and indecorous manner, and will seize the things belonging to his neighbour, and will lick up everything without thinking. And when he is completely sated with eating, then drinking, as the poets say, with his mouth open, he will make himself an object for the laughter and ridicule of all those who behold him. |
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232. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.89-1.93 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •freedom, and the law Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 71| 1.89. Aurea prima sata est aetas, quae vindice nullo, 1.90. sponte sua, sine lege fidem rectumque colebat. 1.91. Poena metusque aberant, nec verba mitia fixo 1.92. aere legebantur, nec supplex turba timebat 1.93. iudicis ora sui, sed erant sine vindice tuti. | 1.89. and Auster wafted to the distant south 1.90. where clouds and rain encompass his abode.— 1.91. and over these He fixed the liquid sky, 1.92. devoid of weight and free from earthly dross. |
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233. Philo of Alexandria, On Drunkenness, "111", "17", "190", "220", "23", "44", "79", 17, 205, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 36, 37, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 112 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 154 | 112. And the same prophet begins a song to the well, not only for the destruction of the passions, but also because he has had strength given to him to acquire the most valuable of all possessions, namely incomparable wisdom, which he compares to a well; for it is deep, and not superficial, giving forth a sweet stream to souls who thirst for goodness and virtue, a drink at once most necessary and most sweet. |
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| 234. Philo of Alexandria, On Planting, 113 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 33 |
| 235. Philo of Alexandria, On The Decalogue, "164", "38", "88", 1, 100, 101, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 124, 136, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 19, 20, 32, 50, 51, 52, 81, 83, 129 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 189 |
236. Philo of Alexandria, On The Preliminary Studies, "135", "51", "61", 107, 108, 109, 110, 134, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 49, 63, 120 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 89 | 120. For what is more important than this is the fact, that Moses gave laws to that sacred and divine assembly in a code of ten commandments in all. And these are the commandments which are the generic heads, and roots, and principles of the infinite multitude of particular laws; being the everlasting source of all commands, and containing every imaginable injunction and prohibition to the great advantage of those who use them. XXXII. |
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| 237. Philo of Alexandria, On The Confusion of Tongues, "119", "146", "179", "92", "95", 14, 140, 55, 56, 57, 72 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 209 |
238. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, "23", "27", "75", "96", 10, 3, 4, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 43 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 143 | 43. But we must begin our explanation of these mysteries in this way. A husband unites with his wife, and the male human being with the female human being in a union which tends to the generation of children, in strict accordance with and obedience to nature. But it is not lawful for virtues, which are the parents of many perfect things, to associate with a mortal husband. But they, without having received the power of generation from any other being, will never be able by themselves alone to conceive any thing. |
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239. Philo of Alexandria, On Husbandry, "149", "19", "43", "57", 116, 117, 118, 119, 131, 14, 157, 158, 9, 97, 96 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 178 | 96. And these things thus expressed resemble visions and prodigies; I mean the account of one dragon uttering the voice of a man and pouring his sophistries into most innocent dispositions, and deceiving the woman with plausible arguments of persuasion; and of another becoming a cause of complete safety to those who looked upon it. |
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| 240. Philo of Alexandria, On The Eternity of The World, "54", 18, 19, 90, 5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 32 |
241. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 3.57.2-3.57.3, 5.66.3, 10.9.6, 12.39.2, 13.6.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws •homicide law, athenian •athens, laws and prescriptions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 333, 334; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 332, 338; Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 61 | 3.57.3. of these daughters Basileia, who was the eldest and far excelled the others in both prudence and understanding, reared all her brothers, showing them collectively a mother's kindness; consequently she was given the appellation of "Great Mother"; and after her father had been translated from among men into the circle of the gods, with the approval of the masses and of her brothers she succeeded to the royal dignity, though she was still a maiden and because of her exceedingly great chastity had been unwilling to unite in marriage with any man. But later, because of her desire to leave sons who should succeed to the throne, she united in marriage with Hyperion, one of her brothers, for whom she had the greatest affection. 12.39.2. Consequently, when the Assembly convened to consider the affair, the enemies of Pericles persuaded the people to arrest Pheidias and lodged a charge against Pericles himself of stealing sacred property. Furthermore, they falsely accused the sophist Anaxagoras, who was Pericles' teacher, of impiety against the gods; and they involved Pericles in their accusations and malicious charges, since jealousy made them eager to discredit the eminence as well as the fame of the man. |
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242. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, "2", "65", 18, 28, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 78, 85, 90, 61 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 143; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 321 | 61. And having corrupted the age of boys, and having metamorphosed them and removed them into the classification and character of women, it has injured their lovers also in the most important particulars, their bodies, their souls, and their properties; for it follows of necessity that the mind of a lover of boys must be kept on the stretch towards the objects of his affection, and must have no acuteness of vision for any other object, but must be blinded by its desire as to all other objects private or common, and must so be wasted away, more especially if it fails in its objects. Moreover, the man's property must be diminished on two accounts, both from the owner's neglect and from his expenses for the beloved object. |
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243. Philo of Alexandria, On The Posterity of Cain, "128", "165", "167", "168", "179", "181", "34", "9", 127, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 60 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 179 | 60. for Moses says that the spies came to Chebron, and these three are Acheman, and Jesein, and Thalamein, of the sons of Enoch: and this he adds, "and Chebron was built seven years before Janis, in Egypt," and these synonymous appellations are distinguished according to their species in a most natural manner. Chebron, being interpreted, means compunction, and this is of two kinds; one with reference to the soul being joined to the body, the other with reference to its being adapted to virtue. |
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244. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 111, 75-77, 79-82, 84-91, 2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 32 | 2. Now it is said, that the most sacred sect of the Pythagoreans, among many other excellent doctrines, taught this one also, that it was not well to proceed by the plain ordinary roads, not meaning to urge us to talk among precipices (for it was not their object to weary our feet with labour), but intimating, by a figurative mode of speech, that we ought not, either in respect of our words or actions, to use only such as are ordinary and unchanged; |
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245. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, "127", "167", "183", "193", "99", 101, 102, 103, 104, 108, 141, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 95, 34 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 3; Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 116 | 34. And the sacred volumes contain the most undeniable proofs of what has been here stated. The most numerous of all nations is that of the Arabians, whose ancient name was the Madienaeans. These people being inimicably disposed towards the Hebrews, for no other cause more than because they honour and worship the highest and mightiest Cause of all things, as being dedicated to the Creator and Father of the universe as his peculiar people, and having tried every imaginable device and exhausted every contrivance to cause them to abandon the worship of the one only true and living God, and to forsake holiness and adopt impiety, thought that if they could do so they should be easily able to get the better of them. But when, in spite of having both done and said innumerable things, they had failed in everything, like dying people who now despair of their safety, they contrived a device of the following nature. |
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246. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, a b c d\n0 1.147 1.147 1 147\n1 1.303 1.303 1 303\n2 1.305 1.305 1 305\n3 1.48 1.48 1 48\n4 2.205 2.205 2 205\n.. ... ... .. ...\n63 1.304 1.304 1 304\n64 1.302 1.302 1 302\n65 1.301 1.301 1 301\n66 1.300 1.300 1 300\n67 "1.185" "1.185" "1 185"\n\n[68 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 189 | 1.147. And of those who now went forth out of Egypt and left their abodes in that country, the men of age to bear arms were more than six hundred thousand men, and the other multitude of elders, and children, and women were so great that it was not easy to calculate it. Moreover, there also went forth with them a mixed multitude of promiscuous persons collected from all quarters, and servants, like an illegitimate crowd with a body of genuine citizens. Among these were those who had been born to Hebrew fathers by Egyptian women, and who were enrolled as members of their father's race. And, also, all those who had admired the decent piety of the men, and therefore joined them; and some, also, who had come over to them, having learnt the right way, by reason of the magnitude and multitude of the incessant punishments which had been inflicted on their own countrymen. |
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247. Philo of Alexandria, Hypothetica, 7.6-7.8, 8.7.1, 11.1-11.5, 11.7-11.10, 11.12-11.17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of nature, and the patriarchs •halakhah, jewish law, josephus’ exposition of compared with philo’s hypothetica •law, the •dead sea scrolls,strict obedience to the law •jewish law/legal schools, and the law of moses •temple, the, and jewish schools of law •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) •philo of alexandria, exposition of the law Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 152; Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 325; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 88; Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 32; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 40, 41, 196, 197, 302 | 7.6. There are, besides these rules, ten thousand other precepts, which refer to the unwritten customs and ordices of the nation. Moreover, it is ordained in the laws themselves that no one shall do to his neighbour what he would be unwilling to have done to himself. That a man shall not take up what he has not put down, neither out of a garden, nor out of a wine-press, nor out of a threshing-floor; and that absolutely no one shall take anything, whether it be great or small, out of a heap. That no one shall refuse fire to one who begs it of him. That no one shall cut off a stream of water, but that everyone shall contribute food to beggars and cripples, and that such shall have favour with God. |
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248. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 17-19, 41, 5, 2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 32 | 2. This Flaccus being chosen by Tiberius Caesar as one of his intimate companions, after the death of Severus, who had been lieutetgovernor in Egypt, was appointed viceroy of Alexandria and the country round about, being a man who at the beginning, as far as appearance went, had given innumerable instances of his excellence, for he was a man of prudence and diligence, and great acuteness of perception, very energetic in executing what he had determined on, very eloquent as a speaker, and skilful too at discerning what was suppressed as well as at understanding what was said. |
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| 249. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, "195", "312", "4", "69", 1, 115, 159, 170, 182, 206, 256, 68, 2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 32 |
| 250. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, a b c d\n0 3.244 3.244 3 244\n1 1.54 1.54 1 54\n2 1.53 1.53 1 53\n3 1.58 1.58 1 58\n4 1.57 1.57 1 57\n.. ... ... .. ...\n90 3.238 3.238 3 238\n91 3.237 3.237 3 237\n92 3.236 3.236 3 236\n93 3.241 3.241 3 241\n94 3.240 3.240 3 240\n\n[95 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 147 |
| 251. Vergil, Eclogues, 9.7-9.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, and gospel •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 292 |
252. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.453-1.493, 6.72 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •funerary laws, prothesis scene •law (jewish), brought from the jerusalem temple to rome, after judean war Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 106; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 247| 1.453. Namque sub ingenti lustrat dum singula templo, 1.454. reginam opperiens, dum, quae fortuna sit urbi, 1.455. artificumque manus inter se operumque laborem 1.456. miratur, videt Iliacas ex ordine pugnas, 1.457. bellaque iam fama totum volgata per orbem, 1.458. Atridas, Priamumque, et saevum ambobus Achillem. 1.459. Constitit, et lacrimans, Quis iam locus inquit Achate, 1.460. quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris? 1.461. En Priamus! Sunt hic etiam sua praemia laudi; 1.462. sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt. 1.463. Solve metus; feret haec aliquam tibi fama salutem. 1.464. Sic ait, atque animum pictura pascit ii, 1.465. multa gemens, largoque umectat flumine voltum. 1.466. Namque videbat, uti bellantes Pergama circum 1.467. hac fugerent Graii, premeret Troiana iuventus, 1.468. hac Phryges, instaret curru cristatus Achilles. 1.469. Nec procul hinc Rhesi niveis tentoria velis 1.470. adgnoscit lacrimans, primo quae prodita somno 1.471. Tydides multa vastabat caede cruentus, 1.472. ardentisque avertit equos in castra, prius quam 1.473. pabula gustassent Troiae Xanthumque bibissent. 1.474. Parte alia fugiens amissis Troilus armis, 1.475. infelix puer atque impar congressus Achilli, 1.476. fertur equis, curruque haeret resupinus ii, 1.477. lora tenens tamen; huic cervixque comaeque trahuntur 1.478. per terram, et versa pulvis inscribitur hasta. 1.479. Interea ad templum non aequae Palladis ibant 1.480. crinibus Iliades passis peplumque ferebant, 1.481. suppliciter tristes et tunsae pectora palmis; 1.482. diva solo fixos oculos aversa tenebat. 1.483. Ter circum Iliacos raptaverat Hectora muros, 1.484. exanimumque auro corpus vendebat Achilles. 1.485. Tum vero ingentem gemitum dat pectore ab imo, 1.486. ut spolia, ut currus, utque ipsum corpus amici, 1.487. tendentemque manus Priamum conspexit inermis. 1.488. Se quoque principibus permixtum adgnovit Achivis, 1.489. Eoasque acies et nigri Memnonis arma. 1.490. Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis 1.491. Penthesilea furens, mediisque in milibus ardet, 1.492. aurea subnectens exsertae cingula mammae, 1.493. bellatrix, audetque viris concurrere virgo. 6.72. hic ego namque tuas sortes arcanaque fata, | 1.453. art thou bright Phoebus' sister? Or some nymph, 1.454. the daughter of a god? Whate'er thou art, 1.455. thy favor we implore, and potent aid 1.456. in our vast toil. Instruct us of what skies, 1.457. or what world's end, our storm-swept lives have found! 1.458. Strange are these lands and people where we rove, 1.459. compelled by wind and wave. Lo, this right hand 1.461. Then Venus: “Nay, I boast not to receive 1.462. honors divine. We Tyrian virgins oft 1.463. bear bow and quiver, and our ankles white 1.464. lace up in purple buskin. Yonder lies 1.465. the Punic power, where Tyrian masters hold 1.466. Agenor's town; but on its borders dwell 1.467. the Libyans, by battles unsubdued. 1.468. Upon the throne is Dido, exiled there 1.469. from Tyre, to flee th' unnatural enmity 1.470. of her own brother. 'T was an ancient wrong; 1.471. too Iong the dark and tangled tale would be; 1.472. I trace the larger outline of her story: 1.473. Sichreus was her spouse, whose acres broad 1.474. no Tyrian lord could match, and he was-blessed 1.475. by his ill-fated lady's fondest love, 1.476. whose father gave him her first virgin bloom 1.477. in youthful marriage. But the kingly power 1.478. among the Tyrians to her brother came, 1.479. Pygmalion, none deeper dyed in crime 1.480. in all that land. Betwixt these twain there rose 1.481. a deadly hatred,—and the impious wretch, 1.482. blinded by greed, and reckless utterly 1.483. of his fond sister's joy, did murder foul 1.484. upon defenceless and unarmed Sichaeus, 1.485. and at the very altar hewed him down. 1.486. Long did he hide the deed, and guilefully 1.487. deceived with false hopes, and empty words, 1.488. her grief and stricken love. But as she slept, 1.489. her husband's tombless ghost before her came, 1.490. with face all wondrous pale, and he laid bare 1.491. his heart with dagger pierced, disclosing so 1.492. the blood-stained altar and the infamy 1.493. that darkened now their house. His counsel was 6.72. of the bold Trojans; while their sacred King |
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| 253. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, a b c d\n0 3.51 3.51 3 51\n1 1.55 1.55 1 55\n2 4 4 4 None\n3 2 2 2 None\n4 1 1 1 None\n.. ... ... .. ...\n106 "4.139" "4.139" "4 139"\n107 "1.330" "1.330" "1 330"\n108 "1.94" "1.94" "1 94"\n109 1.56 1.56 1 56\n110 1.57 1.57 1 57\n\n[111 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 182 |
| 254. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.4, 1.6-1.7, 7.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •adultery, athenian laws against •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 147; Pinheiro et al., Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel (2012a) 164 |
| 255. Philo of Alexandria, Questions On Exodus, a b c d\n0 2.21 2.21 2 21\n1 2.38 2.38 2 38\n2 2.42 2.42 2 42\n3 "2.28" "2.28" "2 28"\n4 "2.106" "2.106" "2 106"\n5 "2.54" "2.54" "2 54"\n6 "2.91" "2.91" "2 91"\n7 "2.104" "2.104" "2 104"\n8 "2.94" "2.94" "2 94"\n9 "2.122" "2.122" "2 122"\n10 "1.20" "1.20" "1 20"\n11 "2.3" "2.3" "2 3"\n12 "2.11" "2.11" "2 11"\n13 "2.14" "2.14" "2 14"\n14 "2.16" "2.16" "2 16"\n15 "2.47" "2.47" "2 47"\n16 "2.51" "2.51" "2 51"\n17 "2.62" "2.62" "2 62"\n18 "2.63" "2.63" "2 63"\n19 "2.66" "2.66" "2 66"\n20 "2.68" "2.68" "2 68"\n21 "2.61" "2.61" "2 61" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 33 |
| 256. Horace, Sermones, 1.14.3, 1.50.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •codex theodosianus, general laws related to specific cases •iurisconsultus, and the development of law Found in books: Humfress, Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic (2007) 87, 88 |
| 257. Philo of Alexandria, Questions On Genesis, a b c d\n0 4.154 4.154 4 154\n1 4.142 4.142 4 142\n2 4.124 4.124 4 124\n3 4.99 4.99 4 99\n4 4.143 4.143 4 143\n5 4.184 4.184 4 184\n6 2.66 2.66 2 66\n7 2.5 2.5 2 5\n8 3.24 3.24 3 24\n9 4.168 4.168 4 168\n10 4.172 4.172 4 172\n11 3.21 3.21 3 21\n12 3.20 3.20 3 20\n13 3 3 3 None\n14 4 4 4 None\n15 "3.39" "3.39" "3 39"\n16 "4.227" "4.227" "4 227"\n17 "2.38" "2.38" "2 38"\n18 "4.231" "4.231" "4 231"\n19 "1.69" "1.69" "1 69"\n20 "3.58" "3.58" "3 58"\n21 "3.40" "3.40" "3 40"\n22 "4.80" "4.80" "4 80"\n23 "3.56" "3.56" "3 56"\n24 "4.22" "4.22" "4 22"\n25 "4.8" "4.8" "4 8"\n26 "4.4" "4.4" "4 4"\n27 "4.2" "4.2" "4 2"\n28 "3.41" "3.41" "3 41"\n29 "4.17" "4.17" "4 17"\n30 "3.55" "3.55" "3 55"\n31 "4.233" "4.233" "4 233"\n32 "3.49" "3.49" "3 49"\n33 "4.204" "4.204" "4 204"\n34 "3.54" "3.54" "3 54"\n35 "2.26" "2.26" "2 26"\n36 "2.43" "2.43" "2 43" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sly, Philo's Perception of Women (1990) 155 |
258. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 2.95-2.96 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73 | 2.95. 95 Give to the needy with perspiring hand. 2.96. He who gives alms knows how to lend to God. |
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259. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 5.1146-5.1150 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, on positive law as rescue from the state of nature Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 73| 5.1146. ex inimicitiis languebat; quo magis ipsum 5.1147. sponte sua cecidit sub leges artaque iura. 5.1148. acrius ex ira quod enim se quisque parabat 5.1149. ulcisci quam nunc concessumst legibus aequis, 5.1150. hanc ob rem est homines pertaesum vi colere aevom. | |
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| 260. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, a b c d\n0 1.151 1.151 1 151\n1 1.16 1.16 1 16\n2 1.168 1.168 1 168\n3 2.100 2.100 2 100\n4 293 293 293 None\n.. ... ... ... ...\n76 "1.171" "1.171" "1 171"\n77 "1.129" "1.129" "1 129"\n78 2.45 2.45 2 45\n79 "2.125" "2.125" "2 125"\n80 "1.89" "1.89" "1 89"\n\n[81 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 63 |
| 261. Philo of Alexandria, On Sobriety, "3", "38", "55", 65, 66, 50 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 3 |
262. Philo of Alexandria, Who Is The Heir, 2.21, 2.38, 2.42 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 33, 210; Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 63 | 78. The good man, then, alone sees; in reference to whom the ancients also called the prophets, seers. But he who advanced further outwards, not only seeing, but seeing God, was called Israel; the meaning of which name is, "seeing God." But others, even if they ever do open their eyes, still bend them down towards the earth, pursuing only earthly things, and being bred up among material objects; |
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| 263. Philo of Alexandria, On The Sacrifices of Cain And Abel, "101", "121", "35", "36", "50", "54", "69", "73", "78", "84", "9", "131" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 366 |
| 264. Philo of Alexandria, De Providentia, 2.5, 2.7-2.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philo of alexandria, exposition of the law •exposition of the law •exposition of the law, sequence of treatises in •the cosmos, and the law Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 2; Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 32 |
265. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, "139", "150", "159", "160", "22", "4", "61", "62", "75", "85", "92", 161, 162, 38, 39, 40, 52, 53, 139 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 33 | 139. On which account Moses, after he had previously mentioned with respect to Enos that "he hoped to call upon the name of the Lord his God," adds in express words, "This is the book of the generation of Men;" speaking with perfect correctness: for it is written in the book of God that man is the only creature with a good hope. So that arguing by contraries, he who has no good hope is not a man. The definition, therefore, of our concrete being is that it is a living rational mortal being; but the definition of man, according to Moses, is a disposition of the soul hoping in the truly living God. |
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| 266. Philo of Alexandria, That God Is Unchangeable, "162", "4", 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 181, 182, 183, "38" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 418 |
267. Philo of Alexandria, On Curses, "160", "161", "40", "44", "50", "80", "87", 1, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 152, 16, 17, 171, 172, 18, 19, 2, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 3, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 4, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 5, 50, 51, 53, 6, 7, 11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 7, 11, 210; Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 31 | 11. but the voluntary flight from God, as one that has taken place by deliberate purpose and intention, will await on irremediable punishment in all eternity, for as good deeds that are done in consequence of forethought and design, are better than unintentional ones, so also among offences those that are undesigned are of less heinousness than those that are premeditated. IV. |
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268. Livy, History, 1.6.4, 3.37.2, 3.37.3, 3.37.4, 3.38.1, 3.44.1, 1.6.3, 1.43.12, 3.45, 3.46, 3.47, 3.48, 3.50, 3.51, 3.52, 3.44, 3.53, 3.55, 3.56, 3.57, 3.58, 3.59, 3.35.2, 3.35.4, 3.54, 3.49, 3.41, 3.33.2, 3.33.9, 3.42, 3.34.6, 3.34.7, 3.35, 3.36, 3.37, 3.38, 3.33.10, 3.43, 3.40, 3.39, praef. 12, praef. 11-12, 25.23, 39.8.4, 39.8.3, 6.16.7, 8.21.11, 6.16.6, 42.4.3, 2.47.6, 6.36.11, 8.11.14, 42.4.4, 6.1.2, 1.45.5, 1.20.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walter, Time in Ancient Stories of Origin (2020) 145| 1.6.4. intervenit deinde his cogitationibus avitum malum, regni cupido, atque inde foedum certamen, coortum a satis miti principio. quoniam gemini essent nec aetatis verecundia discrimen facere posset, ut dii, quorum tutelae ea loca essent, auguriis legerent, qui nomen novae urbi daret, qui conditam imperio regeret, Palatium Romulus, Remus Aventinum ad inaugurandum templa capiunt. | |
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269. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.14, 3.175-3.176, 4.203, 13.1.13, 17.3.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law •roman law, and law of the provinces •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 15, 24, 146; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 336; Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 174 | 1.2.14. Eratosthenes thinks it probable that Hesiod, having heard of the wanderings of Ulysses, and of their having taken place near to Sicily and Italy, embraced this view of the case, and not only describes the places spoken of by Homer, but also Aetna, the Isle of Ortygia, near to Syracuse, and Tyrrhenia. As for Homer, he was altogether unacquainted with these places, and further, had no wish to lay the scene of the wanderings in any well-known locality. What! are then Aetna and Tyrrhenia such well-known places, and Scyllaion, Charybdis, Circaion, and the Sirenussae, so obscure? Or is Hesiod so correct as never to write nonsense, but always follow in the wake of received opinions, while Homer blurts out whatever comes uppermost? Without taking into consideration our remarks on the character and aptitude of Homer's myths, a large array of writers who bear evidence to his statements, and the additional testimony of local tradition, are sufficient proof that his are not the inventions of poets or contemporary scribblers, but the record of real actors and real scenes. 17.3.20. The circuit of the Great Syrtis is about 3930 stadia, its depth to the recess is 1500 stadia, and its breadth at the mouth is also nearly the same. The difficulty of navigating both these and the Lesser Syrtis [arises from the circumstances of] the soundings in many parts being soft mud. It sometimes happens, on the ebbing and flowing of the tide, that vessels are carried upon the shallows, settle down, and are seldom recovered. Sailors therefore, in coasting, keep at a distance (from the shore), and are on their guard, lest they should be caught by a wind unprepared, and driven into these gulfs. Yet the daring disposition of man induces him to attempt everything, and particularly the coasting along a shore. On entering the Great Syrtis on the right, after passing the promontory Cephalae, is a lake of about 300 stadia in length, and 70 stadia in breadth, which communicates with the gulf, and has at its entrance small islands and an anchorage. After the lake follows a place called Aspis, and a harbour, the best of all in the Syrtis. Near this place is the tower Euphrantas, the boundary between the former territory of Carthage and Cyrenaica under Ptolemy (Soter). Then another place, called Charax, which the Carthaginians frequented as a place of commerce, with cargoes of wine, and loaded in return with silphium and its juice, which they received from merchants who brought it away clandestinely from Cyrene; then the Altars of the Philaeni; after these Automola, a fortress defended by a garrison, and situated in the recess of the whole gulf. The parallel passing through this recess is more to the south than that passing through Alexandreia by 1000 stadia, and than that passing through Carthage by less than 2000 stadia; but it would coincide with the parallel passing, on one side, through Heroopolis, which is situated in the recess of the Arabian Gulf, and passing, on the other, through the interior of the territory of the Masaesylii and the Mauretanians. The rest of the sea-coast, to the city Berenice, is 1500 stadia in length. Above this length of coast, and extending to the Altars of the Philaeni, are situated an African nation called Nasamones. The intervening distance (between the recess of the Syrtis and Berenice) contains but few harbours, and watering-places are rare.On a promontory called Pseudopenias is situated Berenice, near a lake Tritonis, in which is to be observed a small island with a temple of Venus upon it. There also is a lake of the Hesperides, into which flows a river (called) Lathon. On this side of Berenice is a small promontory called Boreion (or North Cape), which with Cephalae forms the entrance of the Syrtis. Berenice lies opposite to the promontories of Peloponnesus, namely, those called Ichthys and [Chelonatas], and also to the island Zacynthus, at an interval of 3600 stadia. Marcus Cato marched from this city, round the Syrtis, in thirty days, at the head of an army composed of more than 10,000 men, separated into divisions on account of the watering-places; his course lay through deep sand, under burning heat. After Berenice is a city Taucheira, called also Arsinoe; then Barca, formerly so called, but now Ptolemais; then the promontory Phycus, which is low, but extends further to the north than the rest of the African coast: it is opposite to Taenarum, in Laconia, at the distance of 2800 stadia; on it there is also a small town of the same name as the promontory. Not far from Phycus, at a distance of about 170 stadia, is Apollonia, the naval arsenal of Cyrene; from Berenice it is distant 1000 stadia, and 80 stadia from Cyrene, a considerable city situated on a table-land, as I observed it from the sea. |
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| 270. Herodotus Medicus, Fragments, 1.85, 3.131 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cleinias (the laws) Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374 |
| 271. Anon., Fragments, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
272. Mishnah, Yoma, 3.10 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeal (for the law) Found in books: Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 576 | 3.10. Ben Katin made twelve spigots for the laver, for there had been before only two. He also made a mechanism for the laver, in order that its water should not become unfit by remaining overnight. King Monbaz had all the handles of all the vessels used on Yom HaKippurim made of gold. His mother Helena made a golden candelabrum over the opening of the Hekhal. She also made a golden tablet, on which the portion concerning the suspected adulteress was inscribed. For Nicanor miracles happened to his doors. And they were all mentioned for praise. |
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273. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 4.68, 4.205, 4.207, 4.226-4.227, 4.240, 4.304, 10.96-10.102, 10.219-10.221, 12.142, 12.240, 12.271, 12.278, 13.171-13.172, 13.257, 13.297-13.298, 13.311-13.313, 13.319, 14.41, 14.258, 14.366, 15.167, 15.266, 15.268, 15.275, 15.326-15.341, 15.371-15.379, 16.163-16.164, 17.42, 18.4-18.11, 18.17-18.21, 18.23-18.25, 18.55, 18.116-18.119, 18.159-18.160, 18.259, 19.276-19.277, 20.34-20.53, 20.92-20.98, 20.100, 20.102-20.136, 20.167-20.172, 20.200-20.201 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 1; Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 182; Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 324; Fisch,, Written for Us: Paul’s Interpretation of Scripture and the History of Midrash (2023) 70, 175; Spielman, Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World (2020) 25, 31, 32; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 17, 38, 40, 51, 56, 114, 193, 196, 197, 302; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 216, 376, 570, 576; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 248, 277; Wilson, Paul and the Jewish Law: A Stoic Ethical Perspective on his Inconsistency (2022) 111; Witter et al., Torah, Temple, Land: Constructions of Judaism in Antiquity (2021) 18| 4.68. πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ τὸν λαὸν ἐξέταξε τῶν ἐπετείων καρπῶν δεκάτην αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς Λευίταις καὶ ἱερεῦσι τελεῖν. καὶ ἃ μὲν ἡ φυλὴ παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους λαμβάνει ταῦτ' ἐστίν: ἀναγκαῖον δ' ἡγησάμην ἃ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἰδίᾳ παρὰ πάντων γίνεται δηλῶσαι. 4.205. ̓́Εστω δὲ καὶ δεκάτη τῶν καρπῶν ἐξαίρεσις ὑμῖν χωρὶς ἧς διετάξατε τοῖς ἱερεῦσι καὶ Λευίταις δεδόσθαι, ἣ πιπρασκέσθω μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν πατρίδων, εἰς δὲ τὰς εὐωχίας ὑπηρετείτω καὶ τὰς θυσίας τὰς ἐν τῇ ἱερᾷ πόλει: δίκαιον γὰρ εἶναι τῶν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀναδιδομένων, ἣν ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς κτήσασθαι παρέσχεν, ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ δεδωκότος ἀπολαύειν. 4.207. Βλασφημείτω δὲ μηδεὶς θεοὺς οὓς πόλεις ἄλλαι νομίζουσι. μηδὲ συλᾶν ἱερὰ ξενικά, μηδ' ἂν ἐπωνομασμένον ᾖ τινι θεῷ κειμήλιον λαμβάνειν. 4.226. Γῆν ὁ φυτεύσας, πρὸ ἐτῶν τεσσάρων ἂν καρπὸν προβάλῃ τὰ φυτά, μήτε τῷ θεῷ ἀπαρχὰς ἐντεῦθεν ἀποφερέτω μήτ' αὐτὸς χρήσθω: οὐ γὰρ κατὰ καιρὸν τοῦτον ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐνεχθῆναι, βιασαμένης δὲ τῆς φύσεως ἀώρως μήτε τῷ θεῷ ἁρμόζειν μήτ' αὐτῷ τῷ δεσπότῃ χρῆσθαι. 4.227. τῷ δὲ τετάρτῳ τρυγάτω πᾶν τὸ γενόμενον, τότε γὰρ ὥριον εἶναι, καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν κομιζέτω, καὶ σὺν τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ ἄλλου καρποῦ μετὰ τῶν φίλων εὐωχούμενος ἀναλισκέτω καὶ μετ' ὀρφανῶν καὶ χηρευουσῶν γυναικῶν. πέμπτου δὲ ἔτους κύριος ἔστω τὰ φυτὰ καρποῦσθαι. 4.304. ταῦτ' οὖν τὰ βιβλία παραδίδωσι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι καὶ τὴν κιβωτόν, εἰς ἣν καὶ τοὺς δέκα λόγους γεγραμμένους ἐν δυσὶ πλαξὶ κατέθετο, καὶ τὴν σκηνήν: τῷ τε λαῷ παρῄνεσε κρατήσαντι τῆς γῆς καὶ ἱδρυθέντι μὴ λήθην λαβεῖν τῆς ̓Αμαληκιτῶν ὕβρεως, ἀλλὰ στρατεύσαντας ἐπ' αὐτοὺς τιμωρίαν ἀπολαβεῖν ὧν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρήμου τυγχάνοντας ἐποίησαν κακῶς, 10.102. τούτους δὴ κομισθέντας πρὸς αὑτὸν εἶχεν ἐν φυλακῇ: τὸν δὲ θεῖον τοῦ ̓Ιωακείμου Σαχχίαν ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα ὅρκους παρ' αὐτοῦ λαβών, ἦ μὴν φυλάξειν αὐτῷ τὴν χώραν καὶ μηδὲν νεωτερίσειν μηδὲ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις εὐνοήσειν. 10.219. ̔Ο δὲ βασιλεὺς Ναβουχοδονόσορος ἔτη τρία καὶ τεσσαράκοντα βασιλεύσας τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον ἀνὴρ δραστήριος καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλέων εὐτυχέστερος γενόμενος. μέμνηται δ' αὐτοῦ τῶν πράξεων καὶ Βηρωσὸς ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ τῶν Χαλδαϊκῶν ἱστοριῶν λέγων οὕτως: 10.221. συμμίξας δὲ Ναβουχοδονόσορος τῷ ἀποστάτῃ καὶ παραταξάμενος αὐτοῦ τε ἐκράτησε καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐκ ταύτης τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτοῦ βασιλείαν ἐποιήσατο. τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτοῦ Ναβουχοδονοσόρῳ συνέβη κατ' αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ἀρρωστήσαντι ἐν τῇ Βαβυλωνίων πόλει μεταλλάξαι τὸν βίον ἔτη βασιλεύσαντα εἴκοσι καὶ ἕν. 12.142. πολιτευέσθωσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἀπολυέσθω δ' ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ ἱεροψάλται ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς τελοῦσιν καὶ τοῦ στεφανιτικοῦ φόρου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων. 12.271. καὶ τὸν βωμὸν καθελὼν ἀνέκραγεν, “εἴ τις ζηλωτής ἐστιν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείας, ἑπέσθω, φησίν, ἐμοί,” καὶ ταῦτ' εἰπὼν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων εἰς τὴν ἔρημον ἐξώρμησεν καταλιπὼν ἅπασαν τὴν αὐτοῦ κτῆσιν ἐν τῇ κώμῃ. 12.278. ποιήσας οὖν δύναμιν πολλὴν περὶ αὐτὸν Ματταθίας τούς τε βωμοὺς καθεῖλεν καὶ τοὺς ἐξαμαρτάνοντας ἀπέκτεινεν, ὅσους λαβεῖν ὑποχειρίους ἠδυνήθη: πολλοὶ γὰρ δι' εὐλάβειαν διεσπάρησαν εἰς τὰ πέριξ ἔθνη: τῶν τε παίδων τοὺς οὐ περιτετμημένους ἐκέλευσε περιτέμνεσθαι τοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ κωλύειν καθεσταμένους ἐκβαλών. 13.171. Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τρεῖς αἱρέσεις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, αἳ περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων διαφόρως ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν ἡ μὲν Φαρισαίων ἐλέγετο, ἡ δὲ Σαδδουκαίων, ἡ τρίτη δὲ ̓Εσσηνῶν. 13.172. οἱ μὲν οὖν Φαρισαῖοι τινὰ καὶ οὐ πάντα τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔργον εἶναι λέγουσιν, τινὰ δ' ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνειν τε καὶ μὴ γίνεσθαι. τὸ δὲ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν γένος πάντων τὴν εἱμαρμένην κυρίαν ἀποφαίνεται καὶ μηδὲν ὃ μὴ κατ' ἐκείνης ψῆφον ἀνθρώποις ἀπαντᾶν. 13.257. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας αἱρεῖ πόλεις ̓́Αδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν, καὶ ἅπαντας τοὺς ̓Ιδουμαίους ὑπὸ χεῖρα ποιησάμενος ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, εἰ περιτέμνοιντο τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμοις χρήσασθαι θέλοιεν. 13.297. περὶ μέντοι τούτων αὖθις ἐροῦμεν. νῦν δὲ δηλῶσαι βούλομαι, ὅτι νόμιμά τινα παρέδοσαν τῷ δήμῳ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἐκ πατέρων διαδοχῆς, ἅπερ οὐκ ἀναγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς Μωυσέως νόμοις, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ταῦτα τὸ Σαδδουκαίων γένος ἐκβάλλει, λέγον ἐκεῖνα δεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι νόμιμα τὰ γεγραμμένα, τὰ δ' ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων μὴ τηρεῖν. 13.298. καὶ περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινεν μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο καὶ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μου τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται. 13.311. μάλιστα δ' ἄν τις θαυμάσειεν καὶ ̓Ιούδαν τινά, ̓Εσσηνὸν μὲν τὸ γένος, οὐδέποτε δ' ἐν οἷς προεῖπεν διαψευσάμενον τἀληθές: οὗτος γὰρ ἰδὼν τὸν ̓Αντίγονον παριόντα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεβόησεν ἐν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ καὶ γνωρίμοις, οἳ διδασκαλίας ἕνεκα τοῦ προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα παρέμενον, 13.312. ὡς ἀποθανεῖν αὐτῷ καλὸν διεψευσμένῳ ζῶντος ̓Αντιγόνου, ὃν σήμερον τεθνήξεσθαι προειπὼν ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ Στράτωνος πύργῳ περιόντα ὁρᾷ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν χωρίου περὶ σταδίους ἀπέχοντος νῦν ἑξακοσίους, ὅπου φονευθήσεσθαι προεῖπεν αὐτόν, τῆς δ' ἡμέρας ἤδη τὸ πλεῖστον ἠνυσμένον, ὥστ' αὐτῷ κινδυνεύειν τὸ μάντευμα ψεῦδος εἶναι. 13.313. ταῦτ' οὖν λέγοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κατηφοῦντος ἀγγέλλεται τεθνεὼς ̓Αντίγονος ἐν τῷ ὑπογείῳ, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, ὁμώνυμον τῇ παραλίῳ Καισαρείᾳ. τὸν μὲν οὖν μάντιν τοῦτο διετάραξεν. 13.319. φύσει δ' ἐπιεικεῖ κέχρητο καὶ σφόδρα ἦν αἰδοῦς ἥττων, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτῳ καὶ Στράβων ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαγένους ὀνόματος λέγων οὕτως: “ἐπιεικής τε ἐγένετο οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις χρήσιμος: χώραν τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς προσεκτήσατο καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιτουραίων ἔθνους ᾠκειώσατο δεσμῷ συνάψας τῇ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομῇ.” 14.41. ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διήκουσεν καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων αὐτῶν, οἳ πρός τε ἀλλήλους διεφέροντο ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ τὸ ἔθνος πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τὸ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦν βασιλεύεσθαι: πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τοῦ τιμωμένου παρ' αὐτοῖς θεοῦ πειθαρχεῖν, ὄντας δὲ τούτους ἀπογόνους τῶν ἱερέων εἰς ἄλλην μετάγειν ἀρχὴν τὸ ἔθνος ζητῆσαι, ὅπως καὶ δοῦλον γένοιτο. 14.41. οὐ μὴν ̔Ηρώδης τούτων πραττομένων ἠρέμει, δέκα δὲ σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ὧν πέντε μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων, πέντε δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, καὶ μισθοφόρους μιγάδας πρὸς οἷς ὀλίγους τῶν ἱππέων ἐπὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα παραγίνεται, καὶ τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐκλελειμμένην καταλαβών, πεντακοσίους δὲ τὰ ἄκρα κατειληφότας σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ γενεαῖς, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσεν λαβών, ̔Ρωμαῖοι δὲ εἰσπεσόντες διήρπασαν τὴν πόλιν μεσταῖς ἐπιτυγχάνοντες παντοίων κειμηλίων ταῖς οἰκίαις. 14.258. δεδόχθαι καὶ ἡμῖν ̓Ιουδαίων τοὺς βουλομένους ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ συντελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμους καὶ τὰς προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος. ἂν δέ τις κωλύσῃ ἢ ἄρχων ἢ ἰδιώτης, τῷδε τῷ ζημιώματι ὑπεύθυνος ἔστω καὶ ὀφειλέτω τῇ πόλει. 14.366. φοβούμενος δὲ τὸν ̔Υρκανόν, μὴ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποκαταστήσῃ, παραστάς, ἐτηρεῖτο δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν Πάρθων, ἐπιτέμνει αὐτοῦ τὰ ὦτα πραγματευόμενος μηκέτ' αὖθις εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διὰ τὸ λελωβῆσθαι, τοῦ νόμου τῶν ὁλοκλήρων εἶναι τὴν τιμὴν ἀξιοῦντος. 15.167. καὶ γράφειν ἠξίου περὶ τούτων Μάλχῳ τῷ τὴν ἀραβαρχίαν ἔχοντι δέξασθαί τε αὐτὸν καὶ δι' ἀσφαλείας ἔχειν: ὑπεξελθόντων γὰρ εἰ τὰ περὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην οὕτως χωρήσειεν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἐν ἔχθρᾳ Καίσαρος, αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι τοὺς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντας μόνους καὶ διὰ τὸ γένος καὶ διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν τῶν ὄχλων. 15.266. περὶ τούτων ἐξαγγελθέντων αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς πέμψας εἰς τοὺς τόπους, ἐν οἷς διατρίβειν ἐμηνύθησαν, ἐκείνους τε καὶ τοὺς συγκαταιτιαθέντας ἀπέκτεινεν, ὥστ' εἶναι μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἐκ τῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ συγγενείας, ἀλλὰ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτεξούσιον αὐτῷ μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐπ' ἀξιώματος ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τοῖς παρανομουμένοις. 15.268. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα πενταετηρικὸν ἀθλημάτων κατεστήσατο Καίσαρι καὶ θέατρον ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ᾠκοδόμησεν, αὖθίς τ' ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ μέγιστον ἀμφιθέατρον, περίοπτα μὲν ἄμφω τῇ πολυτελείᾳ, τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἔθους ἀλλότρια: χρῆσίς τε γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ θεαμάτων τοιούτων ἐπίδειξις οὐ παραδίδοται. 15.275. ἀσεβὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐκ προδήλου κατεφαίνετο θηρίοις ἀνθρώπους ὑπορρίπτειν ἐπὶ τέρψει τῆς ἀνθρώπων θέας, ἀσεβὲς δὲ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐξαλλάττειν τοὺς ἐθισμούς. 15.326. Πάντων δ' αὐτῷ προκεχωρηκότων εἰς δέον ὧν ἠλπίκει τὰς μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ταραχὰς οὐδ' ὁπωσοῦν δι' ὑποψίας εἶχεν ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπηκόους παραστησάμενος, φόβῳ μὲν ὧν ἀπαραίτητος εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας, τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ ὧν μεγαλόψυχος ἐν ταῖς περιπετείαις εὑρίσκετο. 15.327. περιεβάλλετο δὲ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἀσφάλειαν ὥσπερ ἐπιτείχισμα καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ποιούμενος: πόλεσίν τε γὰρ ὡμίλει δεξιῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως καὶ τοὺς δυνάστας ἐθεράπευεν εὐκαιρίαις ὧν ἑκάστους ἐδωρεῖτο μείζους τὰς χάριτας ἐμποιῶν καὶ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον φύσει πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν εὐπρεπὲς ἔχων, ὥστ' αὐτῷ πάντα διὰ πάντων αὔξεσθαι πρὸς τὸ πλεῖον ἀεὶ προχωρούντων. 15.328. ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῆς θεραπείας, ἣν ἐθεράπευεν Καίσαρα καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους, ἐκβαίνειν τῶν ἐθῶν ἠναγκάζετο καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων παραχαράττειν, πόλεις τε κτίζων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγείρων, οὐκ ἐν τῇ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, 15.329. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἠνέσχοντο τῶν τοιούτων ἀπηγορευμένων ἡμῖν ὡς ἀγάλματα καὶ τύπους μεμορφωμένους τιμᾶν πρὸς τὸν ̔Ελληνικὸν τρόπον, τὴν δ' ἔξω χώραν καὶ τὰ πέριξ οὕτως κατεσκευάζετο, 15.331. Κατιδὼν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ χωρίον ἐπιτηδειότατον δέξασθαι πόλιν, ὃ πάλαι Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, τῇ τε διαγραφῇ μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐπεβάλλετο καὶ τοῖς οἰκοδομήμασιν ἀνιστὰς ἅπασαν οὐ παρέργως, ἀλλ' ἐκ λευκῆς πέτρας, καὶ διακοσμῶν καὶ βασιλείοις πολυτελεστάτοις καὶ διαίταις πολιτικαῖς, 15.332. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον καὶ πλείστην ἐργασίαν παρασχόν, ἀκλύστῳ λιμένι, μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Πειραιᾶ, καταγωγὰς δ' ἔνδον ἔχοντι καὶ δευτέρους ὑφόρμους, τῇ δὲ δομήσει περίβλεπτον, ὅτι μηδ' ἐκ τοῦ τόπου τὴν ἐπιτηδειότητα τῆς μεγαλουργίας εἶχεν, ἀλλ' ἐπεισάκτοις καὶ πολλαῖς ἐξετελειώθη ταῖς δαπάναις. 15.333. κεῖται μὲν γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἐν τῇ Φοινίκῃ κατὰ τὸν εἰς Αἴγυπτον παράπλουν ̓Ιόππης μεταξὺ καὶ Δώρων, πολισμάτια ταῦτ' ἐστὶν παράλια δύσορμα διὰ τὰς κατὰ λίβα προσβολάς, αἳ ἀεὶ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ πόντου θῖνας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾐόνα σύρουσαι καταγωγὴν οὐ διδόασιν, ἀλλ' ἔστιν ἀναγκαῖον ἀποσαλεύειν τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἐπ' ἀγκύρας. 15.334. τοῦτο τὸ δυσδιάθετον τῆς χώρας διορθούμενος καὶ περιγράψας τὸν κύκλον τοῦ λιμένος ἐφ' ὅσον ἦν αὔταρκες πρὸς τῇ χέρσῳ μεγάλοις στόλοις ἐνορμεῖσθαι λίθους ὑπερμεγέθεις καθίει εἰς τὸ βάθος εἰς ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσι. πεντήκοντα ποδῶν ἦσαν οἱ πλείους τὸ μῆκος καὶ πλάτος οὐκ ἔλαττον δεκαοκτώ, βάθος δὲ ἐννέα, τούτων δὲ οἱ μὲν μείζους οἱ δὲ ἐλάττους. 15.335. ἡ δὲ ἐνδόμησις ὅσον ἦν † ἐβάλλετο κατὰ τῆς θαλάσσης διακοσίους πόδας. τούτων τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ προβέβλητο κυματωγαῖς, ὡς ἀπομάχεσθαι περικλώμενον ἐκεῖ τὸν κλύδωνα: προκυμία γοῦν ἐκαλεῖτο: τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν περιεῖχεν λίθινον τεῖχος πύργοις διειλημμένον, 15.336. ὧν ὁ μέγιστος Δρούσιον ὀνομάζεται, πάνυ καλόν τι χρῆμα, τὴν προσηγορίαν εἰληφὼς ἀπὸ Δρούσου τοῦ Καίσαρος προγόνου τελευτήσαντος νέου. 15.337. ψαλίδες δὲ ἐμπεποίηνται συνεχεῖς καταγωγαὶ τοῖς ναυτίλοις, τὸ δὲ πρὸ αὐτῶν ἀπόβασις πλατεῖα κύκλῳ περιεστεφάνωκεν τὸν πάντα λιμένα, περίπατος τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἥδιστος. ὁ δ' εἴσπλους καὶ τὸ στόμα πεποίηται πρὸς βορέαν ἀνέμων αἰθριώτατον. 15.338. βάσις δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου παντὸς ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν εἰσπλεόντων πύργος νενασμένος ἐπὶ πολὺ στερρῶς ἀντέχειν, κατὰ δεξιὰν δὲ δύο λίθοι μεγάλοι καὶ τοῦ κατὰ θάτερα πύργου μείζους, ὀρθοὶ καὶ συνεζευγμένοι. 15.339. περίκεινται δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν λιμένα λειοτάτου λίθου κατασκευὴ συνεχεῖς οἰκήσεις κἀν τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις, ἐφ' οὗ νεὼς Καίσαρος ἄποπτος τοῖς εἰσπλέουσιν ἄγαλμά τε τὸ μὲν ̔Ρώμης, τὸ δὲ Καίσαρος: ἥ τε πόλις αὐτὴ Καισάρεια καλεῖται καλλίστης καὶ τῆς ὕλης καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τετυχηκυῖα. 15.341. κατεσκεύαζεν δ' ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ θέατρον καὶ πρὸς τῷ νοτίῳ τοῦ λιμένος ὄπισθεν ἀμφιθέατρον πολὺν ὄχλον ἀνθρώπων δέχεσθαι δυνάμενον καὶ κείμενον ἐπιτηδείως ἀποπτεύειν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν. ἡ μὲν δὴ πόλις οὕτως ἐξετελέσθη δωδεκαετεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ἐργασίαις οὐκ ἐγκαμόντος καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις ἐπαρκέσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως. 15.371. ἀφείθησαν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης καὶ οἱ παρ' ἡμῖν ̓Εσσαῖοι καλούμενοι: γένος δὲ τοῦτ' ἔστιν διαίτῃ χρώμενον τῇ παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὑπὸ Πυθαγόρου καταδεδειγμένῃ. 15.372. περὶ τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐν ἄλλοις σαφέστερον διέξειμι. τοὺς δὲ ̓Εσσηνοὺς ἀφ' οἵας αἰτίας ἐτίμα μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἢ κατὰ τὴν θνητὴν φύσιν, εἰπεῖν ἄξιον: οὐ γὰρ ἀπρεπὴς ὁ λόγος φανεῖται τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας γένει παραδηλῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑπόληψιν. 15.373. ̓͂Ην τις τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν Μανάημος ὄνομα καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ βίου καλοκαγαθίαν μαρτυρούμενος καὶ πρόγνωσιν ἐκ θεοῦ τῶν μελλόντων ἔχων. οὗτος ἔτι παῖδα τὸν ̔Ηρώδην εἰς διδασκάλου φοιτῶντα κατιδὼν βασιλέα ̓Ιουδαίων προσηγόρευσεν. 15.374. ὁ δ' ἀγνοεῖν ἢ κατειρωνεύεσθαι νομίζων αὐτὸν ἀνεμίμνησκεν ἰδιώτης ὤν. Μανάημος δὲ μειδιάσας ἠρέμα καὶ τύπτων τῇ χειρὶ κατὰ τῶν γλουτῶν “ἀλλά τοι καὶ βασιλεύσεις, ἔφη, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐδαιμόνως ἀπάξεις: ἠξίωσαι γὰρ ἐκ θεοῦ. καὶ μέμνησο τῶν Μαναήμου πληγῶν, ὥστε σοι καὶ τοῦτο σύμβολον εἶναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν τύχην μεταπτώσεων. 15.375. ἄριστος γὰρ ὁ τοιοῦτος λογισμός, εἰ καὶ δικαιοσύνην ἀγαπήσειας καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐπιείκειαν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας: ἀλλ' οὐ γὰρ οἶδά σε τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι τὸ πᾶν ἐπιστάμενος. 15.376. εὐτυχίᾳ μὲν γὰρ ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος διοίσεις καὶ τεύξῃ δόξης αἰωνίου, λήθην δ' εὐσεβείας ἕξεις καὶ τοῦ δικαίου. ταῦτα δ' οὐκ ἂν λάθοι τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τῇ καταστροφῇ τοῦ βίου τῆς ἀντ' αὐτῶν ὀργῆς ἀπομνημονευομένης.” 15.377. τούτοις αὐτίκα μὲν ἥκιστα τὸν νοῦν προσεῖχεν ἐλπίδι λειπόμενος αὐτῶν ̔Ηρώδης, κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ ἀρθεὶς ἕως καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύειν καὶ εὐτυχεῖν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀρχῆς μεταπέμπεται τὸν Μανάημον καὶ περὶ τοῦ χρόνου πόσον ἄρξει διεπυνθάνετο. 15.378. Μανάημος δὲ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν οὐκ εἶπεν: ὡς δὲ σιωπῶντος αὐτοῦ, μόνον εἰ δέκα γενήσονται βασιλείας ἐνιαυτοὶ προσεπύθετο καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ τριάκοντα εἰπὼν τὸν ὅρον οὐκ ἐπέθηκε τῷ τέλει τῆς προθεσμίας, ̔Ηρώδης δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἀρκεσθεὶς τόν τε Μανάημον ἀφῆκεν δεξιωσάμενος καὶ πάντας ἀπ' ἐκείνου τοὺς ̓Εσσηνοὺς τιμῶν διετέλει. 15.379. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰ καὶ παράδοξα δηλῶσαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ περὶ τῶν παρ' ἡμῖν ἐμφῆναι, διότι πολλοὶ διὰ τοιούτων ὑπὸ καλοκαγαθίας καὶ τῆς τῶν θείων ἐμπειρίας ἀξιοῦνται. 16.163. ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον, καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου, τά τε ἱερὰ * εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν ̔Ιεροσολύμων, ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης. 16.164. ἐὰν δέ τις φωραθῇ κλέπτων τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους αὐτῶν ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα ἔκ τε σαββατείου ἔκ τε ἀνδρῶνος, εἶναι αὐτὸν ἱερόσυλον καὶ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐνεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων. 17.42. παντὸς γοῦν τοῦ ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ βεβαιώσαντος δι' ὅρκων ἦ μὴν εὐνοήσειν Καίσαρι καὶ τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν, οἵδε οἱ ἄνδρες οὐκ ὤμοσαν ὄντες ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχίλιοι, καὶ αὐτοὺς βασιλέως ζημιώσαντος χρήμασιν ἡ Φερώρου γυνὴ τὴν ζημίαν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν εἰσφέρει. 18.4. ̓Ιούδας δὲ Γαυλανίτης ἀνὴρ ἐκ πόλεως ὄνομα Γάμαλα Σάδδωκον Φαρισαῖον προσλαβόμενος ἠπείγετο ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει, τήν τε ἀποτίμησιν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν ἐπιφέρειν λέγοντες καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐπ' ἀντιλήψει παρακαλοῦντες τὸ ἔθνος: 18.4. Φραάτης παίδων αὐτῷ γενομένων γνησίων ̓Ιταλικῆς παιδίσκης * ὄνομα αὐτῇ Θεσμοῦσα. ταύτῃ ὑπὸ ̓Ιουλίου Καίσαρος μετ' ἄλλων δωρεῶν ἀπεσταλμένῃ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παλλακίδι ἐχρῆτο, καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τῷ πολλῷ τῆς εὐμορφίας προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ παιδὸς αὐτῇ τοῦ Φραατάκου γενομένου γαμετήν τε τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἀποφαίνεται καὶ τιμίαν ἦγεν. 18.5. ὡς παρασχὸν μὲν κατορθοῦν εἰς τὸ εὔδαιμον ἀνακειμένης τῆς κτήσεως, σφαλεῖσιν δὲ τοῦ ταύτης περιόντος ἀγαθοῦ τιμὴν καὶ κλέος ποιήσεσθαι τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος, καὶ τὸ θεῖον οὐκ ἄλλως ἢ ἐπὶ συμπράξει τῶν βουλευμάτων εἰς τὸ κατορθοῦν συμπροθυμεῖσθαι μᾶλλον, ἂν μεγάλων ἐρασταὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ καθιστάμενοι μὴ ἐξαφίωνται πόνου τοῦ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς. 18.5. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐβασίλευεν ἤδη Πάρθοις, Βονώνης δ' εἰς ̓Αρμενίαν διαπίπτει, καὶ κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐφίετο τῆς χώρας καὶ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐπρέσβευεν. 18.6. καὶ ἡδονῇ γὰρ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ὧν λέγοιεν ἐδέχοντο οἱ ἄνθρωποι, προύκοπτεν ἐπὶ μέγα ἡ ἐπιβολὴ τοῦ τολμήματος, κακόν τε οὐκ ἔστιν, οὗ μὴ φυέντος ἐκ τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ εἰπεῖν ἀνεπλήσθη τὸ ἔθνος: 18.6. ̔Υδάτων δὲ ἐπαγωγὴν εἰς τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ἔπραξεν δαπάνῃ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων ἐκλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ ῥεύματος ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων διακοσίων, οἱ δ' οὐκ ἠγάπων τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸ ὕδωρ δρωμένοις πολλαί τε μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων συνελθόντες κατεβόων αὐτοῦ παύσασθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προθυμουμένου, τινὲς δὲ καὶ λοιδορίᾳ χρώμενοι ὕβριζον εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα, οἷα δὴ φιλεῖ πράσσειν ὅμιλος. 18.7. πολέμων τε ἐπαγωγαῖς οὐχ οἷον τὸ ἄπαυστον τὴν βίαν ἔχειν, καὶ ἀποστέρησιν φίλων, οἳ καὶ ἐπελαφρύνοιεν τὸν πόνον, λῃστηρίων τε μεγάλων ἐπιθέσεσιν καὶ διαφθοραῖς ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων, δόξα μὲν τοῦ ὀρθουμένου τῶν κοινῶν, ἔργῳ δὲ οἰκείων κερδῶν ἐλπίσιν. 18.7. καὶ δεχομένου τὴν ἱκετείαν ἡδονῇ πέντε μυριάδων δεήσειν αὐτῇ μόνων ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ ἁλώσει τῆς γυναικός. καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀνεγείρασα τὸν νεανίσκον καὶ τὸ αἰτηθὲν λαβοῦσα ἀργύριον οὐ τὰς αὐτὰς ὁδοὺς ἐστέλλετο τοῖς προδεδιακονημένοις ὁρῶσα τῆς γυναικὸς τὸ μηδαμῶς χρημάτων ἁλισκόμενον, εἰδυῖα δὲ αὐτὴν θεραπείᾳ τῆς ̓́Ισιδος σφόδρα ὑπηγμένην τεχνᾶταί τι τοιόνδε. 18.8. ἐξ ὧν στάσεις τε ἐφύησαν δι' αὐτὰς καὶ φόνος πολιτικός, ὁ μὲν ἐμφυλίοις σφαγαῖς μανίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴς τε ἀλλήλους καὶ αὑτοὺς χρωμένων ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ μὴ λείπεσθαι τῶν ἀντικαθεστηκότων, ὁ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων, λιμός τε εἰς ὑστάτην ἀνακείμενος ἀναισχυντίαν, καὶ πόλεων ἁλώσεις καὶ κατασκαφαί, μέχρι δὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνείματο πυρὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἥδε ἡ στάσις. 18.8. κώλυμα τοῦ μὴ μειζόνως κολάζειν τὸ μετὰ ἔρωτος αὐτῷ ἡμαρτῆσθαι τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἡγησάμενος. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ̓́Ισιδος τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὑβρισμένα τοιαῦτα ἦν. ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀφήγησιν τῶν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ ̓Ιουδαίοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον συντυχόντων, ὥς μοι καὶ προαπεσήμηνεν ὁ λόγος. 18.9. οὕτως ἄρα ἡ τῶν πατρίων καίνισις καὶ μεταβολὴ μεγάλας ἔχει ῥοπὰς τοῦ ἀπολουμένου τοῖς συνελθοῦσιν, εἴ γε καὶ ̓Ιούδας καὶ Σάδδωκος τετάρτην φιλοσοφίαν ἐπείσακτον ἡμῖν ἐγείραντες καὶ ταύτης ἐραστῶν εὐπορηθέντες πρός τε τὸ παρὸν θορύβων τὴν πολιτείαν ἐνέπλησαν καὶ τῶν αὖθις κακῶν κατειληφότων ῥίζας ἐφυτεύσαντο τῷ ἀσυνήθει πρότερον φιλοσοφίας τοιᾶσδε: 18.9. Οὐιτέλλιος δὲ εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἀνῄει, καὶ ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἑορτὴ πάτριος, πάσχα δὲ καλεῖται, δεχθεὶς μεγαλοπρεπῶς Οὐιτέλλιος τὰ τέλη τῶν ὠνουμένων καρπῶν ἀνίησιν εἰς τὸ πᾶν τοῖς ταύτῃ κατοικοῦσιν καὶ τὴν στολὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τὸν πάντα αὐτοῦ κόσμον συνεχώρησεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ κειμένην ὑπὸ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔχειν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν, καθότι καὶ πρότερον ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσία. 18.11. ̓Ιουδαίοις φιλοσοφίαι τρεῖς ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου τῶν πατρίων, ἥ τε τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων, τρίτην δὲ ἐφιλοσόφουν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι λεγόμενοι. καὶ τυγχάνει μέντοι περὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν εἰρημένα ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ πολέμου, μνησθήσομαι δ' ὅμως καὶ νῦν αὐτῶν ἐπ' ὀλίγον. 18.11. ἐρασθεὶς δὲ ̔Ηρωδιάδος τῆς τούτου γυναικός, θυγάτηρ δὲ ἦν ̓Αριστοβούλου καὶ οὗτος ἀδελφὸς αὐτῶν, ̓Αγρίππου δὲ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ μεγάλου, τολμᾷ λόγων ἅπτεσθαι περὶ γάμου. καὶ δεξαμένης συνθῆκαι γίνονται μετοικίσασθαι παρ' αὐτόν, ὁπότε ἀπὸ ̔Ρώμης παραγένοιτο. ἦν δὲ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὥστε καὶ τοῦ ̓Αρέτα τὴν θυγατέρα ἐκβαλεῖν. 18.17. εἰς ὀλίγους δὲ ἄνδρας οὗτος ὁ λόγος ἀφίκετο, τοὺς μέντοι πρώτους τοῖς ἀξιώμασι, πράσσεταί τε ἀπ' αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ὡς εἰπεῖν: ὁπότε γὰρ ἐπ' ἀρχὰς παρέλθοιεν, ἀκουσίως μὲν καὶ κατ' ἀνάγκας, προσχωροῦσι δ' οὖν οἷς ὁ Φαρισαῖος λέγει διὰ τὸ μὴ ἄλλως ἀνεκτοὺς γενέσθαι τοῖς πλήθεσιν. 18.17. οὔτε γὰρ πρεσβειῶν ὑποδοχὰς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐποιεῖτο ἡγεμόσι τε ἢ ἐπιτρόποις ὑπ' αὐτοῦ σταλεῖσιν οὐδεμία ἦν διαδοχή, ὁπότε μὴ φθαῖεν τετελευτηκότες: ὅθεν καὶ δεσμωτῶν ἀκροάσεως ἀπερίοπτος ἦν. 18.18. ̓Εσσηνοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν θεῷ καταλείπειν φιλεῖ τὰ πάντα ὁ λόγος, ἀθανατίζουσιν δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δικαίου τὴν πρόσοδον. 18.18. τιμία δὲ ἦν ̓Αντωνία Τιβερίῳ εἰς τὰ πάντα συγγενείας τε ἀξιώματι, Δρούσου γὰρ ἦν ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ γυνή, καὶ ἀρετῇ τοῦ σώφρονος: νέα γὰρ χηρεύειν παρέμεινεν γάμῳ τε ἀπεῖπεν τῷ πρὸς ἕτερον καίπερ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ κελεύοντός τινι γαμεῖσθαι, καὶ λοιδοριῶν ἀπηλλαγμένον διεσώσατο αὐτῆς τὸν βίον. 18.19. εἰς δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναθήματα στέλλοντες θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν διαφορότητι ἁγνειῶν, ἃς νομίζοιεν, καὶ δι' αὐτὸ εἰργόμενοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τεμενίσματος ἐφ' αὑτῶν τὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν. βέλτιστοι δὲ ἄλλως ἄνδρες τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ πᾶν πονεῖν ἐπὶ γεωργίᾳ τετραμμένοι. 18.19. ἐπεὶ δ' ὁ Καῖσαρ περιοδεύσας τὸν ἱππόδρομον λαμβάνει τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἑστηκότα, “καὶ μὴν δή, φησίν, Μάκρων, τοῦτον εἶπον δεθῆναι”. τοῦ δὲ ἐπανερομένου ὅντινα, “̓Αγρίππαν γε” εἶπεν. 18.21. καὶ οὔτε γαμετὰς εἰσάγονται οὔτε δούλων ἐπιτηδεύουσιν κτῆσιν, τὸ μὲν εἰς ἀδικίαν φέρειν ὑπειληφότες, τὸ δὲ στάσεως ἐνδιδόναι ποίησιν, αὐτοὶ δ' ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν ζῶντες διακονίᾳ τῇ ἐπ' ἀλλήλοις ἐπιχρῶνται. 18.21. οὕτως ἀνεπαχθῶς ὡμίλησε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. ἐξ ὧν μέγα ὄφελος καὶ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ παρὰ πᾶσιν κατελέλειπτο τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἦρτο, ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦντες τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνῳ περιγενησομένης, εἰ δεήσει, καὶ τελευτᾶν. 18.23. Τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ τῶν φιλοσοφιῶν ὁ Γαλιλαῖος ̓Ιούδας ἡγεμὼν κατέστη, τὰ μὲν λοιπὰ πάντα γνώμῃ τῶν Φαρισαίων ὁμολογούσῃ, δυσνίκητος δὲ τοῦ ἐλευθέρου ἔρως ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς μόνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ δεσπότην τὸν θεὸν ὑπειληφόσιν. θανάτων τε ἰδέας ὑπομένειν παρηλλαγμένας ἐν ὀλίγῳ τίθενται καὶ συγγενῶν τιμωρίας καὶ φίλων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα ἄνθρωπον προσαγορεύειν δεσπότην. 18.23. ὅσπερ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐφειστήκει τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου, θεώμενος τήν τε σπουδὴν μεθ' οἵας ὁ Μαρσύας ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῶν λόγων χάρμα τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ συνελθόν, ὑποτοπήσας καίνωσίν τινα γεγονέναι τῶν λόγων ἤρετό σφας περὶ τοῦ λόγου τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος. 18.24. ἑωρακόσιν δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς τὸ ἀμετάλλακτον αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὑποστάσεως περαιτέρω διελθεῖν παρέλιπον: οὐ γὰρ δέδοικα μὴ εἰς ἀπιστίαν ὑποληφθῇ τι τῶν λεγομένων ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, τοὐναντίον δὲ μὴ ἐλασσόνως τοῦ ἐκείνων καταφρονήματος δεχομένου τὴν ταλαιπωρίαν τῆς ἀλγηδόνος ὁ λόγος ἀφηγῆται. 18.24. ̔Ηρωδιὰς δὲ ἡ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου συνοικοῦσα ̔Ηρώδῃ, τετράρχης δὲ οὗτος ἦν Γαλιλαίας καὶ Περαίας, φθόνῳ τἀδελφοῦ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐδέχετο ὁρῶσα ἐν πολὺ μείζονι ἀξιώματι γεγενημένον ἀνδρὸς τοῦ αὐτῆς, διὰ τὸ φυγῇ μὲν ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἔξοδον διαλῦσαι τὰ χρέα μὴ δυνάμενον, κάθοδον δὲ μετ' ἀξιώματος καὶ οὕτως πολλοῦ τοῦ εὐδαίμονος. 18.25. ἀνοίᾳ τε τῇ ἐντεῦθεν ἤρξατο νοσεῖν τὸ ἔθνος Γεσσίου Φλώρου, ὃς ἡγεμὼν ἦν, τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τοῦ ὑβρίζειν ἀπονοήσαντος αὐτοὺς ἀποστῆναι ̔Ρωμαίων. καὶ φιλοσοφεῖται μὲν ̓Ιουδαίοις τοσάδε. 18.25. Γάιος δὲ ἅμα τε προσαγορεύων τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, πρῶτον δὲ αὐτῷ ἐνετύγχανεν, ἅμα τε τοῦ ̓Αγρίππου τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπιὼν ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου συγκειμένας, κατηγόρει δὲ αὐτοῦ ὁμολογίαν πρὸς Σηιανὸν κατὰ τῆς Τιβερίου ἀρχῆς καὶ πρὸς ̓Αρτάβανον τὸν Πάρθον ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος κατὰ τῆς Γαί̈ου ἀρχῆς, 18.55. Πιλᾶτος δὲ ὁ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἡγεμὼν στρατιὰν ἐκ Καισαρείας ἀγαγὼν καὶ μεθιδρύσας χειμαδιοῦσαν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῶν νομίμων τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἐφρόνησε, προτομὰς Καίσαρος, αἳ ταῖς σημαίαις προσῆσαν, εἰσαγόμενος εἰς τὴν πόλιν, εἰκόνων ποίησιν ἀπαγορεύοντος ἡμῖν τοῦ νόμου. 18.116. Τισὶ δὲ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐδόκει ὀλωλέναι τὸν ̔Ηρώδου στρατὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μάλα δικαίως τινυμένου κατὰ ποινὴν ̓Ιωάννου τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου βαπτιστοῦ. 18.117. κτείνει γὰρ δὴ τοῦτον ̔Ηρώδης ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις κελεύοντα ἀρετὴν ἐπασκοῦσιν καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείᾳ χρωμένοις βαπτισμῷ συνιέναι: οὕτω γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὴν βάπτισιν ἀποδεκτὴν αὐτῷ φανεῖσθαι μὴ ἐπί τινων ἁμαρτάδων παραιτήσει χρωμένων, ἀλλ' ἐφ' ἁγνείᾳ τοῦ σώματος, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς δικαιοσύνῃ προεκκεκαθαρμένης. 18.118. καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συστρεφομένων, καὶ γὰρ ἥσθησαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῇ ἀκροάσει τῶν λόγων, δείσας ̔Ηρώδης τὸ ἐπὶ τοσόνδε πιθανὸν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει τινὶ φέροι, πάντα γὰρ ἐῴκεσαν συμβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνου πράξοντες, πολὺ κρεῖττον ἡγεῖται πρίν τι νεώτερον ἐξ αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι προλαβὼν ἀνελεῖν τοῦ μεταβολῆς γενομένης μὴ εἰς πράγματα ἐμπεσὼν μετανοεῖν. 18.119. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὑποψίᾳ τῇ ̔Ηρώδου δέσμιος εἰς τὸν Μαχαιροῦντα πεμφθεὶς τὸ προειρημένον φρούριον ταύτῃ κτίννυται. τοῖς δὲ ̓Ιουδαίοις δόξαν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου τὸν ὄλεθρον ἐπὶ τῷ στρατεύματι γενέσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ κακῶσαι ̔Ηρώδην θέλοντος. 18.159. καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' ̓Αλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα ̓Αλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν. 18.259. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ χαλεπὰ ̓Απίωνος εἰρηκότος, ὑφ' ὧν ἀρθῆναι ἤλπιζεν τὸν Γάιον καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν, Φίλων ὁ προεστὼς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα ἔνδοξος ̓Αλεξάνδρου τε τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου ἀδελφὸς ὢν καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἄπειρος, οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ' ἀπολογίᾳ χωρεῖν τῶν κατηγορημένων. διακλείει δ' αὐτὸν Γάιος κελεύσας ἐκποδὼν ἀπελθεῖν, 19.276. ̓Αντίοχον δὲ ἣν εἶχεν βασιλείαν ἀφελόμενος Κιλικίας μέρει τινὶ καὶ Κομμαγηνῇ δωρεῖται. λύει δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρον τὸν ἀλαβάρχην φίλον ἀρχαῖον αὐτῷ γεγονότα καὶ ̓Αντωνίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτροπεύσαντα τὴν μητέρα ὀργῇ τῇ Γαί̈ου δεδεμένον, καὶ αὐτοῦ υἱὸς Βερενίκην τὴν ̓Αγρίππου γαμεῖ θυγατέρα. 19.277. καὶ ταύτην μέν, τελευτᾷ γὰρ Μᾶρκος ὁ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸς παρθένον λαβών, ἀδελφῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ ̓Αγρίππας ̔Ηρώδῃ δίδωσιν Χαλκίδος αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν εἶναι αἰτησάμενος παρὰ Κλαυδίου. 20.34. Καθ' ὃν δὲ χρόνον ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ἐν τῷ Σπασίνου χάρακι διέτριβεν ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἔμπορος ̓Ανανίας ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιὼν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐδίδασκεν αὐτὰς τὸν θεὸν σέβειν, ὡς ̓Ιουδαίοις πάτριον ἦν, 20.35. καὶ δὴ δι' αὐτῶν εἰς γνῶσιν ἀφικόμενος τῷ ̓Ιζάτῃ κἀκεῖνον ὁμοίως συνανέπεισεν μετακληθέντι τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν συνεξῆλθεν κατὰ πολλὴν ὑπακούσας δέησιν: συνεβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὴν ̔Ελένην ὁμοίως ὑφ' ἑτέρου τινὸς ̓Ιουδαίου διδαχθεῖσαν εἰς τοὺς ἐκείνων μετακεκομίσθαι νόμους. 20.36. ὁ δ' ̓Ιζάτης ὡς παρέλαβεν τὴν βασιλείαν, ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν καὶ θεασάμενος τούς τε ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους συγγενεῖς δεδεμένους ἐδυσχέρανεν τῷ γεγονότι. 20.37. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀνελεῖν ἢ φυλάττειν δεδεμένους ἀσεβὲς ἡγούμενος, τὸ δὲ μνησικακοῦντας ἔχειν σὺν αὐτῷ μὴ δεδεμένους σφαλερὸν εἶναι νομίζων, τοὺς μὲν ὁμηρεύσοντας μετὰ τέκνων εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἐξέπεμψε Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς ̓Αρταβάνην τὸν Πάρθον ἐφ' ὁμοίαις προφάσεσιν ἀπέστειλεν. 20.38. Πυθόμενος δὲ πάνυ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθεσιν χαίρειν τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἔσπευσε καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνα μεταθέσθαι, νομίζων τε μὴ ἂν εἶναι βεβαίως ̓Ιουδαῖος, εἰ μὴ περιτέμνοιτο, πράττειν ἦν ἕτοιμος. 20.39. μαθοῦσα δ' ἡ μήτηρ κωλύειν ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπιφέρειν αὐτῷ κίνδυνον λέγουσα: βασιλέα γὰρ εἶναι, καὶ καταστήσειν εἰς πολλὴν δυσμένειαν τοὺς ὑπηκόους μαθόντας, ὅτι ξένων ἐπιθυμήσειεν καὶ ἀλλοτρίων αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν, οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαί τε βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν ̓Ιουδαίου. 20.41. δεδοικέναι γὰρ ἔλεγεν, μὴ τοῦ πράγματος ἐκδήλου πᾶσιν γενομένου κινδυνεύσειε τιμωρίαν ὑποσχεῖν ὡς αὐτὸς αἴτιος τούτων καὶ διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀπρεπῶν ἔργων γενόμενος, δυνάμενον δ' αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ χωρὶς τῆς περιτομῆς τὸ θεῖον σέβειν, εἴγε πάντως κέκρικε ζηλοῦν τὰ πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων: τοῦτ' εἶναι κυριώτερον τοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι: 20.42. συγγνώμην δ' ἕξειν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θεὸν φήσαντος μὴ πράξαντι τὸ ἔργον δι' ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων φόβον, ἐπείσθη μὲν τότε τοῖς λόγοις ὁ βασιλεύς. 20.43. μετὰ ταῦτα δέ, τὴν γὰρ ἐπιθυμίαν οὐκ ἐξεβεβλήκει παντάπασιν, ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἕτερος ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀφικόμενος ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα πάνυ περὶ τὰ πάτρια δοκῶν ἀκριβὴς εἶναι προετρέψατο πρᾶξαι τοὖργον. 20.44. ἐπεὶ γὰρ εἰσῆλθεν ἀσπασόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ κατέλαβε τὸν Μωυσέος νόμον ἀναγινώσκοντα, “λανθάνεις, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ μέγιστα τοὺς νόμους καὶ δι' αὐτῶν τὸν θεὸν ἀδικῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἀναγινώσκειν σε δεῖ μόνον αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον τὰ προστασσόμενα ποιεῖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν. 20.45. μέχρι τίνος ἀπερίτμητος μενεῖς; ἀλλ' εἰ μήπω τὸν περὶ τούτου νόμον ἀνέγνως, ἵν' εἰδῇς τίς ἐστιν ἡ ἀσέβεια, νῦν ἀνάγνωθι.” 20.46. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐχ ὑπερεβάλετο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μεταστὰς δ' εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα καὶ τὸν ἰατρὸν εἰσκαλεσάμενος τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐτέλει καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν διδάσκαλον ̓Ανανίαν ἐσήμαινεν αὐτὸν πεπραχέναι τοὖργον. 20.47. τοὺς δ' ἔκπληξις εὐθὺς ἔλαβεν καὶ φόβος οὔτι μέτριος, μὴ τῆς πράξεως εἰς ἔλεγχον ἐλθούσης κινδυνεύσειεν μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλεῖν οὐκ ἀνασχομένων τῶν ὑπηκόων ἄρχειν αὐτῶν ἄνδρα τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις ζηλωτὴν ἐθῶν, κινδυνεύσειαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς αἰτίας ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἐνεχθείσης. 20.48. θεὸς δ' ἦν ὁ κωλύσων ἄρα τοὺς ἐκείνων φόβους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τέλος: πολλοῖς γὰρ αὐτόν τε τὸν ̓Ιζάτην περιπεσόντα κινδύνοις καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐκείνου διέσωσεν ἐξ ἀμηχάνων πόρον εἰς σωτηρίαν παρασχών, ἐπιδεικνὺς ὅτι τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπουσιν καὶ μόνῳ πεπιστευκόσιν ὁ καρπὸς οὐκ ἀπόλλυται ὁ τῆς εὐσεβείας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. 20.49. ̔Ελένη δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ ὁρῶσα τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν εἰρηνευόμενα, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτῆς μακάριον καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι ζηλωτὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοεθνέσι διὰ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν, ἐπιθυμίαν ἔσχεν εἰς τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀφικομένη τὸ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις περιβόητον ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνῆσαι καὶ χαριστηρίους θυσίας προσενεγκεῖν, ἐδεῖτό τε τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιτρέψαι. 20.51. γίνεται δὲ αὐτῆς ἡ ἄφιξις πάνυ συμφέρουσα τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις: λιμοῦ γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον πιεζοῦντος καὶ πολλῶν ὑπ' ἐνδείας ἀναλωμάτων φθειρομένων ἡ βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη πέμπει τινὰς τῶν ἑαυτῆς, τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πολλῶν σῖτον ὠνησομένους χρημάτων, τοὺς δ' εἰς Κύπρον ἰσχάδων φόρτον οἴσοντας. 20.52. ὡς δ' ἐπανῆλθον ταχέως κομίζοντες τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις διένειμε τροφὴν καὶ μεγίστην αὐτῆς μνήμην τῆς εὐποιίας ταύτης εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἡμῶν ἔθνος καταλέλοιπε. 20.53. πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης τὰ περὶ τὸν λιμὸν ἔπεμψε πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ πέπρακται μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσομεν. 20.92. Μετ' οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον πεντηκοστὸν μὲν καὶ πέμπτον ἀπὸ γενεᾶς πληρώσας ἔτος τέταρτον δὲ πρὸς εἰκοστῷ δυναστεύσας, καταλιπὼν παῖδας ἄρρενας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας καὶ θυγατέρας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας καταστρέφει τὸν βίον. 20.93. τὴν μέντοι διαδοχὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μονόβαζον ἐκέλευεν παραλαβεῖν, ἀμειβόμενος αὐτὸν ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ μετὰ τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς θάνατον πιστῶς φυλάξειεν αὐτῷ τὴν δυναστείαν. 20.94. ἡ δὲ μήτηρ ̔Ελένη τὸν τοῦ παιδὸς θάνατον ἀκούσασα βαρέως μὲν ἤνεγκεν ὡς εἰκὸς μητέρα στερομένην εὐσεβεστάτου παιδός, παραμυθίαν δ' ὅμως εἶχεν τὴν διαδοχὴν ἀκούσασα εἰς τὸν πρεσβύτερον αὐτῆς υἱὸν ἥκουσαν, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔσπευδεν. παραγενομένη δὲ εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν οὐ πολὺν ̓Ιζάτῃ τῷ παιδὶ χρόνον ἐπεβίωσεν. 20.95. ὁ δὲ Μονόβαζος τά τε ἐκείνης ὀστᾶ καὶ τὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ πέμψας εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα θάψαι προσέταξεν ἐν ταῖς πυραμίσιν, ἃς ἡ μήτηρ κατεσκευάκει τρεῖς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τρία στάδια τῆς ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλεως ἀπεχούσας. 20.96. ἀλλὰ Μονόβαζος μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσα κατὰ τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον ἔπραξεν, ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. 20.97. Φάδου δὲ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπιτροπεύοντος γόης τις ἀνὴρ Θευδᾶς ὀνόματι πείθει τὸν πλεῖστον ὄχλον ἀναλαβόντα τὰς κτήσεις ἕπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιορδάνην ποταμὸν αὐτῷ: προφήτης γὰρ ἔλεγεν εἶναι, καὶ προστάγματι τὸν ποταμὸν σχίσας δίοδον ἔχειν ἔφη παρέξειν αὐτοῖς ῥᾳδίαν. 20.98. καὶ ταῦτα λέγων πολλοὺς ἠπάτησεν. οὐ μὴν εἴασεν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἀφροσύνης ὄνασθαι Φᾶδος, ἀλλ' ἐξέπεμψεν ἴλην ἱππέων ἐπ' αὐτούς, ἥτις ἀπροσδόκητος ἐπιπεσοῦσα πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν, πολλοὺς δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Θευδᾶν ζωγρήσαντες ἀποτέμνουσι τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ κομίζουσιν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. 20.102. πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ οἱ παῖδες ̓Ιούδα τοῦ Γαλιλαίου ἀνήχθησαν τοῦ τὸν λαὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀποστήσαντος Κυρινίου τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τιμητεύοντος, ὡς ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων δεδηλώκαμεν, ̓Ιάκωβος καὶ Σίμων, οὓς ἀνασταυρῶσαι προσέταξεν ̓Αλέξανδρος. 20.103. ὁ δὲ τῆς Χαλκίδος βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης μεταστήσας τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ̓Ιώσηπον τὸν τοῦ Καμοιδὶ τὴν διαδοχὴν τῆς τιμῆς ̓Ανανίᾳ τῷ τοῦ Νεβεδαίου δίδωσιν. Τιβερίῳ δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ Κουμανὸς ἀφίκετο διάδοχος. 20.104. καὶ τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον ̔Ηρώδης ὁ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως ̓Αγρίππα ἀδελφὸς ὀγδόῳ τῆς Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος ἀρχῆς ἔτει, καταλιπὼν τρεῖς υἱοὺς ̓Αριστόβουλον μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πρώτης αὐτῷ τεχθέντα γυναικός, ἐκ Βερενίκης δὲ τῆς τἀδελφοῦ θυγατρὸς Βερενικιανὸν καὶ ̔Υρκανόν. τὴν δ' ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ Καῖσαρ Κλαύδιος ̓Αγρίππᾳ τῷ νεωτέρῳ δίδωσιν. 20.105. Στάσεως δ' ἐμπεσούσης τῇ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλει Κουμανοῦ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν πράγματα διοικοῦντος ἐφθάρησαν ὑπὸ ταύτης πολλοὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων. καὶ πρότερον ἀφηγήσομαι τὴν αἰτίαν, δι' ἣν ταῦτα συνέβη: 20.106. τῆς πάσχα προσαγορευομένης ἑορτῆς ἐνστάσης, καθ' ἣν ἔθος ἐστὶν ἡμῖν ἄζυμα προσφέρεσθαι, πολλοῦ καὶ πανταχόθεν πλήθους συναχθέντος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν δείσας ὁ Κουμανός, μὴ νεώτερόν τι παρὰ τούτων προσπέσῃ, κελεύει τῶν στρατιωτῶν μίαν τάξιν ἀναλαβοῦσαν τὰ ὅπλα ἐπὶ τῶν τοῦ ἱεροῦ στοῶν ἑστάναι καταστελοῦντας τὸν νεωτερισμόν, εἰ ἄρα τις γένοιτο. 20.107. τοῦτο δὲ καὶ οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπιτροπεύσαντες ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἔπραττον. 20.108. τετάρτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς ἑορτῆς στρατιώτης τις ἀνακαλύψας ἐπεδείκνυε τῷ πλήθει τὰ αἰδοῖα, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο θεασαμένων ὀργὴ καὶ θυμὸς ἦν οὐχ ἑαυτοὺς ὑβρίσθαι λεγόντων, ἀλλὰ τὸν θεὸν ἠσεβῆσθαι: τινὲς δὲ τῶν θρασυτέρων τὸν Κουμανὸν ἐβλασφήμουν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τὸν στρατιώτην καθεῖσθαι λέγοντες. 20.109. Κουμανὸς δ' ἀκούσας καὶ αὐτὸς οὐ μετρίως ἐρεθίζεται πρὸς τὰς βλασφημίας, παρῄνει μέντοι παύσασθαι νεωτέρων ἐπιθυμοῦντας πραγμάτων μηδὲ στάσεις ἐξάπτειν ἐν ἑορτῇ. 20.111. παραγενομένους δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας θεασάμενον τὸ πλῆθος καὶ φοβηθὲν φεύγειν ὥρμησεν, τῶν δ' ἐξόδων στενῶν οὐσῶν διώκεσθαι νομίζοντες ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ συνωθούμενοι κατὰ τὴν φυγὴν πολλοὺς ἀλλήλοις ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς θλιβόμενοι διέφθειρον. 20.112. δύο γοῦν μυριάδες ἐξηριθμήθησαν τῶν κατὰ τὴν στάσιν ἐκείνην φθαρέντων. πένθος δ' ἦν τὸ λοιπὸν ἀντὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς, καὶ πάντες ἐκλαθόμενοι τῶν εὐχῶν καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἐπὶ θρήνους καὶ κλαυθμοὺς ἐτράποντο. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἑνὸς ἀσέλγεια στρατιώτου παθήματα γενέσθαι παρεσκεύασεν. 20.113. Οὔπω δ' αὐτῶν τὸ πρῶτον πένθος ἐπέπαυτο καὶ κακὸν ἄλλο προσέπιπτεν: τῶν γὰρ ἀφεστώτων ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ τινες κατὰ τὴν δημοσίαν ὁδὸν ὡς ἑκατὸν σταδίων ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως Στέφανον Καίσαρος δοῦλον ὁδοιποροῦντα λῃστεύσαντες ἅπασαν αὐτοῦ τὴν κτῆσιν διαρπάζουσιν. 20.114. ἀκούσας δὲ τὸ πραχθὲν ὁ Κουμανὸς εὐθὺς πέμπει στρατιώτας, κελεύσας αὐτοῖς τὰς πλησίον κώμας διαρπάσαι, τοὺς δ' ἐπιφανεστάτους αὐτῶν δήσαντας ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἄγειν. 20.115. τῆς δὲ πορθήσεως γενομένης τῶν στρατιωτῶν τις τοὺς Μωυσέως νόμους ἔν τινι κώμῃ λαβὼν κειμένους προκομίσας εἰς τὴν πάντων ὄψιν διέσχισεν ἐπιβλασφημῶν καὶ πολλὰ κατακερτομῶν. 20.116. ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες καὶ πολλοὶ συνδραμόντες καταβαίνουσιν εἰς Καισάρειαν, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐτύγχανεν ὁ Κουμανὸς ὤν, ἱκετεύοντες μὴ αὐτοὺς ἀλλὰ τὸν θεὸν οὗπερ οἱ νόμοι καθυβρίσθησαν ἐκδικῆσαι: ζῆν γὰρ οὐχ ὑπομένειν τῶν πατρίων αὐτοῖς οὕτως περιυβρισμένων. καὶ Κουμανὸς δείσας, 20.117. μὴ πάλιν νεωτερίσειεν τὸ πλῆθος, συμβουλευσάντων καὶ τῶν φίλων τὸν ἐνυβρίσαντα τοῖς νόμοις στρατιώτην πελεκίσας ἔπαυσεν τὴν στάσιν ἐκ δευτέρου μέλλουσαν ἐξάπτεσθαι. 20.118. Γίνεται δὲ καὶ Σαμαρείταις πρὸς ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχθρα δι' αἰτίαν τοιαύτην: ἔθος ἦν τοῖς Γαλιλαίοις ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν παραγινομένοις ὁδεύειν διὰ τῆς Σαμαρέων χώρας. καὶ τότε καθ' ὁδὸν αὐτοῖς κώμης Γιναῆς λεγομένης τῆς ἐν μεθορίῳ κειμένης Σαμαρείας τε καὶ τοῦ μεγάλου πεδίου τινὲς συνάψαντες μάχην πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀναιροῦσιν. 20.119. πυθόμενοι δὲ τὰ πραχθέντα τῶν Γαλιλαίων οἱ πρῶτοι πρὸς Κουμανὸν ἀφίκοντο καὶ παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν μετιέναι τῶν ἀνῃρημένων τὸν φόνον. ὁ δὲ χρήμασι πεισθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Σαμαρέων ὠλιγώρησεν. 20.121. τῶν δ' ἐν τέλει καταπραύ̈νειν αὐτοὺς πειρωμένων καὶ πείσειν τὸν Κουμανὸν ἐπαγγελλομένων δίκας εἰσπράξασθαι παρὰ τῶν ἀνῃρηκότων, ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐ προσέσχον, ἀναλαβόντες δὲ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ βοηθεῖν ̓Ελεάζαρον τὸν τοῦ Δειναίου παρακαλέσαντες, λῃστὴς δ' οὗτος ἦν ἔτη πολλὰ τὴν διατριβὴν ἐν ὄρει πεποιημένος, κώμας τινὰς τῶν Σαμαρέων ἐμπρήσαντες διαρπάζουσι. 20.122. Κουμανὸς δὲ τῆς πράξεως εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφικομένης ἀναλαβὼν τὴν τῶν Σεβαστηνῶν ἴλην καὶ πεζῶν τέσσαρα τάγματα τούς τε Σαμαρεῖς καθοπλίσας ἐξῆλθεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, καὶ συμβαλὼν πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν πλείους δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν. 20.123. οἱ δὲ πρῶτοι κατὰ τιμὴν καὶ γένος τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν, ὡς εἶδον εἰς οἷον κακῶν μέγεθος ἥκουσιν, μετενδυσάμενοι σάκκους καὶ σποδοῦ τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀναπλήσαντες παντοῖοι τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας παρακαλοῦντες ἦσαν καὶ πείθοντες πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν θεμένους κατασκαφησομένην μὲν αὐτῶν τὴν πατρίδα, τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν πυρποληθησόμενον, αὐτῶν δὲ καὶ γυναικῶν σὺν τέκνοις ἀνδραποδισμοὺς ἐσομένους, μεταθέσθαι τὸν λογισμὸν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψαντας ἠρεμεῖν εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἀποχωρήσαντας εἰς τὰ αὑτῶν. 20.124. ταῦτα δὲ εἰπόντες ἔπεισαν. καὶ οἱ μὲν διελύθησαν, οἱ λῃσταὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχυροὺς τόπους πάλιν ἀπῆλθον. ἐξ ἐκείνου τε ἡ σύμπασα ̓Ιουδαία λῃστηρίων ἐπληρώθη. 20.125. Σαμαρέων δὲ οἱ πρῶτοι πρὸς Οὐμμίδιον Κοδρᾶτον τῆς Συρίας προεστηκότα κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον ἐν Τύρῳ τυγχάνοντα παραγενόμενοι κατηγόρουν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, ὡς τὰς κώμας αὐτῶν ἐμπρήσειαν καὶ διαρπάσειαν, 20.126. καὶ περὶ μὲν ὧν αὐτοὶ πεπόνθασιν οὐχ οὕτως ἀγανακτεῖν ἔφασκον, ὡς ὅτι ̔Ρωμαίων καταφρονήσειαν, ἐφ' οὓς κριτὰς ἐχρῆν αὐτοὺς εἴπερ ἠδίκουν παραγενέσθαι, ἢ νῦν ὡς οὐκ ἐχόντων ἡγεμόνας ̔Ρωμαίους καταδραμεῖν: ἥκειν οὖν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἐκδικίας τευξόμενοι. 20.127. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ Σαμαρεῖς κατηγόρουν. ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ καὶ τῆς στάσεως καὶ τῆς μάχης αἰτίους γεγονέναι Σαμαρεῖς ἔφασαν, πρὸ πάντων δὲ Κουμανὸν δώροις ὑπ' αὐτῶν φθαρέντα καὶ παρασιωπήσαντα τὸν τῶν ἀνῃρημένων φόνον. 20.128. καὶ Κουαδρᾶτος ἀκούσας ὑπερτίθεται τὴν κρίσιν, εἰπὼν ἀποφανεῖσθαι, ἐπειδὰν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν παραγενόμενος ἀκριβέστερον ἐπιγνῷ τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 20.129. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπῄεσαν ἄπρακτοι. μετ' οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον ὁ Κουαδρᾶτος ἧκεν εἰς Σαμάρειαν, ἔνθα διακούσας αἰτίους τῆς ταραχῆς ὑπέλαβε γεγονέναι τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς. Σαμαρέων δὲ καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων οὕστινας νεωτερίσαντας ἔμαθεν ἀνεσταύρωσεν οὓς Κουμανὸς ἔλαβεν αἰχμαλώτους. 20.131. κἀκείνους μὲν ὁ Κουαδρᾶτος ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν, τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Ανανίαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ̓́Ανανον δήσας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἀνέπεμψεν περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων λόγον ὑφέξοντας Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι. 20.132. κελεύει δὲ καὶ τοῖς τῶν Σαμαρέων πρώτοις καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις Κουμανῷ τε τῷ ἐπιτρόπῳ καὶ Κέλερι, χιλίαρχος δ' ἦν οὗτος, ἐπ' ̓Ιταλίας ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα κριθησομένους ἐπ' αὐτοῦ περὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ζητήσεων. 20.133. αὐτὸς δὲ δείσας, μὴ τὸ πλῆθος πάλιν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων νεωτερίσειεν, εἰς τὴν τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀφικνεῖται: καταλαμβάνει δ' αὐτὴν εἰρηνευομένην καὶ πάτριον ἑορτὴν τῷ θεῷ τελοῦσαν. πιστεύσας οὖν μηδένα νεωτερισμὸν παρ' αὐτῶν γενήσεσθαι καταλιπὼν ἑορτάζοντας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν. 20.134. Οἱ περὶ Κουμανὸν δὲ καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τῶν Σαμαρέων ἀναπεμφθέντες εἰς ̔Ρώμην λαμβάνουσι παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἡμέραν, καθ' ἣν περὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀμφισβητήσεων λέγειν ἔμελλον. 20.135. σπουδὴ δὲ μεγίστη τῷ Κουμανῷ καὶ τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ἦν παρὰ τῶν Καίσαρος ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων, κἂν περιεγένοντο τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, εἰ μή περ ̓Αγρίππας ὁ νεώτερος ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ τυγχάνων κατασπευδομένους ἰδὼν τοὺς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πρώτους ἐδεήθη πολλὰ τῆς τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος γυναικὸς ̓Αγριππίνης πεῖσαι τὸν ἄνδρα διακούσαντα πρεπόντως τῇ ἑαυτοῦ δικαιοσύνῃ τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως. 20.136. καὶ Κλαύδιος τῇ δεήσει ταύτῃ προευτρεπισθεὶς καὶ διακούσας, ὡς εὗρε τῶν κακῶν ἀρχηγοὺς τοὺς Σαμαρείτας γενομένους, τοὺς μὲν ἀναβάντας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἀναιρεθῆναι, τῷ Κουμανῷ δὲ φυγὴν ἐπέβαλεν, Κέλερα δὲ τὸν χιλίαρχον ἐκέλευσεν ἀγαγόντας εἰς τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα πάντων ὁρώντων ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν πᾶσαν σύραντας οὕτως ἀποκτεῖναι. 20.167. Τὰ μὲν οὖν τῶν λῃστῶν ἔργα τοιαύτης ἀνοσιότητος ἐπλήρου τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ γόητες καὶ ἀπατεῶνες ἄνθρωποι τὸν ὄχλον ἔπειθον αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ἕπεσθαι: 20.168. δείξειν γὰρ ἔφασαν ἐναργῆ τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν γινόμενα. καὶ πολλοὶ πεισθέντες τῆς ἀφροσύνης τιμωρίας ὑπέσχον: ἀναχθέντας γὰρ αὐτοὺς Φῆλιξ ἐκόλασεν. 20.169. ἀφικνεῖται δέ τις ἐξ Αἰγύπτου κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα προφήτης εἶναι λέγων καὶ συμβουλεύων τῷ δημοτικῷ πλήθει σὺν αὐτῷ πρὸς ὄρος τὸ προσαγορευόμενον ἐλαιῶν, ὃ τῆς πόλεως ἄντικρυς κείμενον ἀπέχει στάδια πέντε: 20.171. Φῆλιξ δ' ὡς ἐπύθετο ταῦτα, κελεύει τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβεῖν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ μετὰ πολλῶν ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων προσβάλλει τοῖς περὶ τὸν Αἰγύπτιον, καὶ τετρακοσίους μὲν αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλεν, διακοσίους δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν. 20.172. ὁ δ' Αἰγύπτιος αὐτὸς διαδρὰς ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἀφανὴς ἐγένετο. πάλιν δ' οἱ λῃσταὶ τὸν δῆμον εἰς τὸν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμον ἠρέθιζον μηδὲν ὑπακούειν αὐτοῖς λέγοντες, καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀπειθούντων κώμας ἐμπιπράντες διήρπαζον. 20.201. ὅσοι δὲ ἐδόκουν ἐπιεικέστατοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν εἶναι καὶ περὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβεῖς βαρέως ἤνεγκαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ πέμπουσιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα κρύφα παρακαλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐπιστεῖλαι τῷ ̓Ανάνῳ μηκέτι τοιαῦτα πράσσειν: μηδὲ γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν πεποιηκέναι. | 4.68. And besides this, he appointed that the people should pay the tithe of their annual fruits of the earth, both to the Levites and to the priests. And this is what that tribe receives of the multitude; but I think it necessary to set down what is paid by all, peculiarly to the priests. 4.205. 8. Let there be taken out of your fruits a tenth, besides that which you have allotted to give to the priests and Levites. This you may indeed sell in the country, but it is to be used in those feasts and sacrifices that are to be celebrated in the holy city; for it is fit that you should enjoy those fruits of the earth which God gives you to possess, so as may be to the honor of the donor. 4.207. 10. Let no one blaspheme those gods which other cities esteem such; nor may any one steal what belongs to strange temples, nor take away the gifts that are dedicated to any god. 4.226. 19. He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce fruits before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to God, nor is he to make use of that fruit himself, for it is not produced in its proper season; for when nature has a force put upon her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not proper for God, nor for the master’s use; 4.227. but let the owner gather all that is grown on the fourth year, for then it is in its proper season. And let him that has gathered it carry it to the holy city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with his friends, with the orphans, and the widows. But on the fifth year the fruit is his own, and he may use it as he pleases. 4.240. 22. Besides those two tithes, which I have already said you are to pay every year, the one for the Levites, the other for the festivals, you are to bring every third year a third tithe to be distributed to those that want; to women also that are widows, and to children that are orphans. 4.304. Accordingly, he delivered these books to the priest, with the ark; into which he also put the ten commandments, written on two tables. He delivered to them the tabernacle also, and exhorted the people, that when they had conquered the land, and were settled in it, they should not forget the injuries of the Amalekites, but make war against them, and inflict punishment upon them for what mischief they did them when they were in the wilderness; 10.102. And when these were brought to him, he kept them in custody, and appointed Jehoiachin’s uncle, Zedekiah, to be king; and made him take an oath, that he would certainly keep the kingdom for him, and make no innovation, nor have any league of friendship with the Egyptians. 10.219. 1. Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had reigned forty-three years, he ended his life. He was an active man, and more fortunate than the kings that were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic History, where he says thus: 10.221. So when Nebuchadnezzar had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he beat him, and reduced the country from under his subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom; but about that time it happened that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill, and ended his life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned twenty-one years; 12.142. and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. 12.271. “If,” said he, “any one be zealous for the laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him follow me.” And when he had said this, he made haste into the desert with his sons, and left all his substance in the village. 12.278. So Mattathias got a great army about him, and overthrew their idol altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all that he could get under his power; for many of them were dispersed among the nations round about them for fear of him. He also commanded that those boys which were not yet circumcised should be circumcised now; and he drove those away that were appointed to hinder such their circumcision. 13.171. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes. 13.172. Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.257. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; 13.297. but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 13.298. And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs. 13.311. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come? 13.312. “That it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had foretold that he should die at the place called Strato’s Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet.” 13.313. As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato’s Tower, or of the same name with that Caesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet into a great disorder. 13.319. He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: “This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.” 14.41. and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. 14.41. However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things. 14.258. we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.” 14.366. but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the high priesthood should never come to him any more, because he was maimed, while the law required that this dignity should belong to none but such as had all their members entire. 15.167. and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod’s affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of Caesar’s enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude to them. 15.266. But when the king knew the thing, by his sister’s information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws. 15.268. for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; 15.275. It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: 15.326. 5. And now, when all Herod’s designs had succeeded according to his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable in the infliction of his punishments, as by the provident care he had showed towards them, after the most magimous manner, when they were under their distresses. 15.327. But still he took care to have external security for his government as a fortress against his subjects; for the orations he made to the cities were very fine, and full of kindness; and he cultivated a seasonable good understanding with their governors, and bestowed presents on every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs were every way more and more augmented. 15.328. But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples,— 15.329. not in Judea indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the manner of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country [properly] out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof. 15.331. 6. Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was very proper for containing a city, and was before called Strato’s Tower, he set about getting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected many edifices with great diligence all over it, and this of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous palaces and large edifices for containing the people; 15.332. and what was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less than the Pyrmum [at Athens], and had towards the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses. 15.333. This city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station; but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself. 15.334. So Herod endeavored to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fathom deep; and as some were lesser, so were others bigger than those dimensions. 15.335. This mole which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet wide, the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves; 15.336. but the other half had upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus, and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. 15.337. There were also a great number of arches where the mariners dwelt. There was also before them a quay, [or landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter, on which side was the stillest of the winds of all in this place: 15.338. and the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret, which was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest waves; while on the right hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger than the turret, which were over against them; these stood upright, and were joined together. 15.339. Now there were edifices all along the circular haven, made of the politest stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by those that were sailing for that haven, and had in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar. The city itself was called Caesarea, which was also itself built of fine materials, and was of a fine structure; 15.341. Herod also built therein a theater of stone; and on the south quarter, behind the port, an amphitheater also, capable of holding a vast number of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect to the sea. So this city was thus finished in twelve years; during which time the king did not fail to go on both with the work, and to pay the charges that were necessary. 15.371. The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. 15.372. However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essenes in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essenes. 15.373. 5. Now there was one of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews; 15.374. but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, “However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune. 15.375. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, 15.376. for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.” 15.377. Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. 15.378. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, “Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;” but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essenes. 15.379. We have thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essenes have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of divine revelations. 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 17.42. Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their good-will to Caesar, and to the king’s government, these very men did not swear, being above six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras’s wife paid their fine for them. 18.4. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; 18.5. as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same; 18.6. o men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; 18.7. one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; 18.8. whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies’ fire. 18.9. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal, 18.10. concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction. 18.11. 2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essenes, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now. 18.11. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter. 18.17. but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them. 18.17. for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners; 18.18. 5. The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; 18.18. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. 18.19. and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. 18.19. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: “For certain,” said he, “Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;” and when he still asked, “Which of these is to be bound?” he said “Agrippa.” 18.20. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way, 18.21. and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another. 18.21. that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government. 18.23. 6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. 18.23. Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said. 18.24. And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain. 18.24. 1. But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, took this authority of her brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was come back, it was because he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune. 18.25. And it was in Gessius Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy. 18.25. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius’s and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius; 18.55. 1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Caesarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar’s effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images; 18.116. 2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist: 18.117. for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. 18.118. Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late. 18.119. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God’s displeasure to him. 18.159. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; 18.259. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; 19.276. he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. 19.277. But when Marcus, Alexander’s son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis. 20.34. 3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Aias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. 20.35. He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them. 20.36. But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; 20.37. and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions. 20.38. 4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. 20.39. But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. 20.40. This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Aias, he confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him, 20.41. and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. 20.42. He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias. 20.43. But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; 20.44. for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, “Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. 20.45. How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.” 20.46. When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Aias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; 20.47. upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. 20.48. But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter. 20.49. 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.50. upon which he gave his consent to what she desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way. 20.51. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter. 20.92. 3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. 20.93. However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father’s death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. 20.94. But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son’s death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates. 20.95. But Monobazus sent her bones, as well as those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that they should be buried at the pyramids which their mother had erected; they were three in number, and distant no more than three furlongs from the city Jerusalem. 20.96. But for the actions of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life, we will relate them hereafter. 20.97. 1. Now it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a certain magician, whose name was Theudas, persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an easy passage over it; 20.98. and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. 20.100. 2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was a principal person among all his contemporaries, both for his family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion of his country. 20.102. And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. 20.103. But now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made Aias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; 20.104. as also that Herod, brother of Agrippa the great king, departed this life, in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Caesar. He left behind him three sons; Aristobulus, whom he had by his first wife, with Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by Bernice his brother’s daughter. But Claudius Caesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa, junior. 20.105. 3. Now while the Jewish affairs were under the administration of Cureanus, there happened a great tumult at the city of Jerusalem, and many of the Jews perished therein. But I shall first explain the occasion whence it was derived. 20.106. When that feast which is called the passover was at hand, at which time our custom is to use unleavened bread, and a great multitude was gathered together from all parts to that feast, Cumanus was afraid lest some attempt of innovation should then be made by them; so he ordered that one regiment of the army should take their arms, and stand in the temple cloisters, to repress any attempts of innovation, if perchance any such should begin; 20.107. and this was no more than what the former procurators of Judea did at such festivals. 20.108. But on the fourth day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his breeches, and exposed his privy members to the multitude, which put those that saw him into a furious rage, and made them cry out that this impious action was not done to reproach them, but God himself; nay, some of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended that the soldier was set on by him, 20.109. which, when Cumanus heard, he was also himself not a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon him; yet did he exhort them to leave off such seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult at the festival. 20.110. But when he could not induce them to be quiet for they still went on in their reproaches to him, he gave order that the whole army should take their entire armor, and come to Antonia, which was a fortress, as we have said already, which overlooked the temple; 20.111. but when the multitude saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at them, and ran away hastily; but as the passages out were but narrow, and as they thought their enemies followed them, they were crowded together in their flight, and a great number were pressed to death in those narrow passages; 20.112. nor indeed was the number fewer than twenty thousand that perished in this tumult. So instead of a festival, they had at last a mournful day of it; and they all of them forgot their prayers and sacrifices, and betook themselves to lamentation and weeping; so great an affliction did the impudent obsceneness of a single soldier bring upon them. 20.113. 4. Now before this their first mourning was over, another mischief befell them also; for some of those that raised the foregoing tumult, when they were traveling along the public road, about a hundred furlongs from the city, robbed Stephanus, a servant of Caesar, as he was journeying, and plundered him of all that he had with him; 20.114. which things when Cureanus heard of, he sent soldiers immediately, and ordered them to plunder the neighboring villages, and to bring the most eminent persons among them in bonds to him. 20.115. Now as this devastation was making, one of the soldiers seized the laws of Moses that lay in one of those villages, and brought them out before the eyes of all present, and tore them to pieces; and this was done with reproachful language, and much scurrility; 20.116. which things when the Jews heard of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down to Caesarea, where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge, not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had been affronted; for that they could not bear to live any longer, if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted after this manner. 20.117. Accordingly Cumanus, out of fear lest the multitude should go into a sedition, and by the advice of his friends also, took care that the soldier who had offered the affront to the laws should be beheaded, and thereby put a stop to the sedition which was ready to be kindled a second time. 20.118. 1. Now there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans; and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them. 20.119. But when the principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of those that were killed; but he was induced by the Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter; 20.120. upon which the Galileans were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable, 20.121. And when their principal men endeavored to pacify them, and promised to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans. 20.122. When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive; 20.123. whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children, which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them. 20.124. So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun with robberies. 20.125. 2. But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them; 20.126. and said withal, that they were not so much displeased at what they had suffered, as they were at the contempt thereby shown to the Romans; while if they had received any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done, and not presently to make such devastation, as if they had not the Romans for their governors; 20.127. on which account they came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of those that were slain in silence;— 20.128. which allegations when Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence when he should come into Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge of the truth of that matter. 20.129. So these men went away without success. Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives. 20.130. From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans; 20.131. whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Aias the high priest, and Aus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. 20.132. He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another. 20.133. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch. 20.134. 3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another. 20.135. But now Caesar’s freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government:— 20.136. whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain. 20.167. 6. These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, 20.168. and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them. 20.169. Moreover, there came out of Egypt about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs. 20.170. He said further, that he would show them from hence how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall down; and he promised them that he would procure them an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were fallen down. 20.171. Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. 20.172. But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them. 20.200. when, therefore, Aus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: 20.201. but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; |
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274. New Testament, John, 1.1-1.3, 1.9, 1.14, 1.18, 1.27, 2.13-2.17, 3.16, 3.18, 4.42, 6.52-6.61, 14.26, 18.13-18.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in theophilus •magi, on law and the old testament •law, the, in clement •law, the, in origen •paul, attitude of to the law •paul, on the law and virtue •paul, on the law as pedagogue •paul, on the laws narrative •virtue and law, and the torah •law, the, and gospel •law, “worship according to the” •worship, “according to the law” •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •public readings of the law, rabbinic sages, scriptural authority associated with Found in books: Azar, Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews" (2016) 70; Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 78; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 218, 395, 494, 529, 572; Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 361; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 157| 1.1. ΕΝ ΑΡΧΗ ἦν ὁ λόγος, καὶ ὁ λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν θεόν, καὶ θεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος. 1.2. Οὗτος ἦν ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς τὸν θεόν. 1.3. πάντα διʼ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο οὐδὲ ἕν. 1.9. Ἦν τὸ φῶς τὸ ἀληθινὸν ὃ φωτίζει πάντα ἄνθρωπον ἐρχόμενον εἰς τὸν κόσμον. 1.14. Καὶ ὁ λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ ἐθεασάμεθα τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ, δόξαν ὡς μονογενοῦς παρὰ πατρός, πλήρης χάριτος καὶ ἀληθείας·?̔ 1.18. θεὸν οὐδεὶς ἑώρακεν πώποτε· μονογενὴς θεὸς ὁ ὢν εἰς τὸν κόλπον τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκεῖνος ἐξηγήσατο. 1.27. ὀπίσω μου ἐρχόμενος, οὗ οὐκ εἰμὶ [ἐγὼ] ἄξιος ἵνα λύσω αὐτοῦ τὸν ἱμάντα τοῦ ὑποδήματος. 2.13. Καὶ ἐγγὺς ἦν τὸ πάσχα τῶν Ἰουδαίων, καὶ ἀνέβη εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα ὁ Ἰησοῦς. 2.14. καὶ εὗρεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοὺς πωλοῦντας βόας καὶ πρόβατα καὶ περιστερὰς καὶ τοὺς κερματιστὰς καθημένους, 2.15. καὶ ποιήσας φραγέλλιον ἐκ σχοινίων πάντας ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τά τε πρόβατα καὶ τοὺς βόας, καὶ τῶν κολλυβιστῶν ἐξέχεεν τὰ κέρματα καὶ τὰς τραπέζας ἀνέτρεψεν, 2.16. καὶ τοῖς τὰς περιστερὰς πωλοῦσιν εἶπεν Ἄρατε ταῦτα ἐντεῦθεν, μὴ ποιεῖτε τὸν οἶκον τοῦ πατρός μου οἶκον ἐμπορίου. 2.17. Ἐμνήσθησαν οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ὅτι γεγραμμένον ἐστίν Ὁ ζῆλος τοῦ οἴκου σου καταφάγεταί με. 3.16. Οὕτως γὰρ ἠγάπησεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν κόσμον ὥστε τὸν υἱὸν τὸν μονογενῆ ἔδωκεν, ἵνα πᾶς ὁ πιστεύων εἰς αὐτὸν μὴ ἀπόληται ἀλλὰ ἔχῃ ζωὴν αἰώνιον. 3.18. ὁ πιστεύων εἰς αὐτὸν οὐ κρίνεται. ὁ μὴ πιστεύων ἤδη κέκριται, ὅτι μὴ πεπίστευκεν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ μονογενοῦς υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ. 4.42. τῇ τε γυναικὶ ἔλεγον [ὅτι] Οὐκέτι διὰ τὴν σὴν λαλιὰν πιστεύομεν· αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀκηκόαμεν, καὶ οἴδαμεν ὅτι οὗτός ἐστιν ἀληθῶς ὁ σωτὴρ τοῦ κόσμου. 6.52. Ἐμάχοντο οὖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι λέγοντες Πῶς δύναται οὗτος ἡμῖν δοῦναι τὴν σάρκα [αὐτοῦ] φαγεῖν; 6.53. εἶπεν οὖν αὐτοῖς [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἐὰν μὴ φάγητε τὴν σάρκα τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ πίητε αὐτοῦ τὸ αἷμα, οὐκ ἔχετε ζωὴν ἐν ἑαυτοῖς. 6.54. ὁ τρώγων μου τὴν σάρκα καὶ πίνων μου τὸ αἷμα ἔχει ζωὴν αἰώνιον, κἀγὼ ἀναστήσω αὐτὸν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ· 6.55. ἡ γὰρ σάρξ μου ἀληθής ἐστι βρῶσις, καὶ τὸ αἷμά μου ἀληθής ἐστι πόσις. 6.56. ὁ τρώγων μου τὴν σάρκα καὶ πίνων μου τὸ αἷμα ἐν ἐμοὶ μένει κἀγὼ ἐν αὐτῷ. 6.57. καθὼς ἀπέστειλέν με ὁ ζῶν πατὴρ κἀγὼ ζῶ διὰ τὸν πατέρα, καὶ ὁ τρώγων με κἀκεῖνος ζήσει διʼ ἐμέ. 6.58. οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἄρτος ὁ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ καταβάς, οὐ καθὼς ἔφαγον οἱ πατέρες καὶ ἀπέθανον· ὁ τρώγων τοῦτον τὸν ἄρτον ζήσει εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα. 6.59. Ταῦτα εἶπεν ἐν συναγωγῇ διδάσκων ἐν Καφαρναούμ. 6.60. Πολλοὶ οὖν ἀκούσαντες ἐκ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ εἶπαν Σκληρός ἐστιν ὁ λόγος οὗτος· τίς δύναται αὐτοῦ ἀκούειν; 6.61. εἰδὼς δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐν ἑαυτῷ ὅτι γογγύζουσιν περὶ τούτου οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τοῦτο ὑμᾶς σκανδαλίζει; 14.26. ὁ δὲ παράκλητος, τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ὃ πέμψει ὁ πατὴρ ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου, ἐκεῖνος ὑμᾶς διδάξει πάντα καὶ ὑπομνήσει ὑμᾶς πάντα ἃ εἶπον ὑμῖν ἐγώ. 18.13. καὶ ἤγαγον πρὸς Ἅνναν πρῶτον· ἦν γὰρ πενθερὸς τοῦ Καιάφα, ὃς ἦν ἀρχιερεὺς τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκείνου· 18.14. ἦν δὲ Καιάφας ὁ συμβουλεύσας τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ὅτι συμφέρει ἕνα ἄνθρωπον ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ. | 1.1. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. 1.2. The same was in the beginning with God. 1.3. All things were made through him. Without him was not anything made that has been made. 1.9. The true light that enlightens everyone was coming into the world. 1.14. The Word became flesh, and lived among us. We saw his glory, such glory as of the one and only Son of the Father, full of grace and truth. 1.18. No one has seen God at any time. The one and only Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, he has declared him. 1.27. He is the one who comes after me, who has come to be before me, whose sandal strap I'm not worthy to untie." 2.13. The Passover of the Jews was at hand, and Jesus went up to Jerusalem. 2.14. He found in the temple those who sold oxen, sheep, and doves, and the changers of money sitting. 2.15. He made a whip of cords, and threw all out of the temple, both the sheep and the oxen; and he poured out the changers' money, and overthrew their tables. 2.16. To those who sold the doves, he said, "Take these things out of here! Don't make my Father's house a marketplace!" 2.17. His disciples remembered that it was written, "Zeal for your house will eat me up." 3.16. For God so loved the world, that he gave his one and only Son, that whoever believes in him should not perish, but have eternal life. 3.18. He who believes in him is not judged. He who doesn't believe has been judged already, because he has not believed in the name of the only born Son of God. 4.42. They said to the woman, "Now we believe, not because of your speaking; for we have heard for ourselves, and know that this is indeed the Christ, the Savior of the world." 6.52. The Jews therefore contended with one another, saying, "How can this man give us his flesh to eat?" 6.53. Jesus therefore said to them, "Most assuredly I tell you, unless you eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink his blood, you don't have life in yourselves. 6.54. He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood has eternal life, and I will raise him up at the last day. 6.55. For my flesh is food indeed, and my blood is drink indeed. 6.56. He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood lives in me, and I in him. 6.57. As the living Father sent me, and I live because of the Father; so he who feeds on me, he will also live because of me. 6.58. This is the bread which came down out of heaven -- not as our fathers ate the manna, and died. He who eats this bread will live forever." 6.59. These things he said in the synagogue, as he taught in Capernaum. 6.60. Therefore many of his disciples, when they heard this, said, "This is a hard saying! Who can listen to it?" 6.61. But Jesus knowing in himself that his disciples murmured at this, said to them, "Does this cause you to stumble? 14.26. But the Counselor, the Holy Spirit, whom the Father will send in my name, he will teach you all things, and will remind you of all that I said to you. 18.13. and led him to Annas first, for he was father-in-law to Caiaphas, who was high priest that year. 18.14. Now it was Caiaphas who advised the Jews that it was expedient that one man should perish for the people. |
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275. New Testament, Titus, 1.10-1.16, 3.3-3.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •teacher, “of the law” •slave, being a, to (the law of) god •paul, attitude of to the law •paul, on the law and virtue •paul, on the law as pedagogue •paul, on the laws narrative •virtue and law, and the torah •law, the, and gospel •law, the, gnostic views of •law, the, in origen Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 564, 571, 572; Falcetta, Early Christian Teachers: The 'Didaskaloi' From Their Origins to the Middle of the Second Century (2020) 147, 152; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 157; Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144| 1.10. Εἰσὶν γὰρ πολλοὶ ἀνυπότακτοι, ματαιολόγοι καὶ φρεναπάται, μάλιστα οἱ ἐκ τῆς περιτομῆς, 1.11. οὓς δεῖ ἐπιστομίζειν, οἵτινες ὅλους οἴκους ἀνατρέπουσιν διδάσκοντες ἃ μὴ δεῖ αἰσχροῦ κέρδους χάριν. 1.12. εἶπέν τις ἐξ αὐτῶν, ἴδιος αὐτῶν προφήτης, Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται, κακὰ θηρία, γαστέρες ἀργαί· 1.13. ἡ μαρτυρία αὕτη ἐστὶν ἀληθής. διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν ἔλεγχε αὐτοὺς ἀποτόμως, 1.14. ἵνα ὑγιαίνωσιν [ἐν] τῇ πίστει, μὴ προσέχοντες Ἰουδαϊκοῖς μύθοις καὶ ἐντολαῖς ἀνθρώπων ἀποστρεφομένων τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 1.15. πάντα καθαρὰ τοῖς καθαροῖς· τοῖς δὲ μεμιαμμένοις καὶ ἀπίστοις οὐδὲν καθαρόν, ἀλλὰ μεμίανται αὐτῶν καὶ ὁ νοῦς καὶ ἡ συνείδησις. 1.16. θεὸν ὁμολογοῦσιν εἰδέναι, τοῖς δὲ ἔργοις ἀρνοῦνται, βδελυκτοὶ ὄντες καὶ ἀπειθεῖς καὶ πρὸς πᾶν ἔργον ἀγαθὸν ἀδόκιμοι. 3.3. Ἦμεν γάρ ποτε καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀνόητοι, ἀπειθεῖς, πλανώμενοι, δουλεύοντες ἐπιθυμίαις καὶ ἡδοναῖς ποικίλαις, ἐν κακίᾳ καὶ φθόνῳ διάγοντες, στυγητοί, μισοῦντες ἀλλήλους. 3.4. ὅτε δὲ ἡ χρηστότης καὶ ἡ φιλανθρωπία ἐπεφάνη τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν θεοῦ, 3.5. οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων τῶν ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ ἃ ἐποιήσαμεν ἡμεῖς ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὸ αὐτοῦ ἔλεος ἔσωσεν ἡμᾶς διὰ λουτροῦ παλινγενεσίας καὶ ἀνακαινώσεως πνεύματος ἁγίου, 3.6. οὗ ἐξέχεεν ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς πλουσίως διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν, 3.7. ἵνα δικαιωθέντες τῇ ἐκείνου χάριτι κληρονόμοι γενηθῶμεν κατʼ ἐλπίδα ζωῆς αἰωνίου. 3.8. Πιστὸς ὁ λόγος, καὶ περὶ τούτων βούλομαί σε διαβεβαιοῦσθαι, ἵνα φροντίζωσιν καλῶν ἔργων προΐστασθαι οἱ πεπιστευκότες θεῷ. Ταῦτά ἐστιν καλὰ καὶ ὠφέλιμα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις· 3.9. μωρὰς δὲ ζητήσεις καὶ γενεαλογίας καὶ ἔριν καὶ μάχας νομικὰς περιίστασο, εἰσὶν γὰρ ἀνωφελεῖς καὶ μάταιοι. 3.10. αἱρετικὸν ἄνθρω πον μετὰ μίαν καὶ δευτέραν νουθεσίαν παραιτοῦ, 3.11. εἰδὼς ὅτι ἐξέστραπται ὁ τοιοῦτος καὶ ἁμαρτάνει, ὢν αὐτοκατάκριτος. | 1.10. For there are also many unruly men, vain talkers and deceivers, especially those of the circumcision, 1.11. whose mouths must be stopped; men who overthrow whole houses, teaching things which they ought not, for dishonest gain's sake. 1.12. One of them, a prophet of their own, said, "Cretans are always liars, evil beasts, and idle gluttons." 1.13. This testimony is true. For this cause, reprove them sharply, that they may be sound in the faith, 1.14. not paying attention to Jewish fables and commandments of men who turn away from the truth. 1.15. To the pure, all things are pure; but to those who are defiled and unbelieving, nothing is pure; but both their mind and their conscience are defiled. 1.16. They profess that they know God, but by their works they deny him, being abominable, disobedient, and unfit for any good work. 3.3. For we were also once foolish, disobedient, deceived, serving various lusts and pleasures, living in malice and envy, hateful, and hating one another. 3.4. But when the kindness of God our Savior and his love toward mankind appeared, 3.5. not by works of righteousness, which we did ourselves, but according to his mercy, he saved us, through the washing of regeneration and renewing by the Holy Spirit, 3.6. which he poured out on us richly, through Jesus Christ our Savior; 3.7. that, being justified by his grace, we might be made heirs according to the hope of eternal life. 3.8. This saying is faithful, and concerning these things I desire that you affirm confidently, so that those who have believed God may be careful to maintain good works. These things are good and profitable to men; 3.9. but shun foolish questionings, genealogies, strife, and disputes about the law; for they are unprofitable and vain. 3.10. Avoid a factious man after a first and second warning; 3.11. knowing that such a one is perverted, and sins, being self-condemned. |
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276. New Testament, Romans, a b c d\n0 12.19 12.19 12 19\n1 14 14 14 None\n2 7.6 7.6 7 6\n3 2.28 2.28 2 28\n4 2.29 2.29 2 29\n.. ... ... .. ...\n176 5.10 5.10 5 10\n177 1.9 1.9 1 9\n178 1.4 1.4 1 4\n179 1.3 1.3 1 3\n180 3.18 3.18 3 18\n\n[181 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 90| 12.19. μὴ ἑαυτοὺς ἐκδικοῦντες, ἀγαπητοί, ἀλλὰ δότε τόπον τῇ ὀργῇ, γέγραπται γάρἘμοὶ ἐκδίκησις,ἐγὼἀνταποδώσω,λέγει Κύριος. | 12.19. Don't seek revenge yourselves, beloved, but give place to God's wrath. For it is written, "Vengeance belongs to me; I will repay, says the Lord." |
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277. New Testament, Philippians, 1.29, 3.2, 3.5-3.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fisch,, Written for Us: Paul’s Interpretation of Scripture and the History of Midrash (2023) 75; Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 103; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 216, 322, 376; Wilson, Paul and the Jewish Law: A Stoic Ethical Perspective on his Inconsistency (2022) 210| 1.29. ὅτι ὑμῖν ἐχαρίσθη τὸ ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ, οὐ μόνον τὸ εἰς αὐτὸν πιστεύειν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πάσχειν̓, 3.2. Βλέπετε τοὺς κύνας, βλέπετε τοὺς κακοὺς ἐργάτας, βλέπετε τὴν κατατομήν. 3.5. περιτομῇ ὀκταήμερος, ἐκ γένους Ἰσραήλ, φυλῆς Βενιαμείν, Ἐβραῖος ἐξ Ἐβραίων, κατὰ νόμον Φαρισαῖος, 3.6. κατὰ ζῆλος διώκων τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, κατὰ δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐν νόμῳ γενόμενος ἄμεμπτος. | 1.29. Because it has been granted to you on behalf of Christ, not only to believe in him, but also to suffer on his behalf, 3.2. Beware of the dogs, beware of the evil workers, beware of the false circumcision. 3.5. circumcised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of Hebrews; concerning the law, a Pharisee; 3.6. concerning zeal, persecuting the assembly; concerning the righteousness which is in the law, found blameless. 3. , Finally, my brothers, rejoice in the Lord. To write the same things to you, to me indeed is not tiresome, but for you it is safe. , Beware of the dogs, beware of the evil workers, beware of the false circumcision. , For we are the circumcision, who worship God in the Spirit, and rejoice in Christ Jesus, and have no confidence in the flesh; , though I myself might have confidence even in the flesh. If any other man thinks that he has confidence in the flesh, I yet more: , circumcised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of Hebrews; concerning the law, a Pharisee; , concerning zeal, persecuting the assembly; concerning the righteousness which is in the law, found blameless. , However, what things were gain to me, these have I counted loss for Christ. , Yes most assuredly, and I count all things to be loss for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus, my Lord, for whom I suffered the loss of all things, and count them nothing but refuse, that I may gain Christ , and be found in him, not having a righteousness of my own, that which is of the law, but that which is through faith in Christ, the righteousness which is from God by faith; , that I may know him, and the power of his resurrection, and the fellowship of his sufferings, becoming conformed to his death; , if by any means I may attain to the resurrection from the dead. , Not that I have already obtained, or am already made perfect; but I press on, if it is so that I may take hold of that for which also I was taken hold of by Christ Jesus. , Brothers, I don't regard myself as yet having taken hold, but one thing I do. Forgetting the things which are behind, and stretching forward to the things which are before, , I press on toward the goal for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus. , Let us therefore, as many as are perfect, think this way. If in anything you think otherwise, God will also reveal that to you. , Nevertheless, to the extent that we have already attained, let us walk by the same rule. Let us be of the same mind. , Brothers, be imitators together of me, and note those who walk this way, even as you have us for an example. , For many walk, of whom I told you often, and now tell you even weeping, as the enemies of the cross of Christ, , whose end is destruction, whose god is the belly, and whose glory is in their shame, who think about earthly things. , For our citizenship is in heaven, from where we also wait for a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ; , who will change the body of our humiliation to be conformed to the body of his glory, according to the working by which he is able even to subject all things to himself. |
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278. New Testament, Hebrews, a b c d\n0 9.14 9.14 9 14\n1 9.22 9.22 9 22\n2 10.4 10.4 10 4\n3 10.1 10.1 10 1\n4 1.1 1.1 1 1\n5 9.20 9.20 9 20\n6 9.19 9.19 9 19\n7 "9.7" "9.7" "9 7"\n8 7.26 7.26 7 26\n9 7.27 7.27 7 27\n10 7.12 7.12 7 12\n11 6.19-10.14 6.19 6 19\n12 4.15 4.15 4 15\n13 4.14 4.14 4 14\n14 3.5 3.5 3 5\n15 3.4 3.4 3 4\n16 3.3 3.3 3 3\n17 3.2 3.2 3 2\n18 3.1 3.1 3 1\n19 10 10 10 None\n20 3.6 3.6 3 6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73| 9.14. πόσῳ μᾶλλον τὸ αἷμα τοῦ χριστοῦ, ὃς διὰ πνεύματος αἰωνίου ἑαυτὸν προσήνεγκεν ἄμωμον τῷ θεῷ, καθαριεῖ τὴν συνείδησιν ἡμῶν ἀπὸ νεκρῶν ἔργων εἰς τὸ λατρεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι. | 9.14. how much more will the blood of Christ, who through the eternal Spirit offered himself without blemish to God, cleanse your conscience from dead works to serve the living God? |
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279. New Testament, Galatians, a b c d\n0 5.16 5.16 5 16\n1 5.17 5.17 5 17\n2 5.18 5.18 5 18\n3 2.13 2.13 2 13\n4 4.22 4.22 4 22\n.. ... ... .. ..\n118 1.1 1.1 1 1\n119 1.20 1.20 1 20\n120 "5.4" "5.4" "5 4"\n121 5.13-6.10 5.13 5 13\n122 6.2 6.2 6 2\n\n[123 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 85; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 159, 160; Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144| 5.16. Λέγω δέ, πνεύματι περιπατεῖτε καὶ ἐπιθυμίαν σαρκὸς οὐ μὴ τελέσητε. | 5.16. But I say, walk by the Spirit, and you won't fulfill the lust ofthe flesh. |
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280. New Testament, Ephesians, a b c d\n0 2.15 2.15 2 15\n1 2.3 2.3 2 3\n2 6.16 6.16 6 16\n3 "2.7" "2.7" "2 7"\n4 "4.30" "4.30" "4 30"\n5 "4.22" "4.22" "4 22"\n6 4.13 4.13 4 13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 214| 2.15. ἐν τῇ σαρκὶ αὐτοῦ, τὸν νόμον τῶν ἐντολῶν ἐν δόγμασιν καταργήσας, ἵνα τοὺς δύο κτίσῃ ἐν αὑτῷ εἰς ἕνα καινὸν ἄνθρωπον ποιῶν εἰρήνην, | 2.15. having abolished in the flesh the hostility, the law of commandments contained in ordices, that he might create in himself one new man of the two, making peace; |
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281. New Testament, Colossians, a b c d\n0 2.16 2.16 2 16\n1 1.15 1.15 1 15\n2 2.11 2.11 2 11\n3 "3.10" "3.10" "3 10"\n4 1.13 1.13 1 13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 86, 87| 2.16. Μὴ οὖν τις ὑμᾶς κρινέτω ἐν βρώσει καὶ ἐν πόσει ἢ ἐν μέρει ἑορτῆς ἢ νεομηνίας ἢ σαββάτων, | 2.16. Let no man therefore judge you in eating, or in drinking, or with respect to a feast day or a new moon or a Sabbath day, |
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| 282. New Testament, Jude, 18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, and gospel Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 184 |
283. New Testament, James, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 354| 4.6. μείζονα δὲ δίδωσιν χάριν· διὸ λέγει Ὁ θεὸς ὑπερηφάνοις ἀντιτάσσεται ταπεινοῖς δὲ δίδωσιν χάριν. | 4.6. But he gives more grace. Therefore it says, "God resists the proud, but gives grace to the humble." |
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284. New Testament, Apocalypse, 2.2, 2.14, 9.10, 9.19, 20.12-20.15, 22.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73, 74; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 328, 356; Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 92| 2.2. Οἶδα τὰ ἔργα σου, καὶ τὸν κόπον καὶ τὴν ὑπομονήν σου, καὶ ὅτι οὐ δύνῃ βαστάσαι κακούς, καὶ ἐπείρασας τοὺς λέγοντας ἑαυτοὺς ἀποστόλους, καὶ οὐκ εἰσίν, καὶ εὗρες αὐτοὺς ψευδεῖς· 2.14. ἀλλὰ ἔχω κατὰ σοῦ ὀλίγα, ὅτι ἔχεις ἐκεῖ κρατοῦντας τὴν διδαχὴνΒαλαάμ,ὃς ἐδίδασκεν τῷ Βαλὰκ βαλεῖν σκάνδαλον ἐνώπιοντῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραήλ, φαγεῖν εἰδωλόθυτα καὶ πορνεῦσαι· 9.10. καὶ ἔχουσιν οὐρὰς ὁμοίας σκορπίοις καὶ κέντρα, καὶ ἐν ταῖς οὐραῖς αὐτῶν ἡ ἐξουσία αὐτῶν ἀδικῆσαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους μῆνας πέντε. 20.12. καὶ εἶδον τοὺς νεκρούς, τοὺς μεγάλους καὶ τοὺς μικρούς, ἑστῶτας ἐνώπιον τοῦ θρόνου,καὶ βιβλία ἠνοίχθησαν·καὶ ἄλλοβιβλίονἠνοίχθη, ὅ ἐστιντῆς ζωῆς·καὶ ἐκρίθησαν οἱ νεκροὶ ἐκ τῶν γεγραμμένων ἐν τοῖς βιβλίοιςκατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν. 20.13. καὶ ἔδωκεν ἡ θάλασσα τοὺς νεκροὺς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ, καὶ ὁ θάνατος καὶ ὁ ᾄδης ἔδωκαν τοὺς νεκροὺς τοὺς ἐν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐκρίθησαν ἕκαστοςκατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν. 20.14. καὶ ὁ θάνατος καὶ ὁ ᾄδης ἐβλήθησαν εἰς τὴν λίμνην τοῦ πυρός. οὗτος ὁ θάνατος ὁ δεύτερός ἐστιν, ἡ λίμνη τοῦ πυρός. 20.15. καὶ εἴ τις οὐχεὑρέθη ἐν τῇ βίβλῳ τῆς ζωῆς γεγραμμένοςἐβλήθη εἰς τὴν λίμνην τοῦ πυρός. 22.16. Ἐγὼ Ἰησοῦς ἔπεμψα τὸν ἄγγελόν μου μαρτυρῆσαι ὑμῖν ταῦτα ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις. ἐγώ εἰμιἡ ῥίζακαὶ τὸ γένος Δαυείδ, ὁ ἀστὴρ ὁ λαμπρός, ὁ πρωινός. | 2.2. "I know your works, and your toil and perseverance, and that you can't tolerate evil men, and have tested those who call themselves apostles, and they are not, and found them false. 2.14. But I have a few things against you, because you have there some who hold the teaching of Balaam, who taught Balak to throw a stumbling block before the children of Israel , to eat things sacrificed to idols, and to commit sexual immorality. 9.10. They have tails like those of scorpions, and stings. In their tails they have power to harm men for five months. 20.12. I saw the dead, the great and the small, standing before the throne, and they opened books. Another book was opened, which is the book of life. The dead were judged out of the things which were written in the books, according to their works. 20.13. The sea gave up the dead who were in it. Death and Hades gave up the dead who were in them. They were judged, each one according to his works. 20.14. Death and Hades were thrown into the lake of fire. This is the second death, the lake of fire. 20.15. If anyone was not found written in the book of life, he was cast into the lake of fire. 22.16. I, Jesus, have sent my angel to testify these things to you for the assemblies. I am the root and the offspring of David; the Bright and Morning Star." |
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285. New Testament, Acts, 1.13, 4.12, 5.31, 5.34, 5.36, 6.1, 7.53, 7.57, 7.58, 9.1, 9.29, 10, 10.1-11.18, 10.9, 10.10, 10.11, 10.12, 10.13, 10.14, 10.15, 10.16, 11, 11.25-14.28, 11.26, 11.28, 13.23, 13.45, 13.46, 13.47, 13.48, 13.49, 13.50, 15, 15.1-16.5, 15.1, 15.5, 15.29, 16, 16.12, 17, 18, 19, 19.33, 19.34, 20.25, 20.26, 20.27, 20.28, 20.29, 20.30, 21, 21.20, 21.21, 21.22, 21.23, 21.24, 21.25, 21.26, 21.27, 21.28, 21.29, 21.30, 21.38, 22.3, 23, 23.12, 23.13, 23.14, 24.27, 25.13-26.32, 25.22, 26.28, 28, 28.21, 28.25, 28.26, 28.27, 28.28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 66| 10.10. ἐγένετο δὲ πρόσπεινος καὶ ἤθελεν γεύσασθαι· παρασκευαζόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐγένετο ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἔκστασις, | 10.10. He became hungry and desired to eat, but while they were preparing, he fell into a trance. |
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286. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 1.10, 2.17, 3.5, 3.15-3.16, 4.4, 4.14-4.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paul, attitude of to the law •paul, on the law and virtue •paul, on the law as pedagogue •paul, on the laws narrative •virtue and law, and the torah •teacher, “of the law” Found in books: Falcetta, Early Christian Teachers: The 'Didaskaloi' From Their Origins to the Middle of the Second Century (2020) 147, 151, 152; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 157| 1.10. φανερωθεῖσαν δὲ νῦν διὰ τῆς ἐπιφανείας τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, καταργήσαντος μὲν τὸν θάνατον φωτίσαντος δὲ ζωὴν καὶ ἀφθαρσίαν διὰ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, 2.17. καὶ ὁ λόγος αὐτῶν ὡς γάγγραινα νομὴν ἕξει· ὧν ἐστὶν Ὑμέναιος καὶ Φίλητος, 3.5. ἔχοντες μόρφωσιν εὐσεβείας τὴν δὲ δύναμιν αὐτῆς ἠρνημένοι· καὶ τούτους ἀποτρέπου. 3.15. καὶ ὅτι ἀπὸ βρέφους ἱερὰ γράμματα οἶδας, τὰ δυνάμενά σε σοφίσαι εἰς σωτηρίαν διὰ πίστεως τῆς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ· 3.16. πᾶσα γραφὴ θεόπνευστος καὶ ὠφέλιμος πρὸς διδασκαλίαν, πρὸς ἐλεγμόν, πρὸς ἐπανόρθωσιν, πρὸς παιδείαν τὴν ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ, 4.4. καὶ ἀπὸ μὲν τῇς ἀληθείας τὴν ἀκοὴν ἀποστρέψουσιν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς μύθους ἐκτραπήσονται. 4.14. Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ χαλκεὺς πολλά μοι κακὰ ἐνεδείξατο· —ἀποδὥσειαὐτῷὁ κύριος κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ·— 4.15. ὃν καὶ σὺ φυλάσσου, λίαν γὰρ ἀντέστη τοῖς ἡμετέροις λόγοις. | 1.10. but has now been revealed by the appearing of our Savior, Christ Jesus, who abolished death, and brought life and immortality to light through the gospel. 2.17. and their word will consume like gangrene, of whom is Hymenaeus and Philetus; 3.5. holding a form of godliness, but having denied the power thereof. Turn away from these, also. 3.15. From infancy, you have known the sacred writings which are able to make you wise for salvation through faith, which is in Christ Jesus. 3.16. Every writing inspired by God is profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, and for instruction which is in righteousness, 4.4. and will turn away their ears from the truth, and turn aside to fables. 4.14. Alexander, the coppersmith, did much evil to me. The Lord will repay him according to his works, 4.15. of whom you also must beware; for he greatly opposed our words. |
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287. New Testament, 2 Thessalonians, 2.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •teacher, “of the law” Found in books: Falcetta, Early Christian Teachers: The 'Didaskaloi' From Their Origins to the Middle of the Second Century (2020) 151| 2.5. Οὐ μνημονεύετε ὅτι ἔτι ὢν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ταῦτα ἔλεγον ὑμῖν; | 2.5. Don't you remember that, when I was still with you, I told you these things? |
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288. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, a b c d\n0 3.16 3.16 3 16\n1 3.15 3.15 3 15\n2 3.14 3.14 3 14\n3 3.13 3.13 3 13\n4 3.17 3.17 3 17\n5 3.12 3.12 3 12\n6 3.6 3.6 3 6\n7 3.4 3.4 3 4\n8 3.3 3.3 3 3\n9 3.5 3.5 3 5\n10 3.2 3.2 3 2\n11 5.17 5.17 5 17\n12 11.2 11.2 11 2\n13 6.14 6.14 6 14\n14 6.15 6.15 6 15\n15 6.16 6.16 6 16\n16 5.10 5.10 5 10\n17 7.1 7.1 7 1\n18 6.17 6.17 6 17\n19 11.3 11.3 11 3\n20 11.14 11.14 11 14\n21 3 3 3 None\n22 3.1 3.1 3 1\n23 3.7 3.7 3 7\n24 9 9 9 None\n25 8 8 8 None\n26 11.13 11.13 11 13\n27 11.26 11.26 11 26\n28 11.22 11.22 11 22\n29 "3.6" "3.6" "3 6"\n30 11.9 11.9 11 9\n31 5.21 5.21 5 21\n32 5.15 5.15 5 15\n33 5.20 5.20 5 20\n34 12.10 12.10 12 10\n35 1.19 1.19 1 19\n36 5.11 5.11 5 11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 85| 3.16. ἡνίκα δὲ ἐὰν ἐπιστρέψῃ πρὸξ Κύριον, περιαιρεῖται τὸ κάλυμμα. | |
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289. New Testament, Luke, a b c d\n0 16.16 16.16 16 16\n1 11.40 11.40 11 40\n2 11.41 11.41 11 41\n3 11.38 11.38 11 38\n4 11.39 11.39 11 39\n5 11.37 11.37 11 37\n6 5.30 5.30 5 30\n7 18.12 18.12 18 12\n8 22.66 22.66 22 66\n9 13.11 13.11 13 11\n10 13.15 13.15 13 15\n11 13.10 13.10 13 10\n12 13.17 13.17 13 17\n13 13.16 13.16 13 16\n14 13.14 13.14 13 14\n15 13.12 13.12 13 12\n16 13.13 13.13 13 13\n17 10.21 10.21 10 21\n18 8.5 8.5 8 5\n19 8.6 8.6 8 6\n20 8.7 8.7 8 7\n21 1.2 1.2 1 2\n22 6.5 6.5 6 5\n23 10.26 10.26 10 26\n24 2.49 2.49 2 49\n25 20.38 20.38 20 38\n26 11.3 11.3 11 3\n27 1.1 1.1 1 1\n28 3.16 3.16 3 16\n29 4.26 4.26 4 26\n30 4.27 4.27 4 27\n31 4.8 4.8 4 8\n32 6.15 6.15 6 15\n33 3.14 3.14 3 14\n34 "17.34" "17.34" "17 34"\n35 "1.6" "1.6" "1 6"\n36 5.21 5.21 5 21\n37 5.17 5.17 5 17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 31; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 575| 16.16. Ὁ νόμος καὶ οἱ προφῆται μέχρι Ἰωάνου· ἀπὸ τότε ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαγγελίζεται καὶ πᾶς εἰς αὐτὴν βιάζεται. | 16.16. The law and the prophets were until John. From that time the gospel of the Kingdom of God is preached, and everyone is forcing his way into it. |
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290. New Testament, Mark, 1.7, 1.21-1.31, 2.15-2.16, 2.18-2.28, 3.1-3.6, 3.19, 4.3-4.7, 7.1-7.23, 8.15, 9.5, 10.2-10.11, 12.1-12.11, 12.23, 14.53-14.65 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 80, 89; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 360, 361, 396, 397, 527, 528, 529; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 228, 229, 264, 283, 284, 285; Klawans, Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism (2019) 22; Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (2010) 102, 209; Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 155; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 114, 119, 197; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 550, 567, 568, 569, 570, 571, 575, 576| 1.7. καὶ ἐκήρυσσεν λέγων Ἔρχεται ὁ ἰσχυρότερός μου ὀπίσω [μου], οὗ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἱκανὸς κύψας λῦσαι τὸν ἱμάντα τῶν ὑποδημάτων αὐτοῦ· 1.21. Καὶ εἰσπορεύονται εἰς Καφαρναούμ. Καὶ εὐθὺς τοῖς σάββασιν εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν ἐδίδασκεν. 1.22. καὶ ἐξεπλήσσοντο ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ αὐτοῦ, ἦν γὰρ διδάσκων αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐξουσίαν ἔχων καὶ οὐχ ὡς οἱ γραμματεῖς. 1.23. καὶ εὐθὺς ἦν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ αὐτῶν ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, καὶ ἀνέκραξεν 1.24. λέγων Τί ἡμῖν καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ Ναζαρηνέ; ἦλθες ἀπολέσαι ἡμᾶς; οἶδά σε τίς εἶ, ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ. 1.25. καὶ ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς [λέγων] Φιμώθητι καὶ ἔξελθε ἐξ αὐτοῦ. 1.26. καὶ σπαράξαν αὐτὸν τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον καὶ φωνῆσαν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ἐξῆλθεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἐθαμβήθησαν ἅπαντες, 1.27. ὥστε συνζητεῖν αὐτοὺς λέγοντας Τί ἐστιν τοῦτο; διδαχὴ καινή· κατʼ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τοῖς πνεύμασι τοῖς ἀκαθάρτοις ἐπιτάσσει, καὶ ὑπακούουσιν αὐτῷ. 1.28. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἡ ἀκοὴ αὐτοῦ εὐθὺς πανταχοῦ εἰς ὅλην την περίχωρον τῆς Γαλιλαίας. 1.29. Καὶ εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς συναγωγῆς ἐξελθόντες ἦλθαν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν Σίμωνος καὶ Ἀνδρέου μετὰ Ἰακώβου καὶ Ἰωάνου. 1.30. ἡ δὲ πενθερὰ Σίμωνος κατέκειτο πυρέσσουσα, καὶ εὐθὺς λέγουσιν αὐτῷ περὶ αὐτῆς. καὶ προσελθὼν ἤγειρεν αὐτὴν κρατήσας τῆς χειρός· 1.31. καὶ ἀφῆκεν αὐτὴν ὁ πυρετός, καὶ διηκόνει αὐτοῖς. 2.15. Καὶ γίνεται κατακεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τελῶναι καὶ ἁμαρτωλοὶ συνανέκειντο τῷ Ἰησοῦ καὶ τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ, ἦσαν γὰρ πολλοὶ καὶ ἠκολούθουν αὐτῷ. 2.16. καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς τῶν Φαρισαίων ἰδόντες ὅτι ἐσθίει μετὰ τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν καὶ τελωνῶν ἔλεγον τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ Ὅτι μετὰ τῶν τελωνῶν καὶ ἁμαρτωλῶν ἐσθίει; 2.18. Καὶ ἦσαν οἱ μαθηταὶ Ἰωάνου καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι νηστεύοντες. καὶ ἔρχονται καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Διὰ τί οἱ μαθηταὶ Ἰωάνου καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ τῶν Φαρισαίων νηστεύουσιν, οἱ δὲ σοὶ [μαθηταὶ] οὐ νηστεύουσιν; 2.19. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰησοῦς Μὴ δύνανται οἱ υἱοὶ τοῦ νυμφῶνος ἐν ᾧ ὁ νυμφίος μετʼ αὐτῶν ἐστὶν νηστεύειν; ὅσον χρόνον ἔχουσιν τὸν νυμφίον μετʼ αὐτῶν οὐ δύνανται νηστεύειν· 2.20. ἐλεύσονται δὲ ἡμέραι ὅταν ἀπαρθῇ ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ὁ νυμφίος, καὶ τότε νηστεύσουσιν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ. 2.21. οὐδεὶς ἐπίβλημα ῥάκους ἀγνάφου ἐπιράπτει ἐπὶ ἱμάτιον παλαιόν· εἰ δὲ μή, αἴρει τὸ πλήρωμα ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ τὸ καινὸν τοῦ παλαιοῦ, καὶ χεῖρον σχίσμα γίνεται. 2.22. καὶ οὐδεὶς βάλλει οἶνον νέον εἰς ἀσκοὺς παλαιούς· εἰ δὲ μή, ῥήξει ὁ οἶνος τοὺς ἀσκούς, καὶ ὁ οἶνος ἀπόλλυται καὶ οἱ ἀσκοί· [ἀλλὰ οἶνον νέον εἰς ἀσκοὺς καινούς.] 2.23. Καὶ ἐγένετο αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς σάββασιν διαπορεύεσθαι διὰ τῶν σπορίμων, καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἤρξαντο ὁδὸν ποιεῖν τίλλοντες τοὺς στάχυας. 2.24. καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἔλεγον αὐτῷ Ἴδε τί ποιοῦσιν τοῖς σάββασιν ὃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν; 2.25. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Οὐδέποτε ἀνέγνωτε τί ἐποίησεν Δαυεὶδ ὅτε χρείαν ἔσχεν καὶ ἐπείνασεν αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ μετʼ αὐτοῦ; 2.26. [πῶς] εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπὶ Ἀβιάθαρ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τοὺς ἄρτους τῆς προθέσεως ἔφαγεν, οὓς οὐκ ἔξεστιν φαγεῖν εἰ μὴ τοὺς ἱερεῖς, καὶ ἔδωκεν καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ οὖσιν; 2.27. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Τὸ σάββατον διὰ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐγένετο καὶ οὐχ ὁ ἄνθρωπος διὰ τὸ σάββατον· 2.28. ὥστε κύριός ἐστιν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ τοῦ σαββάτου. 3.1. Καὶ εἰσῆλθεν πάλιν εἰς συναγωγήν, καὶ ἦν ἐκεῖ ἄνθρωπος ἐξηραμμένην ἔχων τὴν χεῖρα· 3.2. καὶ παρετήρουν αὐτὸν εἰ τοῖς σάββασιν θεραπεύσει αὐτόν, ἵνα κατηγορήσωσιν αὐτοῦ. 3.3. καὶ λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῷ τὴν χεῖρα ἔχοντι ξηράν Ἔγειρε εἰς τὸ μέσον. 3.4. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἔξεστιν τοῖς σάββασιν ἀγαθοποιῆσαι ἢ κακοποιῆσαι, ψυχὴν σῶσαι ἢ ἀποκτεῖναι; οἱ δὲ ἐσιώπων. 3.5. καὶ περιβλεψάμενος αὐτοὺς μετʼ ὀργῆς, συνλυπούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ πωρώσει τῆς καρδίας αὐτῶν, λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ Ἔκτεινον τὴν χεῖρά σου· καὶ ἐξέτεινεν, καὶ ἀπεκατεστάθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ. 3.6. Καὶ ἐξελθόντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι εὐθὺς μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν συμβούλιον ἐδίδουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. 3.19. καὶ Ἰούδαν Ἰσκαριώθ, ὃς καὶ παρέδωκεν αὐτόν. 4.3. Ἀκούετε. ἰδοὺ ἐξῆλθεν ὁ σπείρων σπεῖραι. 4.4. καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ σπείρειν ὃ μὲν ἔπεσεν παρὰ τὴν ὁδόν, καὶ ἦλθεν τὰ πετεινὰ καὶ κατέφαγεν αὐτό. 4.5. καὶ ἄλλο ἔπεσεν ἐπὶ τὸ πετρῶδες [καὶ] ὅπου οὐκ εἶχεν γῆν πολλήν, καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξανέτειλεν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἔχειν βάθος γῆς· 4.6. καὶ ὅτε ἀνέτειλεν ὁ ἥλιος ἐκαυματίσθη καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἔχειν ῥίζαν ἐξηράνθη. 4.7. καὶ ἄλλο ἔπεσεν εἰς τὰς ἀκάνθας, καὶ ἀνέβησαν αἱ ἄκανθαι καὶ συνέπνιξαν αὐτό, καὶ καρπὸν οὐκ ἔδωκεν. 7.1. Καὶ συνἄγονται πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καί τινες τῶν γραμματέων ἐλθόντες ἀπὸ Ἰεροσολύμων 7.2. καὶ ἰδόντες τινὰς τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ ὅτι κοιναῖς χερσίν, τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ἀνίπτοις, ἐσθίουσιν τοὺς ἄρτους. 7.3. —οἱ γὰρ Φαρισαῖοι καὶ πάντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἐὰν μὴ πυγμῇ νίψωνται τὰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἐσθίουσιν, κρατοῦντες τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, 7.4. καὶ ἀπʼ ἀγορᾶς ἐὰν μὴ ῥαντίσωνται οὐκ ἐσθίουσιν, καὶ ἄλλα πολλά ἐστιν ἃ παρέλαβον κρατεῖν, βαπτισμοὺς ποτηρίων καὶ ξεστῶν καὶ χαλκίων. 7.5. —καὶ ἐπερωτῶσιν αὐτὸν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς Διὰ τί οὐ περιπατοῦσιν οἱ μαθηταί σου κατὰ τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, ἀλλὰ κοιναῖς χερσὶν ἐσθίουσιν τὸν ἄρτον; 7.6. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Καλῶς ἐπροφήτευσεν Ἠσαίας περὶ ὑμῶν τῶν ὑποκριτῶν, ὡς γέγραπται ὅτι Οὗτος ὁ λαὸς τοῖς χείλεσίν με τιμᾷ, ἡ δὲ καρδία αὐτῶν πόρρω ἀπέχει ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ· 7.7. μάτην δὲ σέβονταί με, διδάσκοντες διδασκαλίας ἐντάλματα ἀνθρώπων· 7.8. ἀφέντες τὴν ἐντολὴν τοῦ θεοῦ κρατεῖτε τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων. 7.9. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Καλῶς ἀθετεῖτε τὴν ἐντολὴν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἵνα τὴν παράδοσιν ὑμῶν τηρήσητε· 7.10. Μωυσῆς γὰρ εἶπεν Τίμα τὸν πατέρα σου καὶ τὴν μητέρα σου, καί Ὁ κακολογῶν πατέρα ἢ μητερα θανάτῳ τελευτάτω· 7.11. ὑμεῖς δὲ λέγετε Ἐὰν εἴπῃ ἄνθρωπος τῷ πατρὶ ἢ τῇ μητρί Κορβάν, ὅ ἐστιν Δῶρον, ὃ ἐὰν ἐξ ἐμοῦ ὠφεληθῇς, 7.12. οὐκέτι ἀφίετε αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ποιῆσαι τῷ πατρὶ ἢ τῇ μητρί, 7.13. ἀκυροῦντες τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ παραδόσει ὑμῶν ᾗ παρεδώκατε· καὶ παρόμοια τοιαῦτα πολλὰ ποιεῖτε. 7.14. Καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος πάλιν τὸν ὄχλον ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Ἀκούσατέ μου πάντες καὶ σύνετε. 7.15. οὐδὲν ἔστιν ἔξωθεν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου εἰσπορευόμενον εἰς αὐτὸν ὃ δύναται κοινῶσαι αὐτόν· ἀλλὰ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκπορευόμενά ἐστιν τὰ κοινοῦντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 7.16. 7.17. Καὶ ὅτε εἰσῆλθεν εἰς οἶκον ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄχλου, ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν παραβολήν. 7.18. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς ἀσύνετοί ἐστε; οὐ νοεῖτε ὅτι πᾶν τὸ ἔξωθεν εἰσπορευόμενον εἰς τὸν ἄνθρωπον οὐ δύναται αὐτὸν κοινῶσαι, 7.19. ὅτι οὐκ εἰσπορεύεται αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν καρδίαν ἀλλʼ εἰς τὴν κοιλίαν, καὶ εἰς τὸν ἀφεδρῶνα ἐκπορεύεται; —καθαρίζων πάντα τὰ βρώματα. 7.20. ἔλεγεν δὲ ὅτι Τὸ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκπορευόμενον ἐκεῖνο κοινοῖ τὸν ἄνθρωπον· 7.21. ἔσωθεν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς καρδίας τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἱ διαλογισμοὶ οἱ κακοὶ ἐκπορεύονται, πορνεῖαι, κλοπαί, φόνοι, 7.22. μοιχεῖαι, πλεονεξίαι, πονηρίαι, δόλος, ἀσέλγεια, ὀφθαλμὸς πονηρός, βλασφημία, ὑπερηφανία, ἀφροσύνη· 7.23. πάντα ταῦτα τὰ πονηρὰ ἔσωθεν ἐκπορεύεται καὶ κοινοῖ τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 8.15. καὶ διεστέλλετο αὐτοῖς λέγων Ὁρᾶτε, βλέπετε ἀπὸ τῆς ζύμης τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ τῆς ζύμης Ἡρῴδου. 9.5. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Πέτρος λέγει τῷ Ἰησοῦ Ῥαββεί, καλόν ἐστιν ἡμᾶς ὧδε εἶναι, καὶ ποιήσωμεν τρεῖς σκηνάς, σοὶ μίαν καὶ Μωυσεῖ μίαν καὶ Ἠλείᾳ μίαν. 10.2. Καὶ [προσελθόντες Φαρισαῖοι] ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν εἰ ἔξεστιν ἀνδρὶ γυναῖκα ἀπολῦσαι, πειράζοντες αὐτόν. 10.3. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί ὑμῖν ἐνετείλατο Μωυσῆς; 10.4. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Ἐπέτρεψεν Μωυσῆς βιβλίον ἀποστασίου γράψαι καὶ ἀπολῦσαι. 10.5. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Πρὸς τὴν σκληροκαρδίαν ὑμῶν ἔγραψεν ὑμῖν τὴν ἐντολὴν ταύτην· 10.6. ἀπὸ δὲ ἀρχῆς κτίσεως ἄρσεν καὶ θῆλυ ἐποίησεν [αὐτούς]· 10.7. ἕνεκεν τούτου καταλείψει ἄνθρωπος τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν μητέρα, 10.8. καὶ ἔσονται οἱ δύο εἰς σάρκα μίαν· ὥστε οὐκέτι εἰσὶν δύο ἀλλὰ μία σάρξ· 10.9. ὃ οὖν ὁ θεὸς συνέζευξεν ἄνθρωπος μὴ χωριζέτω. 10.10. Καὶ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν πάλιν οἱ μαθηταὶ περὶ τούτου ἐπηρώτων αὐτόν. 10.11. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Ὃς ἂν ἀπολύσῃ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ γαμήσῃ ἄλλην μοιχᾶται ἐπʼ αὐτήν, 12.1. Καὶ ἤρξατο αὐτοῖς ἐν παραβολαῖς λαλεῖν Ἀμπελῶνα ἄνθρωπος ἐφύτευσεν, καὶ περιέθηκεν φραγμὸν καὶ ὤρυξεν ὑπολήνιον καὶ ᾠκοδόμησεν πύργον, καὶ ἐξέδετο αὐτὸν γεωργοῖς, καὶ ἀπεδήμησεν. 12.2. καὶ ἀπέστειλεν πρὸς τοὺς γεωργοὺς τῷ καιρῷ δοῦλον, ἵνα παρὰ τῶν γεωργῶν λάβῃ ἀπὸ τῶν καρπῶν τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος· 12.3. καὶ λαβόντες αὐτὸν ἔδειραν καὶ ἀπέστειλαν κενόν. 12.4. καὶ πάλιν ἀπέστειλεν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἄλλον δοῦλον· κἀκεῖνον ἐκεφαλίωσαν καὶ ἠτίμασαν. 12.5. καὶ ἄλλον ἀπέστειλεν· κἀκεῖνον ἀπέκτειναν, καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους, οὓς μὲν δέροντες οὓς δὲ ἀποκτέννυντες. 12.6. ἔτι ἕνα εἶχεν, υἱὸν ἀγαπητόν· ἀπέστειλεν αὐτὸν ἔσχατον πρὸς αὐτοὺς λέγων ὅτι Ἐντραπήσονται τὸν υἱόν μου. 12.7. ἐκεῖνοι δὲ οἱ γεωργοὶ πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς εἶπαν ὅτι Οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ κληρονόμος· δεῦτε ἀποκτείνωμεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἡμῶν ἔσται ἡ κληρονομία. 12.8. καὶ λαβόντες ἀπέκτειναν αὐτόν, καὶ ἐξέβαλον αὐτὸν ἔξω τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος. 12.9. τί ποιήσει ὁ κύριος τοῦ ἀμπελῶνος; ἐλεύσεται καὶ ἀπολέσει τοὺς γεωργούς, καὶ δώσει τὸν ἀμπελῶνα ἄλλοις. 12.10. Οὐδὲ τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην ἀνέγνωτε Λίθον ὃν ἀπεδοκίμασαν οἱ οἰκοδομοῦντες, οὗτος ἐγενήθη εἰς κεφαλὴν γωνίας· 12.11. παρὰ Κυρίου ἐγένετο αὕτη, καὶ ἔστιν θαυμαστὴ ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς ἡμῶν; 12.23. ἐν τῇ ἀναστάσει τίνος αὐτῶν ἔσται γυνή; οἱ γὰρ ἑπτὰ ἔσχον αὐτὴν γυναῖκα. 14.53. Καὶ ἀπήγαγον τὸν Ἰησοῦν πρὸς τὸν ἀρχιερέα, καὶ συνέρχονται πάντες οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς. 14.54. καὶ ὁ Πέτρος ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἠκολούθησεν αὐτῷ ἕως ἔσω εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, καὶ ἦν συνκαθήμενος μετὰ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν καὶ θερμαινόμενος πρὸς τὸ φῶς. 14.55. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ ὅλον τὸ συνέδριον ἐζήτουν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ μαρτυρίαν εἰς τὸ θανατῶσαι αὐτόν, καὶ οὐχ ηὕρισκον· 14.56. πολλοὶ γὰρ ἐψευδομαρτύρουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἴσαι αἱ μαρτυρίαι οὐκ ἦσαν. 14.57. καί τινες ἀναστάντες ἐψευδομαρτύρουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ λέγοντες 14.58. ὅτι Ἡμεῖς ἠκούσαμεν αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ὅτι Ἐγὼ καταλύσω τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον τὸν χειροποίητον καὶ διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ἄλλον ἀχειροποίητον οἰκοδομήσω· 14.59. καὶ οὐδὲ οὕτως ἴση ἦν ἡ μαρτυρία αὐτῶν. 14.60. καὶ ἀναστὰς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς εἰς μέσον ἐπηρώτησεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν λέγων Οὐκ ἀποκρίνῃ οὐδέν, τί οὗτοί σου καταμαρτυροῦσιν; 14.61. ὁ δὲ ἐσιώπα καὶ οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο οὐδέν. πάλιν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐπηρώτα αὐτὸν καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Σὺ εἶ ὁ χριστὸς ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ εὐλογητοῦ; 14.62. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Ἐγώ εἰμι, καὶ ὄψεσθε τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκ δεξιῶν καθήμενον τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ ἐρχόμενον μετὰ τῶν νεφελῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. 14.63. ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς διαρήξας τοὺς χιτῶνας αὐτοῦ λέγει Τί ἔτι χρείαν ἔχομεν μαρτύρων; 14.64. ἠκούσατε τῆς βλασφημίας; τί ὑμῖν φαίνεται; οἱ δὲ πάντες κατέκριναν αὐτὸν ἔνοχον εἶναι θανάτου. 14.65. Καὶ ἤρξαντό τινες ἐμπτύειν αὐτῷ καὶ περικαλύπτειν αὐτοῦ τὸ πρόσωπον καὶ κολαφίζειν αὐτὸν καὶ λέγειν αὐτῷ Προφήτευσον, καὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται ῥαπίσμασιν αὐτὸν ἔλαβον. | 1.7. He preached, saying, "After me comes he who is mightier than I, the thong of whose sandals I am not worthy to stoop down and loosen. 1.21. They went into Capernaum, and immediately on the Sabbath day he entered into the synagogue and taught. 1.22. They were astonished at his teaching, for he taught them as having authority, and not as the scribes. 1.23. Immediately there was in their synagogue a man with an unclean spirit, and he cried out, 1.24. saying, "Ha! What do we have to do with you, Jesus, you Nazarene? Have you come to destroy us? I know you who you are: the Holy One of God!" 1.25. Jesus rebuked him, saying, "Be quiet, and come out of him!" 1.26. The unclean spirit, convulsing him and crying with a loud voice, came out of him. 1.27. They were all amazed, so that they questioned among themselves, saying, "What is this? A new teaching? For with authority he commands even the unclean spirits, and they obey him!" 1.28. The report of him went out immediately everywhere into all the region of Galilee and its surrounding area. 1.29. Immediately, when they had come out of the synagogue, they came into the house of Simon and Andrew, with James and John. 1.30. Now Simon's wife's mother lay sick with a fever, and immediately they told him about her. 1.31. He came and took her by the hand, and raised her up. The fever left her, and she served them. 2.15. It happened, that he was reclining at the table in his house, and many tax collectors and sinners sat down with Jesus and his disciples, for there were many, and they followed him. 2.16. The scribes and the Pharisees, when they saw that he was eating with the sinners and tax collectors, said to his disciples, "Why is it that he eats and drinks with tax collectors and sinners?" 2.18. John's disciples and the Pharisees were fasting, and they came and asked him, "Why do John's disciples and the disciples of the Pharisees fast, but your disciples don't fast?" 2.19. Jesus said to them, "Can the groomsmen fast while the bridegroom is with them? As long as they have the bridegroom with them, they can't fast. 2.20. But the days will come when the bridegroom will be taken away from them, and then will they fast in that day. 2.21. No one sews a piece of unshrunk cloth on an old garment, or else the patch shrinks and the new tears away from the old, and a worse hole is made. 2.22. No one puts new wine into old wineskins, or else the new wine will burst the skins, and the wine pours out, and the skins will be destroyed; but they put new wine into fresh wineskins." 2.23. It happened that he was going on the Sabbath day through the grain fields, and his disciples began, as they went, to pluck the ears of grain. 2.24. The Pharisees said to him, "Behold, why do they do that which is not lawful on the Sabbath day?" 2.25. He said to them, "Did you never read what David did, when he had need, and was hungry -- he, and they who were with him? 2.26. How he entered into the house of God when Abiathar was high priest, and ate the show bread, which it is not lawful to eat except for the priests, and gave also to those who were with him?" 2.27. He said to them, "The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath. 2.28. Therefore the Son of Man is lord even of the Sabbath." 3.1. He entered again into the synagogue, and there was a man there who had his hand withered. 3.2. They watched him, whether he would heal him on the Sabbath day, that they might accuse him. 3.3. He said to the man who had his hand withered, "Stand up." 3.4. He said to them, "Is it lawful on the Sabbath day to do good, or to do harm? To save a life, or to kill?" But they were silent. 3.5. When he had looked around at them with anger, being grieved at the hardening of their hearts, he said to the man, "Stretch out your hand." He stretched it out, and his hand was restored as healthy as the other. 3.6. The Pharisees went out, and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how they might destroy him. 3.19. and Judas Iscariot, who also betrayed him. He came into a house. 4.3. "Listen! Behold, the farmer went out to sow, 4.4. and it happened, as he sowed, some seed fell by the road, and the birds came and devoured it. 4.5. Others fell on the rocky ground, where it had little soil, and immediately it sprang up, because it had no depth of soil. 4.6. When the sun had risen, it was scorched; and because it had no root, it withered away. 4.7. Others fell among the thorns, and the thorns grew up, and choked it, and it yielded no fruit. 7.1. Then the Pharisees, and some of the scribes gathered together to him, having come from Jerusalem. 7.2. Now when they saw some of his disciples eating bread with defiled, that is, unwashed, hands, they found fault. 7.3. (For the Pharisees, and all the Jews, don't eat unless they wash their hands and forearms, holding to the tradition of the elders. 7.4. They don't eat when they come from the marketplace, unless they bathe themselves, and there are many other things, which they have received to hold to: washings of cups, pitchers, bronze vessels, and couches.) 7.5. The Pharisees and the scribes asked him, "Why don't your disciples walk according to the tradition of the elders, but eat their bread with unwashed hands?" 7.6. He answered them, "Well did Isaiah prophesy of you hypocrites, as it is written, 'This people honors me with their lips, But their heart is far from me. 7.7. But in vain do they worship me, Teaching as doctrines the commandments of men.' 7.8. "For you set aside the commandment of God, and hold tightly to the tradition of men -- the washing of pitchers and cups, and you do many other such things." 7.9. He said to them, "Full well do you reject the commandment of God, that you may keep your tradition. 7.10. For Moses said, 'Honor your father and your mother;' and, 'He who speaks evil of father or mother, let him be put to death.' 7.11. But you say, 'If a man tells his father or his mother, "Whatever profit you might have received from me is Corban, that is to say, given to God;"' 7.12. then you no longer allow him to do anything for his father or his mother, 7.13. making void the word of God by your tradition, which you have handed down. You do many things like this." 7.14. He called all the multitude to himself, and said to them, "Hear me, all of you, and understand. 7.15. There is nothing from outside of the man, that going into him can defile him; but the things which proceed out of the man are those that defile the man. 7.16. If anyone has ears to hear, let him hear!" 7.17. When he had entered into a house away from the multitude, his disciples asked him about the parable. 7.18. He said to them, "Are you thus without understanding also? Don't you perceive that whatever goes into the man from outside can't defile him, 7.19. because it doesn't go into his heart, but into his stomach, then into the latrine, thus making all foods clean?" 7.20. He said, "That which proceeds out of the man, that defiles the man. 7.21. For from within, out of the hearts of men, proceed evil thoughts, adulteries, sexual sins, murders, thefts, 7.22. covetings, wickedness, deceit, lustful desires, an evil eye, blasphemy, pride, and foolishness. 7.23. All these evil things come from within, and defile the man." 8.15. He charged them, saying, "Take heed: beware of the yeast of the Pharisees and the yeast of Herod." 9.5. Peter answered Jesus, "Rabbi, it is good for us to be here. Let's make three tents: one for you, one for Moses, and one for Elijah." 10.2. Pharisees came to him testing him, and asked him, "Is it lawful for a man to divorce his wife?" 10.3. He answered, "What did Moses command you?" 10.4. They said, "Moses allowed a certificate of divorce to be written, and to divorce her." 10.5. But Jesus said to them, "For your hardness of heart, he wrote you this commandment. 10.6. But from the beginning of the creation, 'God made them male and female. 10.7. For this cause a man will leave his father and mother, and will join to his wife, 10.8. and the two will become one flesh,' so that they are no longer two, but one flesh. 10.9. What therefore God has joined together, let no man separate." 10.10. In the house, his disciples asked him again about the same matter. 10.11. He said to them, "Whoever divorces his wife, and marries another, commits adultery against her. 12.1. He began to speak to them in parables. "A man planted a vineyard, put a hedge around it, dug a pit for the winepress, built a tower, rented it out to a farmer, and went into another country. 12.2. When it was time, he sent a servant to the farmer to get from the farmer his share of the fruit of the vineyard. 12.3. They took him, beat him, and sent him away empty. 12.4. Again, he sent another servant to them; and they threw stones at him, wounded him in the head, and sent him away shamefully treated. 12.5. Again he sent another; and they killed him; and many others, beating some, and killing some. 12.6. Therefore still having one, his beloved son, he sent him last to them, saying, 'They will respect my son.' 12.7. But those farmers said among themselves, 'This is the heir. Come, let's kill him, and the inheritance will be ours.' 12.8. They took him, killed him, and cast him out of the vineyard. 12.9. What therefore will the lord of the vineyard do? He will come and destroy the farmers, and will give the vineyard to others. 12.10. Haven't you even read this Scripture: 'The stone which the builders rejected, The same was made the head of the corner. 12.11. This was from the Lord, It is marvelous in our eyes'?" 12.23. In the resurrection, when they rise, whose wife will she be of them? For the seven had her as a wife." 14.53. They led Jesus away to the high priest. All the chief priests, the elders, and the scribes came together with him. 14.54. Peter had followed him from a distance, until he came into the court of the high priest. He was sitting with the officers, and warming himself in the light of the fire. 14.55. Now the chief priests and the whole council sought witnesses against Jesus to put him to death, and found none. 14.56. For many gave false testimony against him, and their testimony didn't agree with each other. 14.57. Some stood up, and gave false testimony against him, saying, 14.58. "We heard him say, 'I will destroy this temple that is made with hands, and in three days I will build another made without hands.'" 14.59. Even so, their testimony did not agree. 14.60. The high priest stood up in the midst, and asked Jesus, "Have you no answer? What is it which these testify against you?" 14.61. But he stayed quiet, and answered nothing. Again the high priest asked him, "Are you the Christ, the Son of the Blessed?" 14.62. Jesus said, "I AM. You will see the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of Power, and coming with the clouds of the sky." 14.63. The high priest tore his clothes, and said, "What further need have we of witnesses? 14.64. You have heard the blasphemy! What do you think?" They all condemned him to be worthy of death. 14.65. Some began to spit on him, and to cover his face, and to beat him with fists, and to tell him, "Prophesy!" The officers struck him with the palms of their hands. |
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291. New Testament, Matthew, a b c d\n0 15.11 15.11 15 11\n1 15.1 15.1 15 1\n2 15.4 15.4 15 4\n3 15.6 15.6 15 6\n4 15.16 15.16 15 16\n.. ... ... .. ..\n147 21.44 21.44 21 44\n148 4.3 4.3 4 3\n149 28.20 28.20 28 20\n150 28.18 28.18 28 18\n151 27.40 27.40 27 40\n\n[152 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 64, 80| 15.11. οὐ τὸ εἰσερχόμενον εἰς τὸ στόμα κοινοῖ τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἐκπορευόμενον ἐκ τοῦ στόματος τοῦτο κοινοῖ τὸν ἄνθρωπον. | 15.11. That which enters into the mouth doesn't defile the man; but that which proceeds out of the mouth, this defiles the man." |
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| 292. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.1570-3, 9.33, 10.139, 17.267, 18.7, 18.11, 28.9, 30.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 144, 180 |
| 293. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, 837a10, 837a5, 837a6, 837a7, 837a8, 837a9, 840cd (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 106 |
294. Plutarch, Theseus, 26.2, 32.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 173| 26.2. βίων δὲ καὶ ταύτην παρακρουσάμενον οἴχεσθαι λαβόντα· φύσει γὰρ οὔσας τὰς Ἀμαζόνας φιλάνδρους οὔτε φυγεῖν τὸν Θησέα προσβάλλοντα τῇ χώρᾳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξένια πέμπειν· τὸν δὲ τὴν κομίζουσαν ἐμβῆναι παρακαλεῖν εἰς τὸ πλοῖον· ἐμβάσης δὲ ἀναχθῆναι. Μενεκράτης δέ τις, ἱστορίαν περὶ Νικαίας τῆς ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ πόλεως ἐκδεδωκώς, Θησέα φησὶ τὴν Ἀντιόπην ἔχοντα διατρῖψαι περὶ τούτους τοὺς τόπους· | |
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295. Plutarch, Solon, 8.2, 15.2-15.3, 24.1-24.2, 24.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 271, 273, 302; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 56| 8.2. καὶ λόγος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας διεδόθη παρακινητικῶς ἔχειν αὐτόν, ἐλεγεῖα δὲ κρύφα συνθεὶς καὶ μελετήσας ὥστε λέγειν ἀπὸ στόματος, ἐξεπήδησεν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἄφνω πιλίδιον περιθέμενος. ὄχλου δὲ πολλοῦ συνδραμόντος ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ κήρυκος λίθον ἐν ᾠδῇ διεξῆλθε τὴν ἐλεγείαν, ἧς ἐστιν ἀρχή· 15.2. ἃ δὲ καὶ λέγων ἤλπιζε πειθομένοις καὶ προσάγων ἀνάγκην ὑπομένουσι χρήσασθαι, ταῦτʼ ἔπραττεν, ὥς φησιν αὐτός, 15.3. τὰς μὲν πόρνας ἑταίρας, τοὺς δὲ φόρους συντάξεις, φυλακὰς δὲ τὰς φρουρὰς τῶν πόλεων, οἴκημα δὲ τὸ δεσμωτήριον καλοῦντας, πρώτου Σόλωνος ἦν, ὡς ἔοικε, σόφισμα τὴν τῶν χρεῶν ἀποκοπὴν σεισάχθειαν ὀνομάσαντος. τοῦτο γὰρ ἐποιήσατο πρῶτον πολίτευμα, γράψας τὰ μὲν ὑπάρχοντα τῶν· χρεῶν ἀνεῖσθαι, πρὸς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασι μηδένα δανείζειν. 24.1. τῶν δὲ γινομένων διάθεσιν πρὸς ξένους ἐλαίου μόνον ἔδωκεν, ἄλλα δʼ ἐξάγειν ἐκώλυσε· καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἐξαγόντων ἀρὰς τὸν ἄρχοντα ποιεῖσθαι προσέταξεν, ἢ ἐκτίνειν αὐτὸν ἑκατὸν δραχμὰς εἰς τὸ δημόσιον. καὶ πρῶτος ἄξων ἐστὶν ὁ τοῦτον περιέχων τὸν νόμον. οὐκ ἂν οὖν τις ἡγήσαιτο παντελῶς ἀπιθάνους τοὺς λέγοντας ὅτι καὶ σύκων ἐξαγωγὴ τὸ παλαιὸν ἀπείρητο, καὶ τὸ φαίνειν ἐνδεικνύμενον τοὺς ἐξάγοντας κληθῆναι συκοφαντεῖν. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ βλάβης τετραπόδων νόμον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ κύνα δακόντα παραδοῦναι κελεύει κλοιῷ τριπήχει δεδεμένον· τὸ μὲν ἐνθύμημα χάριεν πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν. | 8.2. and a report was given out to the city by his family that he showed signs of madness. He then secretly composed some elegiac verses, and after rehearsing them so that he could say them by rote, he sallied out into the market-place of a sudden, with a cap upon his head. After a large crowd had collected there, he got upon the herald’s stone and recited the poem which begins:— Behold in me a herald come from lovely Salamis, With a song in ordered verse instead of a harangue. Only six more verses are preserved ( Fragments 1-3, Bergk ). They contain reproaches of the Athenians for abandoning Salamis, and an exhortation to go and fight for it. 15.2. But those things wherein he hoped to find them open to persuasion or submissive to compulsion, these he did, Combining both force and justice together, Solon, Frag. 36. 14 (Bergk) as he says himself. Therefore when he was afterwards asked if he had enacted the best laws for the Athenians, he replied, The best they would receive. Now later writers observe that the ancient Athenians used to cover up the ugliness of things with auspicious and kindly terms, giving them polite and endearing names. 15.3. Thus they called harlots companions, taxes contributions, the garrison of a city its guard, and the prison a chamber. But Solon was the first, it would seem, to use this device, when he called his cancelling of debts a disburdenment. For the first of his public measures was an enactment that existing debts should be remitted, and that in future no one should lend money on the person of a borrower. 24.1. of the products of the soil, he allowed oil only to be sold abroad, but forbade the exportation of others; and if any did so export, the archon was to pronounce curses upon them, or else himself pay a hundred drachmas into the public treasury. His first table is the one which contains this law. One cannot, therefore, wholly disbelieve those who say that the exportation of figs also was anciently forbidden, and that the one who showed up, or pointed out such exporters, was called a sycophant, or fig-shower. He also enacted a law concerning injuries received from beasts, according to which a dog that had bitten anybody must be delivered up with a wooden collar three cubits long fastened to it; a happy device this for promoting safety. |
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| 296. Plutarch, Greek Questions, 2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 244 |
| 297. Plutarch, Publicola, 21.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 144 |
| 298. Plutarch, Phocion, 36, 35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 127 |
299. Plutarch, Pericles, 3.3, 37.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 268; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 336| 3.3. τῶν δὲ κωμικῶν ὁ μὲν Κρατῖνος ἐν Χείρωσι· στάσις δὲ (φησὶ) καὶ πρεσβυγενὴς Κρόνος ἀλλήλοισι μιγέντε μέγιστον τίκτετον τύραννον, ὃν δὴ κεφαληγερέταν θεοὶ καλέουσι· καὶ πάλιν ἐν Νεμέσει· μόλʼ, ὦ Ζεῦ ξένιε καὶ καραιέ. 37.3. εἶχε δʼ οὕτω τὰ περὶ τὸν νόμον. ἀκμάζων ὁ Περικλῆς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ πρὸ πάνυ πολλῶν χρόνων, καὶ παῖδας ἔχων, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, γνησίους, νόμον ἔγραψε μόνους Ἀθηναίους εἶναι τοὺς ἐκ δυεῖν Ἀθηναίων γεγονότας. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Αἰγυπτίων δωρεὰν τῷ δήμῳ πέμψαντος τετρακισμυρίους πυρῶν μεδίμνους ἔδει διανέμεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας, πολλαὶ μὲν ἀνεφύοντο δίκαι τοῖς νόθοις ἐκ τοῦ γράμματος ἐκείνου τέως διαλανθάνουσι καὶ παρορωμένοις, διαλανθάνουσι, παρορωμένοις Fuhr and Blass, after Sauppe: διαλανθάνουσαι, παρορώμεναι (referring to the prosecutions). πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ συκοφαντήμασι περιέπιπτον. | 3.3. So the comic poet Cratinus, in his Cheirons, says: Faction and Saturn, that ancient of days, were united in wedlock; their offspring was of all tyrants the greatest, and lo! he is called by the gods the head-compeller. Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 86. And again in his Nemesis : Come, Zeus! of guests and heads the Lord! Kock, Com. Att. Frag. i. p. 49. 37.3. The circumstances of this law were as follows. Many years before this, 451-450 B.C. when Pericles was at the height of his political career and had sons born in wedlock, as I have said, he proposed a law that only those should he reckoned Athenians whose parents on both sides were Athenians. And so when the king of Egypt sent a present to the people of forty thousand measures of grain, and this had to be divided up among the citizens, there was a great crop of prosecutions against citizens of illegal birth by the law of Pericles, who had up to that time escaped notice and been overlooked, and many of them also suffered at the hands of informers. |
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300. New Testament, 2 Peter, 2.17-2.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 279, 280| 2.17. οὗτοί εἰσιν πηγαὶ ἄνυδροι καὶ ὁμίχλαι ὑπὸ λαίλαπος ἐλαυνόμεναι, οἷς ὁ ζόφος τοῦ σκότους τετήρηται. 2.18. ὑπέρογκα γὰρ ματαιότητος φθεγγόμενοι δελεάζουσιν ἐν ἐπιθυμίαις σαρκὸς ἀσελγείαις τοὺς ὀλίγως ἀποφεύγοντας τοὺς ἐν πλάνῃ ἀναστρεφομένους, 2.19. ἐλευθερίαν αὐτοῖς ἐπαγγελλόμενοι, αὐτοὶ δοῦλοι ὑπάρχοντες τῆς φθορᾶς· ᾧ γάρ τις ἥττηται, τούτῳ δεδούλωται. 2.20. εἰ γὰρ ἀποφυγόντες τὰ μιάσματα τοῦ κόσμου ἐν ἐπιγνώσει τοῦ κυρίου καὶ σωτῆρος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τούτοις δὲ πάλιν ἐμπλακέντες ἡττῶνται, γέγονεν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἔσχατα χείρονα τῶν πρώτων. 2.21. κρεῖττον γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς μὴ ἐπεγνωκέναι τὴν ὁδὸν τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἢ ἐπιγνοῦσιν ὑποστρέψαι ἐκ τῆς παραδοθείσης αὐτοῖς ἁγίας ἐντολῆς· 2.22. συμβέβηκεν αὐτοῖς τὸ τῆς ἀληθοῦς παροιμίαςΚύων ἐπιστρέψας ἐπὶ τὸ ἴδιον ἐξέραμα,καί Ὗς λουσαμένη εἰς κυλισμὸν βορβόρου. | 2.17. These are wells without water, clouds driven by a storm; for whom the blackness of darkness has been reserved forever. 2.18. For, uttering great swelling words of emptiness, they entice in the lusts of the flesh, by licentiousness, those who are indeed escaping from those who live in error; 2.19. promising them liberty, while they themselves are bondservants of corruption; for by whom a man is overcome, by the same is he also brought into bondage. 2.20. For if, after they have escaped the defilement of the world through the knowledge of the Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, they are again entangled therein and overcome, the last state has become worse with them than the first. 2.21. For it would be better for them not to have known the way of righteousness, than, after knowing it, to turn back from the holy commandment delivered to them. 2.22. But it has happened to them according to the true proverb, "The dog turns to his own vomit again," and "the sow that had washed to wallowing in the mire." |
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| 301. Plutarch, Moralia, 452d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 395 |
| 302. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 15.3, 24.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 106 |
| 303. Plutarch, Demetrius, 26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, on the lesser panathenaia Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 53 |
304. Plutarch, On Moral Virtue, 450c, 441c-d, 444E, 7.446d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233 | 450c. In his book Onthe Failure to Lead a Consistent Life Chrysippus has said "Anger is a blind thing: often it prevents our seeing obvious matters, and often it obscures matters which are already apprehended"; and, proceeding a little further, he says, "For the passions, when once raised, drive out the processes of reasoning and all things that appear otherwise than they would have them be, and push forward with violence to actions contrary to reason." He then uses as evidence the words of Meder: Ah woe, alas for me! Where ever were My wits awandering in my body then When Imade choice to do not this, but that? |
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| 305. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, 11.1037 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 288 |
| 306. Plutarch, On Common Conceptions Against The Stoics, 1068f (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
| 307. Plutarch, On The Fortune Or Virtue of Alexander The Great, 329b, 329a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
| 308. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 1.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 331; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 330 |
309. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 5.7-5.8, 29.6, 31.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 472, 473, 474| 5.7. οἷον ἕρμα τὴν τῶν γερόντων ἀρχὴν ἐν μέσῳ θεμένη καὶ ἰσορροπήσασα τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην τάξιν ἔσχε καὶ κατάστασιν, ἀεὶ τῶν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι γερόντων τοῖς μὲν βασιλεῦσι προστιθεμένων ὅσον ἀντιβῆναι πρὸς δημοκρατίαν, αὖθις δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ γενέσθαι τυραννίδα τὸν δῆμον ἀναρρωννύντων. τοσούτους δέ φησι κατασταθῆναι τοὺς γέροντας Ἀριστοτέλης, ὅτι τριάκοντα τῶν πρώτων μετὰ Λυκούργου γενομένων δύο τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐγκατέλιπον ἀποδειλιάσαντες. 29.6. καὶ οὐ διεψεύσθη τῶν λογισμῶν τοσοῦτον ἐπρώτευσεν ἡ πόλις τῆς Ἑλλάδος εὐνομίᾳ, καὶ δόξῃ, χρόνον ἐτῶν πεντακοσίων τοῖς Λυκούργου χρησαμένη νόμοις, οὓς δεκατεσσάρων βασιλέων μετʼ ἐκεῖνον εἰς Ἆγιν τὸν Ἀρχιδάμου γενομένων οὐδεὶς ἐκίνησεν. ἡ γάρ τῶν ἐφόρων κατάστασις οὐκ ἄνεσις ἦν, ἀλλʼ ἐπίτασις τῆς πολιτείας, καὶ δοκοῦσα πρὸς τοῦ δήμου γεγονέναι σφοδροτέραν ἐποίησε τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν. 31.2. ταύτην καὶ Πλάτων ἔλαβε τῆς πολιτείας ὑπόθεσιν καὶ Διογένης καὶ Ζήνων καὶ πάντες ὅσοι τι περὶ τούτων ἐπιχειρήσαντες εἰπεῖν ἐπαινοῦνται, γράμματα καὶ λόγους ἀπολιπόντες μόνον, ὁ δὲ οὐ γράμματα καὶ λόγους, ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ πολιτείαν ἀμίμητον εἰς φῶς προενεγκάμενος, καὶ τοῖς ἀνύπαρκτον εἶναι τὴν λεγομένην περὶ τὸν σοφὸν διάθεσιν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν ἐπιδείξας ὅλην τὴν πόλιν φιλοσοφοῦσαν, εἰκότως ὑπερῆρε τῇ δόξῃ τοὺς πώποτε πολιτευσαμένους ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι. | 5.7. but now, by making the power of the senate a sort of ballast for the ship of state and putting her on a steady keel, it achieved the safest and the most orderly arrangement, since the twenty-eight senators always took the side of the kings when it was a question of curbing democracy, and, on the other hand, always strengthened the people to withstand the encroachments of tyranny. The number of the senators was fixed at twenty-eight because, according to Aristotle, two of the thirty original associates of Lycurgus abandoned the enterprise from lack of courage. 29.6. And he was not deceived in his expectations, so long did his city have the first rank in Hellas for good government and reputation, observing as she did for five hundred years the laws of Lycurgus, in which no one of the fourteen kings who followed him made any change, down to Agis the son of Archidamus. For the institution of the ephors did not weaken, but rather strengthened the civil polity, and though it was thought to have been done in the interests of the people, it really made the aristocracy more powerful. 31.2. His design for a civil polity was adopted by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and by all those who have won approval for their treatises on this subject, although they left behind them only writings and words. Lycurgus, on the other hand, produced not writings and words, but an actual polity which was beyond imitation, and because he gave, to those who maintain that the much talked of natural disposition to wisdom exists only in theory, an example of an entire city given to the love of wisdom, his fame rightly transcended that of all who ever founded polities among the Greeks. |
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310. Ignatius, To The Magnesians, 8.1, 9.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •teacher, “of the law” •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of •law, the, moral law, •law, the, ritual law, Found in books: Falcetta, Early Christian Teachers: The 'Didaskaloi' From Their Origins to the Middle of the Second Century (2020) 152; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142 | 8.1. Be not seduced by strange doctrines nor by antiquated fables, which are profitless. For if even unto this day we live after the manner of Judaism, we avow that we have not received grace: 9.1. If then those who had walked in ancient practices attained unto newness of hope, no longer observing sabbaths but fashioning their lives after the Lord's day, on which our life also arose through Him and through His death which some men deny -- a mystery whereby we attained unto belief, and for this cause we endure patiently, that we may be found disciples of Jesus Christ our only teacher -- 8. Be not seduced by strange doctrines nor by antiquated fables, which are profitless. For if even unto this day we live after the manner of Judaism, we avow that we have not received grace: ,for the divine prophets lived after Christ Jesus. For this cause also they were persecuted, being inspired by His grace to the end that they which are disobedient might be fully persuaded that there is one God who manifested Himself through Jesus Christ His Son, who is His Word that proceeded from silence, who in all things was well-pleasing unto Him that sent Him. |
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| 311. New Testament, 2 John, 8, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 183, 184 |
312. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, a b c d\n0 2.14 2.14 2 14\n1 2.15 2.15 2 15\n2 2.16 2.16 2 16\n3 "5.19" "5.19" "5 19"\n4 1.10 1.10 1 10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 216| 2.14. ὑμεῖς γὰρ μιμηταὶ ἐγενήθητε, ἀδελφοί, τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, ὅτι τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπάθετε καὶ ὑμεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν καθὼς καὶ αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, | 2.14. For you, brothers, became imitators of the assemblies of God which are in Judea in Christ Jesus; for you also suffered the same things from your own countrymen, even as they did from the Jews; |
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313. Mishnah, Hulin, 1.2, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122, 138| 1.2. הַשּׁוֹחֵט בְּמַגַּל יָד, בְּצוֹר, וּבְקָנֶה, שְׁחִיטָתוֹ כְשֵׁרָה. הַכֹּל שׁוֹחֲטִין וּלְעוֹלָם שׁוֹחֲטִין, וּבַכֹּל שׁוֹחֲטִין, חוּץ מִמַּגַּל קָצִיר, וְהַמְּגֵרָה, וְהַשִּׁנַּיִם, וְהַצִּפֹּרֶן, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהֵן חוֹנְקִין. הַשּׁוֹחֵט בְּמַגַּל קָצִיר בְּדֶרֶךְ הֲלִיכָתָהּ, בֵּית שַׁמַּאי פּוֹסְלִין, וּבֵית הִלֵּל מַכְשִׁירִין. וְאִם הֶחֱלִיקוּ שִׁנֶּיהָ, הֲרֵי הִיא כְסַכִּין: 8.1. כָּל הַבָּשָׂר אָסוּר לְבַשֵּׁל בְּחָלָב, חוּץ מִבְּשַׂר דָּגִים וַחֲגָבִים. וְאָסוּר לְהַעֲלוֹתוֹ עִם הַגְּבִינָה עַל הַשֻּׁלְחָן, חוּץ מִבְּשַׂר דָּגִים וַחֲגָבִים. הַנּוֹדֵר מִן הַבָּשָׂר, מֻתָּר בִּבְשַׂר דָּגִים וַחֲגָבִים. הָעוֹף עוֹלֶה עִם הַגְּבִינָה עַל הַשֻּׁלְחָן וְאֵינוֹ נֶאֱכָל, דִּבְרֵי בֵית שַׁמַּאי. וּבֵית הִלֵּל אוֹמְרִים, לֹא עוֹלֶה וְלֹא נֶאֱכָל. אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹסֵי, זוֹ מִקֻּלֵּי בֵית שַׁמַּאי וּמֵחֻמְרֵי בֵית הִלֵּל. בְּאֵיזֶה שֻׁלְחָן אָמְרוּ, בַּשֻּׁלְחָן שֶׁאוֹכֵל עָלָיו. אֲבָל בַּשֻּׁלְחָן שֶׁסּוֹדֵר עָלָיו אֶת הַתַּבְשִׁיל, נוֹתֵן זֶה בְצַד זֶה וְאֵינוֹ חוֹשֵׁשׁ: | 1.2. If one slaughtered with [the smooth edge of] a hand sickle, with a flint or with a reed, the slaughtering is valid. All may slaughter; at all times one may slaughter; and with any implement one may slaughter, except a scythe, a saw, teeth or a finger nail, since these strangle. One who slaughtered with a scythe, moving it forward only: Bet Shammai declare it invalid, But Bet Hillel declare it valid. If the teeth of the scythe were filed away it is regarded as an ordinary knife. 8.1. Every kind of flesh is forbidden to be cooked in milk, except for the flesh of fish and of locusts. And it is also forbidden to place it upon the table with cheese, except for the flesh of fish and of locusts. Fowl may be placed upon the table together with cheese but may not be eaten with it, the words of Bet Shammai. Bet Hillel say: it may neither be placed [upon the table together with cheese] nor eaten with it. Rabbi Yose said: this is one of the leniencies of Bet shammai and the stringencies of Bet Hillel . Concerning what table did they speak? Concerning the table upon which one eats; but on the table whereon the food is set out one may place the one beside the other, and not be concerned. |
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314. Mishnah, Hagigah, 2.1, 2.4, 2.6-2.7 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gentiles, and the torah/law •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Fisch,, Written for Us: Paul’s Interpretation of Scripture and the History of Midrash (2023) 169; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171, 190, 197| 2.1. אֵין דּוֹרְשִׁין בַּעֲרָיוֹת בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה. וְלֹא בְמַעֲשֵׂה בְרֵאשִׁית בִּשְׁנַיִם. וְלֹא בַמֶּרְכָּבָה בְּיָחִיד, אֶלָּא אִם כֵּן הָיָה חָכָם וּמֵבִין מִדַּעְתּוֹ. כָּל הַמִּסְתַּכֵּל בְּאַרְבָּעָה דְּבָרִים, רָאוּי לוֹ כְּאִלּוּ לֹא בָּא לָעוֹלָם, מַה לְּמַעְלָה, מַה לְּמַטָּה, מַה לְּפָנִים, וּמַה לְּאָחוֹר. וְכָל שֶׁלֹּא חָס עַל כְּבוֹד קוֹנוֹ, רָאוּי לוֹ שֶׁלֹּא בָּא לָעוֹלָם: 2.6. הַטּוֹבֵל לְחֻלִּין וְהֻחְזַק לְחֻלִּין, אָסוּר לְמַעֲשֵׂר. טָבַל לְמַעֲשֵׂר וְהֻחְזַק לְמַעֲשֵׂר, אָסוּר לִתְרוּמָה. טָבַל לִתְרוּמָה, וְהֻחְזַק לִתְרוּמָה, אָסוּר לְקֹדֶשׁ. טָבַל לְקֹדֶשׁ וְהֻחְזַק לְקֹדֶשׁ, אָסוּר לְחַטָּאת. טָבַל לְחָמוּר, מֻתָּר לְקַל. טָבַל וְלֹא הֻחְזַק, כְּאִלּוּ לֹא טָבָל: 2.7. בִּגְדֵי עַם הָאָרֶץ מִדְרָס לַפְּרוּשִׁין. בִּגְדֵי פְרוּשִׁין מִדְרָס לְאוֹכְלֵי תְרוּמָה. בִּגְדֵי אוֹכְלֵי תְרוּמָה מִדְרָס לַקֹּדֶשׁ. בִּגְדֵי קֹדֶשׁ מִדְרָס לְחַטָּאת. יוֹסֵף בֶּן יוֹעֶזֶר הָיָה חָסִיד שֶׁבַּכְּהֻנָּה, וְהָיְתָה מִטְפַּחְתּוֹ מִדְרָס לַקֹּדֶשׁ. יוֹחָנָן בֶּן גֻּדְגְּדָא הָיָה אוֹכֵל עַל טָהֳרַת הַקֹּדֶשׁ כָּל יָמָיו, וְהָיְתָה מִטְפַּחְתּוֹ מִדְרָס לַחַטָּאת: | 2.1. They may not expound upon the subject of forbidden relations in the presence of three. Nor the work of creation in the presence of two. Nor [the work of] the chariot in the presence of one, unless he is a sage and understands of his own knowledge. Whoever speculates upon four things, it would have been better had he not come into the world: what is above, what is beneath, what came before, and what came after. And whoever takes no thought for the honor of his creator, it would have been better had he not come into the world. 2.6. If he immersed for unconsecrated [food], and was presumed to be fit to eat unconsecrated [food], he is prohibited from [eating second] tithe. If he immersed for [second] tithe, and was presumed to be fit to eat [second] tithe, he is prohibited from [eating] terumah. If he immersed for terumah, and was presumed to be fit to eat terumah, he is prohibited from [eating] holy things. If he immersed for holy things, and was presumed to be fit to eat holy things he is prohibited from [touching the waters of] purification. If one immersed for something possessing a stricter [degree of holiness], one is permitted [to have contact with] something possessing a lighter [degree of holiness]. If he immersed but without special intention, it is as though he had not immersed. 2.7. The garments of an am haaretz possess midras-impurity for Pharisees. The garments of Pharisees possess midras-impurity for those who eat terumah. The garments of those who eat terumah possess midras-impurity for [those who eat] sacred things. The garments of [those who eat] sacred things possess midras-impurity for [those who occupy themselves with the waters of] purification. Yose ben Yoezer was the most pious in the priesthood, yet his apron was [considered to possess] midras-impurity for [those who ate] sacred things. Yoha ben Gudgada all his life used to eat [unconsecrated food] in accordance with the purity required for sacred things, yet his apron was [considered to possess] midras-impurity for [those who occupied themselves with the water of] purification. |
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315. Mishnah, Gittin, 9.10 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •procreation, the laws of procreation Found in books: Lorberbaum, In God's Image: Myth, Theology, and Law in Classical Judaism (2015) 251 | 9.10. Bet Shammai says: a man should not divorce his wife unless he has found her guilty of some unseemly conduct, as it says, “Because he has found some unseemly thing in her.” Bet Hillel says [that he may divorce her] even if she has merely burnt his dish, since it says, “Because he has found some unseemly thing in her.” Rabbi Akiva says, [he may divorce her] even if he finds another woman more beautiful than she is, as it says, “it cometh to pass, if she find no favour in his eyes. |
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316. Mishnah, Eruvin, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) •jesus on the irrationality of the law, as mocking realist Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 228; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171| 6.2. אָמַר רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל, מַעֲשֶׂה בִצְדוֹקִי אֶחָד, שֶׁהָיָה דָר עִמָּנוּ בְּמָבוֹי בִּירוּשָׁלַיִם, וְאָמַר לָנוּ אַבָּא, מַהֲרוּ וְהוֹצִיאוּ אֶת כָּל הַכֵּלִים לַמָּבוֹי, עַד שֶׁלֹּא יוֹצִיא וְיֶאֱסֹר עֲלֵיכֶם. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר בְּלָשׁוֹן אַחֵר, מַהֲרוּ וַעֲשׂוּ צָרְכֵיכֶם בַּמָּבוֹי עַד שֶׁלֹּא יוֹצִיא וְיֶאֱסֹר עֲלֵיכֶם: | 6.2. Rabban Gamaliel said: A Sadducee once lived with us in the same alley in Jerusalem and father told us: “Hurry up and carry out all vessels into the alley before he carries out his and thereby restricts you”. Rabbi Judah said [the instruction was given] in different language: “Hurry up and perform all of your needs in the alley before he carries out his and thereby restricts you”. |
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317. Mishnah, Demai, 2.3-2.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 190| 2.3. הַמְקַבֵּל עָלָיו לִהְיוֹת חָבֵר, אֵינוֹ מוֹכֵר לְעַם הָאָרֶץ לַח וְיָבֵשׁ, וְאֵינוֹ לוֹקֵחַ מִמֶּנּוּ לַח, וְאֵינוֹ מִתְאָרֵח אֵצֶל עַם הָאָרֶץ, וְלֹא מְאָרְחוֹ אֶצְלוֹ בִּכְסוּתוֹ. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, אַף לֹא יְגַדֵּל בְּהֵמָה דַקָּה, וְלֹא יְהֵא פָרוּץ בִּנְדָרִים וּבִשְׂחוֹק, וְלֹא יְהֵא מִטַּמֵּא לְמֵתִים, וּמְשַׁמֵּשׁ בְּבֵית הַמִּדְרָשׁ. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, לֹא בָאוּ אֵלּוּ לַכְּלָל:" | 2.3. One who takes upon himself to become a “chaver” may not sell to an am haaretz either moist or dry [produce], nor may he buy from him moist [produce], nor may he be the guest of an am haaretz, nor may he host an am haaretz as a guest while [the am haaretz] is wearing his own garment. Rabbi Judah says: he may not also raise small animals, nor may make a lot of vows or merriment, nor may he defile himself by contact with the dead. Rather he should be an attendant at the house of study. They said to him: these [requirements] do not come within the general rule [of being a chaver]." |
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318. Mishnah, Berachot, 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •virtue and law, and the torah Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 260| 5.3. הָאוֹמֵר עַל קַן צִפּוֹר יַגִּיעוּ רַחֲמֶיךָ, וְעַל טוֹב יִזָּכֵר שְׁמֶךָ, מוֹדִים מוֹדִים, מְשַׁתְּקִין אוֹתוֹ. הָעוֹבֵר לִפְנֵי הַתֵּיבָה וְטָעָה, יַעֲבֹר אַחֵר תַּחְתָּיו, וְלֹא יְהֵא סָרְבָן בְּאוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה. מִנַּיִן הוּא מַתְחִיל, מִתְּחִלַּת הַבְּרָכָה שֶׁטָּעָה בָהּ: | 5.3. The one who says, “On a bird’s nest may Your mercy be extended,” [or] “For good may Your name be blessed” or “We give thanks, we give thanks,” they silence him. One who was passing before the ark and made a mistake, another should pass in his place, and he should not be as one who refuses at that moment. Where does he begin? At the beginning of the blessing in which the other made a mistake. |
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319. Mishnah, Avot, 1.3, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •virtue and law, and the torah •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73; Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 261| 1.3. אַנְטִיגְנוֹס אִישׁ סוֹכוֹ קִבֵּל מִשִּׁמְעוֹן הַצַּדִּיק. הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, אַל תִּהְיוּ כַעֲבָדִים הַמְשַׁמְּשִׁין אֶת הָרַב עַל מְנָת לְקַבֵּל פְּרָס, אֶלָּא הֱווּ כַעֲבָדִים הַמְשַׁמְּשִׁין אֶת הָרַב שֶׁלֹּא עַל מְנָת לְקַבֵּל פְּרָס, וִיהִי מוֹרָא שָׁמַיִם עֲלֵיכֶם: 3.4. רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בֶן חֲכִינַאי אוֹמֵר, הַנֵּעוֹר בַּלַּיְלָה וְהַמְהַלֵּךְ בַּדֶּרֶךְ יְחִידִי וְהַמְפַנֶּה לִבּוֹ לְבַטָּלָה, הֲרֵי זֶה מִתְחַיֵּב בְּנַפְשׁוֹ: | 1.3. Antigonus a man of Socho received [the oral tradition] from Shimon the Righteous. He used to say: do not be like servants who serve the master in the expectation of receiving a reward, but be like servants who serve the master without the expectation of receiving a reward, and let the fear of Heaven be upon you. 3.4. Rabbi Haiah ben Hakinai said: one who wakes up at night, or walks on the way alone and turns his heart to idle matters, behold, this man is mortally guilty. |
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320. Mishnah, Avodah Zarah, 2.3, 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •roman law,acquaintance with other systems Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73; Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 151| 2.3. אֵלּוּ דְבָרִים שֶׁל גּוֹיִם אֲסוּרִין וְאִסּוּרָן אִסּוּר הֲנָאָה. הַיַּיִן, וְהַחֹמֶץ שֶׁל גּוֹיִם שֶׁהָיָה מִתְּחִלָּתוֹ יַיִן, וְחֶרֶס הַדְרִיָּנִי, וְעוֹרוֹת לְבוּבִין. רַבָּן שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן גַּמְלִיאֵל אוֹמֵר, בִּזְמַן שֶׁהַקֶּרַע שֶׁלּוֹ עָגוֹל, אָסוּר. מָשׁוּךְ, מֻתָּר. בָּשָׂר הַנִּכְנָס לַעֲבוֹדָה זָרָה, מֻתָּר. וְהַיּוֹצֵא, אָסוּר, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהוּא כְזִבְחֵי מֵתִים, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא. הַהוֹלְכִין לַתַּרְפּוּת, אָסוּר לָשֵׂאת וְלָתֵת עִמָּהֶם. וְהַבָּאִין, מֻתָּרִין:" | 2.3. The following things belonging to non-Jews are forbidden [for Jews to use] and the prohibition extends to any benefit that may be derived from them: wine, or a non-Jew’s vinegar that was formerly wine, Hadrianic earthenware, skins pierced at the animal’s heart. Rabban Shimon Gamaliel says: when its tear is round, [the skin] is forbidden, but if oblong it is permitted. Meat which is being brought into a place of idol worship is permitted, but that which is brought out is forbidden, because it is like a sacrifice to the dead, this is the opinion of Rabbi Akiba. With non-Jews going on a pilgrimage [to worship idols] it is forbidden to have any business transactions, but with those returning it is permitted." |
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| 321. Martial, Epigrams, 1.103.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 104 |
| 322. Martial, Epigrams, 1.103.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 104 |
| 323. Longinus, On The Sublime, 34.1-34.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 104 |
| 324. Juvenal, Satires, 14.96-14.106 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law\n, laws of their fathers / ancestral laws Found in books: Witter et al., Torah, Temple, Land: Constructions of Judaism in Antiquity (2021) 24 |
325. Josephus Flavius, Life, 10-11, 113, 190, 196-198, 12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 324; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 51, 196| 12. καὶ διατρίψας παρ' αὐτῷ ἐνιαυτοὺς τρεῖς καὶ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τελειώσας εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὑπέστρεφον. ἐννεακαιδέκατον δ' ἔτος ἔχων ἠρξάμην τε πολιτεύεσθαι τῇ Φαρισαίων αἱρέσει κατακολουθῶν, ἣ παραπλήσιός ἐστι τῇ παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν Στωϊκῇ λεγομένῃ. | |
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326. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.8, 1.135, 1.188, 2.142, 2.165, 2.185-2.186, 2.188-2.190, 2.193-2.194, 2.199, 2.202, 2.207-2.208, 2.211, 2.213, 2.237 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the law of moses •halakhah, jewish law, josephus’ exposition of compared with philo’s hypothetica •temple, the, and jewish schools of law •exposition of the law •middle (and mean) centrality of the notion in the statesman and in the laws, as a political principle •theology political, theological foundation of the law •priests adolescent, as supervisors of the law •law, the •procreation, the laws of procreation Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 152; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa, Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (2013) 40; Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 324, 325; Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 18; Lorberbaum, In God's Image: Myth, Theology, and Law in Classical Judaism (2015) 246; Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 176; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 51, 56| 1.8. τὰς ἱστορίας ἐπιμέλεια. τὰ μέντοι παρ' Αἰγυπτίοις τε καὶ Χαλδαίοις καὶ Φοίνιξιν, ἐῶ γὰρ νῦν ἡμᾶς ἐκείνοις συγκαταλέγειν, αὐτοὶ δήπουθεν ὁμολογοῦσιν ἀρχαιοτάτην τε καὶ μονιμωτάτην ἔχειν τῆς 1.8. μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ ἕτερος ἐβασίλευσεν τέσσαρα καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη καλούμενος Βηών. μεθ' ὃν ἄλλος ̓Απαχνὰς ἓξ καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά. ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ̓́Απωφις ἓν καὶ ἑξήκοντα 1.188. καίτοι, φησίν, οἱ πάντες ἱερεῖς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ τὴν δεκάτην τῶν γινομένων λαμβάνοντες καὶ τὰ κοινὰ διοικοῦντες 2.142. οὐδὲ εἷς ὗν θύει τοῖς θεοῖς. ἆρ' οὖν τυφλὸς ἦν τὸν νοῦν ̓Απίων ὑπὲρ Αἰγυπτίων ἡμῖν λοιδορεῖν συνθέμενος, ἐκείνων δὲ κατηγορῶν, οἵ γε μὴ μόνον χρῶνται τοῖς ὑπὸ τούτου λοιδορουμένοις ἔθεσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐδίδαξαν περιτέμνεσθαι, καθάπερ εἴρηκεν ̔Ηρόδοτος; 2.165. τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἐπέτρεψαν τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν πολιτευμάτων. ὁ δ' ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης εἰς μὲν τούτων οὐδοτιοῦν ἀπεῖδεν, ὡς δ' ἄν τις εἴποι βιασάμενος τὸν λόγον θεοκρατίαν ἀπέδειξε τὸ πολίτευμα 2.185. καὶ τίς ἂν καλλίων ἢ δικαιοτέρα γένοιτο τῆς θεὸν μὲν ἡγεμόνα τῶν ὅλων πεποιημένης, τοῖς ἱερεῦσι δὲ κοινῇ μὲν τὰ μέγιστα διοικεῖν ἐπιτρεπούσης, τῷ δὲ πάντων ἀρχιερεῖ πάλιν αὖ πεπιστευκυίας 2.186. τὴν τῶν ἄλλων ἱερέων ἡγεμονίαν; οὓς οὐ κατὰ πλοῦτον οὐδέ τισιν ἄλλαις προύχοντας αὐτομάτοις πλεονεξίαις τὸ πρῶτον εὐθὺς ὁ νομοθέτης ἐπὶ τὴν τιμὴν ἔταξεν, ἀλλ' ὅσοι τῶν μετ' αὐτοῦ πειθοῖ τε καὶ σωφροσύνῃ τῶν ἄλλων διέφερον, τούτοις τὴν περὶ τὸν 2.188. Τίς ἂν οὖν ἀρχὴ γένοιτο ταύτης ὁσιωτέρα; τίς δὲ τιμὴ θεῷ μᾶλλον ἁρμόζουσα, παντὸς μὲν τοῦ πλήθους κατεσκευασμένου πρὸς τὴν εὐσέβειαν, ἐξαίρετον δὲ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν ἱερέων πεπιστευμένων, ὥσπερ δὲ τελετῆς τινος τῆς ὅλης πολιτείας οἰκονομουμένης; 2.189. ἃ γὰρ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ἐπιτηδεύοντες ἄλλοι φυλάττειν οὐ δύνανται μυστήρια καὶ τελετὰς ἐπονομάζοντες, ταῦτα μεθ' ἡδονῆς καὶ γνώμης ἀμεταθέτου φυλάττομεν ἡμεῖς δι' αἰῶνος. 2.193. Εἷς ναὸς ἑνὸς θεοῦ, φίλον γὰρ ἀεὶ παντὶ τὸ ὅμοιον, κοινὸς ἁπάντων κοινοῦ θεοῦ ἁπάντων. τοῦτον θεραπεύσουσιν μὲν διὰ παντὸς οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἡγήσεται δὲ τούτων ὁ πρῶτος ἀεὶ κατὰ γένος. 2.194. οὗτος μετὰ τῶν συνιερέων θύσει τῷ θεῷ, φυλάξει τοὺς νόμους, δικάσει περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, κολάσει τοὺς ἐλεγχθέντας. ὁ τούτῳ μὴ πειθόμενος ὑφέξει δίκην ὡς εἰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀσεβῶν. 2.199. Τίνες δ' οἱ περὶ γάμων νόμοι; μῖξιν μόνην οἶδεν ὁ νόμος τὴν κατὰ φύσιν τὴν πρὸς γυναῖκα καὶ ταύτην, εἰ μέλλοι τέκνων ἕνεκα γίνεσθαι. τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἄρρενας ἀρρένων ἐστύγηκεν καὶ θάνατος τοὐπιτίμιον, εἴ τις ἐπιχειρήσειεν. 2.202. τέκνα τρέφειν ἅπαντα προσέταξεν, καὶ γυναιξὶν ἀπεῖπεν μήτ' ἀμβλοῦν τὸ σπαρὲν μήτε διαφθείρειν ἀλλὰ ἢν φανείη τεκνοκτόνος ἂν εἴη ψυχὴν ἀφανίζουσα καὶ τὸ γένος ἐλαττοῦσα. τοιγαροῦν οὐδ' εἴ τις ἐπὶ λέχους 2.207. κρύπτειν οὐδὲν ἐᾷ πρὸς φίλους: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι φιλίαν τὴν μὴ πάντα πιστεύουσαν. κἂν συμβῇ τις ἔχθρα, τἀπόρρητα λέγειν κεκώλυκε. δικάζων εἰ δῶρα τις λάβοι, θάνατος ἡ ζημία. περιορῶν ἱκέτην 2.208. βοηθεῖν ἐνὸν ὑπεύθυνος. ὃ μὴ κατέθηκέν τις οὐκ ἀναιρήσεται, τῶν ἀλλοτρίων οὐδενὸς ἅψεται, τόκον οὐ λήψεται. [ταῦτα καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἡμῶν συνέχει κοινωνίαν] 2.211. Τἆλλα δὲ προείρηκεν, ὧν ἡ μετάδοσίς ἐστιν ἀναγκαία: πᾶσι παρέχειν τοῖς δεομένοις πῦρ ὕδωρ τροφήν, ὁδοὺς φράζειν, ἄταφον μὴ περιορᾶν, ἐπιεικεῖς δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους 2.213. μάλιστα δὲ γυναικῶν. οὕτως δ' ἡμερότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ἡμᾶς ἐξεπαίδευσεν, ὡς μηδὲ τῶν ἀλόγων ζῴων ὀλιγωρεῖν, ἀλλὰ μόνην ἐφῆκε τούτων χρῆσιν τὴν νόμιμον, πᾶσαν δ' ἑτέραν ἐκώλυσεν: ἃ δ' ὥσπερ ἱκετεύοντα προσφεύγει ταῖς οἰκίαις ἀπεῖπεν ἀνελεῖν. οὐδὲ νεοττοῖς τοὺς γονέας αὐτῶν ἐπέτρεψε συνεξαιρεῖν, φείδεσθαι δὲ κἀν τῇ πολεμίᾳ τῶν ἐργαζομένων ζῴων 2.237. ἐγὼ δ' οὐκ ἂν ἐβουλόμην περὶ τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις νομίμων ἐξετάζειν: τὰ γὰρ αὑτῶν ἡμῖν φυλάττειν πάτριόν ἐστιν, οὐ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων κατηγορεῖν. καὶ περί γε τοῦ μήτε χλευάζειν μήτε βλασφημεῖν τοὺς νομιζομένους θεοὺς παρ' ἑτέροις ἄντικρυς ἡμῖν ὁ νομοθέτης ἀπείρηκεν αὐτῆς ἕνεκα προσηγορίας τοῦ θεοῦ. | 1.8. However, they acknowledge themselves so far, that they were the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians (for I will not now reckon ourselves among them) that have preserved the memorials of the most ancient and most lasting traditions of mankind; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 2.142. Apion was therefore quite blinded in his mind when, for the sake of the Egyptians, he contrived to reproach us, and to accuse such others as not only make use of that conduct of life which he so much abuses, but have also taught other men to be circumcised, as says Herodotus; 2.165. but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, by ascribing the authority and the power to God, 2.185. And where shall we find a better or more righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be the governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself! 2.186. which priests our legislator, at their first appointment, did not advance to that dignity for their riches, or any abundance of other possessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of fortune; but he intrusted the principal management of divine worship to those that exceeded others in an ability to persuade men, and in prudence of conduct. 2.188. 23. What form of government then can be more holy than this! what more worthy kind of worship can be paid to God than we pay, where the entire body of the people are prepared for religion, where an extraordinary degree of care is required in the priests, and where the whole polity is so ordered as if it were a certain religious solemnity! 2.189. For what things foreigners, when they solemnize such festivals, are not able to observe for a few days’ time, and call them Mysteries and Sacred Ceremonies, we observe with great pleasure and an unshaken resolution during our whole lives. 2.190. What are the things then that we are commanded or forbidden?—They are simply and easily known. The first command is concerning God, and affirms that God contains all things, and is a being every way perfect and happy, self-sufficient, and supplying all other beings; the beginning, the middle, and the end of all things. He is manifest in his works and benefits, and more conspicuous than any other being whatsoever, but as to his form and magnitude, he is most obscure. 2.193. 24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God; for likeness is the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to all men, because he is the common God of all men. His priests are to be continually about his worship, over whom he that is the first by his birth is to be their ruler perpetually. 2.194. His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself. 2.199. 25. But then, what are our laws about marriage? That law owns no other mixture of sexes but that which nature hath appointed, of a man with his wife, and that this be used only for the procreation of children. But it abhors the mixture of a male with a male; and if any one do that, death is his punishment. 2.202. The law, moreover enjoins us to bring up all our offspring, and forbids women to cause abortion of what is begotten, or to destroy it afterward; and if any woman appears to have so done, she will be a murderer of her child, by destroying a living creature, and diminishing human kind: if any one, therefore, proceeds to such fornication or murder, he cannot be clean. 2.207. It does not give leave to conceal any thing from our friends, because that is not true friendship which will not commit all things to their fidelity: it also forbids the revelation of secrets even though an enmity arise between them. If any judge takes bribes, his punishment is death: he that overlooks one that offers him a petition, and this when he is able to relieve him, he is a guilty person. 2.208. What is not by any one intrusted to another, ought not to be required back again. No one is to touch another’s goods. He that lends money must not demand usury for its loan. These, and many more of the like sort, are the rules that unite us in the bands of society one with another. |
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327. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.78-1.80, 1.120, 1.403-1.425, 2.12.1, 2.119-2.122, 2.124-2.125, 2.129-2.132, 2.135, 2.137-2.145, 2.151, 2.159-2.161, 2.204-2.408, 2.487-2.498, 3.9.2, 3.414-3.417, 4.616-4.618, 5.45-5.46, 5.145, 5.205, 5.510, 6.237-6.243, 7.123, 7.150, 7.155, 7.216 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 101, 107; Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 1; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 145; Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 244; Spielman, Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World (2020) 25; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 38, 40, 41, 56, 114, 169, 171, 193, 196, 197, 302; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 216, 483, 571| 1.78. Θαυμάσαι δ' ἄν τις ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ̓Ιούδαν, ̓Εσσαῖος ἦν γένος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε πταίσας ἢ ψευσθεὶς ἐν τοῖς προαπαγγέλμασιν, ὃς ἐπειδὴ καὶ τότε τὸν ̓Αντίγονον ἐθεάσατο παριόντα διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνέκραγεν, ἦσαν δ' οὐκ ὀλίγοι παρεδρεύοντες αὐτῷ τῶν μανθανόντων, 1.79. “παπαί, νῦν ἐμοὶ καλόν, ἔφη, τὸ θανεῖν, ὅτε μου προτέθνηκεν ἡ ἀλήθεια καί τι τῶν ὑπ' ἐμοῦ προρρηθέντων διέψευσται: ζῇ γὰρ ̓Αντίγονος οὑτοσὶ σήμερον ὀφείλων ἀνῃρῆσθαι. χωρίον δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς σφαγὴν Στράτωνος πύργος εἵμαρτο: καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀπὸ ἑξακοσίων ἐντεῦθεν σταδίων ἐστίν, ὧραι δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἤδη τέσσαρες: 1.403. ̓Αλλὰ γὰρ οὐκ οἴκοις μόνον αὐτῶν τὴν μνήμην καὶ τὰς ἐπικλήσεις περιέγραψεν, διέβη δὲ εἰς ὅλας πόλεις αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον. ἐν μέν γε τῇ Σαμαρείτιδι πόλιν καλλίστῳ περιβόλῳ τειχισάμενος ἐπὶ σταδίους εἴκοσι καὶ καταγαγὼν ἑξακισχιλίους εἰς αὐτὴν οἰκήτορας, γῆν δὲ τούτοις προσνείμας λιπαρωτάτην καὶ ἐν μέσῳ τῷ κτίσματι ναόν τε ἐνιδρυσάμενος μέγιστον καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν τέμενος ἀποδείξας τῷ Καίσαρι τριῶν ἡμισταδίων, τὸ ἄστυ Σεβαστὴν ἐκάλεσεν: ἐξαίρετον δὲ τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ παρέσχεν εὐνομίαν. 1.404. ̓Επὶ τούτοις δωρησαμένου τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτὸν ἑτέρας προσθέσει χώρας, ὁ δὲ κἀνταῦθα ναὸν αὐτῷ λευκῆς μαρμάρου καθιδρύσατο παρὰ τὰς ̓Ιορδάνου πηγάς: καλεῖται δὲ Πάνειον ὁ τόπος: 1.405. ἔνθα κορυφὴ μέν τις ὄρους εἰς ἄπειρον ὕψος ἀνατείνεται, παρὰ δὲ τὴν ὑπόρειον λαγόνα συνηρεφὲς ἄντρον ὑπανοίγει, δι' οὗ βαραθρώδης κρημνὸς εἰς ἀμέτρητον ἀπορρῶγα βαθύνεται πλήθει τε ὕδατος ἀσαλεύτου καὶ τοῖς καθιμῶσίν τι πρὸς ἔρευναν γῆς οὐδὲν μῆκος ἐξαρκεῖ. 1.406. τοῦ δὲ ἄντρου κατὰ τὰς ἔξωθεν ῥίζας ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαί: καὶ γένεσις μέν, ὡς ἔνιοι δοκοῦσιν, ἔνθεν ̓Ιορδάνου, τὸ δ' ἀκριβὲς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. 1.407. ̔Ο δὲ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῖ μεταξὺ Κύπρου τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τῶν προτέρων βασιλείων ἄλλα κατασκευάσας ἀμείνω καὶ χρησιμώτερα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδημίας ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν ὠνόμασεν φίλων. καθόλου δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν εἰπεῖν ὅντινα τῆς βασιλείας ἐπιτήδειον τόπον τῆς πρὸς Καίσαρα τιμῆς γυμνὸν εἴασεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν ἰδίαν χώραν ἐπλήρωσεν ναῶν, εἰς τὴν ἐπαρχίαν αὐτοῦ τὰς τιμὰς ὑπερεξέχεεν καὶ πολλαῖς πόλεσιν ἐνιδρύσατο Καισάρεια. 1.408. Κατιδὼν δὲ κἀν τοῖς παραλίοις πόλιν ἤδη μὲν κάμνουσαν, Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, διὰ δὲ εὐφυίαν τοῦ χωρίου δέξασθαι δυναμένην τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ, πᾶσαν ἀνέκτισεν λευκῷ λίθῳ καὶ λαμπροτάτοις ἐκόσμησεν βασιλείοις, ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα τὸ φύσει μεγαλόνουν ἐπεδείξατο. 1.409. μεταξὺ γὰρ Δώρων καὶ ̓Ιόππης, ὧν ἡ πόλις μέση κεῖται, πᾶσαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν τὴν παράλιον ἀλίμενον, ὡς πάντα τὸν τὴν Φοινίκην ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου παραπλέοντα σαλεύειν ἐν πελάγει διὰ τὴν ἐκ λιβὸς ἀπειλήν, ᾧ καὶ μετρίως ἐπαυρίζοντι τηλικοῦτον ἐπεγείρεται κῦμα πρὸς ταῖς πέτραις, ὥστε τὴν ὑποστροφὴν τοῦ κύματος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξαγριοῦν τὴν θάλασσαν. 1.411. Καθάπαν δ' ἔχων ἀντιπράσσοντα τὸν τόπον ἐφιλονείκησεν πρὸς τὴν δυσχέρειαν, ὡς τὴν μὲν ὀχυρότητα τῆς δομήσεως δυσάλωτον εἶναι τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὸ δὲ κάλλος ὡς ἐπὶ μηδενὶ δυσκόλῳ κεκοσμῆσθαι: συμμετρησάμενος γὰρ ὅσον εἰρήκαμεν τῷ λιμένι μέγεθος καθίει λίθους ἐπ' ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος, ὧν ἦσαν οἱ πλεῖστοι μῆκος ποδῶν πεντήκοντα, βάθος ἐννέα, εὖρος δέκα, τινὲς δὲ καὶ μείζους. 1.412. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνεπληρώθη τὸ ὕφαλον, οὕτως ἤδη τὸ ὑπερέχον τοῦ πελάγους τεῖχος ἐπὶ διακοσίους πόδας ηὐρύνετο: ὧν οἱ μὲν ἑκατὸν προδεδόμηντο πρὸς τὴν ἀνακοπὴν τοῦ κύματος, προκυμία γοῦν ἐκλήθη, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ὑπόκειται τῷ περιθέοντι λιθίνῳ τείχει. τοῦτο δὲ πύργοις τε διείληπται μεγίστοις, ὧν ὁ προύχων καὶ περικαλλέστατος ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος προγόνου Δρούσιον κέκληται, 1.413. ψαλίδες τε πυκναὶ πρὸς καταγωγὴν τῶν ἐνορμιζομένων καὶ τὸ πρὸ αὐτῶν πᾶν κύκλῳ νάγμα τοῖς ἀποβαίνουσιν πλατὺς περίπατος. ὁ δ' εἴσπλους βόρειος, αἰθριώτατος γὰρ ἀνέμων τῷ τόπῳ βορέας: καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος κολοσσοὶ τρεῖς ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπεστηριγμένοι κίοσιν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἐκ λαιᾶς χειρὸς εἰσπλεόντων πύργος ναστὸς ἀνέχει, τοὺς δὲ ἐκ δεξιοῦ δύο ὀρθοὶ λίθοι συνεζευγμένοι τοῦ κατὰ θάτερον χεῖλος πύργου μείζονες. 1.414. προσεχεῖς δ' οἰκίαι τῷ λιμένι λευκοῦ καὶ αὗται λίθου, καὶ κατατείνοντες ἐπ' αὐτὸν οἱ στενωποὶ τοῦ ἄστεος πρὸς ἓν διάστημα μεμετρημένοι. καὶ τοῦ στόματος ἀντικρὺ ναὸς Καίσαρος ἐπὶ γηλόφου κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει διάφορος: ἐν δ' αὐτῷ κολοσσὸς Καίσαρος οὐκ ἀποδέων τοῦ ̓Ολυμπίασιν Διός, ᾧ καὶ προσείκασται, ̔Ρώμης δὲ ἴσος ̔́Ηρᾳ τῇ κατ' ̓́Αργος. ἀνέθηκεν δὲ τῇ μὲν ἐπαρχίᾳ τὴν πόλιν, τοῖς ταύτῃ δὲ πλοϊζομένοις τὸν λιμένα, Καίσαρι δὲ τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ κτίσματος: Καισάρειαν γοῦν ὠνόμασεν αὐτήν. 1.415. Τά γε μὴν λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων, ἀμφιθέατρον καὶ θέατρον καὶ ἀγοράς, ἄξια τῆς προσηγορίας ἐνιδρύσατο. καὶ πενταετηρικοὺς ἀγῶνας καταστησάμενος ὁμοίως ἐκάλεσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἆθλα μέγιστα προθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς ἐνενηκοστῆς δευτέρας ὀλυμπιάδος, ἐν οἷς οὐ μόνον οἱ νικῶντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ μετ' αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ τρίτοι τοῦ βασιλικοῦ πλούτου μετελάμβανον. 1.416. ἀνακτίσας δὲ καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα τὴν παράλιον καταρριφθεῖσαν ἐν πολέμῳ ̓Αγρίππειον προσηγόρευσε: τοῦ δ' αὐτοῦ φίλου δι' ὑπερβολὴν εὐνοίας καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς πύλης ἐχάραξεν τὸ ὄνομα, ἣν αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ κατεσκεύασεν. 1.417. Φιλοπάτωρ γε μήν, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος: καὶ γὰρ τῷ πατρὶ μνημεῖον κατέθηκεν πόλιν, ἣν ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς βασιλείας πεδίῳ κτίσας ποταμοῖς τε καὶ δένδρεσιν πλουσίαν ὠνόμασεν ̓Αντιπατρίδα, καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ̔Ιεριχοῦντος φρούριον ὀχυρότητι καὶ κάλλει διάφορον τειχίσας ἀνέθηκεν τῇ μητρὶ προσειπὼν Κύπρον. 1.418. Φασαήλῳ δὲ τἀδελφῷ τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ὁμώνυμον πύργον, οὗ τό τε σχῆμα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει πολυτέλειαν διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. καὶ πόλιν ἄλλην κτίσας κατὰ τὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ιεριχοῦς ἰόντων αὐλῶνα πρὸς βορέαν Φασαηλίδα ὠνόμασεν. 1.419. Παραδοὺς δ' αἰῶνι τούς τε οἰκείους καὶ φίλους οὐδὲ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μνήμης ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ φρούριον μὲν ἐπιτειχίσας τῷ πρὸς ̓Αραβίαν ὄρει προσηγόρευσεν ̔Ηρώδειον ἀφ' ἑαυτοῦ, τὸν δὲ μαστοειδῆ κολωνὸν ὄντα χειροποίητον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων ἄπωθεν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἐκάλεσεν μὲν ὁμοίως, ἐξήσκησεν δὲ φιλοτιμότερον. 1.421. κατεσκεύασεν δὲ καὶ περὶ τὰς ῥίζας ἄλλα βασίλεια τήν τε ἀποσκευὴν καὶ τοὺς φίλους δέξασθαι δυνάμενα, ὥστε τῷ μὲν πάντα ἔχειν πόλιν εἶναι δοκεῖν τὸ ἔρυμα, τῇ περιγραφῇ δὲ βασίλειον. 1.422. Τοσαῦτα συγκτίσας πλείσταις καὶ τῶν ἔξω πόλεων τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἐπεδείξατο. Τριπόλει μὲν γὰρ καὶ Δαμασκῷ καὶ Πτολεμαί̈δι γυμνάσια, Βύβλῳ δὲ τεῖχος, ἐξέδρας τε καὶ στοὰς καὶ ναοὺς καὶ ἀγορὰς Βηρυτῷ κατασκευάσας καὶ Τύρῳ, Σιδῶνί γε μὴν καὶ Δαμασκῷ θέατρα, Λαοδικεῦσι δὲ τοῖς παραλίοις ὑδάτων εἰσαγωγήν, ̓Ασκαλωνίταις δὲ βαλανεῖα καὶ κρήνας πολυτελεῖς, πρὸς δὲ περίστυλα θαυμαστὰ τήν τε ἐργασίαν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος: εἰσὶ δ' οἷς ἄλση καὶ λειμῶνας ἀνέθηκεν. 1.423. πολλαὶ δὲ πόλεις ὥσπερ κοινωνοὶ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ χώραν ἔλαβον παρ' αὐτοῦ: γυμνασιαρχίαις δ' ἄλλας ἐπετησίοις τε καὶ διηνεκέσιν ἐδωρήσατο προσόδους κατατάξας, ὥσπερ Κῴοις, ἵνα μηδέποτε ἐκλείπῃ τὸ γέρας. 1.424. σῖτόν γε μὴν πᾶσιν ἐχορήγησεν τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ τῇ ̔Ρόδῳ χρήματα μὲν εἰς ναυτικοῦ κατασκευὴν παρέσχεν πολλαχοῦ καὶ πολλάκις, ἐμπρησθὲν δὲ τὸ Πύθιον ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν ἄμεινον ἀνεδείματο. 1.425. καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν τὰς εἰς Λυκίους ἢ Σαμίους δωρεὰς ἢ τὴν δι' ὅλης τῆς ̓Ιωνίας ἐν οἷς ἐδεήθησαν ἕκαστοι δαψίλειαν; ἀλλ' ̓Αθηναῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Νικοπολῖταί τε καὶ τὸ κατὰ Μυσίαν Πέργαμον οὐ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου γέμουσιν ἀναθημάτων; τὴν δ' ̓Αντιοχέων τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ πλατεῖαν οὐ φευκτὴν οὖσαν ὑπὸ βορβόρου κατέστρωσέν τε σταδίων εἴκοσι τὸ μῆκος οὖσαν ξεστῇ μαρμάρῳ καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν ὑετῶν ἀποφυγὰς ἐκόσμησεν ἰσομήκει στοᾷ. 2.119. Τρία γὰρ παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις εἴδη φιλοσοφεῖται, καὶ τοῦ μὲν αἱρετισταὶ Φαρισαῖοι, τοῦ δὲ Σαδδουκαῖοι, τρίτον δέ, ὃ δὴ καὶ δοκεῖ σεμνότητα ἀσκεῖν, ̓Εσσηνοὶ καλοῦνται, ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν γένος ὄντες, φιλάλληλοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλέον. 2.121. τὸν μὲν γάμον καὶ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ διαδοχὴν οὐκ ἀναιροῦντες, τὰς δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν ἀσελγείας φυλαττόμενοι καὶ μηδεμίαν τηρεῖν πεπεισμένοι τὴν πρὸς ἕνα πίστιν. 2.122. Καταφρονηταὶ δὲ πλούτου, καὶ θαυμάσιον αὐτοῖς τὸ κοινωνικόν, οὐδὲ ἔστιν εὑρεῖν κτήσει τινὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς ὑπερέχοντα: νόμος γὰρ τοὺς εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν εἰσιόντας δημεύειν τῷ τάγματι τὴν οὐσίαν, ὥστε ἐν ἅπασιν μήτε πενίας ταπεινότητα φαίνεσθαι μήθ' ὑπεροχὴν πλούτου, τῶν δ' ἑκάστου κτημάτων ἀναμεμιγμένων μίαν ὥσπερ ἀδελφοῖς ἅπασιν οὐσίαν εἶναι. 2.124. Μία δ' οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτῶν πόλις ἀλλ' ἐν ἑκάστῃ μετοικοῦσιν πολλοί. καὶ τοῖς ἑτέρωθεν ἥκουσιν αἱρετισταῖς πάντ' ἀναπέπταται τὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς ὁμοίως ὥσπερ ἴδια, καὶ πρὸς οὓς οὐ πρότερον εἶδον εἰσίασιν ὡς συνηθεστάτους: 2.125. διὸ καὶ ποιοῦνται τὰς ἀποδημίας οὐδὲν μὲν ὅλως ἐπικομιζόμενοι, διὰ δὲ τοὺς λῃστὰς ἔνοπλοι. κηδεμὼν δ' ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει τοῦ τάγματος ἐξαιρέτως τῶν ξένων ἀποδείκνυται ταμιεύων ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια. 2.129. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς ἃς ἕκαστοι τέχνας ἴσασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν διαφίενται, καὶ μέχρι πέμπτης ὥρας ἐργασάμενοι συντόνως πάλιν εἰς ἓν συναθροίζονται χωρίον, ζωσάμενοί τε σκεπάσμασιν λινοῖς οὕτως ἀπολούονται τὸ σῶμα ψυχροῖς ὕδασιν, καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἁγνείαν εἰς ἴδιον οἴκημα συνίασιν, ἔνθα μηδενὶ τῶν ἑτεροδόξων ἐπιτέτραπται παρελθεῖν: αὐτοί τε καθαροὶ καθάπερ εἰς ἅγιόν τι τέμενος παραγίνονται τὸ δειπνητήριον. 2.131. προκατεύχεται δ' ὁ ἱερεὺς τῆς τροφῆς, καὶ γεύσασθαί τινα πρὶν τῆς εὐχῆς ἀθέμιτον: ἀριστοποιησάμενος δ' ἐπεύχεται πάλιν: ἀρχόμενοί τε καὶ παυόμενοι γεραίρουσι θεὸν ὡς χορηγὸν τῆς ζωῆς. ἔπειθ' ὡς ἱερὰς καταθέμενοι τὰς ἐσθῆτας πάλιν ἐπ' ἔργα μέχρι δείλης τρέπονται. 2.132. δειπνοῦσι δ' ὁμοίως ὑποστρέψαντες συγκαθεζομένων τῶν ξένων, εἰ τύχοιεν αὐτοῖς παρόντες. οὔτε δὲ κραυγή ποτε τὸν οἶκον οὔτε θόρυβος μιαίνει, τὰς δὲ λαλιὰς ἐν τάξει παραχωροῦσιν ἀλλήλοις. 2.135. ὀργῆς ταμίαι δίκαιοι, θυμοῦ καθεκτικοί, πίστεως προστάται, εἰρήνης ὑπουργοί. καὶ πᾶν μὲν τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἰσχυρότερον ὅρκου, τὸ δὲ ὀμνύειν αὐτοῖς περιίσταται χεῖρον τῆς ἐπιορκίας ὑπολαμβάνοντες: ἤδη γὰρ κατεγνῶσθαί φασιν τὸν ἀπιστούμενον δίχα θεοῦ. 2.137. Τοῖς δὲ ζηλοῦσιν τὴν αἵρεσιν αὐτῶν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἡ πάροδος, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ἔξω μένοντι τὴν αὐτὴν ὑποτίθενται δίαιταν ἀξινάριόν τε καὶ τὸ προειρημένον περίζωμα καὶ λευκὴν ἐσθῆτα δόντες. 2.138. ἐπειδὰν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ πεῖραν ἐγκρατείας δῷ, πρόσεισιν μὲν ἔγγιον τῇ διαίτῃ καὶ καθαρωτέρων τῶν πρὸς ἁγνείαν ὑδάτων μεταλαμβάνει, παραλαμβάνεται δὲ εἰς τὰς συμβιώσεις οὐδέπω. μετὰ γὰρ τὴν τῆς καρτερίας ἐπίδειξιν δυσὶν ἄλλοις ἔτεσιν τὸ ἦθος δοκιμάζεται καὶ φανεὶς ἄξιος οὕτως εἰς τὸν ὅμιλον ἐγκρίνεται. 2.139. πρὶν δὲ τῆς κοινῆς ἅψασθαι τροφῆς ὅρκους αὐτοῖς ὄμνυσι φρικώδεις, πρῶτον μὲν εὐσεβήσειν τὸ θεῖον, ἔπειτα τὰ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια φυλάξειν καὶ μήτε κατὰ γνώμην βλάψειν τινὰ μήτε ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος, μισήσειν δ' ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀδίκους καὶ συναγωνιεῖσθαι τοῖς δικαίοις: 2.141. τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπᾶν ἀεὶ καὶ τοὺς ψευδομένους προβάλλεσθαι: χεῖρας κλοπῆς καὶ ψυχὴν ἀνοσίου κέρδους καθαρὰν φυλάξειν καὶ μήτε κρύψειν τι τοὺς αἱρετιστὰς μήθ' ἑτέροις αὐτῶν τι μηνύσειν, κἂν μέχρι θανάτου τις βιάζηται. 2.142. πρὸς τούτοις ὄμνυσιν μηδενὶ μὲν μεταδοῦναι τῶν δογμάτων ἑτέρως ἢ ὡς αὐτὸς μετέλαβεν, ἀφέξεσθαι δὲ λῃστείας καὶ συντηρήσειν ὁμοίως τά τε τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐτῶν βιβλία καὶ τὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων ὀνόματα. τοιούτοις μὲν ὅρκοις τοὺς προσιόντας ἐξασφαλίζονται. 2.143. Τοὺς δ' ἐπ' ἀξιοχρέοις ἁμαρτήμασιν ἁλόντας ἐκβάλλουσι τοῦ τάγματος. ὁ δ' ἐκκριθεὶς οἰκτίστῳ πολλάκις μόρῳ διαφθείρεται: τοῖς γὰρ ὅρκοις καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐνδεδεμένος οὐδὲ τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις τροφῆς δύναται μεταλαμβάνειν, ποηφαγῶν δὲ καὶ λιμῷ τὸ σῶμα τηκόμενος διαφθείρεται. 2.144. διὸ δὴ πολλοὺς ἐλεήσαντες ἐν ταῖς ἐσχάταις ἀναπνοαῖς ἀνέλαβον, ἱκανὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν τὴν μέχρι θανάτου βάσανον ἡγούμενοι. 2.145. Περὶ δὲ τὰς κρίσεις ἀκριβέστατοι καὶ δίκαιοι, καὶ δικάζουσι μὲν οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν ἑκατὸν συνελθόντες, τὸ δ' ὁρισθὲν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἀκίνητον. σέβας δὲ μέγα παρ' αὐτοῖς μετὰ τὸν θεὸν τοὔνομα τοῦ νομοθέτου, κἂν βλασφημήσῃ τις εἰς τοῦτον κολάζεται θανάτῳ. 2.151. καὶ μακρόβιοι μέν, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπὲρ ἑκατὸν παρατείνειν ἔτη, διὰ τὴν ἁπλότητα τῆς διαίτης ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν, καταφρονηταὶ δὲ τῶν δεινῶν, καὶ τὰς μὲν ἀλγηδόνας νικῶντες τοῖς φρονήμασιν, τὸν δὲ θάνατον, εἰ μετ' εὐκλείας πρόσεισι, νομίζοντες ἀθανασίας ἀμείνονα. 2.159. Εἰσὶν δ' ἐν αὐτοῖς οἳ καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προγινώσκειν ὑπισχνοῦνται, βίβλοις ἱεραῖς καὶ διαφόροις ἁγνείαις καὶ προφητῶν ἀποφθέγμασιν ἐμπαιδοτριβούμενοι: σπάνιον δ' εἴ ποτε ἐν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσιν ἀστοχοῦσιν. 2.161. δοκιμάζοντες μέντοι τριετίᾳ τὰς γαμετάς, ἐπειδὰν τρὶς καθαρθῶσιν εἰς πεῖραν τοῦ δύνασθαι τίκτειν, οὕτως ἄγονται. ταῖς δ' ἐγκύμοσιν οὐχ ὁμιλοῦσιν, ἐνδεικνύμενοι τὸ μὴ δι' ἡδονὴν ἀλλὰ τέκνων χρείαν γαμεῖν. λουτρὰ δὲ ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀμπεχομέναις ἐνδύματα, καθάπερ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐν περιζώματι. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἔθη τοῦδε τοῦ τάγματος. 2.204. Γαί̈ου δὲ ἡγεμονεύσαντος ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ καὶ δολοφονηθέντος ἁρπάζεται μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ στρατευμάτων [εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν] Κλαύδιος, 2.205. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἐξηγουμένων τῶν ὑπάτων Σεντίου Σατορνίνου καὶ Πομπωνίου Σεκούνδου τρισὶν ταῖς συμμενούσαις σπείραις ἐπιτρέψασα φυλάττειν τὴν πόλιν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἠθροίσθη καὶ διὰ τὴν ὠμότητα τὴν Γαί̈ου Κλαυδίῳ πολεμεῖν ἐψηφίζετο: καταστήσεσθαι γὰρ δι' ἀριστοκρατίας, ὥσπερ οὖν πάλαι διῳκεῖτο, τὴν ἀρχὴν ἢ κρινεῖν ψήφῳ τὸν ἄξιον τῆς ἡγεμονίας. 2.206. Συνέβη τηνικαῦτα πρὸς ἐπιδημοῦντα τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν τήν τε σύγκλητον καλοῦσαν εἰς συμβουλίαν πέμψαι καὶ Κλαύδιον ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς, ὅπως πρὸς ἃ δέοι χρήσιμος αὐτοῖς γένοιτο. κἀκεῖνος συνιδὼν τὸν ἤδη τῇ δυνάμει Καίσαρα πρὸς Κλαύδιον ἄπεισιν. 2.207. ὁ δ' αὐτὸν πρεσβευτὴν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀναπέμπει δηλοῦντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ προαίρεσιν, ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν ἄκων ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἁρπαγείη, καὶ οὔτε τὴν ἐκείνων σπουδὴν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν δίκαιον οὔτε ἀσφαλὲς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τύχην κρίνοι: καὶ γὰρ τὸ τυχεῖν τῆς ἡγεμονικῆς κλήσεως ἐπικίνδυνον εἶναι: 2.208. ἔπειθ' ὅτι διοικήσει τὴν ἀρχὴν ὥσπερ ἀγαθὸς προστάτης, οὐχ ὡς τύραννος: ἀρκεῖσθαι γὰρ τῇ τιμῇ τῆς προσηγορίας, τὴν δ' ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν πραγμάτων βουλὴν πᾶσιν ἀποδώσειν. καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὴ φύσει μέτριος ἦν, ἱκανὸν ὑπόδειγμα σωφροσύνης αὐτῷ προκεῖσθαι τὸν Γαί̈ου θάνατον. 2.209. Ταῦτ' ἀπήγγειλεν ̓Αγρίππας. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ ἀπεκρίνατο καὶ στρατῷ καὶ γνώμαις ἀγαθαῖς πεποιθυῖα δουλείαν ἑκούσιον οὐχ ὑπομενεῖν. καὶ Κλαύδιος ὡς ἤκουσεν τὰ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς, πάλιν ἔπεμψεν τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἀπαγγελοῦντα αὐτοῖς ὅτι προδοῦναι μὲν τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸν ὁμονοήσαντας οὐχ ὑπομένοι, πολεμήσειν δ' ἄκων πρὸς οὓς ἥκιστα βούλοιτο. 2.211. Μεταξὺ δὲ τῶν μετὰ τῆς συγκλήτου στρατιωτῶν τις σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος “ἄνδρες, ἐβόησεν, συστρατιῶται, τί παθόντες ἀδελφοκτονεῖν βουλόμεθα καὶ κατὰ τῶν μετὰ Κλαυδίου συγγενῶν ὁρμᾶν, ἔχοντες μὲν αὐτοκράτορα μηδὲν μεμφθῆναι δυνάμενον, τοσαῦτα δὲ 2.212. τὰ δίκαια πρὸς οὓς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων χωρεῖν μέλλομεν;” ταῦτα εἰπὼν διὰ μέσης ὥρμησεν τῆς βουλῆς πάντας τοὺς συστρατιώτας ἐφελκόμενος. οἱ δ' εὐπατρίδαι παραχρῆμα μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἀπόλειψιν περιδεῶς ἔσχον, αὖθις δ' ὡς ἀποστροφὴ σωτήριος οὐ κατεφαίνετο, τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁδὸν ἠπείγοντο πρὸς Κλαύδιον. 2.213. ὑπήντων δ' αὐτοῖς πρὸ τοῦ τείχους γυμνοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσιν οἱ σφοδρότερον κολακεύοντες τὴν τύχην: κἂν συνέβη κινδυνεῦσαι τοὺς προάγοντας πρὶν γνῶναι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν Κλαύδιον, εἰ μὴ προσδραμὼν ̓Αγρίππας αὐτῷ τὸ κινδύνευμα τῆς πράξεως ἐδήλωσεν, ὅτι τε εἰ μὴ κατάσχοι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐπατρίδας λελυσσηκότων, ἀπολέσας δι' οὓς τὸ κρατεῖν ἐστι περίοπτον ἐρημίας ἔσοιτο βασιλεύς. 2.214. Ταῦτ' ἀκούσας Κλαύδιος κατέσχεν τὰς ὁρμὰς τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ προσδέχεταί τε τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ φιλοφρονησάμενος ἐξῄει σὺν αὐτοῖς αὐτίκα θύσων τῷ θεῷ τὰ περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας χαριστήρια. 2.215. καὶ τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν εὐθέως ἐδωρεῖτο τῇ πατρῴᾳ βασιλείᾳ πάσῃ προστιθεὶς ἔξωθεν καὶ τὰς ὑπ' Αὐγούστου δοθείσας ̔Ηρώδῃ Τραχωνῖτιν καὶ Αὐρανῖτιν, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἑτέραν βασιλείαν τὴν Λυσανίου καλουμένην. 2.216. καὶ τῷ μὲν δήμῳ διατάγματι τὴν δωρεὰν ἐδήλου, τοῖς ἄρχουσιν δὲ προσέταξεν ἐγχαράξαντας δέλτοις χαλκαῖς τὴν δόσιν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἀναθεῖναι: 2.217. δωρεῖται δ' αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ̔Ηρώδην, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς καὶ γαμβρὸς ἦν Βερνίκῃ συνοικῶν, βασιλείᾳ τῇ Χαλκίδι. 2.218. Ταχέως δ' ὡς ἂν ἐκ τοσαύτης ἀρχῆς πλοῦτος ̓Αγρίππᾳ προσέρρει, καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν αὐτὸς οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν κατεχρήσατο: τηλικοῦτον γὰρ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις περιβαλεῖν ἤρξατο τεῖχος, ἡλίκον ἂν τελεσθὲν ἀνήνυτον ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐποίησεν τὴν πολιορκίαν. 2.219. ἀλλ' ἔφθη πρὶν ὑψῶσαι τὸ ἔργον τελευτήσας ἐν Καισαρείᾳ, βεβασιλευκὼς μὲν ἔτη τρία, πρότερον δὲ τῶν τετραρχιῶν τρισὶν ἑτέροις ἔτεσιν ἀφηγησάμενος. 2.221. μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ ὁ βασιλεύων τῆς Χαλκίδος ̔Ηρώδης τελευτᾷ, καταλιπὼν ἐκ μὲν τῆς ἀδελφιδῆς Βερνίκης δύο παῖδας Βερνικιανόν τε καὶ ̔Υρκανόν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς προτέρας Μαριάμμης ̓Αριστόβουλον. τεθνήκει δ' αὐτῷ καὶ ἕτερος ἀδελφὸς ̓Αριστόβουλος ἰδιώτης καταλιπὼν ̓Ιωτάπην θυγατέρα. 2.222. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἦσαν, ὡς προεῖπον, ̓Αριστοβούλου τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου παῖδες, ̓Αριστόβουλος δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐκ Μαριάμμης ̔Ηρώδῃ γεγόνεισαν υἱεῖς, οὓς ὁ πατὴρ ἀνεῖλεν: ἡ δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου γενεὰ τῆς μεγάλης ̓Αρμενίας ἐβασίλευσεν. 2.223. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου τελευτήν, ὃς ἦρχε τῆς Χαλκίδος, καθίστησιν Κλαύδιος εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θείου τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν υἱὸν ̓Αγρίππα: τῆς δ' ἄλλης ἐπαρχίας διαδέχεται τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ἀπὸ ̓Αλεξάνδρου Κουμανός, ἐφ' οὗ θόρυβοί τε ἤρξαντο καὶ φθορὰ πάλιν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐγένετο. 2.224. συνεληλυθότος γὰρ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν ἀζύμων εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ τῆς ̔Ρωμαϊκῆς σπείρας ὑπὲρ τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ στοὰν ἐφεστώσης, ἔνοπλοι δ' ἀεὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς παραφυλάττουσιν, ὡς μή τι νεωτερίζοι τὸ πλῆθος ἠθροισμένον, εἷς τις τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀνασυράμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ κατακύψας ἀσχημόνως προσαπέστρεψεν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις τὴν ἕδραν καὶ τῷ σχήματι φωνὴν ὁμοίαν ἐπεφθέγξατο. 2.225. πρὸς τοῦτο ἅπαν μὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἠγανάκτησεν, καὶ κατεβόων τοῦ Κουμανοῦ κολάζειν τὸν στρατιώτην, οἱ δὲ ἧττον νήφοντες τῶν νέων καὶ τὸ φύσει στασιῶδες ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ μάχην λίθους τε ἁρπάσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἔβαλλον. 2.226. καὶ Κουμανὸς δείσας μὴ τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὁρμὴ γένοιτο, πλείους ὁπλίτας μεταπέμπεται. τῶν δὲ ταῖς στοαῖς ἐπιχεομένων φόβος ἐμπίπτει τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἀκατάσχετος, καὶ τραπέντες ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ διέφευγον εἰς τὴν πόλιν. 2.227. τοσαύτη δὲ περὶ τὰς ἐξόδους βία συνωθουμένων ἐγένετο, ὥστε πατηθέντας ὑπ' ἀλλήλων καὶ συντριβέντας ὑπὲρ τρισμυρίους ἀποθανεῖν, γενέσθαι δὲ τὴν ἑορτὴν πένθος μὲν ὅλῳ τῷ ἔθνει θρῆνον δὲ καθ' ἑκάστην οἰκίαν. 2.228. Μετελάμβανεν δὲ ταύτην τὴν συμφορὰν ἄλλος λῃστρικὸς θόρυβος. κατὰ γὰρ τὴν Βαιθωρὼ δημοσίαν ὁδὸν Στεφάνου τινὸς δούλου Καίσαρος ἀποσκευὴν κομιζομένην διήρπασαν λῃσταὶ προσπεσόντες. 2.229. Κουμανὸς δὲ περιπέμψας τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πλησίον κωμῶν δεσμώτας ἐκέλευσεν ἀνάγεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπικαλῶν ὅτι μὴ διώξαντες τοὺς λῃστὰς συλλάβοιεν. ἔνθα τῶν στρατιωτῶν τις εὑρὼν ἔν τινι κώμῃ τὸν ἱερὸν νόμον διέρρηξέν τε τὸ βιβλίον καὶ εἰς πῦρ κατέβαλεν. 2.231. ὁ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἠρέμει τὸ πλῆθος, εἰ μὴ τύχοι παραμυθίας, ἠξίου τε προάγειν τὸν στρατιώτην καὶ διὰ μέσων τῶν αἰτιωμένων ἀπαχθῆναι τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ κελεύει. καὶ ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν ἀνεχώρουν. 2.232. Αὖθις δὲ Γαλιλαίων καὶ Σαμαρέων γίνεται συμβολή. κατὰ γὰρ Γήμαν καλουμένην κώμην, ἥτις ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ κεῖται τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος, πολλῶν ἀναβαινόντων ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναιρεῖταί τις Γαλιλαῖος. 2.233. πρὸς τοῦτο πλεῖστοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας συνέδραμον ὡς πολεμήσοντες τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν, οἱ γνώριμοι δ' αὐτῶν ἐλθόντες πρὸς Κουμανὸν ἠντιβόλουν πρὶν ἀνηκέστου πάθους εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν διαβάντα τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ φόνου: μόνως γὰρ ἂν οὕτως διαλυθῆναι πρὸ πολέμου τὸ πλῆθος. Κουμανὸς μὲν οὖν ἐν δευτέρῳ τὰς ἐκείνων ἱκεσίας τῶν ἐν χειρὶ πραγμάτων θέμενος ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψεν τοὺς ἱκέτας. 2.234. ̓Αγγελθὲν δὲ εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα τὸ πάθος τοῦ πεφονευμένου τὰ πλήθη συνετάραξεν καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀφέμενοι πρὸς τὴν Σαμάρειαν ἐξώρμων ἀστρατήγητοι καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων κατέχοντι πειθόμενοι. 2.235. τοῦ λῃστρικοῦ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ στασιώδους Δειναίου τις υἱὸς ̓Ελεάζαρος καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐξῆρχον, οἳ τοῖς ὁμόροις τῆς ̓Ακραβατηνῆς τοπαρχίας προσπεσόντες αὐτούς τε ἀνῄρουν μηδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας φειδὼ ποιούμενοι καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν. 2.236. Κουμανὸς δὲ ἀναλαβὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Καισαρείας μίαν ἴλην ἱππέων καλουμένην Σεβαστηνῶν ἐξεβοήθει τοῖς πορθουμένοις καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον πολλοὺς μὲν συνέλαβεν, πλείστους δ' ἀπέκτεινεν. 2.237. πρὸς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος τῶν πολεμεῖν τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ὡρμημένων οἱ ἄρχοντες τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἐκδραμόντες σάκκους ἀμπεχόμενοι καὶ τέφραν τῶν κεφαλῶν καταχέοντες ἱκέτευον ἀναχωρεῖν καὶ μὴ διὰ τὴν εἰς Σαμαρεῖς ἄμυναν ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ̔Ρωμαίους παροξύνειν, ἐλεῆσαί τε τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν ναὸν τέκνα τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἰδίας, ἃ πάντα κινδυνεύειν δι' ἑνὸς ἐκδικίαν Γαλιλαίου παραπολέσθαι. 2.238. τούτοις πεισθέντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι διελύθησαν. ἐτράποντο δὲ πολλοὶ πρὸς λῃστείαν διὰ τὴν ἄδειαν, καὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν ἁρπαγαί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῶν θρασυτέρων ἐπαναστάσεις. 2.239. καὶ τῶν Σαμαρέων οἱ δυνατοὶ πρὸς Οὐμμίδιον Κουαδρᾶτον, ὃς ἦν ἡγεμὼν τῆς Συρίας, εἰς Τύρον παραγενόμενοι δίκην τινὰ παρὰ τῶν πορθησάντων τὴν χώραν ἠξίουν λαβεῖν. 2.241. Κουαδρᾶτος δὲ τότε μὲν ἑκατέρους ὑπερτίθεται φήσας, ἐπειδὰν εἰς τοὺς τόπους παραγένηται, διερευνήσειν ἕκαστα, αὖθις δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Καισάρειαν τοὺς ὑπὸ Κουμανοῦ ζωγρηθέντας ἀνεσταύρωσεν πάντας. 2.242. ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Λύδδα παραγενόμενος πάλιν διήκουσεν τῶν Σαμαρέων, καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος ὀκτωκαίδεκα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, οὓς ἐπέπυστο μετεσχηκέναι τῆς μάχης, πελέκει διεχειρίσατο: 2.243. δύο δ' ἑτέρους τῶν δυνατωτάτων καὶ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς ̓Ιωνάθην καὶ ̓Ανανίαν τόν τε τούτου παῖδα ̓́Ανανον καί τινας ἄλλους ̓Ιουδαίων γνωρίμους ἀνέπεμψεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Σαμαρέων τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους. 2.244. παρήγγειλεν δὲ καὶ Κουμανῷ καὶ Κέλερι τῷ χιλιάρχῳ πλεῖν ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης δώσοντας Κλαυδίῳ λόγον ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγενημένων. ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀπὸ Λύδδων ἀνέβαινεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, καὶ καταλαβὼν τὸ πλῆθος ἄγον τὴν τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτὴν ἀθορύβως εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν ἐπανῄει. 2.245. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ̔Ρώμην Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας Κουμανοῦ καὶ Σαμαρέων, παρῆν δὲ καὶ ̓Αγρίππας ἐκθύμως ὑπεραγωνιζόμενος ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπειδὴ καὶ Κουμανῷ πολλοὶ τῶν δυνατῶν παρίσταντο, Σαμαρέων μὲν καταγνοὺς τρεῖς ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους, Κουμανὸν δὲ ἐφυγάδευσεν. 2.246. Κέλερα δὲ δεσμώτην ἀναπέμψας εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα παραδοθῆναι ̓Ιουδαίοις πρὸς αἰκίαν ἐκέλευσεν καὶ περισυρέντα τὴν πόλιν οὕτω τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποκοπῆναι. 2.247. Μετὰ ταῦτα ̓Ιουδαίας μὲν ἐπίτροπον Φήλικα τὸν Πάλλαντος ἀδελφὸν ἐκπέμπει τῆς τε Σαμαρείας καὶ Γαλιλαίας καὶ Περαίας, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Χαλκίδος ̓Αγρίππαν εἰς μείζονα βασιλείαν μετατίθησιν, δοὺς αὐτῷ τήν τε Φιλίππου γενομένην ἐπαρχίαν, αὕτη δ' ἦν Τραχωνῖτις καὶ Βατανέα καὶ Γαυλανῖτις, προσέθηκεν δὲ τήν τε Λυσανίου βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν Οὐάρου γενομένην τετραρχίαν. 2.248. αὐτὸς δὲ διοικήσας τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔτεσι τρισκαίδεκα, πρὸς δὲ μησὶν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις τελευτᾷ καταλιπὼν Νέρωνα τῆς ἀρχῆς διάδοχον, 2.249. ὃν ταῖς ̓Αγριππίνης τῆς γυναικὸς ἀπάταις ἐπὶ κληρονομίᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰσεποιήσατο καίπερ υἱὸν ἔχων γνήσιον Βρεττανικὸν ἐκ Μεσσαλίνης τῆς προτέρας γυναικὸς καὶ ̓Οκταουίαν θυγατέρα τὴν ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ζευχθεῖσαν Νέρωνι: γεγόνει δ' αὐτῷ καὶ ἐκ Παιτίνης ̓Αντωνία. 2.251. καὶ ὡς τελευταῖον ὑπὸ φρενοβλαβείας ἐξώκειλεν εἰς σκηνὴν καὶ θέατρον, ἐπειδὴ δι' ὄχλου πᾶσίν ἐστιν, παραλείψω, τρέψομαι δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις κατ' αὐτὸν γενόμενα. 2.252. Τὴν μὲν οὖν μικρὰν ̓Αρμενίαν δίδωσιν βασιλεύειν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ τῷ ̔Ηρώδου, τῇ δ' ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείᾳ τέσσαρας πόλεις προστίθησιν σὺν ταῖς τοπαρχίαις, ̓́Αβελα μὲν καὶ ̓Ιουλιάδα κατὰ τὴν Περαίαν, Ταριχέας δὲ καὶ Τιβεριάδα τῆς Γαλιλαίας, εἰς δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν Φήλικα κατέστησεν ἐπίτροπον. 2.253. οὗτος τόν τε ἀρχιλῃστὴν ̓Ελεάζαρον ἔτεσιν εἴκοσι τὴν χώραν λῃσάμενον καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ζωγρήσας ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς ̔Ρώμην: τῶν δ' ἀνασταυρωθέντων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λῃστῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ φωραθέντων δημοτῶν οὓς ἐκόλασεν, ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος ἦν. 2.254. Καθαρθείσης δὲ τῆς χώρας ἕτερον εἶδος λῃστῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπεφύετο, οἱ καλούμενοι σικάριοι, μεθ' ἡμέραν καὶ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει φονεύοντες ἀνθρώπους, 2.255. μάλιστα [δὲ] ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς μισγόμενοι τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς ἐσθῆσιν ὑποκρύπτοντες μικρὰ ξιφίδια, τούτοις ἔνυττον τοὺς διαφόρους, ἔπειτα πεσόντων μέρος ἐγίνοντο τῶν ἐπαγανακτούντων οἱ πεφονευκότες, διὸ καὶ παντάπασιν ὑπὸ ἀξιοπιστίας ἦσαν ἀνεύρετοι. 2.256. πρῶτος μὲν οὖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ̓Ιωνάθης ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀποσφάττεται, μετὰ δ' αὐτὸν καθ' ἡμέραν ἀνῃροῦντο πολλοί: καὶ τῶν συμφορῶν ὁ φόβος ἦν χαλεπώτερος, ἑκάστου καθάπερ ἐν πολέμῳ καθ' ὥραν τὸν θάνατον προσδεχομένου. 2.257. προεσκοποῦντο δὲ πόρρωθεν τοὺς διαφόρους, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς φίλοις προσιοῦσιν πίστις ἦν, ἐν μέσαις δὲ ταῖς ὑπονοίαις καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἀνῃροῦντο: τοσοῦτον τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων τὸ τάχος ἦν καὶ τοῦ λαθεῖν ἡ τέχνη. 2.258. Συνέστη δὲ πρὸς τούτοις στῖφος ἕτερον πονηρῶν χειρὶ μὲν καθαρώτερον, ταῖς γνώμαις δὲ ἀσεβέστερον, ὅπερ οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν σφαγέων τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τῆς πόλεως ἐλυμήνατο. 2.259. πλάνοι γὰρ ἄνθρωποι καὶ ἀπατεῶνες προσχήματι θειασμοῦ νεωτερισμοὺς καὶ μεταβολὰς πραγματευόμενοι δαιμονᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἔπειθον καὶ προῆγον εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ὡς ἐκεῖ τοῦ θεοῦ δείξοντος αὐτοῖς σημεῖα ἐλευθερίας. 2.261. Μείζονι δὲ τούτου πληγῇ ̓Ιουδαίους ἐκάκωσεν ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ψευδοπροφήτης: παραγενόμενος γὰρ εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄνθρωπος γόης καὶ προφήτου πίστιν ἐπιθεὶς ἑαυτῷ περὶ τρισμυρίους μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἠπατημένων, 2.262. περιαγαγὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἐρημίας εἰς τὸ ἐλαιῶν καλούμενον ὄρος ἐκεῖθεν οἷός τε ἦν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα παρελθεῖν βιάζεσθαι καὶ κρατήσας τῆς τε ̔Ρωμαϊκῆς φρουρᾶς καὶ τοῦ δήμου τυραννεῖν χρώμενος τοῖς συνεισπεσοῦσιν δορυφόροις. 2.263. φθάνει δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν ὁρμὴν Φῆλιξ ὑπαντήσας μετὰ τῶν ̔Ρωμαϊκῶν ὁπλιτῶν, καὶ πᾶς ὁ δῆμος συνεφήψατο τῆς ἀμύνης, ὥστε συμβολῆς γενομένης τὸν μὲν Αἰγύπτιον φυγεῖν μετ' ὀλίγων, διαφθαρῆναι δὲ καὶ ζωγρηθῆναι πλείστους τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος σκεδασθὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστον διαλαθεῖν. 2.264. Κατεσταλμένων δὲ καὶ τούτων ὥσπερ ἐν νοσοῦντι σώματι πάλιν ἕτερον μέρος ἐφλέγμαινεν. οἱ γὰρ γόητες καὶ λῃστρικοὶ συναχθέντες πολλοὺς εἰς ἀπόστασιν ἐνῆγον καὶ πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρεκρότουν θάνατον ἐπιτιμῶντες τοῖς πειθαρχοῦσιν τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίᾳ καὶ πρὸς βίαν ἀφαιρήσεσθαι λέγοντες τοὺς ἑκουσίως δουλεύειν προαιρουμένους. 2.265. μεριζόμενοι δὲ εἰς τὴν χώραν κατὰ λόχους διήρπαζόν τε τὰς τῶν δυνατῶν οἰκίας καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀνῄρουν καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ὥστε τῆς ἀπονοίας αὐτῶν πᾶσαν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀναπίμπλασθαι. καὶ οὗτος μὲν ὁ πόλεμος καθ' ἡμέραν ἀνερριπίζετο. 2.266. ̔Ετέρα δὲ ταραχὴ συνίσταται περὶ Καισάρειαν τῶν ἀναμεμιγμένων ̓Ιουδαίων πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ Σύρους στασιασάντων. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἠξίουν σφετέραν εἶναι τὴν πόλιν ̓Ιουδαῖον γεγονέναι τὸν κτίστην αὐτῆς λέγοντες: ἦν δὲ ̔Ηρώδης ὁ βασιλεύς: οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι τὸν οἰκιστὴν μὲν προσωμολόγουν ̓Ιουδαῖον, αὐτὴν μέντοι γε τὴν πόλιν ̔Ελλήνων ἔφασαν: οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνδριάντας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγκαθιδρῦσαι ̓Ιουδαίοις αὐτὴν ἀνατιθέντα. 2.267. διὰ ταῦτα δὲ ἠμφισβήτουν ἑκάτεροι: προῄει δ' αὐτοῖς τὸ φιλόνεικον εἰς ὅπλα καὶ καθ' ἡμέραν οἱ θρασύτεροι παρ' ἀμφοῖν προεπήδων ἐπὶ μάχην: οὔτε γὰρ ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ γεραιοὶ τοὺς ἰδίους στασιαστὰς κατέχειν οἷοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν αἶσχος ἐδόκει ̓Ιουδαίων ἐλαττοῦσθαι. 2.268. προεῖχον δ' οἱ μὲν πλούτῳ καὶ σωμάτων ἀλκῇ, τὸ δὲ ̔Ελληνικὸν τῇ παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀμύνῃ: τὸ γὰρ πλέον ̔Ρωμαίοις τῆς ἐκεῖ δυνάμεως ἐκ Συρίας ἦν κατειλεγμένον καὶ καθάπερ συγγενεῖς ἦσαν πρὸς τὰς βοηθείας ἕτοιμοι. 2.269. τοῖς γε μὴν ἐπάρχοις φροντὶς ἦν ἀναστέλλειν τὴν ταραχὴν καὶ τοὺς μαχιμωτέρους ἀεὶ συλλαμβάνοντες ἐκόλαζον μάστιξι καὶ δεσμοῖς. οὐ μὴν τὰ πάθη τῶν συλλαμβανομένων ἐνεποίει τοῖς καταλειπομένοις ἀνακοπὴν ἢ δέος, ἀλλ' ἔτι μᾶλλον παρωξύνοντο πρὸς τὴν στάσιν. 2.271. Διαδεξάμενος δὲ παρὰ τούτου τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ὁ Φῆστος τὸ μάλιστα λυμαινόμενον τὴν χώραν ἐπεξῄει: τῶν γοῦν λῃστῶν συνέλαβέν τε πλείστους καὶ διέφθειρεν οὐκ ὀλίγους. 2.272. ἀλλ' οὐχ ὁ μετὰ Φῆστον ̓Αλβῖνος τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐξηγήσατο τῶν πραγμάτων, οὐκ ἔστιν δὲ ἥντινα κακουργίας ἰδέαν παρέλειπεν. 2.273. οὐ μόνον γοῦν ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς πράγμασιν ἔκλεπτεν καὶ διήρπαζεν τὰς ἑκάστων οὐσίας, οὐδὲ τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐβάρει ταῖς εἰσφοραῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ λῃστείᾳ δεδεμένους ὑπὸ τῆς παρ' ἑκάστοις βουλῆς ἢ τῶν προτέρων ἐπιτρόπων ἀπελύτρου τοῖς συγγενέσιν, καὶ μόνος ὁ μὴ δοὺς τοῖς δεσμωτηρίοις ὡς πονηρὸς ἐγκατελείπετο. 2.274. τηνικαῦτα καὶ τῶν νεωτερίζειν βουλομένων ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐθάρσησαν αἱ τόλμαι, καὶ χρήμασιν μὲν οἱ δυνατοὶ τὸν ̓Αλβῖνον προσελάμβανον ὥστε τοῦ στασιάζειν αὐτοῖς παρέχειν ἄδειαν, τοῦ δημοτικοῦ δὲ τὸ μὴ χαῖρον ἡσυχίᾳ πρὸς τοὺς ̓Αλβίνου κοινωνοὺς ἀπέκλινεν. 2.275. ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν ἴδιον στῖφος ὑπεζωσμένος αὐτὸς μὲν ὥσπερ ἀρχιλῃστὴς ἢ τύραννος προανεῖχεν ἐκ τοῦ λόχου, τοῖς δορυφοροῦσι δὲ πρὸς ἁρπαγὰς τῶν μετρίων κατεχρῆτο. 2.276. συνέβαινεν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἀφῃρημένους ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀγανακτεῖν ἐχρῆν σιωπᾶν, τοὺς ἄπληγας δὲ δέει τοῦ μὴ τὰ αὐτὰ παθεῖν καὶ κολακεύειν τὸν ἄξιον κολάσεως. καθόλου δὲ ἡ μὲν παρρησία πάντων περικέκοπτο, τυραννὶς δ' ἦν διὰ πλειόνων, καὶ τὰ σπέρματα τῆς μελλούσης ἁλώσεως ἔκτοτε τῇ πόλει κατεβάλλετο. 2.277. Τοιοῦτον δ' ὄντα τὸν ̓Αλβῖνον ἀπέδειξεν ὁ μετ' αὐτὸν ἐλθὼν Γέσσιος Φλῶρος ἀγαθώτατον κατὰ σύγκρισιν. ὁ μέν γε λάθρα τὰ πολλὰ καὶ μεθ' ὑποστολῆς ἐκακούργησεν, Γέσσιος δὲ τὰς εἰς τὸ ἔθνος παρανομίας ἐπόμπευσεν καὶ ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ κατακρίτων πεμφθεὶς δήμιος οὔτε ἁρπαγῆς τινα τρόπον οὔτε αἰκίας παρέλιπεν. 2.278. ἦν δὲ ἐν μὲν τοῖς ἐλεεινοῖς ὠμότατος, ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰσχροῖς ἀναιδέστατος. οὔτε δὲ πλείω τις ἀπιστίαν τῆς ἀληθείας κατέχεεν οὔτε ἐν τῷ πανουργεῖν δολιωτέρας ὁδοὺς ἐπενόησεν. ᾧ τὸ μὲν κατ' ἄνδρα κερδαίνειν μικρὸν ἐδόκει, πόλεις δ' ὅλας ἐξεδίδυσκε καὶ δήμους ἀθρόους ἐλυμαίνετο καὶ μόνον οὐκ ἐκήρυξεν ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν πᾶσιν ἐξεῖναι λῃστεύειν ἐφ' ᾧ μέρος αὐτὸς λήψεται τῶν λαφύρων. 2.279. διὰ γοῦν τὴν ἐκείνου πλεονεξίαν πάσας ἐρημωθῆναι συνέβη τὰς πόλεις καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν πατρίων ἠθῶν ἐξαναστάντας φυγεῖν εἰς τὰς ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαρχίας. 2.281. ὁ δὲ παρὼν καὶ τῷ Κεστίῳ παρεστὼς διεχλεύαζεν τὰς φωνάς. ὅ γε μὴν Κέστιος τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους καταστείλας καὶ δοὺς ἔμφασιν ὡς πρὸς τὸ μέλλον αὐτοῖς τὸν Φλῶρον κατασκευάσειεν μετριώτερον, ὑπέστρεφεν εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν. 2.282. προέπεμπε δὲ αὐτὸν μέχρι Καισαρείας Φλῶρος ἐξαπατῶν καὶ πόλεμον ἤδη τῷ ἔθνει σκοπούμενος, ᾧ μόνῳ συγκρύψειν τὰς ἑαυτοῦ παρανομίας ὑπελάμβανεν: 2.283. εἰρήνης μὲν γὰρ οὔσης κατηγόρους ἕξειν ἐπὶ Καίσαρος ̓Ιουδαίους προσεδόκα, πραγματευσάμενος δὲ ἀπόστασιν αὐτῶν τῷ μείζονι κακῷ περισπάσειν τὸν ἔλεγχον ἀπὸ τῶν μετριωτέρων. ὁ μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἂν ἀπορραγείη τὸ ἔθνος, καθ' ἡμέραν ἐπέτεινεν αὐτοῖς τὰς συμφοράς. 2.284. ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ οἱ Καισαρέων ̔́Ελληνες νικήσαντες παρὰ Νέρωνι τῆς πόλεως ἄρχειν τὰ τῆς κρίσεως ἐκόμισαν γράμματα, καὶ προσελάμβανεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ πόλεμος δωδεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς Νέρωνος ἡγεμονίας, ἑπτακαιδεκάτῳ δὲ τῆς ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείας, ̓Αρτεμισίου μηνός. 2.285. πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ συμφορῶν οὐκ ἀξίαν ἔσχεν πρόφασιν: οἱ γὰρ ἐν Καισαρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαῖοι, συναγωγὴν ἔχοντες παρὰ χωρίον, οὗ δεσπότης ἦν τις ̔́Ελλην Καισαρεύς, πολλάκις μὲν κτήσασθαι τὸν τόπον ἐσπούδασαν τιμὴν πολλαπλασίονα τῆς ἀξίας διδόντες: 2.286. ὡς δ' ὑπερορῶν τὰς δεήσεις πρὸς ἐπήρειαν ἔτι καὶ παρῳκοδόμει τὸ χωρίον ἐκεῖνος ἐργαστήρια κατασκευαζόμενος στενήν τε καὶ παντάπασιν βιαίαν πάροδον ἀπέλειπεν αὐτοῖς, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ θερμότεροι τῶν νέων προπηδῶντες οἰκοδομεῖν ἐκώλυον. 2.287. ὡς δὲ τούτους εἶργεν τῆς βίας Φλῶρος, ἀμηχανοῦντες οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, σὺν οἷς ̓Ιωάννης ὁ τελώνης. πείθουσι τὸν Φλῶρον ἀργυρίου ταλάντοις ὀκτὼ διακωλῦσαι τὸ ἔργον. 2.288. ὁ δὲ πρὸς μόνον τὸ λαβεῖν ὑποσχόμενος πάντα συμπράξειν, λαβὼν ἔξεισιν τῆς Καισαρείας εἰς Σεβαστὴν καὶ καταλείπει τὴν στάσιν αὐτεξούσιον, ὥσπερ ἄδειαν πεπρακὼς ̓Ιουδαίοις τοῦ μάχεσθαι. 2.289. Τῆς δ' ἐπιούσης ἡμέρας ἑβδομάδος οὔσης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν συναθροισθέντων στασιαστής τις Καισαρεὺς γάστραν καταστρέψας καὶ παρὰ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτῶν θέμενος ἐπέθυεν ὄρνεις. τοῦτο τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀνηκέστως παρώξυνεν ὡς ὑβρισμένων μὲν αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων, μεμιασμένου δὲ τοῦ χωρίου. 2.291. προσελθὼν δὲ ̓Ιούκουνδος ὁ διακωλύειν τεταγμένος ἱππάρχης τήν τε γάστραν αἴρει καὶ καταπαύειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν στάσιν. ἡττωμένου δ' αὐτοῦ τῆς τῶν Καισαρέων βίας ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοὺς νόμους ἁρπάσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς Νάρβατα: χώρα τις αὐτῶν οὕτω καλεῖται σταδίους ἑξήκοντα διέχουσα τῆς Καισαρείας: 2.292. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν ̓Ιωάννην δυνατοὶ δώδεκα πρὸς Φλῶρον ἐλθόντες εἰς Σεβαστὴν ἀπωδύροντο περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων καὶ βοηθεῖν ἱκέτευον, αἰδημόνως ὑπομιμνήσκοντες τῶν ὀκτὼ ταλάντων. ὁ δὲ καὶ συλλαβὼν ἔδησεν τοὺς ἄνδρας αἰτιώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ τοὺς νόμους ἐξενεγκεῖν τῆς Καισαρείας. 2.293. Πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, ἔτι μέντοι τοὺς θυμοὺς κατεῖχον. ὁ δὲ Φλῶρος ὥσπερ ἠργολαβηκὼς ἐκριπίζειν τὸν πόλεμον, πέμψας εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρὸν ἐξαιρεῖ δεκαεπτὰ τάλαντα σκηψάμενος εἰς τὰς Καίσαρος χρείας. 2.294. σύγχυσις δ' εὐθέως εἶχεν τὸν δῆμον, καὶ συνδραμόντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν βοαῖς διαπρυσίοις τὸ Καίσαρος ἀνεκάλουν ὄνομα καὶ τῆς Φλώρου τυραννίδος ἐλευθεροῦν σφᾶς ἱκέτευον. 2.295. ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν στασιαστῶν λοιδορίας αἰσχίστους εἰς τὸν Φλῶρον ἐκεκράγεσαν καὶ κανοῦν περιφέροντες ἀπῄτουν αὐτῷ κέρματα καθάπερ ἀκλήρῳ καὶ ταλαιπώρῳ. τούτοις οὐκ ἀνετράπη τὴν φιλαργυρίαν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τὸ μᾶλλον χρηματίσασθαι παρωργίσθη. 2.296. δέον γοῦν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐλθόντα σβέσαι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πῦρ ἐκεῖθεν ἀρχόμενον καὶ τῆς ταραχῆς ἀνελεῖν τὰς αἰτίας, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ μισθὸν ἔλαβεν, ὁ δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἱππικῆς τε καὶ πεζικῆς ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὥρμησεν, ἵνα τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίων ὅπλοις * ἐργάσηται καὶ τῷ δέει καὶ ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς περιδύσῃ τὴν πόλιν. 2.297. ̔Ο δὲ δῆμος προδυσωπῆσαι τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ βουλόμενος ὑπαντᾷ τοῖς στρατιώταις μετ' εὐφημίας καὶ τὸν Φλῶρον θεραπευτικῶς ἐκδέχεσθαι παρεσκευάσατο. 2.298. κἀκεῖνος προπέμψας σὺν ἱππεῦσιν πεντήκοντα Καπίτωνα ἑκατοντάρχην ἀναχωρεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσεν καὶ μὴ πρὸς ὃν οὕτως ἐλοιδόρησαν αἰσχρῶς εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὰς νῦν φιλοφρονήσεις: 2.299. δεῖν γὰρ αὐτούς, εἴπερ γενναῖοί εἰσιν καὶ παρρησιασταί, σκώπτειν μὲν αὐτὸν καὶ παρόντα, φαίνεσθαι δὲ μὴ μόνον ἐν τοῖς λόγοις, ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς ὅπλοις φιλελευθέρους. 2.301. Φλῶρος δὲ τότε μὲν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐλίζεται, τῇ δ' ὑστεραίᾳ βῆμα πρὸ αὐτῶν θέμενος καθέζεται, καὶ προσελθόντες οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ δυνατοὶ τό τε γνωριμώτατον τῆς πόλεως παρέστησαν τῷ βήματι. 2.302. τούτοις ὁ Φλῶρος ἐκέλευσεν τοὺς λοιδορήσαντας αὐτὸν ἐκδοῦναι, φάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀπολαύσειν τῆς ἀμύνης, εἰ μὴ προάγοιεν τοὺς αἰτίους. οἱ δὲ τὸν μὲν δῆμον ἀπέφηναν εἰρηνικὰ φρονοῦντα, τοῖς δὲ παραφθεγξαμένοις ᾐτοῦντο συγγνώμην: 2.303. ἐν γὰρ τοσούτῳ πλήθει θαυμαστὸν μὲν οὐδὲν εἶναί τινας θρασυτέρους καὶ δι' ἡλικίαν ἄφρονας, ἀμήχανον δὲ τῶν ἡμαρτηκότων τὴν διάκρισιν ἑκάστου μετανοοῦντος καὶ δι' ἃ δέδρακεν ἀρνουμένου. 2.304. δεῖν μέντοι γε ἐκεῖνον, εἰ προνοεῖ τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἔθνος εἰρήνης καὶ βούλεται ̔Ρωμαίοις περισώζειν τὴν πόλιν, μᾶλλον διὰ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀκαταιτιάτους συγγνῶναι καὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις πλημμελήσασιν ἢ δι' ὀλίγους πονηροὺς ταράξαι δῆμον ἀγαθὸν τοσοῦτον. 2.305. Πρὸς ταῦτα μᾶλλον παροξυνθεὶς ἐμβοᾷ τοῖς στρατιώταις διαρπάζειν τὴν ἄνω καλουμένην ἀγορὰν καὶ κτείνειν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας. οἱ δ' ἐπιθυμίᾳ κέρδους προσλαβόντες ἡγεμονικὴν παρακέλευσιν οὐ μόνον ἐφ' ὃν ἐπέμφθησαν τόπον ἥρπαζον, ἀλλ' εἰς πάσας ἐμπηδῶντες τὰς οἰκίας ἔσφαζον τοὺς οἰκήτορας. 2.306. φυγὴ δ' ἦν ἐκ τῶν στενωπῶν καὶ φόνος τῶν καταλαμβανομένων, τρόπος τε ἁρπαγῆς οὐδεὶς παρελείπετο, καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν μετρίων συλλαβόντες ἐπὶ τὸν Φλῶρον ἀνῆγον: οὓς μάστιξιν προαικισάμενος ἀνεσταύρωσεν. 2.307. ὁ δὲ σύμπας τῶν ἐκείνης ἀπολομένων τῆς ἡμέρας ἀριθμὸς σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ τέκνοις, οὐδὲ γὰρ νηπίων ἀπέσχοντο, περὶ τριάκοντα καὶ ἑξακοσίους συνήχθη. 2.308. βαρυτέραν τε ἐποίει τὴν συμφορὰν τὸ καινὸν τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ὠμότητος: ὃ γὰρ μηδεὶς πρότερον τότε Φλῶρος ἐτόλμησεν, ἄνδρας ἱππικοῦ τάγματος μαστιγῶσαί τε πρὸ τοῦ βήματος καὶ σταυρῷ προσηλῶσαι, ὧν εἰ καὶ τὸ γένος ̓Ιουδαίων ἀλλὰ γοῦν τὸ ἀξίωμα ̔Ρωμαϊκὸν ἦν. 2.309. Κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας ἔτυχεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πεπορευμένος, ὅπως ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ συνησθείη πεπιστευμένῳ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑπὸ Νέρωνος καὶ πεμφθέντι διέπειν. 2.311. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὔτε εἰς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀναιρουμένων οὔτε εἰς τὴν εὐγένειαν τῆς παρακαλούσης, ἀλλ' εἰς μόνον τὸ λυσιτελὲς τὸ ἐκ τῶν ἁρπαγῶν ἀποβλέπων παρήκουσεν. 2.312. ἡ δ' ὁρμὴ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐλύσσησεν καὶ κατὰ τῆς βασιλίδος: οὐ μόνον γοῦν ἐν ὄμμασιν αὐτῆς ᾐκίζοντο τοὺς ἁλισκομένους καὶ διέφθειρον, ἀλλὰ κἂν αὐτὴν ἀνεῖλον, εἰ μὴ καταφυγεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλικὴν αὐλὴν ἔφθη, κἀκεῖ διενυκτέρευσεν μετὰ φυλακῆς δεδοικυῖα τὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔφοδον. 2.313. ἐπεδήμει δ' ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις εὐχὴν ἐκτελοῦσα τῷ θεῷ: τοὺς γὰρ ἢ νόσῳ καταπονουμένους ἤ τισιν ἄλλαις ἀνάγκαις ἔθος εὔχεσθαι πρὸ τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν ἧς ἀποδώσειν μέλλοιεν θυσίας οἴνου τε ἀφέξεσθαι καὶ ξυρήσεσθαι τὰς κόμας. 2.314. ἃ δὴ καὶ τότε τελοῦσα Βερνίκη γυμνόπους τε πρὸ τοῦ βήματος ἱκέτευε τὸν Φλῶρον καὶ πρὸς τῷ μὴ τυχεῖν αἰδοῦς αὐτὴν τὸν περὶ τοῦ ζῆν κίνδυνον ἐπείρασεν. 2.315. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἑξκαιδεκάτῃ μηνὸς ̓Αρτεμισίου συνηνέχθη, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ὑπερπαθῆσαν εἰς τὴν ἄνω συνέρρευσεν ἀγορὰν καὶ βοαῖς ἐξαισίοις περὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων ἀνωδύρετο: τὸ πλέον δὲ ἦσαν εἰς τὸν Φλῶρον ἐπίφθονοι φωναί. 2.316. πρὸς ὃ δείσαντες οἱ δυνατοὶ σὺν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν τὰς ἐσθῆτας περιερρήξαντο καὶ προσπίπτοντες ἕκαστος ἐδέοντο παύσασθαι καὶ μὴ πρὸς οἷς πεπόνθασιν εἰς ἀνήκεστόν τι τὸν Φλῶρον ἐρεθίζειν. 2.317. ἐπείσθη δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ταχέως αἰδοῖ τε τῶν παρακαλούντων καὶ κατ' ἐλπίδα τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι τὸν Φλῶρον εἰς αὐτοὺς παρανομήσειν. 2.318. ̔Ο δὲ σβεσθείσης τῆς ταραχῆς ἤχθετο καὶ πάλιν αὐτὴν ἀνάψαι πραγματευόμενος τούς τε ἀρχιερεῖς σὺν τοῖς γνωρίμοις μεταπέμπεται καὶ μόνον ἔφη τεκμήριον ἔσεσθαι τοῦ μηδὲν ἔτι τὸν δῆμον νεωτερίσειν, εἰ προελθόντες ὑπαντήσουσιν τοῖς ἀπὸ Καισαρείας ἀνιοῦσιν στρατιώταις: παρεγίνοντο δὲ δύο σπεῖραι. 2.319. τῶν δ' ἔτι συγκαλούντων τὸ πλῆθος προπέμψας διεδήλου τοῖς τῶν σπειρῶν ἑκατοντάρχοις, ὅπως παραγγείλωσιν τοῖς ὑφ' ἑαυτοὺς μήτε ἀντασπάσασθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους κἄν τι κατ' αὐτοῦ φθέγξωνται, χρήσασθαι τοῖς ὅπλοις. 2.321. ̓́Ενθα δὴ πᾶς μὲν ἱερεὺς πᾶς δ' ὑπηρέτης τοῦ θεοῦ τὰ ἅγια σκεύη προκομίσαντες καὶ τὸν κόσμον, ἐν ᾧ λειτουργεῖν ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς, ἀναλαβόντες κιθαρισταί τε καὶ ὑμνῳδοὶ μετὰ τῶν ὀργάνων προσέπιπτον καὶ κατηντιβόλουν φυλάξαι τὸν ἱερὸν κόσμον αὐτοῖς καὶ μὴ πρὸς ἁρπαγὴν τῶν θείων κειμηλίων ̔Ρωμαίους ἐρεθίσαι. 2.322. τοὺς δ' ἀρχιερεῖς αὐτοὺς ἦν ἰδεῖν καταμωμένους μὲν τὴν κεφαλὴν κόνει, γυμνοὺς δὲ τὰ στέρνα τῶν ἐσθήτων διερρηγμένων. ὀνομαστὶ δ' ἕκαστον τῶν γνωρίμων καὶ κοινῇ τὸ πλῆθος ἱκέτευον μὴ δι' ἐλαχίστης πλημμελείας προδοῦναι τὴν πατρίδα τοῖς ἐπιθυμοῦσιν πορθῆσαι: 2.323. τίνα γὰρ ἢ τοῖς στρατιώταις φέρειν ὠφέλειαν τὸν ἀπὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀσπασμὸν ἢ διόρθωσιν αὐτοῖς τῶν συμβεβηκότων τὸ μὴ νῦν προελθεῖν; 2.324. εἰ δὲ δὴ δεξιώσαιντο τοὺς προσιόντας ὡς ἔθος, Φλώρῳ μὲν ἀποκοπήσεσθαι τὴν ἀφορμὴν τοῦ πολέμου, κερδήσειν δ' αὐτοὺς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸ μηδὲν παθεῖν πλέον. ἄλλως τε καὶ τὸ πείθεσθαι στασιάζουσιν ὀλίγοις, δέον αὐτοὺς δῆμον ὄντας τοσοῦτον συναναγκάζειν κἀκείνους συνευγνωμονεῖν, δεινῆς ἀκρασίας εἶναι. 2.325. Τούτοις μειλισσόμενοι τὸ πλῆθος ἅμα καὶ τῶν στασιαστῶν οὓς μὲν ἀπειλαῖς οὓς δὲ αἰδοῖ κατέστειλαν. ἔπειτα ἐξηγούμενοι μεθ' ἡσυχίας τε καὶ κόσμου τοῖς στρατιώταις ὑπήντων καὶ πλησίον γενομένους ἠσπάσαντο: τῶν δὲ μηδὲν ἀποκριναμένων οἱ στασιασταὶ Φλώρου κατεβόων. 2.326. τοῦτο ἦν σύνθημα κατ' αὐτῶν δεδομένον: αὐτίκα γοῦν οἱ στρατιῶται περισχόντες αὐτοὺς ἔπαιον ξύλοις, καὶ φεύγοντας οἱ ἱππεῖς καταδιώκοντες συνεπάτουν. ἔπιπτον δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων τυπτόμενοι, πλείους δ' ὑπ' ἀλλήλων βιαζόμενοι. 2.327. δεινὸς δὲ περὶ τὰς πύλας ὠθισμὸς ἦν, καὶ φθάνειν ἑκάστου σπεύδοντος βραδυτέρα μὲν ἡ φυγὴ πᾶσιν ἐγίνετο, τῶν δὲ σφαλέντων ἀπώλεια δεινή: πνιγόμενοι γὰρ καὶ κλώμενοι πλήθει τῶν ἐπιβαινόντων ἠφανίζοντο, καὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς ταφήν τις γνώριμος τοῖς ἰδίοις κατελείπετο. 2.328. συνέπιπτον δὲ καὶ στρατιῶται παίοντες ἀνέδην τοὺς καταλαμβανομένους καὶ διὰ τῆς Βεθεζὰ καλουμένης ἀνεώθουν τὸ πλῆθος βιαζόμενοι παρελθεῖν καὶ κρατῆσαι τοῦ τε ἱεροῦ καὶ τῆς ̓Αντωνίας: ὧν καὶ Φλῶρος ἐφιέμενος ἐξῆγε τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τὸ φρούριον ἐλθεῖν ἠγωνίζετο. 2.329. διήμαρτέν γε μὴν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς: ὁ γὰρ δῆμος ἄντικρυς ἐπιστραφεὶς εἶργεν τῆς ὁρμῆς, καὶ διαστάντες ἐπὶ τῶν τεγῶν τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἔβαλλον. καταπονούμενοι δὲ τοῖς ὕπερθεν βέλεσιν καὶ διακόψαι τὸ τοὺς στενωποὺς ἐμφράξαν πλῆθος ἀσθενήσαντες ἀνεχώρουν εἰς τὸ πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις στρατόπεδον. 2.331. τοῦτ' ἔψυξεν τὴν Φλώρου πλεονεξίαν: τῶν γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ θησαυρῶν ἐφιέμενος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο παρελθεῖν ἐπιθυμῶν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν, ὡς ἀπερράγησαν αἱ στοαί, τὴν ὁρμὴν ἀνετράπη, καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τούς τε ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ τὴν βουλὴν αὐτὸς μὲν ἐξιέναι τῆς πόλεως ἔφη, φρουρὰν δ' ἐγκαταλείψειν αὐτοῖς ὅσην ἂν ἀξιώσωσιν. 2.332. τῶν δὲ πάντα περὶ ἀσφαλείας καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν νεωτερίσειν ὑποσχομένων, εἰ μίαν αὐτοῖς καταλείποι σπεῖραν, μὴ μέντοι τὴν μαχεσαμένην: πρὸς γὰρ ταύτην ἀπεχθῶς δι' ἃ πέπονθεν ἔχειν τὸ πλῆθος: ἀλλάξας τὴν σπεῖραν, ὡς ἠξίουν, μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυνάμεως ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Καισάρειαν. 2.333. ̔Ετέραν δὲ ἐπιβολὴν τῷ πολέμῳ ποριζόμενος ἐπέστελλεν Κεστίῳ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀπόστασιν καταψευδόμενος τήν τε ἀρχὴν τῆς μάχης περιθεὶς αὐτοῖς καὶ δρᾶσαι λέγων ἐκείνους ἃ πεπόνθεσαν. οὐ μὴν οὐδ' οἱ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἄρχοντες ἐσίγησαν, ἀλλ' αὐτοί τε καὶ Βερνίκη τῷ Κεστίῳ περὶ ὧν Φλῶρος εἰς τὴν πόλιν παρηνόμησεν ἔγραφον. 2.334. ὁ δὲ τὰ παρ' ἀμφοῖν ἀναγνοὺς μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐβουλεύετο. τοῖς μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν ἐδόκει Κέστιον μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἀναβαίνειν ἢ τιμωρησόμενον τὴν ἀπόστασιν, εἰ γέγονεν, ἢ βεβαιοτέρους καταστήσοντα ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ συμμένοντας, αὐτῷ δὲ προπέμψαι τῶν ἑταίρων τὸν κατασκεψόμενον τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὰ φρονήματα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πιστῶς ἀναγγελοῦντα. 2.335. πέμπει δή τινα τῶν χιλιάρχων Νεαπολιτανόν, ὃς ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρείας ὑποστρέφοντι περιτυχὼν ̓Αγρίππᾳ τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ ̓Ιάμνειαν τόν τε πέμψαντα καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἐδήλωσεν. 2.336. ̓́Ενθα καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἡ βουλὴ παρῆν δεξιουμένη τὸν βασιλέα. μετὰ δὲ τὴν εἰς ἐκεῖνον θεραπείαν ἀπωδύροντο τὰς ἑαυτῶν συμφορὰς καὶ τὴν Φλώρου διεξῄεσαν ὠμότητα. 2.337. πρὸς ἣν ἠγανάκτει μὲν ̓Αγρίππας, στρατηγικῶς δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν εἰς οὓς ἠλέει ̓Ιουδαίους μετέφερεν, ταπεινοῦν αὐτῶν βουλόμενος τὰ φρονήματα καὶ τῷ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀδίκως τι παθεῖν τῆς ἀμύνης ἀποτρέπων. 2.338. οἱ μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἂν ὄντες ἔκκριτοι καὶ διὰ τὰς ἑαυτῶν κτήσεις ἐπιθυμοῦντες εἰρήνης, συνίεσαν εὐνοϊκὴν τὴν ἐπίπληξιν τοῦ βασιλέως: ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐκ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἐπὶ ἑξήκοντα προελθὼν σταδίους ἐδεξιοῦτο τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν καὶ τὸν Νεαπολιτανόν. 2.339. ἐκώκυον δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀπεσφαγμένων αἱ γυναῖκες προεκθέουσαι, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τούτων οἰμωγὴν ὁ δῆμος εἰς ὀλοφυρμοὺς τραπόμενος ἐπικουρεῖν τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἱκέτευεν, τοῦ τε Νεαπολιτανοῦ κατεβόων ὅσα πάθοιεν ὑπὸ Φλώρου καὶ παρελθοῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν τήν τε ἀγορὰν ἠρημωμένην ἐπεδείκνυσαν καὶ πεπορθημένας τὰς οἰκίας. 2.341. ἔνθα συγκαλέσας τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εἰς πίστιν αὐτοὺς τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐπαινέσας, πολλὰ δὲ εἰς τὸ τηρεῖν τὴν εἰρήνην προτρεψάμενος καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνήσας ὅθεν ἐξῆν τὰ ἅγια πρὸς Κέστιον ἐπανῄει. 2.342. Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπί τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς τραπόμενον πέμπειν κατὰ Φλώρου πρέσβεις ἠξίου πρὸς Νέρωνα καὶ μὴ σιωπῶντας ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ φόνῳ καταλιπεῖν ἑαυτοῖς ὑπόνοιαν ἀποστάσεως: δόξειν γὰρ αὐτοὶ κατάρξαι τῶν ὅπλων, εἰ μὴ φθάσαντες ἐνδείξαιντο τὸν κατάρξαντα: 2.343. φανεροὶ δ' ἦσαν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντες, εἰ τὴν πρεσβείαν τις ἀποκωλύει. ̓Αγρίππᾳ δὲ τὸ μὲν χειροτονεῖν Φλώρου κατηγόρους ἐπίφθονον, τὸ περιιδεῖν δὲ ̓Ιουδαίους εἰς πόλεμον ἐκριπισθέντας οὐδὲ αὐτῷ λυσιτελὲς κατεφαίνετο. 2.344. προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ εἰς τὸν ξυστὸν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ παραστησάμενος ἐν περιόπτῳ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Βερνίκην ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ασαμωναίων οἰκίας, αὕτη γὰρ ἦν ἐπάνω τοῦ ξυστοῦ πρὸς τὸ πέραν τῆς ἄνω πόλεως, καὶ γέφυρα τῷ ξυστῷ τὸ ἱερὸν συνῆπτεν, ̓Αγρίππας ἔλεξεν τοιάδε. 2.345. “Εἰ μὲν ἑώρων πάντας ὑμᾶς πολεμεῖν ̔Ρωμαίοις ὡρμημένους καὶ μὴ τοῦ δήμου τὸ καθαρώτατον καὶ εἰλικρινέστατον εἰρήνην ἄγειν προῃρημένους, οὔτ' ἂν παρῆλθον εἰς ὑμᾶς οὔτε συμβουλεύειν ἐθάρρησα: περισσὸς γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖν πᾶς λόγος, ὅταν ᾖ τῶν ἀκουόντων πάντων [ἡ] πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ὁμόνοια. 2.346. ἐπεὶ δὲ τινὰς μὲν ἡλικία τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ κακῶν ἄπειρος, τινὰς δὲ ἐλπὶς ἀλόγιστος ἐλευθερίας, ἐνίους δὲ πλεονεξία τις παροξύνει καὶ τὸ παρὰ τῶν ἀσθενεστέρων, ἐὰν τὰ πράγματα συγχυθῇ, κέρδος, ὅπως αὐτοί τε σωφρονισθέντες μεταβάλωνται καὶ μὴ τῆς ἐνίων κακοβουλίας οἱ ἀγαθοὶ παραπολαύσωσιν, ᾠήθην δεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ πάντας ὑμᾶς συναγαγὼν εἰπεῖν ἃ νομίζω συμφέρειν. 2.347. θορυβήσῃ δέ μοι μηδείς, ἐὰν μὴ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀκούῃ: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἀνηκέστως ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπόστασιν ὡρμημένοις ἔνεστι καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν παραίνεσιν ταῦτα φρονεῖν, ἐμοὶ δὲ διαπίπτει καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀκούειν ἐθέλοντας ὁ λόγος, ἐὰν μὴ παρὰ πάντων ἡσυχία γένηται. 2.348. οἶδα μὲν οὖν ὅτι πολλοὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ὕβρεις καὶ τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐγκώμια τραγῳδοῦσιν, ἐγὼ δὲ πρὶν ἐξετάζειν τίνες ὄντες καὶ τίσιν ἐπιχειρεῖτε πολεμεῖν, πρῶτον διαζεύξω τὴν συμπλοκὴν τῶν προφάσεων. 2.349. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀμύνεσθε τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας, τί σεμνύνετε τὴν ἐλευθερίαν; εἰ δὲ τὸ δουλεύειν ἀφόρητον ἡγεῖσθε, περισσὴ πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἡ μέμψις: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνων μετριαζόντων αἰσχρὸν ὁμοίως τὸ δουλεύειν. 2.351. ὅταν δὲ τῶν μικρῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τοὺς ἐξονειδισμοὺς ποιῆσθε μεγάλους, καθ' ἑαυτῶν τοὺς ὀνειδιζομένους ἀπελέγχετε, καὶ παρέντες τὸ λάθρα καὶ μετ' αἰδοῦς ὑμᾶς βλάπτειν πορθοῦσι φανερῶς. οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως τὰς πληγὰς ὡς τὸ φέρειν ἀναστέλλει, καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀδικουμένων ἡσύχιον τοῖς ἀδικοῦσι γίνεται διατροπή. 2.352. φέρε δ' εἶναι τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπηρέτας ἀνηκέστως χαλεπούς: οὔπω ̔Ρωμαῖοι πάντες ἀδικοῦσιν ὑμᾶς οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, πρὸς οὓς αἱρεῖσθε τὸν πόλεμον: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐξ ἐντολῆς ἥκει τις πονηρὸς ἀπ' ἐκείνων, οὐδέ γε τοὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οἱ ἀφ' ἑσπέρας ἐπιβλέπουσιν: ἀλλ' οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ταχέως τὰ ἐντεῦθεν ἐκεῖ ῥᾴδιον. 2.353. ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ δι' ἕνα πολλοῖς καὶ διὰ μικρὰς αἰτίας τηλικούτοις καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκουσιν ἃ μεμφόμεθα πολεμεῖν. 2.354. καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡμετέρων ἐγκλημάτων ταχεῖα γένοιτ' ἂν διόρθωσις: οὔτε γὰρ ὁ αὐτὸς ἐπίτροπος μένει διὰ παντός, καὶ τοὺς διαδεξομένους εἰκὸς ἐλεύσεσθαι μετριωτέρους: κινηθέντα δ' ἅπαξ τὸν πόλεμον οὔτε ἀποθέσθαι ῥᾴδιον δίχα συμφορῶν οὔτε βαστάζειν. 2.355. ἀλλὰ μὴν τό γε νῦν ἐλευθερίας ἐπιθυμεῖν ἄωρον, δέον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲ ἀποβαλεῖν αὐτὴν ἀγωνίζεσθαι πρότερον: ἡ γὰρ πεῖρα τῆς δουλείας χαλεπή, καὶ περὶ τοῦ μηδ' ἄρξασθαι ταύτης ὁ ἀγὼν δίκαιος. 2.356. ὁ δ' ἅπαξ χειρωθείς, ἔπειτα ἀφιστάμενος, αὐθάδης δοῦλός ἐστιν, οὐ φιλελεύθερος. τότε τοιγαροῦν ἐχρῆν πάνθ' ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δέξασθαι ̔Ρωμαίους ποιεῖν, ὅτε ἐπέβαινεν τῆς χώρας Πομπήιος. 2.357. ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν ἡμέτεροι πρόγονοι καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς αὐτῶν καὶ χρήμασιν καὶ σώμασιν καὶ ψυχαῖς ἄμεινον ὑμῶν πολλῷ διακείμενοι πρὸς μοῖραν ὀλίγην τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων δυνάμεως οὐκ ἀντέσχον: ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὸ μὲν ὑπακούειν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρειληφότες, τοῖς πράγμασιν δὲ τῶν πρώτων ὑπακουσάντων τοσοῦτον ἐλαττούμενοι, πρὸς ὅλην ἀνθίστασθε τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν; 2.358. καὶ ̓Αθηναῖοι μὲν οἱ περὶ τῆς τῶν ̔Ελλήνων ἐλευθερίας παραδόντες ποτὲ καὶ πυρὶ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ τὸν ὑπερήφανον Ξέρξην διὰ γῆς πλεύσαντα καὶ διὰ θαλάσσης ὁδεύσαντα καὶ μὴ χωρούμενον μὲν τοῖς πελάγεσιν, πλατυτέραν δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὴν στρατιὰν ἄγοντα, οἷα δραπέτην ἐπὶ μιᾶς νηὸς διώξαντες, περὶ δὲ τῇ μικρᾷ Σαλαμῖνι τὴν τοσαύτην ̓Ασίαν κλάσαντες νῦν δουλεύουσιν ̔Ρωμαίοις, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίδα τῆς ̔Ελλάδος πόλιν διοικεῖ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας προστάγματα. 2.359. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μετὰ Θερμοπύλας καὶ Πλαταιὰς καὶ τὸν ἐρευνήσαντα τὴν ̓Ασίαν ̓Αγησίλαον ἀγαπῶσιν τοὺς αὐτοὺς δεσπότας, 2.361. ἄλλα τε ἔθνη μυρία πλείονος γέμοντα πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρρησίας εἴκει: μόνοι δ' ὑμεῖς ἀδοξεῖτε δουλεύειν οἷς ὑποτέτακται τὰ πάντα. ποίᾳ στρατιᾷ ποίοις πεποιθότες ὅπλοις; ποῦ μὲν ὁ στόλος ὑμῖν διαληψόμενος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων θαλάσσας; ποῦ δ' οἱ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἐξαρκέσοντες θησαυροί; 2.362. πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους ἄρα καὶ πρὸς ̓́Αραβας οἴεσθε κινεῖν τὸν πόλεμον; οὐ περισκέψεσθε τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν; οὐ μετρήσετε τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀσθένειαν; οὐ τὰ μὲν ἡμέτερα καὶ τῶν προσοίκων ἐθνῶν ἡττήθη πολλάκις, ἡ δὲ ἐκείνων ἰσχὺς διὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀνίκητος; 2.363. μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ταύτης ἐζήτησάν τι πλέον: οὐ γὰρ ἐξήρκεσεν αὐτοῖς ὅλος Εὐφράτης ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν οὐδὲ τῶν προσαρκτίων ὁ ̓́Ιστρος ἥ τε μεσημβρινὴ μέχρι τῶν ἀοικήτων ἐρευνηθεῖσα Λιβύη καὶ Γάδειρα πρὸς ἑσπέραν, ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ ὠκεανὸν ἑτέραν ἐζήτησαν οἰκουμένην καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀνιστορήτων πρότερον Βρεττανῶν διήνεγκαν τὰ ὅπλα. 2.364. τί οὖν; ὑμεῖς πλουσιώτεροι Γαλατῶν, ἰσχυρότεροι Γερμανῶν, ̔Ελλήνων συνετώτεροι, πλείους τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐστὲ πάντων; τί τὸ πεποιθὸς ὑμᾶς κατὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐπαίρει; χαλεπὸν τὸ δουλεύειν, ἐρεῖ τις. 2.365. πόσῳ μᾶλλον ̔́Ελλησιν, οἳ τῶν ὑφ' ἡλίῳ πάντων προύχοντες εὐγενείᾳ καὶ τοσαύτην νεμόμενοι χώραν ἓξ ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπείκουσιν ῥάβδοις, τοσαύταις δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνες οἱ δικαιότερον ὑμῶν ὀφείλοντες ἐλευθερίας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι. 2.366. τί δ' αἱ πεντακόσιαι τῆς ̓Ασίας πόλεις; οὐ δίχα φρουρᾶς ἕνα προσκυνοῦσιν ἡγεμόνα καὶ τὰς ὑπατικὰς ῥάβδους; τί χρὴ λέγειν ̔Ηνιόχους τε καὶ Κόλχους καὶ τὸ τῶν Ταύρων φῦλον, Βοσπορανούς τε καὶ τὰ περίοικα τοῦ Πόντου καὶ τῆς Μαιώτιδος ἔθνη; 2.367. παρ' οἷς πρὶν μὲν οὐδ' οἰκεῖος ἐγιγνώσκετο δεσπότης, νῦν δὲ τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις ὑποτάσσεται, καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς μακραὶ τὴν πρὶν ἄπλωτον καὶ ἀγρίαν εἰρηνεύουσι θάλασσαν. 2.368. πόσα Βιθυνία καὶ Καππαδοκία καὶ τὸ Παμφύλιον ἔθνος Λύκιοί τε καὶ Κίλικες ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἔχοντες εἰπεῖν χωρὶς ὅπλων φορολογοῦνται; τί δαί; Θρᾷκες οἱ πέντε μὲν εὖρος ἑπτὰ δὲ μῆκος ἡμερῶν χώραν διειληφότες, τραχυτέραν τε καὶ πολλῷ τῆς ὑμετέρας ὀχυρωτέραν καὶ βαθεῖ κρυμῷ τοὺς ἐπιστρατεύσοντας ἀνακόπτουσαν, οὐχὶ δισχιλίοις ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπακούουσιν φρουροῖς; 2.369. οἱ δ' ἀπὸ τούτων ̓Ιλλυριοὶ τὴν μέχρι Δαλματίας ἀποτεμνομένην ̓́Ιστρῳ κατοικοῦντες, οὐ δυσὶν μόνοις τάγμασιν ὑπείκουσιν, μεθ' ὧν αὐτοὶ τὰς Δακῶν ἀνακόπτουσιν ὁρμάς; 2.371. ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴ γέ τινας εἰς ἀπόστασιν ὤφειλον ἀφορμαὶ μεγάλαι παροξύνειν, μάλιστα Γαλάτας ἐχρῆν τοὺς οὕτως ὑπὸ τῆς φύσεως τετειχισμένους, ἐξ ἀνατολῆς μὲν ταῖς ̓́Αλπεσιν πρὸς ἄρκτῳ δὲ ̔Ρήνῳ ποταμῷ, μεσημβρινοῖς δὲ τοῖς Πυρηναίοις ὄρεσιν, ὠκεανῷ δὲ πρὸς δυσμῶν. 2.372. ἀλλὰ καίτοι τηλικαῦτα μὲν ἕρκη περιβεβλημένοι, πέντε δὲ καὶ τριακοσίοις πληθύοντες ἔθνεσιν, τὰς δὲ πηγάς, ὡς ἄν τις εἴποι, τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐπιχωρίους ἔχοντες καὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς σχεδὸν ὅλην ἐπικλύζοντες τὴν οἰκουμένην, ἀνέχονται ̔Ρωμαίων πρόσοδος ὄντες καὶ ταμιευόμενοι παρ' αὐτῶν τὴν οἰκείαν εὐδαιμονίαν. 2.373. καὶ τοῦθ' ὑπομένουσιν οὐ διὰ φρονημάτων μαλακίαν οὐδὲ δι' ἀγένειαν, οἵ γε διήνεγκαν ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη πόλεμον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ τὴν τύχην καταπλαγέντες, ἥτις αὐτοῖς κατορθοῖ πλείονα τῶν ὅπλων. τοιγαροῦν ὑπὸ χιλίοις καὶ διακοσίοις στρατιώταις δουλεύουσιν, ὧν ὀλίγου δεῖν πλείους ἔχουσι πόλεις. 2.374. οὐδὲ ̓́Ιβηρσιν ὁ γεωργούμενος χρυσὸς εἰς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐξήρκεσεν πόλεμον οὐδὲ τὸ τοσοῦτον ἀπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης διάστημα φῦλά τε Λουσιτανῶν καὶ Καντάβρων ἀρειμάνια οὐδὲ γείτων ὠκεανὸς φοβερὰν καὶ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἄμπωτιν ἐπάγων, 2.375. ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ τὰς ̔Ηρακλείους στήλας ἐκτείναντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ διὰ νεφῶν ὁδεύσαντες τὰ Πυρηναῖα ὄρη καὶ τούτους ἐδουλώσαντο ̔Ρωμαῖοι: φρουρὰ δ' ἤρκεσεν τῶν οὕτως δυσμάχων καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπῳκισμένων ἓν τάγμα. 2.376. τίς ὑμῶν οὐκ ἀκοῇ παρείληφεν τὸ Γερμανῶν πλῆθος; ἀλκὴν μὲν γὰρ καὶ μεγέθη σωμάτων εἴδετε δήπου πολλάκις, ἐπεὶ πανταχοῦ ̔Ρωμαῖοι τοὺς τούτων αἰχμαλώτους ἔχουσιν. 2.377. ἀλλ' οὗτοι γῆν μὲν ἄπειρον νεμόμενοι, μείζω δὲ τῶν σωμάτων ἔχοντες τὰ φρονήματα καὶ τὴν μὲν ψυχὴν θανάτου καταφρονοῦσαν, τοὺς δὲ θυμοὺς τῶν ἀγριωτάτων θηρίων σφοδροτέρους, ̔Ρῆνον τῆς ὁρμῆς ὅρον ἔχουσιν καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων ὀκτὼ τάγμασιν δαμαζόμενοι δουλεύουσιν μὲν ἁλόντες, τὸ δ' ὅλον αὐτῶν ἔθνος φυγῇ διασώζεται. 2.378. σκέψασθε δὲ καὶ τὸ Βρεττανῶν τεῖχος οἱ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμων τείχεσιν πεποιθότες: καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους περιβεβλημένους ὠκεανὸν καὶ τῆς καθ' ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης οὐκ ἐλάσσονα νῆσον οἰκοῦντας πλεύσαντες ἐδουλώσαντο ̔Ρωμαῖοι, τέσσαρα δὲ τάγματα τὴν τοσαύτην νῆσον φυλάσσει. 2.379. καὶ τί δεῖ πολλὰ λέγειν, ὅπου καὶ Πάρθοι, τὸ πολεμικώτατον φῦλον, τοσούτων ἄρχοντες ἐθνῶν καὶ τηλικαύτην περιβεβλημένοι δύναμιν ὁμήρους πέμπουσιν ̔Ρωμαίοις, καὶ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Ιταλίας ἰδεῖν ἐν εἰρήνης προφάσει δουλεύουσαν τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς εὐγένειαν. 2.381. οὔτε δὲ Κυρηναῖοι, τὸ Λακώνων γένος, οὔτε Μαρμαρίδαι, τὸ μέχρι τῆς διψάδος ἐκτεταμένον φῦλον, οὔθ' αἱ φοβεραὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀκούουσιν Σύρτεις Νασαμῶνές τε καὶ Μαῦροι καὶ τὸ Νομάδων ἄπειρον πλῆθος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων ἀνέκοψαν ἀρετάς. 2.382. τὴν δὲ τρίτην τῆς οἰκουμένης μοῖραν, ἧς οὐδὲ ἐξαριθμήσασθαι τὰ ἔθνη ῥᾴδιον, ὁριζομένην ̓Ατλαντικῷ τε πελάγει καὶ στήλαις ̔Ηρακλείοις καὶ μέχρι τῆς ̓Ερυθρᾶς θαλάσσης τοὺς ἀπείρους νέμουσαν Αἰθίοπας ἐχειρώσαντο μὲν ὅλην, 2.383. χωρὶς δὲ τῶν ἐτησίων καρπῶν, οἳ μησὶν ὀκτὼ τὸ κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην πλῆθος τρέφουσιν, καὶ ἔξωθεν παντοίως φορολογοῦνται καὶ ταῖς χρείαις τῆς ἡγεμονίας παρέχουσιν ἑτοίμους τὰς εἰσφοράς, οὐδὲν τῶν ἐπιταγμάτων ὥσπερ ὑμεῖς ὕβριν ἡγούμενοι καίπερ ἑνὸς τάγματος αὐτοῖς παραμένοντος. 2.384. καὶ τί δεῖ πόρρωθεν ὑμῖν τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ὑποδεικνύναι δύναμιν παρὸν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τῆς γειτνιώσης, 2.385. ἥτις ἐκτεινομένη μέχρις Αἰθιόπων καὶ τῆς εὐδαίμονος ̓Αραβίας ὅρμος τε οὖσα τῆς ̓Ινδικῆς, πεντήκοντα πρὸς ταῖς ἑπτακοσίαις ἔχουσα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων δίχα τῶν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν κατοικούντων, ὡς ἔνεστιν ἐκ τῆς καθ' ἑκάστην κεφαλὴν εἰσφορᾶς τεκμήρασθαι, τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν οὐκ ἀδοξεῖ, καίτοι πηλίκον ἀποστάσεως κέντρον ἔχουσα τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πλήθους τε ἀνδρῶν ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου πρὸς δὲ μεγέθους: 2.386. μῆκος μέν γε αὐτῆς τριάκοντα σταδίων, εὖρος δ' οὐκ ἔλαττον δέκα, τοῦ δὲ ἐνιαυσιαίου παρ' ὑμῶν φόρου καθ' ἕνα μῆνα πλέον ̔Ρωμαίοις παρέχει καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἔξωθεν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ σῖτον μηνῶν τεσσάρων: τετείχισται δὲ πάντοθεν ἢ δυσβάτοις ἐρημίαις ἢ θαλάσσαις ἀλιμένοις ἢ ποταμοῖς ἢ ἕλεσιν. 2.387. ἀλλ' οὐδὲν τούτων ἰσχυρότερον εὑρέθη τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων τύχης, δύο δ' ἐγκαθήμενα τῇ πόλει τάγματα τὴν βαθεῖαν Αἴγυπτον ἅμα τῇ Μακεδόνων εὐγενείᾳ χαλινοῖ. 2.388. τίνας οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς ἀοικήτου παραλήψεσθε συμμάχους; οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης πάντες εἰσὶν ̔Ρωμαῖοι, εἰ μή τις ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἐκτείνει τὰς ἐλπίδας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ̓Αδιαβηνῆς ὁμοφύλους οἴεται προσαμυνεῖν, 2.389. οἱ δ' οὔτε δι' αἰτίαν ἄλογον τηλικούτῳ πολέμῳ συνεμπλέξουσιν ἑαυτούς, οὔτε βουλευσαμένοις κακῶς ὁ Πάρθος ἐπιτρέψει: πρόνοια γὰρ αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐκεχειρίας, καὶ παραβαίνειν οἰήσεται τὰς σπονδάς, ἄν τις τῶν ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ̔Ρωμαίους ἴῃ. 2.391. σκέψασθε δ' ὡς ὑμῖν τὸ τῆς θρησκείας ἄκρατον, εἰ καὶ πρὸς εὐχειρώτους πολεμοίητε, δυσδιοίκητον, καὶ δι' ἃ μᾶλλον τὸν θεὸν ἐλπίζετε σύμμαχον, ταῦτ' ἀναγκαζόμενοι παραβαίνειν ἀποστρέψετε. 2.392. τηροῦντές γε μὴν τὰ τῶν ἑβδομάδων ἔθη καὶ πρὸς μηδεμίαν πρᾶξιν κινούμενοι ῥᾳδίως ἁλώσεσθε, καθάπερ οἱ πρόγονοι Πομπηίῳ ταύτας μάλιστα τὰς ἡμέρας ἐνεργοὺς ποιησαμένῳ τῆς πολιορκίας, ἐν αἷς ἤργουν οἱ πολιορκούμενοι: 2.393. παραβαίνοντες δὲ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τὸν πάτριον νόμον οὐκ οἶδ' ὑπὲρ ὅτου λοιπὸν ποιήσεσθε τὸν ἀγῶνα: σπουδὴ γὰρ ὑμῖν μία τὸ μὴ τῶν πατρίων τι καταλῦσαι. 2.394. πῶς δὲ ἐπικαλέσεσθε τὸ θεῖον πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν οἱ παραβάντες ἑκουσίως τὴν εἰς αὐτὸ θεραπείαν; ἐπαναιροῦνται δὲ ἕκαστοι πόλεμον ἢ θείᾳ πεποιθότες ἢ ἀνθρωπίνῃ βοηθείᾳ: ὅταν δὲ τὴν παρ' ἀμφοῖν τὸ εἰκὸς ἀποκόπτῃ, φανερὰν ἅλωσιν οἱ πολεμοῦντες αἱροῦνται. 2.395. τί δὴ κωλύει ταῖς ἑαυτῶν χερσὶν διαχρήσασθαι τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν περικαλλεστάτην πατρίδα ταύτην καταφλέξαι; μανέντες γὰρ οὕτως τό γε τῆς ἥττης ὄνειδος κερδήσετε. καλόν, 2.396. ὦ φίλοι, καλόν, ἕως ἔτι ἐν ὅρμῳ τὸ σκάφος προσκέπτεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα χειμῶνα μηδ' εἰς μέσας τὰς θυέλλας ἀπολουμένους ἀναχθῆναι: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἀδήλων ἐπιπεσοῦσιν δεινοῖς τὸ γοῦν ἐλεεῖσθαι περίεστιν, ὁ δ' εἰς πρόδηλον ἀπώλειαν ὁρμήσας καὶ προσονειδίζεται. 2.397. πλὴν εἰ μή τις ὑπολαμβάνει κατὰ συνθήκας πολεμήσειν καὶ ̔Ρωμαίους κρατήσαντας ὑμῶν μετριάσειν, ἀλλ' οὐκ εἰς ὑπόδειγμα τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καταφλέξειν μὲν τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν, ἀναιρήσειν δὲ πᾶν ὑμῶν τὸ φῦλον: οὐδὲ γὰρ περιλειφθέντες φυγῆς εὑρήσετε τόπον ἁπάντων ἐχόντων ̔Ρωμαίους δεσπότας ἢ δεδοικότων σχεῖν. 2.398. ὁ δὲ κίνδυνος οὐ τῶν ἐνθάδε μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας κατοικούντων πόλεις: οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης δῆμος ὁ μὴ μοῖραν ἡμετέραν ἔχων. 2.399. οὓς ἅπαντας πολεμησάντων ὑμῶν κατασφάξουσιν οἱ διάφοροι, καὶ δι' ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν κακοβουλίαν πᾶσα πλησθήσεται πόλις ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ φόνου. καὶ συγγνώμη μὲν τοῖς τοῦτο πράξασιν: ἂν δὲ μὴ πραχθῇ, λογίσασθε, πῶς πρὸς οὕτω φιλανθρώπους ὅπλα κινεῖν ἀνόσιον. 2.401. μαρτύρομαι δὲ ἐγὼ μὲν ὑμῶν τὰ ἅγια καὶ τοὺς ἱεροὺς ἀγγέλους τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρίδα τὴν κοινήν, ὡς οὐδὲν τῶν σωτηρίων ὑμῖν καθυφηκάμην, ὑμεῖς δὲ βουλευσάμενοι μὲν τὰ δέοντα κοινὴν σὺν ἐμοὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἕξετε, προαχθέντες δὲ τοῖς θυμοῖς χωρὶς ἐμοῦ κινδυνεύσετε.” 2.402. Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν ἐπεδάκρυσέν τε μετὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς καὶ πολὺ τῆς ὁρμῆς αὐτῶν ἔπαυσεν τοῖς δακρύοις. ἀνεβόων δὲ οὐ ̔Ρωμαίοις, ἀλλὰ Φλώρῳ δι' ἃ πεπόνθασιν πολεμεῖν. 2.403. πρὸς τοῦτο βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας “ἀλλὰ τὰ ἔργα, ἔφη, ̔Ρωμαίοις ἤδη πολεμούντων ἐστίν: οὔτε γὰρ Καίσαρι δεδώκατε τὸν φόρον καὶ τὰς στοὰς ἀπεκόψατε τῆς ̓Αντωνίας. 2.404. ἀποσκευάσαισθε δ' ἂν τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἀποστάσεως, εἰ ταύτας τε συνάψετε πάλιν καὶ τελέσετε τὴν εἰσφοράν: οὐ γὰρ δή γε Φλώρου τὸ φρούριόν ἐστιν ἢ Φλώρῳ τὰ χρήματα δώσετε.” 2.405. Τούτοις ὁ δῆμος ἐπείθετο, καὶ μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τῆς τε Βερνίκης ἀναβάντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν κατήρξαντο τῆς τῶν στοῶν δομήσεως, εἰς δὲ τὰς κώμας οἵ τε ἄρχοντες καὶ βουλευταὶ μερισθέντες τοὺς φόρους συνέλεγον. ταχέως δὲ τὰ τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα, τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἔλειπεν, ἠθροίσθη. 2.406. καὶ τοῦ μὲν πολέμου τότε οὕτω τὴν ἀπειλὴν κατεῖχεν ̓Αγρίππας, αὖθις δὲ ἐπειρᾶτο πείθειν τὸ πλῆθος ὑπακούειν Φλώρῳ, μέχρις ἀντ' αὐτοῦ πέμψει Καῖσαρ διάδοχον: πρὸς ὃ παροξυνθέντες ἐβλασφήμουν εἰς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τῆς πόλεως αὐτὸν ἐξεκήρυσσον, ἐτόλμων δέ τινες τῶν στασιαστῶν καὶ λίθους ἐπ' αὐτὸν βάλλειν. 2.407. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἰδὼν τὴν ὁρμὴν ἤδη τῶν νεωτεριζόντων ἀκατάσχετον καὶ χαλεπήνας ἐφ' οἷς προπεπηλάκισται, τοὺς μὲν ἄρχοντας αὐτῶν ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς ἔπεμπε πρὸς Φλῶρον εἰς Καισάρειαν, ἵν' ἐκεῖνος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποδείξῃ τοὺς τὴν χώραν φορολογήσοντας, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν. 2.408. Κἀν τούτῳ τινὲς τῶν μάλιστα κινούντων τὸν πόλεμον συνελθόντες ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ φρούριόν τι καλούμενον Μασάδαν, καὶ καταλαβόντες αὐτὸ λάθρα τοὺς μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων φρουροὺς ἀπέσφαξαν, ἑτέρους δ' ἐγκατέστησαν ἰδίους. 2.487. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ἀεὶ μὲν ἦν στάσις πρὸς τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἀφ' οὗ χρησάμενος προθυμοτάτοις κατὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ̓Ιουδαίοις ̓Αλέξανδρος γέρας τῆς συμμαχίας ἔδωκεν τὸ μετοικεῖν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐξ ἴσου † μοίρας πρὸς τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας. 2.488. διέμεινεν δ' αὐτοῖς ἡ τιμὴ καὶ παρὰ τῶν διαδόχων, οἳ καὶ τόπον ἴδιον αὐτοῖς ἀφώρισαν, ὅπως καθαρωτέραν ἔχοιεν τὴν δίαιταν ἧττον ἐπιμισγομένων τῶν ἀλλοφύλων, καὶ χρηματίζειν ἐπέτρεψαν Μακεδόνας, ἐπεί τε ̔Ρωμαῖοι κατεκτήσαντο τὴν Αἴγυπτον, οὔτε Καῖσαρ ὁ πρῶτος οὔτε τῶν μετ' αὐτόν τις ὑπέμεινεν τὰς ἀπ' ̓Αλεξάνδρου τιμὰς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐλαττῶσαι. 2.489. συμβολαὶ δ' ἦσαν αὐτῶν ἀδιάλειπτοι πρὸς τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας, καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων πολλοὺς ὁσημέραι παρ' ἀμφοῖν κολαζόντων ἡ στάσις μᾶλλον παρωξύνετο. 2.491. κατιδόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ διάφοροι παραχρῆμα ἀνεβόων πολεμίους καὶ κατασκόπους λέγοντες: ἔπειτα ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐπέβαλλον τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς. οἱ μὲν οὖν λοιποὶ φεύγοντες διεσπάρησαν, τρεῖς δὲ ἄνδρας συλλαβόντες ἔσυρον ὡς ζῶντας καταφλέξοντες. 2.492. ἤρθη δὲ πᾶν τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἄμυναν, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λίθοις τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας ἔβαλλον, αὖθις δὲ λαμπάδας ἁρπασάμενοι πρὸς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον ὥρμησαν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐν αὐτῷ καταφλέξειν τὸν δῆμον αὔτανδρον. κἂν ἔφθησαν τοῦτο δράσαντες, εἰ μὴ τοὺς θυμοὺς αὐτῶν ἀνέκοψεν Τιβέριος ̓Αλέξανδρος ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἡγεμών. 2.493. οὐ μὴν οὗτός γε ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων ἤρξατο σωφρονίζειν, ἀλλ' ὑποπέμψας τοὺς γνωρίμους αὐτοῖς παύσασθαι παρεκάλει καὶ μὴ καθ' ἑαυτῶν ἐρεθίζειν τὸ ̔Ρωμαίων στράτευμα. καταχλευάζοντες δὲ τῆς παρακλήσεως οἱ στασιώδεις ἐβλασφήμουν τὸν Τιβέριον. 2.494. Κἀκεῖνος συνιδὼν ὡς χωρὶς μεγάλης συμφορᾶς οὐκ ἂν παύσαιντο νεωτερίζοντες, ἐπαφίησιν αὐτοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ̔Ρωμαίων δύο τάγματα καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς δισχιλίους στρατιώτας κατὰ τύχην παρόντας εἰς τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων ὄλεθρον ἐκ Λιβύης: ἐπέτρεψεν δὲ οὐ μόνον ἀναιρεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κτήσεις αὐτῶν διαρπάζειν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας καταφλέγειν. 2.495. οἱ δ' ὁρμήσαντες εἰς τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα, συνῴκιστο γὰρ ἐκεῖ τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκόν, ἐτέλουν τὰς ἐντολάς, οὐ μὴν ἀναιμωτί: συστραφέντες γὰρ οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι καὶ τοὺς ἄμεινον ὡπλισμένους ἑαυτῶν προταξάμενοι μέχρι πλείστου μὲν ἀντέσχον, ἅπαξ δ' ἐγκλίναντες ἀνέδην διεφθείροντο. 2.496. καὶ παντοῖος ἦν αὐτῶν ὄλεθρος, τῶν μὲν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ καταλαμβανομένων, τῶν δ' εἰς τὰς οἰκίας συνωθουμένων. ὑπεπίμπρασαν δὲ καὶ ταύτας οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι προδιαρπάζοντες τὰ ἔνδον, καὶ οὔτε νηπίων ἔλεος αὐτοὺς οὔτε αἰδὼς εἰσῄει γερόντων, 2.497. ἀλλὰ διὰ πάσης ἡλικίας ἐχώρουν κτείνοντες, ὡς ἐπικλυσθῆναι μὲν αἵματι πάντα τὸν χῶρον, πέντε δὲ μυριάδες ἐσωρεύθησαν νεκρῶν, περιελείφθη δ' ἂν οὐδὲ τὸ λοιπόν, εἰ μὴ πρὸς ἱκετηρίας ἐτράποντο. κατοικτείρας δ' αὐτοὺς ̓Αλέξανδρος ἀναχωρεῖν τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐκέλευσεν. 2.498. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἔθους τὸ πειθήνιον ἔχοντες ἅμα νεύματι τοῦ φονεύειν ἐπαύσαντο, τὸ δημοτικὸν δὲ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων δι' ὑπερβολὴν μίσους δυσανάκλητον ἦν καὶ μόλις ἀπεσπᾶτο τῶν σωμάτων. 3.414. ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ συναθροισθέντες οἵ τε κατὰ στάσιν ἐκπίπτοντες τῶν πόλεων καὶ οἱ διαφυγόντες ἐκ τῶν κατεστραμμένων, πλῆθος οὐκ ὀλίγον, ἀνακτίζουσιν ̓Ιόππην ὁρμητήριον σφίσιν, ἐρημωθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Κεστίου πρότερον, 3.415. καὶ τῆς χώρας ἐκπεπολεμωμένης ἀνειργόμενοι μεταβαίνειν ἔγνωσαν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν. 3.416. πηξάμενοί τε πειρατικὰ σκάφη πλεῖστα τόν τε Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης καὶ τὸν ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου πόρον ἐλῄστευον, ἄπλωτά τε πᾶσιν ἐποίουν τὰ τῇδε πελάγη. 3.417. Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ ὡς ἔγνω τὴν σύνταξιν αὐτῶν, πέμπει πεζούς τε καὶ ἱππεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Ιόππην, οἳ νύκτωρ ὡς ἀφύλακτον εἰσέρχονται τὴν πόλιν. 4.616. ̓Εφίετο μὲν οὖν εἰκότως τῶν ταύτῃ πραγμάτων Οὐεσπασιανὸς εἰς βεβαίωσιν τῆς ὅλης ἡγεμονίας, ἐπιστέλλει δ' εὐθὺς τῷ διέποντι τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν Τιβερίῳ ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ, δηλῶν τὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς πρόθυμον, καὶ ὡς αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἀναγκαίως τὸ βάρος τῆς ἡγεμονίας συνεργὸν αὐτὸν καὶ βοηθὸν προσλαμβάνοι. 4.617. παραναγνοὺς δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ̓Αλέξανδρος προθύμως τά τε τάγματα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς αὐτὸν ὥρκωσεν. ἑκάτεροι δὲ ἀσμένως ὑπήκουσαν τὴν ἀρετὴν τἀνδρὸς ἐκ τῆς ἐγγὺς στρατηγίας εἰδότες. 4.618. καὶ ὁ μὲν πεπιστευμένος ἤδη τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν προπαρεσκεύαζεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἄφιξιν, τάχιον δ' ἐπινοίας διήγγελλον αἱ φῆμαι τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνατολῆς αὐτοκράτορα, καὶ πᾶσα μὲν πόλις ἑώρταζεν εὐαγγέλια [δὲ] καὶ θυσίας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐπετέλει. 5.45. φίλων δὲ δοκιμώτατος εὔνοιάν τε καὶ σύνεσιν Τιβέριος ̓Αλέξανδρος, πρότερον μὲν αὐτοῖς τὴν Αἴγυπτον διέπων, 5.45. Τίτῳ μὲν οὖν οἰκτρὸν τὸ πάθος κατεφαίνετο πεντακοσίων ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἔστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ πλειόνων ἁλισκομένων, οὔτε δὲ τοὺς βίᾳ ληφθέντας ἀφεῖναι ἀσφαλὲς καὶ φυλάττειν τοσούτους φρουρὰν τῶν φυλαξόντων ἑώρα: τό γε μὴν πλέον οὐκ ἐκώλυεν τάχ' ἂν ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐλπίσας αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ παραδοῖεν, ὅμοια πεισομένους. 5.46. τότε δὲ τῶν στρατευμάτων ἄρχων, κριθεὶς ἄξιος ἐξ ὧν ἐδεξιώσατο πρῶτος ἐγειρομένην ἄρτι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ μετὰ πίστεως λαμπρᾶς ἐξ ἀδήλου τῇ τύχῃ προσέθετο, σύμβουλός γε μὴν ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου χρείαις ἡλικίᾳ τε προύχων καὶ κατ' ἐμπειρίαν εἵπετο. 5.46. ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ ὁ ̓Επιφανὴς ̓Αντίοχος παρῆν ἄλλους τε ὁπλίτας συχνοὺς ἔχων καὶ περὶ αὑτὸν στῖφος Μακεδόνων καλούμενον, ἥλικας πάντας, ὑψηλούς, ὀλίγον ὑπὲρ ἀντίπαιδας, τὸν Μακεδονικὸν τρόπον ὡπλισμένους τε καὶ πεπαιδευμένους, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν εἶχον ὑστεροῦντες οἱ πολλοὶ τοῦ γένους. 5.145. κατὰ θάτερα δὲ πρὸς δύσιν, ἀπὸ ταὐτοῦ μὲν ἀρχόμενον, διὰ δὲ τοῦ Βησοῦ καλουμένου χώρου κατατεῖνον ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Εσσηνῶν πύλην, κἄπειτα πρὸς νότον ὑπὲρ τὴν Σιλωὰν ἐπιστρέφον πηγήν, ἔνθεν τε πάλιν ἐκκλίνον πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Σολομῶνος κολυμβήθραν καὶ διῆκον μέχρι χώρου τινός, ὃν καλοῦσιν ̓Οφλάς, τῇ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν στοᾷ τοῦ ἱεροῦ συνῆπτε. 5.205. πεντήκοντα γὰρ πηχῶν οὖσα τὴν ἀνάστασιν τεσσαρακονταπήχεις τὰς θύρας εἶχε καὶ τὸν κόσμον πολυτελέστερον ἐπὶ δαψιλὲς πάχος ἀργύρου τε καὶ χρυσοῦ. τοῦτον δὲ ταῖς ἐννέα πύλαις ἐπέχεεν ὁ Τιβερίου πατὴρ ̓Αλέξανδρος. 6.237. καὶ συνελθόντων ἓξ τῶν κορυφαιοτάτων, Τιβερίου τε ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ πάντων τῶν στρατευμάτων ἐπάρχοντος, καὶ Σέξτου Κερεαλίου τοῦ τὸ πέμπτον ἄγοντος τάγμα, καὶ Λαρκίου Λεπίδου τὸ δέκατον, καὶ Τίτου Φρυγίου τὸ πεντεκαιδέκατον, 6.238. πρὸς οἷς Φρόντων ἦν ̔Ετέριος στρατοπεδάρχης τῶν ἀπὸ ̓Αλεξανδρείας δύο ταγμάτων, καὶ Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος ̓Ιουλιανὸς ὁ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπίτροπος, καὶ μετὰ τούτους ἐπιτρόπων καὶ χιλιάρχων ἀθροισθέντων, βουλὴν περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ προυτίθει. 6.239. τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἐδόκει χρῆσθαι τῷ τοῦ πολέμου νόμῳ: μὴ γὰρ ἄν ποτε ̓Ιουδαίους παύσασθαι νεωτερίζοντας τοῦ ναοῦ μένοντος, ἐφ' ὃν οἱ πανταχόθεν συλλέγονται. 6.241. ὁ δὲ Τίτος οὐδ' ἂν ἐπιβάντες ἐπ' αὐτοῦ πολεμῶσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι φήσας ἀντὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀμυνεῖσθαι τὰ ἄψυχα οὐδὲ καταφλέξειν ποτὲ τηλικοῦτον ἔργον: ̔Ρωμαίων γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τὴν βλάβην, ὥσπερ καὶ κόσμον τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτοῦ μένοντος: 6.242. θαρροῦντες δὲ ἤδη προσετίθεντο τῇ γνώμῃ Φρόντων τε καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ Κερεάλιος. 6.243. τότε μὲν οὖν διαλύει τὸ συνέδριον καὶ τὰς ἄλλας δυνάμεις διαναπαῦσαι κελεύσας τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν, ὅπως ἐρρωμενεστέροις ἐν τῇ παρατάξει χρήσαιτο, τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν σπειρῶν ἐπιλέκτοις ὁδοποιεῖν διὰ τῶν ἐρειπίων προσέταξε καὶ τὸ πῦρ σβεννύειν. 7.123. Τοῦ δὲ στρατιωτικοῦ παντὸς ἔτι νύκτωρ κατὰ λόχους καὶ τάξεις ὑπὸ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι διεξωδευκότος καὶ περὶ θύρας ὄντος οὐ τῶν ἄνω βασιλείων ἀλλὰ πλησίον τοῦ τῆς ̓́Ισιδος ἱεροῦ, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἀνεπαύοντο τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης οἱ αὐτοκράτορες, 7.155. ἐπεὶ δ' ἀπηγγέλθη τέλος ἔχων καὶ πάντες εὐφήμησαν, ἤρχοντο τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς ἐπὶ ταῖς νομιζομέναις καλλιερήσαντες εὐχαῖς ἀπῄεσαν εἰς τὸ βασίλειον. 7.216. Περὶ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἐπέστειλε Καῖσαρ Βάσσῳ καὶ Λαβερίῳ Μαξίμῳ, οὗτος δὲ ἦν ἐπίτροπος, κελεύων πᾶσαν γῆν ἀποδόσθαι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων. | 1.78. 5. And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars), 1.79. “O strange!” said he, “it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.” 1.80. And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But, in a little time, news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato’s Tower, by the same name with that Caesarea which lay by the seaside; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet’s disorder. 1.120. 1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power and magimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; 1.403. 2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner. 1.404. 3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, 1.405. where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when anybody lets down anything to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. 1.406. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history. 1.407. 4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar’s honor; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas. 1.408. 5. And when he observed that there was a city by the seaside that was much decayed (its name was Strato’s Tower) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magimity; 1.409. for the case was this, that all the seashore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. 1.410. But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecum [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also]. 1.411. 6. Now, although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twentyfathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. 1.412. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar. 1.413. 7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. 1.414. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, and named it Caesarea accordingly. 1.415. 8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and marketplace, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar’s Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. 1.416. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple. 1.417. 9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. 1.418. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis. 1.419. 10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium; and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman’s breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition, 1.420. and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. 1.421. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only. 1.422. 11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and marketplaces at Berytus and Tyre, with theaters at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the seaside; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; 1.423. nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. 1.424. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those forever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And when Apollo’s temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. 1.425. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to everybody’s wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length. 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.120. These Essenes reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons’ children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. 2.121. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man. 2.122. 3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there anyone to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one’s possessions are intermingled with every other’s possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. 2.124. 4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. 2.125. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. 2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, 2.130. and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; 2.131. but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for anyone to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; 2.132. then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; 2.135. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned. 2.137. 7. But now, if anyone hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use, for a year, while he continues excluded; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. 2.138. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. 2.139. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; 2.140. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; 2.141. that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. 2.142. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves. 2.143. 8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; 2.144. for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of. 2.145. 9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom, if anyone blaspheme, he is punished capitally. 2.151. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They condemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always; 2.159. 12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions. 2.160. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. 2.161. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essenes. 2.204. 1. Now when Caius had reigned three years and eight months, and had been slain by treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at Rome to take the government upon him; 2.205. but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls, Sentius Saturninus, and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers that staid with them to keep the city quiet, and went up into the capitol in great numbers, and resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they had met with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it. 2.206. 2. Now it happened that at this time Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both the senate called him to consult with them, and at the same time Claudius sent for him out of the camp, that he might be serviceable to him, as he should have occasion for his service. So he, perceiving that Claudius was in effect made Caesar already, went to him, 2.207. who sent him as an ambassador to the senate, to let them know what his intentions were: that, in the first place, it was without his seeking that he was hurried away by the soldiers; moreover, that he thought it was not just to desert those soldiers in such their zeal for him, and that if he should do so, his own fortune would be in uncertainty; for that it was a dangerous case to have been once called to the empire. 2.208. He added further, that he would administer the government as a good prince, and not like a tyrant; for that he would be satisfied with the honor of being called emperor, but would, in every one of his actions, permit them all to give him their advice; for that although he had not been by nature for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficient demonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station. 2.209. 3. This message was delivered by Agrippa; to which the senate replied, that since they had an army, and the wisest counsels on their side, they would not endure a voluntary slavery. And when Claudius heard what answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them again, with the following message: That he could not bear the thoughts of betraying them that had given their oaths to be true to him; and that he saw he must fight, though unwillingly, against such as he had no mind to fight; 2.210. that, however, [if it must come to that,] it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators. 2.211. 4. In the meantime, one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew his sword, and cried out, “O my fellow soldiers, what is the meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our brethren, and to use violence to our kindred that are with Claudius? while we may have him for our emperor whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [to lay claim to the government]! and this with regard to those against whom we are going to fight!” 2.212. When he had said this, he marched through the whole senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus deserted. But still, because there appeared no other way whither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with the soldiers, and went to Claudius. 2.213. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius could know what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had not Agrippa run before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of madness against the patricians, he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert. 2.214. 5. When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiery, and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with them presently to offer their thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon, his first coming to the empire. 2.215. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still, besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias. 2.216. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol. 2.217. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis. 2.218. 6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a dominion; nor did he abuse the money he had on small matters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem with such a wall, which, had it been brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for the Romans to take it by siege; 2.219. but his death, which happened at Caesarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years. 2.220. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquility. 2.221. Now, after this, Herod the king of Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons, born to him of his brother’s daughter Bernice; their names were Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus. [He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom he had by his former wife Mariamne. There was besides another brother of his that died a private person, his name was also Aristobulus, who left behind him a daughter, whose name was Jotape: 2.222. and these, as I have formerly said, were the children of Aristobulus the son of Herod, which Aristobulus and Alexander were born to Herod by Mariamne, and were slain by him. But as for Alexander’s posterity, they reigned in Armenia. 2.223. 1. Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, over his uncle’s kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews’ ruin came on; 2.224. for when the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple(for they always were armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make), one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a posture. 2.225. At this the whole multitude had indignation, and made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous, fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at the soldiers. 2.226. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city; 2.227. and the violence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented [their own relations]. 2.228. 2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Bethhoron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. 2.229. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire. 2.230. Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Caesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. 2.231. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways. 2.232. 3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situated in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; 2.233. and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success. 2.234. 4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set over them, 2.235. but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were in the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire. 2.236. 5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Caesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. 2.237. And as for the rest of the multitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem ran out, clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their heads, and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only. 2.238. The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still there were a great number who betook themselves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort happened over the whole country. 2.239. And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished: 2.240. the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Aus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder. 2.241. 6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Caesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; 2.242. and when from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that fight, and beheaded them; 2.243. but he sent two others of those that were of the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Aias, the high priests, as also Aus the son of this Aias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as he did in like manner by the most illustrious of the Samaritans. 2.244. He also ordered that Cumanus [the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to give an account of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any tumult, he returned to Antioch. 2.245. 7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say (where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like manner many of the great men stood by Cumanus), he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should be put to death; he banished Cumanus, 2.246. and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, and then beheaded. 2.247. 8. After this Caesar sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanea, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed. 2.248. But Claudius himself, when he had administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had adopted by his Wife Agrippina’s delusions, in order to be his successor, although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia, 2.249. whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was Antonia. 2.251. and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in the scenes, and upon the theater,—I omit to say any more about them, because there are writers enough upon those subjects everywhere; but I shall turn myself to those actions of his time in which the Jews were concerned. 2.252. 2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod’s son, and he added to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Taricheae also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. 2.253. This Felix took Eleazar the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated. 2.254. 3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the daytime, and in the midst of the city; 2.255. this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. 2.256. The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; 2.257. and while everybody expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance. 2.258. 4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. 2.259. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. 2.260. But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them. 2.261. 5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; 2.262. these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. 2.263. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves. 2.264. 6. Now, when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; 2.265. for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war. 2.266. 7. There was also another disturbance at Caesarea:—those Jews who were mixed with the Syrians that lived there, raising a tumult against them. The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built it was a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not design it for Jews. 2.267. On which account both parties had a contest with one another; and this contest increased so much, that it came at last to arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the Greeks thought it a shame for them to be overcome by the Jews. 2.268. Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it. 2.269. However, the governors of the city were concerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with stripes and bonds. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright the remainder, or make them desist; but they were still more and more exasperated, and deeper engaged in the sedition. 2.270. And as Felix came once into the marketplace, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges. 2.271. 1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them. 2.272. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named but he had a hand in it. 2.273. Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one’s substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and nobody remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing. 2.274. At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the principal men among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus; 2.275. and everyone of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers, while he himself, like an arch-robber, or a tyrant, made a figure among his company, and abused his authority over those about him, in order to plunder those that lived quietly. 2.276. The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction. 2.277. 2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus who succeeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person, upon the comparison; for the former did the greatest part of his rogueries in private, and with a sort of dissimulation; but Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompous manner; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation; 2.278. where the case was really pitiable, he was most barbarous, and in things of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could anyone outdo him in disguising the truth; nor could anyone contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they got. 2.279. Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparchies were brought to desolation, and a great many of the people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces. 2.280. 3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions: these besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country. 2.281. But as he was present, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them that he would take care that Florus should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch. 2.282. Florus also conducted him as far as Caesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities; 2.283. for he expected that if the peace continued, he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar; but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge, by a misery that was so much greater; he therefore did every day augment their calamities, in order to induce them to a rebellion. 2.284. 4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Caesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius [Jyar]. 2.285. Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Caesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; 2.286. but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made workingshops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; 2.287. but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. 2.288. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. 2.289. 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. 2.291. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs. 2.292. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Caesarea. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.294. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. 2.295. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; 2.296. and instead of coming to Caesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward [of eight talents], he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection. 2.297. 7. But the people were desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves in order to receive him very submissively. 2.298. But he sent Capito, a centurion, beforehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully reproached before; 2.299. and said that it was incumbent on them, in case they had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with their weapons also. 2.300. With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito’s horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face. 2.301. 8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; 2.302. upon which Florus commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these demonstrated that the people were peaceably disposed, and they begged forgiveness for those that had spoken amiss; 2.303. for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be, and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also; and that it was impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what would follow: 2.304. that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the Romans, and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked to put so large and good a body of men into disorder. 2.305. 9. Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market-place, and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into every house, they slew its inhabitants; 2.306. o the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. 2.307. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children (for they did not spare even the infants themselves), was about three thousand and six hundred. 2.308. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. 2.309. 1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; 2.311. but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering; 2.312. nay, this violence of the soldiers broke out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had staid there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers. 2.313. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vow which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head. 2.314. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus’s tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself. 2.315. 2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now, on the next day, the multitude, who were in a great agony, ran together to the Upper Marketplace, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus; 2.316. at which the men of power were affrighted, together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already suffered. 2.317. Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of reverence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries. 2.318. 3. So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and endeavored to kindle that flame again, and sent for the high priests, with the other eminent persons, and said, the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this,—that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Caesarea, whence two cohorts were coming; 2.319. and while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that were under them not to return the Jews’ salutations; and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons. 2.320. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action. 2.321. 4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things.—The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures. 2.322. You might also see then the high priests themselves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the eminent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste; 2.323. aying, “What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them? 2.324. and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all further sufferings; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to force the others to act soberly.” 2.325. 5. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made no answer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for falling upon them. 2.326. The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently, and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another. 2.327. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while everybody was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, and broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral; 2.328. the soldiers also who beat them, fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Bezetha, as they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple, and the tower Antonia. Florus also being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king’s palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia]; 2.329. but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him, and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace. 2.331. This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple], and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt; he then sent for the high priests and the Sanhedrin, and told them that he was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire. 2.332. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Caesarea. 2.333. 1. However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews falsely of revolting [from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Florus had been guilty against the city; 2.334. who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains [what he should do]. Now some of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. 2.335. Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errand he was sent. 2.336. 2. And here it was that the high priests, and men of power among the Jews, as well as the Sanhedrin, came to congratulate the king [upon his safe return]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus. 2.337. At which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves. 2.338. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; 2.339. but the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the marketplace was made desolate, and the houses plundered. 2.340. They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple, 2.341. where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace; and having performed such parts of Divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do, he returned to Cestius. 2.342. 3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king, and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasion of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it; 2.343. and it appeared openly that they would not be quiet, if anybody should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook them, as they were in a disposition for war. 2.344. He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be seen by them (which house was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery), and spake to them as follows:— 2.345. 4. “Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. 2.346. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought it proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. 2.347. And let not anyone be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say does not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. 2.348. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight,—I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; 2.349. for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaints against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. 2.350. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; 2.351. but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. 2.352. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. 2.353. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one: to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: 2.354. nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue forever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. 2.355. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; 2.356. but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. 2.357. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. 2.358. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia as the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. 2.359. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. 2.360. These Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. 2.361. Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? 2.362. Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? 2.363. nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. 2.364. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? 2.365. Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. 2.366. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, 2.367. who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? 2.368. How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? 2.369. Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians. And for the 2.370. Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. 2.371. Moreover, if great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. 2.372. Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; 2.373. and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; 2.374. nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. 2.375. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. 2.376. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere; 2.377. yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in a rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. 2.378. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than [the continent of] this habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island: 2.379. And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. 2.380. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. 2.381. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. 2.382. And as for the third part of the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. 2.383. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. 2.384. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? 2.385. This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven million five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, 2.386. its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; 2.387. yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. 2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 2.389. (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do); for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covets between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. 2.390. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence. 2.391. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? 2.392. and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be prevailed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. 2.393. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; 2.394. and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. 2.395. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. 2.396. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without foreseeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. 2.397. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. 2.398. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, 2.399. whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. 2.400. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 2.401. I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back anything that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge your passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.” 2.402. 5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people; but still they cried out, that they would not fight against the Romans, but against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means. 2.403. To which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans; “for you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar and you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from joining to the tower Antonia. 2.404. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus.” 2.405. 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. 2.406. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him; but they were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches upon the king, and got him excluded out of the city; nay, some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him. 2.407. So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being very angry at the contumelies he had received, he sent their rulers, together with their men of power, to Florus, to Caesarea, that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country, while he retired into his own kingdom. 2.408. 2. And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited the people to go to war made an assault upon a certain fortress called Masada. They took it by treachery, and slew the Romans that were there, and put others of their own party to keep it. 2.487. 7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves; 2.488. which honorary reward Continued among them under his successors, who also set apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor anyone that came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews. 2.489. But still conflicts perpetually arose with the Grecians; and although the governors did every day punish many of them, yet did the sedition grow worse; 2.490. but at this time especially, when there were tumults in other places also, the disorders among them were put into a greater flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews came flocking to the theater; 2.491. but when their adversaries saw them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies, and said they came as spies upon them; upon which they rushed out, and laid violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they were slain as they ran away; but there were three men whom they caught, and hauled them along, in order to have them burnt alive; 2.492. but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians, but after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theater, and threatened that they would burn the people to a man; and this they had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had restrained their passions. 2.493. However, this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman army against them; but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and reproached him for so doing. 2.494. 8. Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city, and together with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were come together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also permitted not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and to set fire to their houses. 2.495. These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city which was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully; 2.496. and this their destruction was complete, some being caught in the open field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Romans; wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the aged; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age, 2.497. till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not betaken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire; 2.498. accordingly, these being accustomed to obey orders, left off killing at the first intimation; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them, and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies. 3.414. 2. In the meantime, there were gathered together as well such as had seditiously got out from among their enemies, as those that had escaped out of the demolished cities, which were in all a great number, and repaired Joppa, which had been left desolate by Cestius, that it might serve them for a place of refuge; 3.415. and because the adjoining region had been laid waste in the war, and was not capable of supporting them, they determined to go off to sea. 3.416. They also built themselves a great many piratical ships, and turned pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Phoenicia, and Egypt, and made those seas unnavigable to all men. 3.417. Now as soon as Vespasian knew of their conspiracy, he sent both footmen and horsemen to Joppa, which was unguarded in the nighttime; 4.616. 6. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government, in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole empire; so he immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put upon him, and how he, being forced to accept of the burden of the government, was desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter. 4.617. Now as soon as ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both which willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their neighborhood. 4.618. Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; 5.45. as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his goodwill to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, 5.46. but was now thought worthy to be general of the army [under Titus]. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs. 5.145. But if we go the other way westward, it began at the same place, and extended through a place called “Bethso,” to the gate of the Essenes; and after that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam, where it also bends again towards the east at Solomon’s pool, and reaches as far as a certain place which they called “Ophlas,” where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. 5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. 5.510. When Titus had therefore encompassed the city with this wall, and put garrisons into proper places, he went round the wall, at the first watch of the night, and observed how the guard was kept; the second watch he allotted to Alexander; the commanders of legions took the third watch. 6.237. of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander [under the general] of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: 6.238. there was also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came together all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give him their advice what should be done about the holy house. 6.239. Now, some of these thought it would be the best way to act according to the rules of war, [and demolish it,] because the Jews would never leave off rebelling while that house was standing; at which house it was that they used to get all together. 6.240. Others of them were of opinion, that in case the Jews would leave it, and none of them would lay their arms up in it, he might save it; but that in case they got upon it, and fought any more, he might burn it; because it must then be looked upon not as a holy house, but as a citadel; and that the impiety of burning it would then belong to those that forced this to be done, and not to them. 6.241. But Titus said, that “although the Jews should get upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on things that are iimate, instead of the men themselves;” and that he was not in any case for burning down so vast a work as that was, because this would be a mischief to the Romans themselves, as it would be an ornament to their government while it continued. 6.242. So Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis grew bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. 6.243. Then was this assembly dissolved, when Titus had given orders to the commanders that the rest of their forces should lie still; but that they should make use of such as were most courageous in this attack. So he commanded that the chosen men that were taken out of the cohorts should make their way through the ruins, and quench the fire. 7.123. 4. Now all the soldiery marched out beforehand by companies, and in their several ranks, under their several commanders, in the nighttime, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces, but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors had rested the foregoing night. 7.150. and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. 7.155. Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had sent up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished, they went away to the palace. 7.216. 6. About the same time it was that Caesar sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Maximus, who was the procurator [of Judea], and gave order that all Judea should be exposed to sale; |
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328. Mishnah, Ketuvot, 1.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) •jewish law/legal schools, and the sanhedrin Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 169| 1.5. הָאוֹכֵל אֵצֶל חָמִיו בִּיהוּדָה שֶׁלֹּא בְעֵדִים, אֵינוֹ יָכוֹל לִטְעֹן טַעֲנַת בְּתוּלִים, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁמִּתְיַחֵד עִמָּהּ. אַחַת אַלְמְנַת יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאַחַת אַלְמְנַת כֹּהֵן, כְּתֻבָּתָן מָנֶה. בֵּית דִּין שֶׁל כֹּהֲנִים הָיוּ גוֹבִין לַבְּתוּלָה אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת זוּז, וְלֹא מִחוּ בְיָדָם חֲכָמִים: | 1.5. He who eats with his father-in-law in Judea without the presence of witnesses cannot raise a claim of non-virginity against his wife because he has been alone with her. It is the same whether [the woman is] an Israelite widow or a priestly widow her kethubah is a maneh. The court of the priests collected for a virgin four hundred zuz, and the sages did not protest. |
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| 329. Mishnah, Maaser Sheni, 5.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, in early biblical literature, conflicting biblical laws for Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 248 |
| 330. Mishnah, Makkot, a b c d\n0 3.18 (15) 3.18 (15) 3 18 (15) (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •virtue and law, and the torah Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 255 |
331. Mishnah, Megillah, 4.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •virtue and law, and the torah Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 260| 4.9. הָאוֹמֵר יְבָרְכוּךָ טוֹבִים, הֲרֵי זוֹ דֶּרֶךְ הַמִּינוּת. עַל קַן צִפּוֹר יַגִּיעוּ רַחֲמֶיךָ, וְעַל טוֹב יִזָּכֵר שְׁמֶךָ, מוֹדִים מוֹדִים, מְשַׁתְּקִין אוֹתוֹ. הַמְכַנֶּה בָעֲרָיוֹת, מְשַׁתְּקִין אוֹתוֹ. הָאוֹמֵר, וּמִזַּרְעֲךָ לֹא תִתֵּן לְהַעֲבִיר לַמֹּלֶךְ (ויקרא יח), וּמִזַרְעָךְ לֹא תִתֵּן לְאַעְבָּרָא בְּאַרְמָיוּתָא, מְשַׁתְּקִין אוֹתוֹ בִנְזִיפָה: | 4.9. If one says “May the good bless you,” this is the way of heresy. [If one says], “May Your mercy reach the nest of a bird,” “May Your name be mentioned for the good,” “We give thanks, we give thanks,” they silence him. One who uses euphemisms in the portion dealing with forbidden marriages, he is silenced. If he says, [instead of] “And you shall not give any of your seed to be passed to Moloch,” (Leviticus 18:21) “You shall not give [your seed] to pass to a Gentile woman,” he silenced with a rebuke. |
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| 332. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 2018-09-11 00:00:00, 10.30, 10.28, 10.29, 10.31, 10.27, 10.26, 8.8, 9.23, 9.19, 9.22, 9.21, 9.20, 9, 6.11, 6.10, 6.9, 6.8, 6.6, 6.5, 6.4, 6.3, 6.2, 6.1, 6.7, 2.6, 8.1, 7.10, 2.15, 7.11, 7.12, 7.13, 7.14, 7.39, 5.4, 7.5, 7.8, 6.13, 6.18, 15.2, 15.1, 7.7, 7.18, 7.19, 7.20, 15.53, 15.54, 2.9, 15.36, 1.18, 1.19, 1.20, 1.21, 1.22, 1.23, 1.24, 1.25, 1.26, 11.25, 15.10, 11.8, 11.7, 10.25, 9.9, 10.11, 9.10, 10.1, 10.32-11.1, 12.12, 16.4, 16.3, 16.2, 16.1, "1.13", "10.11", "2.1", "13.4‒8", 11.9, 11.12, 11.11, 9.13, 15.35, 11.16, 11.15, 11.14, 11.13, 11.10, 9.14, 9.16, 11.5, 6.16, 9.12, 9.18, 9.17, 9.15, 9.11, 15.37, 15.38, 15.39, 9.8, 9.7, 9.6, 9.5, 9.4, 15.40, 15.41, 15.42, 15.43, 15.45, 15.46, 15.47, 15.48, 15.49, 15.44, 11.6, 1.9, 9.7b, 15.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 66 |
333. New Testament, 1 Peter, 2.16, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 352, 354| 2.16. ὡς ἐλεύθεροι, καὶ μὴ ὡς ἐπικάλυμμα ἔχοντες τῆς κακίας τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ἀλλʼ ὡς θεοῦ δοῦλοι. 5.5. Ὁμοίως, νεώτεροι, ὑποτάγητε πρεσβυτέροις. Πάντες δὲ ἀλλήλοις τὴν ταπεινοφροσύνην ἐγκομβώσασθε, ὅτι[ὁ] θεὸς ὑπερηφάνοις ἀντιτάσσεται ταπεινοῖς δὲ δίδωσιν χάριν. | 2.16. as free, and not using your freedom for a cloak of wickedness, but as bondservants of God. 5.5. Likewise, you younger ones, be subject to the elder. Yes, all of you gird yourselves with humility, to subject yourselves to one another; for "God resists the proud, but gives grace to the humble." |
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334. New Testament, 1 John, a b c d\n0 4.14 4.14 4 14\n1 4.3 4.3 4 3\n2 4.1 4.1 4 1\n3 4.2 4.2 4 2\n4 4.9 4.9 4 9\n5 "3.2" "3.2" "3 2"\n6 "4.18" "4.18" "4 18" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 157| 4.14. Καὶ ἡμεῖς τεθεάμεθα καὶ μαρτυροῦμεν ὅτι ὁ πατὴρ ἀπέσταλκεν τὸν υἱὸν σωτῆρα τοῦ κόσμου. | 4.14. We have seen and testify that the Father has sent the Son as the Savior of the world. |
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| 335. Anon., Didache, 2.7, 6.3, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 72, 73, 80; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 185 |
336. Mishnah, Yadayim, 4.3, 4.5-4.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, in early biblical literature, conflicting biblical laws for •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171, 191, 197; Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 248| 4.3. בּוֹ בַיּוֹם אָמְרוּ, עַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב, מַה הֵן בַּשְּׁבִיעִית. גָּזַר רַבִּי טַרְפוֹן, מַעְשַׂר עָנִי. וְגָזַר רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר בֶּן עֲזַרְיָה, מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי. אָמַר רַבִּי יִשְׁמָעֵאל, אֶלְעָזָר בֶּן עֲזַרְיָה, עָלֶיךָ רְאָיָה לְלַמֵּד, שֶׁאַתָּה מַחְמִיר, שֶׁכָּל הַמַּחְמִיר, עָלָיו רְאָיָה לְלַמֵּד. אָמַר לוֹ רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר בֶּן עֲזַרְיָה, יִשְׁמָעֵאל אָחִי, אֲנִי לֹא שִׁנִּיתִי מִסֵּדֶר הַשָּׁנִים, טַרְפוֹן אָחִי שִׁנָּה, וְעָלָיו רְאָיָה לְלַמֵּד. הֵשִׁיב רַבִּי טַרְפוֹן, מִצְרַיִם חוּץ לָאָרֶץ, עַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב חוּץ לָאָרֶץ, מַה מִּצְרַיִם מַעְשַׂר עָנִי בַשְּׁבִיעִית, אַף עַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב מַעְשַׂר עָנִי בַשְּׁבִיעִית. הֵשִׁיב רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר בֶּן עֲזַרְיָה, בָּבֶל חוּץ לָאָרֶץ, עַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב חוּץ לָאָרֶץ, מַה בָּבֶל מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי בַשְּׁבִיעִית, אַף עַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי בַשְּׁבִיעִית. אָמַר רַבִּי טַרְפוֹן, מִצְרַיִם שֶׁהִיא קְרוֹבָה, עֲשָׂאוּהָ מַעְשַׂר עָנִי, שֶׁיִּהְיוּ עֲנִיֵּי יִשְׂרָאֵל נִסְמָכִים עָלֶיהָ בַּשְּׁבִיעִית, אַף עַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב, שֶׁהֵם קְרוֹבִים, נַעֲשִׂים מַעְשַׂר עָנִי, שֶׁיִּהְיוּ עֲנִיֵּי יִשְׂרָאֵל נִסְמָכִים עֲלֵיהֶם בַּשְּׁבִיעִית. אָמַר לוֹ רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר בֶּן עֲזַרְיָה, הֲרֵי אַתָּה כִמְהַנָּן מָמוֹן, וְאֵין אַתָּה אֶלָּא כְמַפְסִיד נְפָשׁוֹת. קוֹבֵעַ אַתָּה אֶת הַשָּׁמַיִם מִלְּהוֹרִיד טַל וּמָטָר, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (מלאכי ג), הֲיִקְבַּע אָדָם אֱלֹהִים כִּי אַתֶּם קֹבְעִים אֹתִי וַאֲמַרְתֶּם בַּמֶּה קְבַעֲנוּךָ הַמַּעֲשֵׂר וְהַתְּרוּמָה. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ, הֲרֵינִי כְמֵשִׁיב עַל טַרְפוֹן אָחִי, אֲבָל לֹא לְעִנְיַן דְּבָרָיו. מִצְרַיִם מַעֲשֶׂה חָדָשׁ, וּבָבֶל מַעֲשֶׂה יָשָׁן, וְהַנִּדּוֹן שֶׁלְּפָנֵינוּ מַעֲשֶׂה חָדָשׁ. יִדּוֹן מַעֲשֶׂה חָדָשׁ מִמַּעֲשֶׂה חָדָשׁ, וְאַל יִדּוֹן מַעֲשֶׂה חָדָשׁ מִמַּעֲשֶׂה יָשָׁן. מִצְרַיִם מַעֲשֵׂה זְקֵנִים, וּבָבֶל מַעֲשֵׂה נְבִיאִים, וְהַנִּדּוֹן שֶׁלְּפָנֵינוּ מַעֲשֵׂה זְקֵנִים. יִדּוֹן מַעֲשֵׂה זְקֵנִים מִמַּעֲשֵׂה זְקֵנִים, וְאַל יִדּוֹן מַעֲשֵׂה זְקֵנִים מִמַּעֲשֵׂה נְבִיאִים. נִמְנוּ וְגָמְרוּ, עַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב מְעַשְּׂרִין מַעְשַׂר עָנִי בַּשְּׁבִיעִית. וּכְשֶׁבָּא רַבִּי יוֹסֵי בֶּן דֻּרְמַסְקִית אֵצֶל רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר בְּלוֹד, אָמַר לוֹ, מַה חִדּוּשׁ הָיָה לָכֶם בְּבֵית הַמִּדְרָשׁ הַיּוֹם. אָמַר לוֹ, נִמְנוּ וְגָמְרוּ, עַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב מְעַשְּׂרִים מַעְשַׂר עָנִי בַּשְּׁבִיעִית. בָּכָה רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר וְאָמַר, סוֹד ה' לִירֵאָיו וּבְרִיתוֹ לְהוֹדִיעָם (תהלים כה). צֵא וֶאֱמֹר לָהֶם, אַל תָּחֹשּׁוּ לְמִנְיַנְכֶם. מְקֻבָּל אֲנִי מֵרַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי, שֶׁשָּׁמַע מֵרַבּוֹ, וְרַבּוֹ מֵרַבּוֹ עַד הֲלָכָה לְמשֶׁה מִסִּינַי, שֶׁעַמּוֹן וּמוֹאָב מְעַשְּׂרִין מַעְשַׂר עָנִי בַּשְּׁבִיעִית: 4.5. תַּרְגּוּם שֶׁבְּעֶזְרָא וְשֶׁבְּדָנִיֵּאל, מְטַמֵּא אֶת הַיָּדַיִם. תַּרְגּוּם שֶׁכְּתָבוֹ עִבְרִית וְעִבְרִית שֶׁכְּתָבוֹ תַּרְגּוּם, וּכְתָב עִבְרִי, אֵינוֹ מְטַמֵּא אֶת הַיָּדַיִם. לְעוֹלָם אֵינוֹ מְטַמֵּא, עַד שֶׁיִּכְתְּבֶנּוּ אַשּׁוּרִית, עַל הָעוֹר, וּבִדְיוֹ: 4.6. אוֹמְרִים צְדוֹקִים, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עֲלֵיכֶם, פְּרוּשִׁים, שֶׁאַתֶּם אוֹמְרִים, כִּתְבֵי הַקֹּדֶשׁ מְטַמְּאִין אֶת הַיָּדַיִם, וְסִפְרֵי הוֹמֵרִיס אֵינוֹ מְטַמֵּא אֶת הַיָּדַיִם. אָמַר רַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי, וְכִי אֵין לָנוּ עַל הַפְּרוּשִׁים אֶלָּא זוֹ בִלְבָד. הֲרֵי הֵם אוֹמְרִים, עַצְמוֹת חֲמוֹר טְהוֹרִים וְעַצְמוֹת יוֹחָנָן כֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל טְמֵאִים. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, לְפִי חִבָּתָן הִיא טֻמְאָתָן, שֶׁלֹּא יַעֲשֶׂה אָדָם עַצְמוֹת אָבִיו וְאִמּוֹ תַּרְוָדוֹת. אָמַר לָהֶם, אַף כִּתְבֵי הַקֹּדֶשׁ לְפִי חִבָּתָן הִיא טֻמְאָתָן, וְסִפְרֵי הוֹמֵרִיס, שֶׁאֵינָן חֲבִיבִין, אֵינָן מְטַמְּאִין אֶת הַיָּדָיִם: 4.7. אוֹמְרִים צְדוֹקִין, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עֲלֵיכֶם, פְּרוּשִׁים, שֶׁאַתֶּם מְטַהֲרִים אֶת הַנִּצּוֹק. אוֹמְרִים הַפְּרוּשִׁים, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עֲלֵיכֶם, צְדוֹקִים, שֶׁאַתֶּם מְטַהֲרִים אֶת אַמַּת הַמַּיִם הַבָּאָה מִבֵּית הַקְּבָרוֹת. אוֹמְרִים צְדוֹקִין, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עֲלֵיכֶם, פְּרוּשִׁים, שֶׁאַתֶּם אוֹמְרִים, שׁוֹרִי וַחֲמוֹרִי שֶׁהִזִּיקוּ, חַיָּבִין. וְעַבְדִּי וַאֲמָתִי שֶׁהִזִּיקוּ, פְּטוּרִין. מָה אִם שׁוֹרִי וַחֲמוֹרִי, שֶׁאֵינִי חַיָּב בָּהֶם מִצְוֹת, הֲרֵי אֲנִי חַיָּב בְּנִזְקָן. עַבְדִּי וַאֲמָתִי, שֶׁאֲנִי חַיָּב בָּהֶן מִצְוֹת, אֵינוֹ דִין שֶׁאֱהֵא חַיָּב בְּנִזְקָן. אָמְרוּ לָהֶם, לֹא. אִם אֲמַרְתֶּם בְּשׁוֹרִי וַחֲמוֹרִי, שֶׁאֵין בָּהֶם דַּעַת, תֹּאמְרוּ בְּעַבְדִּי וּבַאֲמָתִי, שֶׁיֵּשׁ בָּהֶם דָּעַת. שֶׁאִם אַקְנִיטֵם, יֵלֵךְ וְיַדְלִיק גְּדִישׁוֹ שֶׁל אַחֵר וֶאֱהֵא חַיָּב לְשַׁלֵּם: 4.8. אָמַר צְדוֹקִי גְלִילִי, קוֹבֵל אֲנִי עֲלֵיכֶם, פְּרוּשִׁים, שֶׁאַתֶּם כּוֹתְבִין אֶת הַמּוֹשֵׁל עִם משֶׁה בַּגֵּט. אוֹמְרִים פְּרוּשִׁים, קוֹבְלִין אָנוּ עָלֶיךָ, צְדוֹקִי גְלִילִי, שֶׁאַתֶּם כּוֹתְבִים אֶת הַמּוֹשֵׁל עִם הַשֵּׁם בַּדַּף, וְלֹא עוֹד, אֶלָּא שֶׁאַתֶּם כּוֹתְבִין אֶת הַמּוֹשֵׁל מִלְמַעְלָן וְאֶת הַשֵּׁם מִלְּמַטָּן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמות ה) וַיֹּאמֶר פַּרְעֹה מִי ה' אֲשֶׁר אֶשְׁמַע בְּקֹלוֹ לְשַׁלַּח אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל. וּכְשֶׁלָּקָה מַהוּ אוֹמֵר (שם ט), ה' הַצַּדִּיק: | 4.3. On that day they said: what is the law applying to Ammon and Moab in the seventh year? Rabbi Tarfon decreed tithe for the poor. And Rabbi Elazar ben Azariah decreed second tithe. Rabbi Ishmael said: Elazar ben Azariah, you must produce your proof because you are expressing the stricter view and whoever expresses a stricter view has the burden to produce the proof. Rabbi Elazar ben Azariah said to him: Ishmael, my brother, I have not deviated from the sequence of years, Tarfon, my brother, has deviated from it and the burden is upon him to produce the proof. Rabbi Tarfon answered: Egypt is outside the land of Israel, Ammon and Moab are outside the land of Israel: just as Egypt must give tithe for the poor in the seventh year, so must Ammon and Moab give tithe for the poor in the seventh year. Rabbi Elazar ben Azariah answered: Babylon is outside the land of Israel, Ammon and Moab are outside the land of Israel: just as Babylon must give second tithe in the seventh year, so must Ammon and Moab give second tithe in the seventh year. Rabbi Tarfon said: on Egypt which is near, they imposed tithe for the poor so that the poor of Israel might be supported by it during the seventh year; so on Ammon and Moab which are near, we should impose tithe for the poor so that the poor of Israel may be supported by it during the seventh year. Rabbi Elazar ben Azariah said to him: Behold, you are like one who would benefit them with gain, yet you are really as one who causes them to perish. Would you rob the heavens so that dew or rain should not descend? As it is said, \"Will a man rob God? Yet you rob me. But you: How have we robbed You? In tithes and heave-offerings\" (Malakhi 3:8). Rabbi Joshua said: Behold, I shall be as one who replies on behalf of Tarfon, my brother, but not in accordance with the substance of his arguments. The law regarding Egypt is a new act and the law regarding Babylon is an old act, and the law which is being argued before us is a new act. A new act should be argued from [another] new act, but a new act should not be argued from an old act. The law regarding Egypt is the act of the elders and the law regarding Babylon is the act of the prophets, and the law which is being argued before us is the act of the elders. Let one act of the elders be argued from [another] act of the elders, but let not an act of the elders be argued from an act of the prophets. The votes were counted and they decided that Ammon and Moab should give tithe for the poor in the seventh year. And when Rabbi Yose ben Durmaskit visited Rabbi Eliezer in Lod he said to him: what new thing did you have in the house of study today? He said to him: their votes were counted and they decided that Ammon and Moab must give tithe for the poor in the seventh year. Rabbi Eliezer wept and said: \"The counsel of the Lord is with them that fear him: and his covet, to make them know it\" (Psalms 25:14). Go and tell them: Don't worry about your voting. I received a tradition from Rabbi Yoha ben Zakkai who heard it from his teacher, and his teacher from his teacher, and so back to a halachah given to Moses from Sinai, that Ammon and Moab must give tithe for the poor in the seventh year. 4.5. The Aramaic sections in Ezra and Daniel defile the hands. If an Aramaic section was written in Hebrew, or a Hebrew section was written in Aramaic, or [Hebrew which was written with] Hebrew script, it does not defile the hands. It never defiles the hands until it is written in the Assyrian script, on parchment, and in ink. 4.6. The Sadducees say: we complain against you, Pharisees, because you say that the Holy Scriptures defile the hands, but the books of Homer do not defile the hands. Rabban Yoha ben Zakkai said: Have we nothing against the Pharisees but this? Behold they say that the bones of a donkey are clean, yet the bones of Yoha the high priest are unclean. They said to him: according to the affection for them, so is their impurity, so that nobody should make spoons out of the bones of his father or mother. He said to them: so also are the Holy Scriptures according to the affection for them, so is their uncleanness. The books of Homer which are not precious do not defile the hands. 4.7. The Sadducees say: we complain against you, Pharisees, that you declare an uninterrupted flow of a liquid to be clean. The Pharisees say: we complain against you, Sadducees, that you declare a stream of water which flows from a burial-ground to be clean? The Sadducees say: we complain against you, Pharisees, that you say, my ox or donkey which has done injury is liable, yet my male or female slave who has done injury is not liable. Now if in the case of my ox or my donkey for which I am not responsible if they do not fulfill religious duties, yet I am responsible for their damages, in the case of my male or female slave for whom I am responsible to see that they fulfill mitzvot, how much more so that I should be responsible for their damages? They said to them: No, if you argue about my ox or my donkey which have no understanding, can you deduce from there anything concerning a male or female slave who do have understanding? So that if I were to anger either of them and they would go and burn another person's stack, should I be liable to make restitution? 4.8. A Galilean min said: I complain against you Pharisees, that you write the name of the ruler and the name of Moses together on a divorce document. The Pharisees said: we complain against you, Galilean min, that you write the name of the ruler together with the divine name on a single page [of Torah]? And furthermore that you write the name of the ruler above and the divine name below? As it is said, \"And Pharoah said, Who is the Lord that I should hearken to his voice to let Israel go?\" (Exodus 5:2) But when he was smitten what did he say? \"The Lord is righteous\" (Exodus 9:27). |
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337. Mishnah, Toharot, 4.12 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171, 191, 197| 4.12. סְפֵק הַחֻלִּין, זוֹ טָהֳרַת פְּרִישׁוּת. סְפֵק שְׁרָצִים, כִּשְׁעַת מְצִיאָתָן. סְפֵק נְגָעִים, בַּתְּחִלָּה טָהוֹר, עַד שֶׁלֹּא נִזְקַק לַטֻּמְאָה. מִשֶּׁנִּזְקַק לַטֻּמְאָה, סְפֵקוֹ טָמֵא. סְפֵק נְזִירוּת, מֻתָּר. סְפֵק בְּכוֹרוֹת, אֶחָד בְּכוֹרֵי אָדָם וְאֶחָד בְּכוֹרֵי בְהֵמָה, בֵּין טְמֵאָה בֵּין טְהוֹרָה, שֶׁהַמּוֹצִיא מֵחֲבֵרוֹ עָלָיו הָרְאָיָה: | 4.12. "A condition of doubt concerning non-sacred food\"--this refers to the cleanness practiced by Pharisees. \"A condition of doubt concerning a sheretz\" –according [to their condition at] the time they are found. \"A condition of doubt concerning negaim\" it is deemed clean in the beginning before it had been determined to be unclean, but after it had been determined to be unclean, a condition of doubt is deemed unclean. \"A condition of doubt concerning a nazirite vow\" [in such a condition of doubt he] is permitted [all that is forbidden to a nazirite]. \"A condition of doubt concerning first-borns\" whether they are human firstborn or firstborn of cattle, whether the firstborn of an unclean beast or a clean one, for the one who wishes to extract from his fellow bears the burden of proof. |
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| 338. Mishnah, Sheviit, 8.11 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 223 |
339. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 1.3-1.4, 1.7-1.9, 1.14, 1.18-1.20, 2.13-2.14, 4.1-4.5, 4.7, 6.4, 6.6, 6.8, 6.16, 6.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •teacher, “of the law” •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •law, in early christian theology •law, the, and gospel •law, the, in clement •law, the, in origen Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal, Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud (2018) 48; Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 184, 346, 356, 362, 395, 494; Falcetta, Early Christian Teachers: The 'Didaskaloi' From Their Origins to the Middle of the Second Century (2020) 147, 151, 152| 1.3. Καθὼς παρεκάλεσά σε προσμεῖναι ἐν Ἐφέσῳ, πορευόμενος εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ἵνα παραγγείλῃς τισὶν μὴ ἑτεροδιδασκαλεῖν 1.4. μηδὲ προσέχειν μύθοις καὶ γενεαλογίαις ἀπεράντοις,αἵτινες ἐκζητήσεις παρέχουσι μᾶλλον ἢ οἰκονομίαν θεοῦ τὴν ἐν πίστει, 1.7. θέλοντες εἶναι νομοδιδάσκαλοι, μὴ νοοῦντες μήτε ἃ λέγουσιν μήτε περὶ τίνων διαβεβαιοῦνται. 1.8. Οἴδαμεν δὲ ὅτι καλὸς ὁ νόμος ἐάν τις αὐτῷ νομίμως χρῆται, 1.9. εἰδὼς τοῦτο ὅτι δικαίῳ νόμος οὐ κεῖται, ἀνόμοις δὲ καὶ ἀνυποτάκτοις, ἀσεβέσι καὶ ἁμαρτωλοῖς, ἀνοσίοις καὶ βεβήλοις, πατρολῴαις καὶ μητρολῴαις, ἀνδροφόνοις, 1.14. ὑπερεπλεόνασεν δὲ ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν μετὰ πίστεως καὶ ἀγάπης τῆς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ. 1.18. Ταύτην τὴν παραγγελίαν παρατίθεμαί σοι, τέκνον Τιμόθεε, κατὰ τὰς προαγούσας ἐπι σὲ προφητείας, ἵνα στράτεύῃ ἐν αὐταῖς τὴν καλὴν στρατείαν, 1.19. ἔχων πίστιν καὶ ἀγαθὴν συνείδησιν, ἥν τινες ἀπωσάμενοι περὶ τὴν πίστιν ἐναυάγησαν· 1.20. ὧν ἐστὶν Ὑμέναιος καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος, οὓς παρέδωκα τῷ Σατανᾷ ἵνα παιδευθῶσι μὴ βλασφημεῖν. 2.13. Ἀδὰμ γὰρ πρῶτος ἐπλάσθη, εἶτα Εὕα· 2.14. καὶ Ἀδὰμ οὐκ ἠπατήθη, ἡ δὲ γυνὴ ἐξαπατηθεῖσα ἐν παραβάσει γέγονεν. 4.1. Τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα ῥητῶς λέγει ὅτι ἐν ὑστέροις καιροῖς ἀποστήσονταί τινες τῆς πίστεως, προσέχοντες πνεύμασι πλάνοις καὶ διδασκαλίαις δαιμονίων 4.2. ἐν ὑποκρίσει ψευδολόγων, κεκαυστηριασμένων τὴν ἰδίαν συνείδησιν, 4.3. κωλυόντων γαμεῖν, ἀπέχεσθαι βρωμάτων ἃ ὁ θεὸς ἔκτισεν εἰς μετάλημψιν μετὰ εὐχαριστίας τοῖς πιστοῖς καὶ ἐπεγνωκόσι τὴν ἀλήθειαν. 4.4. ὅτι πᾶν κτίσμα θεοῦ καλόν, καὶ οὐδὲν ἀπόβλητον μετὰ εὐχαριστίας λαμβανόμενον, 4.5. ἁγιάζεται γὰρ διὰ λόγου θεοῦ καὶ ἐντεύξεως. 4.7. τοὺς δὲ βεβήλους καὶ γραώδεις μύθους παραιτοῦ. γύμναζε δὲ σεαυτὸν πρὸς εὐσέβειαν· 6.4. τετύφωται, μηδὲν ἐπιστάμενος, ἀλλὰ νοσῶν περὶ ζητήσεις καὶ λογομαχίας, ἐξ ὧν γίνεται φθόνος, ἔρις, βλασφημίαι, ὑπόνοιαι πονηραί, 6.6. ἔστιν δὲ πορισμὸς μέγας ἡ εὐσέβεια μετὰ αὐταρκείας· 6.8. ἔχοντες δὲ διατροφὰς καὶ σκεπάσματα, τούτοις ἀρκεσθησόμεθα. 6.16. ὁ μόνος ἔχων ἀθανασίαν, φῶς οἰκῶν ἀπρόσιτον, ὃν εἶδεν οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲ ἰδεῖν δύναται· ᾧ τιμὴ καὶ κράτος αἰώνιον· ἀμήν. 6.20. Ὦ Τιμόθεε, τὴν παραθήκην φύλαξον, ἐκτρεπόμενος τὰς βεβήλους κενοφωνίας καὶ ἀντιθέσεις τῆς ψευδωνύμου γνώσεως, | 1.3. As I exhorted you to stay at Ephesus when I was going into Macedonia, that you might charge certain men not to teach a different doctrine, 1.4. neither to pay attention to myths and endless genealogies, which cause disputes, rather than God's stewardship, which is in faith -- 1.7. desiring to be teachers of the law, though they understand neither what they say, nor about what they strongly affirm. 1.8. But we know that the law is good, if a man uses it lawfully, 1.9. as knowing this, that law is not made for a righteous man, but for the lawless and insubordinate, for the ungodly and sinners, for the unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers and murderers of mothers, for manslayers, 1.14. The grace of our Lord abounded exceedingly with faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. 1.18. This charge I commit to you, my child Timothy, according to the prophecies which led the way to you, that by them you may wage the good warfare; 1.19. holding faith and a good conscience; which some having thrust away made a shipwreck concerning the faith; 1.20. of whom is Hymenaeus and Alexander; whom I delivered to Satan, that they might be taught not to blaspheme. 2.13. For Adam was first formed, then Eve. 2.14. Adam wasn't deceived, but the woman, being deceived, has fallen into disobedience; 4.1. But the Spirit says expressly that in later times some will fall away from the faith, paying attention to seducing spirits and doctrines of demons, 4.2. through the hypocrisy of men who speak lies, branded in their own conscience as with a hot iron; 4.3. forbidding marriage and commanding to abstain from foods which God created to be received with thanksgiving by those who believe and know the truth. 4.4. For every creature of God is good, and nothing is to be rejected, if it is received with thanksgiving. 4.5. For it is sanctified through the word of God and prayer. 4.7. But refuse profane and old wives' fables. Exercise yourself toward godliness. 6.4. he is conceited, knowing nothing, but obsessed with arguments, disputes, and word battles, from which come envy, strife, reviling, evil suspicions, 6.6. But godliness with contentment is great gain. 6.8. But having food and clothing, we will be content with that. 6.16. who alone has immortality, dwelling in unapproachable light; whom no man has seen, nor can see: to whom be honor and eternal power. Amen. 6.20. Timothy, guard that which is committed to you, turning away from the empty chatter and oppositions of the knowledge which is falsely so called; |
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340. Mishnah, Shekalim, 5.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeal (for the law) Found in books: Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 321| 5.2. אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מִשְּׁלֹשָה גִּזְבָּרִין וּמִשִּׁבְעָה אֲמַרְכָּלִין, וְאֵין עוֹשִׂין שְׂרָרָה עַל הַצִּבּוּר בְּמָמוֹן פָּחוּת מִשְּׁנַיִם, חוּץ מִבֶּן אֲחִיָּה שֶׁעַל חוֹלֵי מֵעַיִם וְאֶלְעָזָר שֶׁעַל הַפָּרוֹכוֹת, שֶׁאוֹתָן קִבְּלוּ רוֹב הַצִּבּוּר עֲלֵיהֶן: | 5.2. They did not have less than three treasurers. Or less than seven superintendents. Nor create positions of authority over the public in matters of money [with] less than two [officers], except [in the case] of the son of Ahiyah who was over the sickness of the bowels and Elazar who was over the veil, for these had been accepted by the majority of the public. |
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341. Mishnah, Taanit, 1.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world, local legal traditions Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69| 1.6. עָבְרוּ אֵלּוּ וְלֹא נַעֲנוּ, בֵּית דִּין גּוֹזְרִין שָׁלשׁ תַּעֲנִיּוֹת אֲחֵרוֹת עַל הַצִּבּוּר. אוֹכְלִין וְשׁוֹתִין מִבְּעוֹד יוֹם, וַאֲסוּרִין בִּמְלָאכָה וּבִרְחִיצָה וּבְסִיכָה וּבִנְעִילַת הַסַּנְדָּל וּבְתַשְׁמִישׁ הַמִּטָּה, וְנוֹעֲלִין אֶת הַמֶּרְחֲצָאוֹת. עָבְרוּ אֵלּוּ וְלֹא נַעֲנוּ, בֵּית דִּין גּוֹזְרִין עֲלֵיהֶם עוֹד שֶׁבַע, שֶׁהֵן שְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה תַּעֲנִיּוֹת עַל הַצִּבּוּר. הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ יְתֵרוֹת עַל הָרִאשׁוֹנוֹת, שֶׁבָּאֵלּוּ מַתְרִיעִין וְנוֹעֲלִין אֶת הַחֲנוּיוֹת, בַּשֵּׁנִי מַטִּין עִם חֲשֵׁכָה, וּבַחֲמִישִׁי מֻתָּרִין מִפְּנֵי כְבוֹד הַשַּׁבָּת: | 1.6. If these passed and there was no answer, the court decrees three more fasts on the community. They may eat and drink [only] while it is still day; they may not work, bathe, anoint themselves with oil, wear shoes, or have marital, relations. And the bathhouses are closed. If these passed and there was no answer the court decrees upon the community a further seven, making a total of thirteen. These are greater than the first, for on these they blast the shofar and they lock the shops. On Mondays the shutters [of the shops] are opened a little when it gets dark, but on Thursdays they are permitted [the whole day] because of the Shabbat. |
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342. Mishnah, Sotah, 3.4, 7.8, 10.12 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) •public reading of the law in israel •public reading, of the law in israel Found in books: Carleton Paget and Schaper, The New Cambridge History of the Bible (2013) 337, 338; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171, 191, 197| 3.4. אֵינָהּ מַסְפֶּקֶת לִשְׁתּוֹת עַד שֶׁפָּנֶיהָ מוֹרִיקוֹת וְעֵינֶיהָ בּוֹלְטוֹת וְהִיא מִתְמַלֵּאת גִּידִין, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים הוֹצִיאוּהָ הוֹצִיאוּהָ, שֶׁלֹּא תְטַמֵּא הָעֲזָרָה. אִם יֶשׁ לָהּ זְכוּת, הָיְתָה תוֹלָה לָהּ. יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שָׁנָה אַחַת, יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שְׁתֵּי שָׁנִים, יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שָׁלשׁ שָׁנִים. מִכָּאן אוֹמֵר בֶּן עַזַּאי, חַיָּב אָדָם לְלַמֵּד אֶת בִּתּוֹ תוֹרָה, שֶׁאִם תִּשְׁתֶּה, תֵּדַע שֶׁהַזְּכוּת תּוֹלָה לָהּ. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, כָּל הַמְלַמֵּד אֶת בִּתּוֹ תוֹרָה, כְּאִלּוּ מְלַמְּדָהּ תִּפְלוּת. רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אוֹמֵר, רוֹצָה אִשָּׁה בְקַב וְתִפְלוּת מִתִּשְׁעָה קַבִּין וּפְרִישׁוּת. הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, חָסִיד שׁוֹטֶה, וְרָשָׁע עָרוּם, וְאִשָּׁה פְרוּשָׁה, וּמַכּוֹת פְּרוּשִׁין, הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ מְכַלֵּי עוֹלָם: 7.8. פָּרָשַׁת הַמֶּלֶךְ כֵּיצַד. מוֹצָאֵי יוֹם טוֹב הָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁל חָג, בַּשְּׁמִינִי בְּמוֹצָאֵי שְׁבִיעִית, עוֹשִׂין לוֹ בִימָה שֶׁל עֵץ בָּעֲזָרָה, וְהוּא יוֹשֵׁב עָלֶיהָ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים לא) מִקֵּץ שֶׁבַע שָׁנִים בְּמֹעֵד וְגוֹ'. חַזַּן הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹטֵל סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה וְנוֹתְנָהּ לְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת, וְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹתְנָהּ לַסְּגָן, וְהַסְּגָן נוֹתְנָהּ לְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל, וְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל נוֹתְנָהּ לַמֶּלֶךְ, וְהַמֶּלֶךְ עוֹמֵד וּמְקַבֵּל וְקוֹרֵא יוֹשֵׁב. אַגְרִיפָּס הַמֶּלֶךְ עָמַד וְקִבֵּל וְקָרָא עוֹמֵד, וְשִׁבְּחוּהוּ חֲכָמִים. וּכְשֶׁהִגִּיעַ (שם יז) לְלֹא תוּכַל לָתֵת עָלֶיךָ אִישׁ נָכְרִי, זָלְגוּ עֵינָיו דְּמָעוֹת. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אַל תִּתְיָרֵא אַגְרִיפָּס, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה. וְקוֹרֵא מִתְּחִלַּת אֵלֶּה הַדְּבָרִים (דברים א׳:א׳) עַד שְׁמַע, וּשְׁמַע (שם ו), וְהָיָה אִם שָׁמֹעַ (שם יא), עַשֵּׂר תְּעַשֵּׂר (שם יד), כִּי תְכַלֶּה לַעְשֵׂר (שם כו), וּפָרָשַׁת הַמֶּלֶךְ (שם יז), וּבְרָכוֹת וּקְלָלוֹת (שם כח), עַד שֶׁגּוֹמֵר כָּל הַפָּרָשָׁה. בְּרָכוֹת שֶׁכֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל מְבָרֵךְ אוֹתָן, הַמֶּלֶךְ מְבָרֵךְ אוֹתָן, אֶלָּא שֶׁנּוֹתֵן שֶׁל רְגָלִים תַּחַת מְחִילַת הֶעָוֹן: | 3.4. She had barely finished drinking when her face turns yellow, her eyes protrude and her veins swell. And [those who see her] exclaim, “Remove her! Remove her, so that the temple-court should not be defiled”. If she had merit, it [causes the water] to suspend its effect upon her. Some merit suspends the effect for one year, some merit suspends the effects for two years, and some merit suspends the effect for three years. Hence Ben Azzai said: a person must teach his daughter Torah, so that if she has to drink [the water of bitterness], she should know that the merit suspends its effect. Rabbi Eliezer says: whoever teaches his daughter Torah teaches her lasciviousness. Rabbi Joshua says: a woman prefers one kav (of food) and sexual indulgence to nine kav and sexual separation. He used to say, a foolish pietist, a cunning wicked person, a female separatist, and the blows of separatists bring destruction upon the world. 7.8. How was the procedure in connection with the portion read by the king?At the conclusion of the first day of the festival (Sukkot) in the eighth [year], at the end of the seventh year, they erect a wooden platform in the Temple court, and he sits upon it, as it is said, “At the end of seven years, in the set time” etc (Deuteronomy 31:10). The synagogue attendant takes a Torah scroll and hands it to the head of the synagogue, the head of the synagogue hands it to the deputy and he hands it to the high priest, and the high priest hands it to the king and the king stands and receives it, but reads it while sitting. King Agrippa stood and received it and read standing, and the sages praised him. When he reached, “You shall not place a foreigner over you” (ibid 17:15) his eyes ran with tears. They said to him, “Fear not, Agrippas, you are our brother, you are our brother!” [The king] reads from the beginning of “These are the words” (ibid 1:1) until the Shema ((ibid 6:4-9), and the Shema, and “It will come to pass if you hear” (ibid 11:13-21 the second part of the Shema), and “You shall surely tithe” (ibid 14:22-29), and “When you have finished tithing” (ibid 26:12-15) and the portion of the king (ibid 17:14-20) and the blessings and curses (ibid, until he finishes all the section. The blessings that the high priest recites, the king recites, except that he substitutes one for the festivals instead of one for the pardon of sin. |
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343. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 3.2-3.3, 4.1, 4.4, 10.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law •matthew, gospel of,jesus defiance of pharisee law in •christians, do not observe the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 63, 67, 69; Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (2010) 209; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 114| 3.2. אָמַר לוֹ נֶאֱמָן עָלַי אַבָּא, נֶאֱמָן עָלַי אָבִיךָ, נֶאֱמָנִין עָלַי שְׁלֹשָׁה רוֹעֵי בָקָר, רַבִּי מֵאִיר אוֹמֵר, יָכוֹל לַחֲזֹר בּוֹ. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, אֵינוֹ יָכוֹל לַחֲזֹר בּוֹ. הָיָה חַיָּב לַחֲבֵרוֹ שְׁבוּעָה וְאָמַר לוֹ דּוֹר לִי בְחַיֵּי רֹאשְׁךָ, רַבִּי מֵאִיר אוֹמֵר, יָכוֹל לַחֲזֹר בּוֹ. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, אֵין יָכוֹל לַחֲזֹר בּוֹ: 3.3. וְאֵלּוּ הֵן הַפְּסוּלִין, הַמְשַׂחֵק בְּקֻבְיָא, וְהַמַּלְוֶה בְרִבִּית, וּמַפְרִיחֵי יוֹנִים, וְסוֹחֲרֵי שְׁבִיעִית. אָמַר רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן, בִּתְחִלָּה הָיוּ קוֹרִין אוֹתָן אוֹסְפֵי שְׁבִיעִית, מִשֶּׁרַבּוּ הָאַנָּסִין, חָזְרוּ לִקְרוֹתָן סוֹחֲרֵי שְׁבִיעִית. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה, אֵימָתַי, בִּזְמַן שֶׁאֵין לָהֶם אֻמָּנוּת אֶלָּא הִיא, אֲבָל יֵשׁ לָהֶן אֻמָּנוּת שֶׁלֹּא הִיא, כְּשֵׁרִין: 4.1. אֶחָד דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת וְאֶחָד דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת, בִּדְרִישָׁה וּבַחֲקִירָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ויקרא כד) מִשְׁפַּט אֶחָד יִהְיֶה לָכֶם. מַה בֵּין דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת לְדִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה, וְדִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת בְּעֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת פּוֹתְחִין בֵּין לִזְכוּת בֵּין לְחוֹבָה, וְדִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת פּוֹתְחִין לִזְכוּת וְאֵין פּוֹתְחִין לְחוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת מַטִּין עַל פִּי אֶחָד בֵּין לִזְכוּת בֵּין לְחוֹבָה, וְדִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת מַטִּין עַל פִּי אֶחָד לִזְכוּת וְעַל פִּי שְׁנַיִם לְחוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת מַחֲזִירִין בֵּין לִזְכוּת בֵּין לְחוֹבָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת מַחֲזִירִין לִזְכוּת וְאֵין מַחֲזִירִין לְחוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת הַכֹּל מְלַמְּדִין זְכוּת וְחוֹבָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת הַכֹּל מְלַמְּדִין זְכוּת וְאֵין הַכֹּל מְלַמְּדִין חוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת הַמְלַמֵּד חוֹבָה מְלַמֵּד זְכוּת וְהַמְלַמֵּד זְכוּת מְלַמֵּד חוֹבָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת הַמְלַמֵּד חוֹבָה מְלַמֵּד זְכוּת, אֲבָל הַמְלַמֵּד זְכוּת אֵין יָכוֹל לַחֲזֹר וּלְלַמֵּד חוֹבָה. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת דָּנִין בַּיּוֹם וְגוֹמְרִין בַּלַּיְלָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת דָּנִין בַּיּוֹם וְגוֹמְרִין בַּיּוֹם. דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת גּוֹמְרִין בּוֹ בַיּוֹם בֵּין לִזְכוּת בֵּין לְחוֹבָה, דִּינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת גּוֹמְרִין בּוֹ בַיּוֹם לִזְכוּת וּבְיוֹם שֶׁלְּאַחֲרָיו לְחוֹבָה, לְפִיכָךְ אֵין דָּנִין לֹא בְעֶרֶב שַׁבָּת וְלֹא בְעֶרֶב יוֹם טוֹב: 4.4. וְשָׁלֹשׁ שׁוּרוֹת שֶׁל תַּלְמִידֵי חֲכָמִים יוֹשְׁבִין לִפְנֵיהֶם, כָּל אֶחָד וְאֶחָד מַכִּיר אֶת מְקוֹמוֹ. הָיוּ צְרִיכִין לִסְמֹךְ, סוֹמְכִין מִן הָרִאשׁוֹנָה. אֶחָד מִן הַשְּׁנִיָּה בָּא לוֹ לָרִאשׁוֹנָה וְאֶחָד מִן הַשְּׁלִישִׁית בָּא לוֹ לַשְּׁנִיָּה, וּבוֹרְרִין לָהֶן עוֹד אֶחָד מִן הַקָּהָל וּמוֹשִׁיבִין אוֹתוֹ בַשְּׁלִישִׁית. וְלֹא הָיָה יוֹשֵׁב בִּמְקוֹמוֹ שֶׁל רִאשׁוֹן, אֶלָּא יוֹשֵׁב בְּמָקוֹם הָרָאוּי לוֹ: 10.1. כָּל יִשְׂרָאֵל יֵשׁ לָהֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה ס) וְעַמֵּךְ כֻּלָּם צַדִּיקִים לְעוֹלָם יִירְשׁוּ אָרֶץ נֵצֶר מַטָּעַי מַעֲשֵׂה יָדַי לְהִתְפָּאֵר. וְאֵלּוּ שֶׁאֵין לָהֶם חֵלֶק לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא, הָאוֹמֵר אֵין תְּחִיַּת הַמֵּתִים מִן הַתּוֹרָה, וְאֵין תּוֹרָה מִן הַשָּׁמָיִם, וְאֶפִּיקוֹרֶס. רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא אוֹמֵר, אַף הַקּוֹרֵא בַסְּפָרִים הַחִיצוֹנִים, וְהַלּוֹחֵשׁ עַל הַמַּכָּה וְאוֹמֵר (שמות טו) כָּל הַמַּחֲלָה אֲשֶׁר שַׂמְתִּי בְמִצְרַיִם לֹא אָשִׂים עָלֶיךָ כִּי אֲנִי ה' רֹפְאֶךָ. אַבָּא שָׁאוּל אוֹמֵר, אַף הַהוֹגֶה אֶת הַשֵּׁם בְּאוֹתִיּוֹתָיו: | 3.2. If one litigant said to the other, “I accept my father as trustworthy”, or “I accept your father as trustworthy”, or “I accept three herdsman as trustworthy”, Rabbi Meir says, “He may retract.” But the Sages say, “He cannot retract.” If one must take an oath before his fellow, and his fellow said to him, “Vow to me by the life of your head”, Rabbi Meir says, “He may retract.” But the Sages say, “He cannot retract.” 3.3. And these are they which are not qualified [to be witnesses or judges]:A dice player, a usurer, pigeon racers, or traffickers in Seventh Year produce. Rabbi Shimon said: “In the beginning they called them ‘gatherers’ of Seventh Year produce, but after the oppressors grew many they changed this and called them ‘traffickers’ of Seventh Year produce.” Rabbi Judah said: “This applies only if they have no other trade, but if they have some other trade other than that, they are not disqualified.” 4.1. Both non-capital and capital cases require examination and inquiry [of the witnesses], as it says, “You shall have one manner of law” (Lev. 24:22). How do non-capital cases differ from capital cases? Non-capital cases [are decided] by three and capital cases by twenty three. Non-capital cases may begin either with reasons for acquittal or for conviction; capital cases begin with reasons for acquittal and do not begin with reasons for conviction. In non-capital cases they may reach a verdict of either acquittal or conviction by the decision of a majority of one; in capital cases they may reach an acquittal by the majority of one but a verdict of conviction only by the decision of a majority of two. In non-capital cases they may reverse a verdict either [from conviction] to acquittal or [from acquittal] to conviction; in capital cases they may reverse a verdict [from conviction] to acquittal but not [from acquittal] to conviction. In non-capital cases all may argue either in favor of conviction or of acquittal; in capital cases all may argue in favor of acquittal but not all may argue in favor of conviction. In non-capital cases he that had argued in favor of conviction may afterward argue in favor of acquittal, or he that had argued in favor of acquittal may afterward argue in favor of conviction; in capital cases he that had argued in favor of conviction may afterward argue in favor of acquittal but he that had argued in favor of acquittal cannot afterward argue in favor of conviction. In non-capital cases they hold the trial during the daytime and the verdict may be reached during the night; in capital cases they hold the trial during the daytime and the verdict also must be reached during the daytime. In non-capital cases the verdict, whether of acquittal or of conviction, may be reached the same day; in capital cases a verdict of acquittal may be reached on the same day, but a verdict of conviction not until the following day. Therefore trials may not be held on the eve of a Sabbath or on the eve of a Festival. 4.4. And there were three rows of disciples of the Sages who sat before them, and each knew his proper place. If they needed to appoint [another as a judge] they appointed him from the first row, and one from the second row came into the first row, and one from the third row came into the second row, and they chose another from the congregation and set him in the third row. He did not sit in the place of the former, but he sat in the place that was proper for him. 10.1. All Israel have a portion in the world to come, for it says, “Your people, all of them righteous, shall possess the land for ever; They are the shoot that I planted, my handiwork in which I glory” (Isaiah 60:2. And these are the ones who have no portion in the world to come: He who maintains that resurrection is not a biblical doctrine, that the torah was not divinely revealed, and an epikoros. Rabbi Akiva says: “Even one who reads non-canonical books and one who whispers [a charm] over a wound and says, “I will not bring upon you any of the diseases which i brought upon the Egyptians: for I the lord am you healer” (Exodus 15:26). Abba Shaul says: “Also one who pronounces the divine name as it is spelled.” |
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344. Mishnah, Rosh Hashanah, 1.8, 4.1-4.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) •jewish law/legal schools, and the sanhedrin Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 169| 1.8. אֵלּוּ הֵן הַפְּסוּלִין, הַמְשַׂחֵק בְּקֻבְיָא, וּמַלְוֵי בְרִבִּית, וּמַפְרִיחֵי יוֹנִים, וְסוֹחֲרֵי שְׁבִיעִית, וַעֲבָדִים. זֶה הַכְּלָל, כָּל עֵדוּת שֶׁאֵין הָאִשָּׁה כְשֵׁרָה לָהּ, אַף הֵן אֵינָן כְּשֵׁרִים לָהּ: 4.1. יוֹם טוֹב שֶׁל רֹאשׁ הַשָּׁנָה שֶׁחָל לִהְיוֹת בְּשַׁבָּת, בַּמִּקְדָּשׁ הָיוּ תוֹקְעִים, אֲבָל לֹא בַמְּדִינָה. מְשֶּׁחָרַב בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, הִתְקִין רַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי, שֶׁיְּהוּ תּוֹקְעִין בְּכָל מָקוֹם שֶׁיֶּשׁ בּוֹ בֵית דִּין. אָמַר רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר, לֹא הִתְקִין רַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי אֶלָּא בְיַבְנֶה בִּלְבָד. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אֶחָד יַבְנֶה וְאֶחָד כָּל מָקוֹם שֶׁיֶּשׁ בּוֹ בֵית דִּין: 4.2. וְעוֹד זֹאת הָיְתָה יְרוּשָׁלַיִם יְתֵרָה עַל יַבְנֶה, שֶׁכָּל עִיר שֶׁהִיא רוֹאָה וְשׁוֹמַעַת וּקְרוֹבָה וִיכוֹלָה לָבֹא, תּוֹקְעִין. וּבְיַבְנֶה לֹא הָיוּ תוֹקְעִין אֶלָּא בְּבֵית דִּין בִּלְבָד: 4.3. בָּרִאשׁוֹנָה הָיָה הַלּוּלָב נִטָּל בַּמִּקְדָּשׁ שִׁבְעָה, וּבַמְּדִינָה יוֹם אֶחָד. מִשֶּׁחָרַב בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, הִתְקִין רַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי שֶׁיְהֵא לוּלָב נִטָּל בַּמְּדִינָה שִׁבְעָה זֵכֶר לַמִּקְדָּשׁ, וְשֶׁיְּהֵא יוֹם הָנֵף כֻּלּוֹ אָסוּר: | 1.8. And these are they which are not qualified [to be witnesses or judges]: A dice player, a usurer, pigeon racers, or traffickers in Seventh Year produce, and slaves. This is the general rule: any testimony for which a woman is not qualified, they too are not qualified. 4.1. If Yom Tov of Rosh Hashanah fell on Shabbat, they would blow the shofar in the Temple but not in the country. After the destruction of the Temple, Rabban Yoha ben Zakai decreed that it should be blown [on Shabbat] in every place where there was a court. Rabbi Eliezer said: Rabban Yoha ben Zakai decreed for Yavneh only. They said to him: both Yavneh and any place where there is a court. 4.2. There was another way in which Jerusalem was greater than Yavneh, that in every city which could see [Jerusalem] and hear and was near and could get to Jerusalem, they used to blow [on Shabbat], whereas in Yavneh they used to blow in the court only. 4.3. In earlier times the lulav was taken for seven days in the Temple, and in the provinces for one day only. When the temple was destroyed, Rabbi Yoha ben Zakkai decreed that the lulav should be taken in the provinces for seven days in memory of the Temple, [He also decreed] that on the whole of the day of waving it be forbidden [to eat the new produce]. |
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| 345. Mishnah, Qiddushin, 4.14 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •philo, on the patriarchs and law observance Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 340 |
346. Mishnah, Niddah, 4.2, 5.3, 5.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) •halakhah, jewish law, josephus’ exposition of compared with philo’s hypothetica •violation of the law Found in books: Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 325; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171| 4.2. בְּנוֹת צְדוֹקִין, בִּזְמַן שֶׁנָּהֲגוּ לָלֶכֶת בְּדַרְכֵי אֲבוֹתֵיהֶן, הֲרֵי הֵן כְּכוּתִיּוֹת. פֵּרְשׁוּ לָלֶכֶת בְּדַרְכֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל, הֲרֵי הֵן כְּיִשְׂרְאֵלִית. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, לְעוֹלָם הֵן כְּיִשְׂרָאֵל, עַד שֶׁיִּפְרְשׁוּ לָלֶכֶת בְּדַרְכֵי אֲבוֹתֵיהֶן: 5.9. בַּת עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה שֶׁלֹּא הֵבִיאָה שְׁתֵּי שְׂעָרוֹת, תָּבִיא רְאָיָה שֶׁהִיא בַת עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה, וְהִיא אַיְלוֹנִית, לֹא חוֹלֶצֶת וְלֹא מִתְיַבֶּמֶת. בֶּן עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה שֶׁלֹּא הֵבִיא שְׁתֵּי שְׂעָרוֹת, יָבִיא רְאָיָה שֶׁהוּא בֶן עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה, וְהוּא סָרִיס, לֹא חוֹלֵץ וְלֹא מְיַבֵּם, אֵלּוּ דִּבְרֵי בֵית הִלֵּל. בֵּית שַׁמַּאי אוֹמְרִים, זֶה וָזֶה בְּנֵי שְׁמֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, הַזָּכָר כְּדִבְרֵי בֵית הִלֵּל, וְהַנְּקֵבָה כְּדִבְרֵי בֵית שַׁמַּאי, שֶׁהָאִשָּׁה מְמַהֶרֶת לָבֹא לִפְנֵי הָאִישׁ: | 4.2. The daughters of the Sadducees, so long as they are accustomed to walking in the paths of their fathers, are to be regarded as Samaritan women. If they left those paths to walk in the paths of Israel, they are to be regarded as Israelite women. Rabbi Yose says: they are always regarded as Israelite women unless they leave the paths of Israel to walk in the paths of their fathers. 5.9. If a woman at the age of twenty did not bring forth two hairs, she must bring evidence that she is twenty years of age and she is an aylonit, she doesn't perform halitzah or yibbum. If a man at the age of twenty years did not produce two hairs, he must bring evidence that he is twenty years old and he becomes confirmed as a saris and he doesn't perform halitzah or yibbum, the words of Bet Hillel. Bet Shammai says: with both of them at the age of eighteen. Rabbi Eliezer says: In the case of the male, according to the words of Bet Hillel, while in that of the female, in accordance with the words of Bet Shammai, since a woman matures earlier than a man. |
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347. Mishnah, Menachot, 8.5, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 67; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171| 8.5. הָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁבָּרִאשׁוֹן, אֵין לְמַעְלָה מִמֶּנּוּ. הַשֵּׁנִי שֶׁבָּרִאשׁוֹן וְהָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁבַּשֵּׁנִי, שָׁוִין. הַשְּׁלִישִׁי שֶׁבָּרִאשׁוֹן וְהַשֵּׁנִי שֶׁבַּשֵּׁנִי וְהָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁבַּשְּׁלִישִׁי, שָׁוִין. הַשְּׁלִישִׁי שֶׁבַּשֵּׁנִי וְהַשֵּׁנִי שֶׁבַּשְּׁלִישִׁי, שָׁוִין. הַשְּׁלִישִׁי שֶׁבַּשְּׁלִישִׁי, אֵין לְמַטָּה מִמֶּנּוּ. אַף הַמְּנָחוֹת הָיוּ בַדִּין שֶׁיִּטָּעֲנוּ שֶׁמֶן זַיִת זַךְ. מָה אִם הַמְּנוֹרָה שֶׁאֵינָהּ לַאֲכִילָה, טְעוּנָה שֶׁמֶן זַיִת זַךְ, הַמְּנָחוֹת, שֶׁהֵן לַאֲכִילָה, אֵינוֹ דִין שֶׁיִּטָּעֲנוּ שֶׁמֶן זַיִת זַךְ. תַּלְמוּד לוֹמַר (שמות כז), זָךְ כָּתִית לַמָּאוֹר, וְלֹא זַךְ כָּתִית לַמְּנָחוֹת: 10.3. כֵּיצַד הָיוּ עוֹשִׂים. שְׁלוּחֵי בֵית דִּין יוֹצְאִים מֵעֶרֶב יוֹם טוֹב, וְעוֹשִׂים אוֹתוֹ כְרִיכוֹת בִּמְחֻבָּר לַקַּרְקַע, כְּדֵי שֶׁיְּהֵא נוֹחַ לִקְצֹר. וְכָל הָעֲיָרוֹת הַסְּמוּכוֹת לְשָׁם, מִתְכַּנְּסוֹת לְשָׁם, כְּדֵי שֶׁיְּהֵא נִקְצָר בְּעֵסֶק גָּדוֹל. כֵּיוָן שֶׁחֲשֵׁכָה, אוֹמֵר לָהֶם, בָּא הַשָּׁמֶשׁ, אוֹמְרִים, הֵן. בָּא הַשָּׁמֶשׁ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. מַגָּל זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. מַגָּל זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. קֻפָּה זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. קֻפָּה זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. בְּשַׁבָּת אוֹמֵר לָהֶם, שַׁבָּת זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. שַׁבָּת זוֹ, אוֹמְרִים הֵן. אֶקְצֹר, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים לוֹ קְצֹר. אֶקְצֹר, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים לוֹ קְצֹר. שָׁלשׁ פְּעָמִים עַל כָּל דָּבָר וְדָבָר, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים לוֹ הֵן, הֵן, הֵן. וְכָל כָּךְ לָמָּה. מִפְּנֵי הַבַּיְתוֹסִים, שֶׁהָיוּ אוֹמְרִים, אֵין קְצִירַת הָעֹמֶר בְּמוֹצָאֵי יוֹם טוֹב: | 8.5. The first oil of the first crop, there is none better than it. The second oil of the first crop and the first oil of the second crop are equal. The third oil of the first crop, the second oil of the second crop and the first oil of the third crop are equal. The third oil of the second crop and the second oil of the third crop are equal. As to the third oil of the third crop, there is none worse than it. It would have been logical by the following argument that menahot should also require the purest olive oil: if the candlestick, whose [oil] is not for eating, requires pure olive oil, how much more should menahot, whose oil is for eating, require pure olive oil! But the text states, “Pure olive oil of beaten olives for lighting” (Exodus 27:20), but not “pure olive oil of beaten olives for menahot.” 10.3. How would they do it [reap the omer]?The agents of the court used to go out on the day before the festival and tie the unreaped grain in bunches to make it the easier to reap. All the inhabitants of the towns near by assembled there, so that it might be reaped with a great demonstration. As soon as it became dark he says to them: “Has the sun set?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Has the sun set?” And they answer, “Yes.” “With this sickle?” And they answer, “Yes.” “With this sickle?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Into this basket?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Into this basket?” And they answer, “Yes.” On the Sabbath he says to them, “On this Sabbath?” And they answer, “Yes.” “On this Sabbath?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Shall I reap?” And they answer, “Reap.” “Shall I reap?” And they answer, “Reap.” He repeated every matter three times, and they answer, “yes, yes, yes.” And why all of this? Because of the Boethusians who held that the reaping of the omer was not to take place at the conclusion of the [first day of the] festival. |
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348. Mishnah, Yevamot, 6.6-6.7 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 325| 6.6. לֹא יִבָּטֵל אָדָם מִפְּרִיָּה וּרְבִיָּה, אֶלָּא אִם כֵּן יֶשׁ לוֹ בָנִים. בֵּית שַׁמַּאי אוֹמְרִים, שְׁנֵי זְכָרִים. וּבֵית הִלֵּל אוֹמְרִים, זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר, (בראשית ה) זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה בְּרָאָם. נָשָׂא אִשָּׁה, וְשָׁהָה עִמָּהּ עֶשֶׂר שָׁנִים, וְלֹא יָלְדָה, אֵינוֹ רַשַּׁאי לִבָּטֵל. גֵּרְשָׁהּ, מֻתֶּרֶת לִנָּשֵׂא לְאַחֵר. וְרַשַּׁאי הַשֵּׁנִי לִשְׁהוֹת עִמָּהּ עֶשֶׂר שָׁנִים. וְאִם הִפִּילָה, מוֹנֶה מִשָּׁעָה שֶׁהִפִּילָה. הָאִישׁ מְצֻוֶּה עַל פְּרִיָּה וּרְבִיָּה, אֲבָל לֹא הָאִשָּׁה. רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן בֶּן בְּרוֹקָא אוֹמֵר, עַל שְׁנֵיהֶם הוּא אוֹמֵר (בראשית א), וַיְבָרֶךְ אֹתָם אֱלֹהִים וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶם אֱלֹהִים פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ: | 6.6. A man shall not abstain from procreation unless he already has children. Beth Shammai says: two males, And Beth Hillel says: male and a female, for it says, “Male and female created he them” (Genesis 5:2). If a man married a woman and lived with her for ten years and she bore no child, he may not abstain [any longer from the duty of propagation]. If he divorced her she is permitted to marry another, and the second husband may also live with her for ten years. If she miscarried [the period of ten years] is counted from the time of her miscarriage. A man is commanded concerning the duty of propagation but not a woman. Rabbi Yoha ben Beroka says: Concerning both of them it is said, “And God blessed them; and said to them… “Be fruitful and multiply” (Genesis 1:28). |
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349. Anon., Epistle of Barnabas, 4.9, 6.5, 10.3-10.9, 16.7-16.9, 19.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 84, 85; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 152, 153, 288, 289; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142| 4.9. πολλὰ δὲ θέλων γράφειν, οὐχ ὡς διδάσκαλος, ἀλλ̓ ὡς πρέπει ἀγαπῶντι ἀφ̓ ὧν ἔχομεν μὴ ἐλλείπειν, γράφειν ἐσπούδασα, περίψημα ὑμῶν. διὸ προσέχωμεν ἐν ταῖς ἐσχάταις ἡμέραις: οὐδὲν Didache xvi. 2 γὰρ ὠφελήσει ἡμᾶς ὁ πᾶς χρόνος τῆς πίστεως ἡμῶν, th=s pi/stews h(mw=n N, th=s zwh=s h(mw=n C, uitae nostrac er fidei L. ἐὰν μὴ νῦν ἐν τῷ ἀνόμῳ καιρῷ καὶ τοῖς μέλλουσιν σκανδάλοις, ὡς πρέπει υἱοῖς θεοῦ, ἀντιστῶμεν, ἵνα i)/na N, i)/na n) C, i)/na.. me/las om. L. μὴ σχῇ παρείσδυσιν ὁ μέλας. 6.5. ἁπλούστερον ὑμῖν γράφω, ἵνα συνιῆτε: ἐγὼ περίψημα τῆς ἀγάπης ὑμῶν. Ps. 22, 19; I 18, 12 10.3. τὸ οὖν χοιρίον πρὸς τοῦτο εἶπεν: οὐ κολληθήσῃ φησίν, ἀνθρώποις τοιούτοις, οἵτινές εἰσιν ὅμοιοι χοίρων: xoi/rwn 8, xoi/rws CG. τουτέστιν ὅταν σπαταλῶσιν, ἐπιλανθάνονται τοῦ κυρίου, ὅταν δὲ ὑστεροῦνται, ἐπιγινώσκουσιν τὸν κύριον, ὡς καὶ ὁ χοῖρος ὅταν τρώγει τὸν κύριον οὐκ οἶδεν, ὅταν δὲ πεινᾷ κραυγάζει, καὶ λαβὼν πάλιν Lev. 11, 13-16 σιωπᾷ. 10.4. Οὐδὲ φάγῃ τὸν ἀετὸν οὐδὲ τὸν ὀξύπτερον οὐδὲ τὸν ἰκτῖνα οὐδὲ τὸν κόρακα: οὐ μή, φησίν, κολληθήσῃ οὐδὲ ὁμοιωθήσῃ ἀνθρώποις τοιούτοις, οἵτινες οὐκ οἴδασιν διὰ κόπου καὶ ἱδρῶτος πορίζειν ἑαυτοῖς τὴν τροφήν, ἀλλὰ ἁρπάζουσιν τὰ ἀλλότρια ἐν ἀνομίᾳ αὐτῶν καὶ ἐπιτηροῦσιν ὡς ἐν ἀκεραιοσύνῃ περιπατοῦντες καὶ περιβλέπονται, τίνα ἐκδύσωσιν διὰ τὴν πλεονεξίαν, ὡς καὶ τὰ ὄρνεα ταῦτα μόνα ἑαυτοῖς οὐ προίζει τὴν τροφήν, ἀλλὰ ἀργὰ καθήμενα ἐκζητεῖ, πῶς ἀλλοτρίας σάρκας καταφάγῃ, ὄντα λοιμὰ τῇ πονηρίᾳ αὐτῶν. Lev. 11, 10 10.5. Καὶ οὐ φάγῃ, φησίν, σμύραιναν οὐδὲ πολύποδα οὐδὲ σηπίαν: οὐ μή, φησίν, ὁμοιωθήσῃ κολλώμενος kollw/menos GL, om. NC. ἀνθρώποις τοιούτοις, οἵτινες εἰς τέλος εἰσὶν ἀσεβεῖς καὶ κεκριμένοι ἤδη τῷ θανάτῳ, ὡς καὶ ταῦτα τὰ ἰχθύδια μόνα ἐπικατάρατα ἐν τῷ βυθῷ νήχεται, μὴ κολυμβῶντα ὡς τὰ λοιπά, ἀλλ̓ ἐν τῇ γῇ κάτω τοῦ βυθοῦ κατοικεῖ. 10.6. ἀλλὰ Lev. 11, 5 καὶ τὸν δασύποδα οὐ φάγῃ. πρὸς τί; οὐ μὴ γένῃ, φησίν, παιδοφθόρος οὐδὲ ὁμοιωθήσῃ τοῖς τοιούτοις, ὅτι ὁ λαγωὸς κατ̓ ἐνιαυτὸν πλεονεκτεῖ τὴν ἀφόδευσιν: ὅσα γὰρ ἔτη ζῇ, τοσαύτας ἔχει τρύπας. 10.7. ἀλλὰ οὐδὲ τὴν ὕαιναν φάγῃ: οὐ μή, φησίν, γένῃ μοιχὸς οὐδὲ φθορεὺς οὐδὲ ὁμοιωθήσῃ τοῖς τοιούτοις. πρὸς τί; ὅτι τὸ ζῷον τοῦτο παρ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀλλάσσει τὴν φύσιν καὶ ποτὲ μὲν ἄρρεν, Lev, 11. 20 ποτὲ δὲ θῆλυ γίνεται. 10.8. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν γαλῆν ἐμίσησεν καλῶς. οὐ μή, φησίν, γενηθῇς τοιοῦτος, οἵους ἀκούομεν ἀνομίαν ποιοῦντας ἐν τῷ στόματι δἰ ἀκαθαρσίαν, οὐδὲ κολληθήσῃ ταῖς ἀκαθάρτοις ταῖς τὴν ἀνομίαν ποιούσαις ἐν τῷ στόματι. τὸ γὰρ ζῷον τοῦτο τῷ στόματι κύει. 10.9. περὶ μὲν τῶν βρωμάτων λαβὼν Μωϋσῆς τρία δόγματα οὕτως ἐν πνεύματι ἐλάλησεν: οἱ δὲ κατ̓ ἐπιθυμίαν τῆς σαρκὸς ὡς περὶ βρώσεως προσεδέξαντο. 16.7. εὑρίσκω οὖν, ὅτι ἔστιν ναός. πῶς οὖν οἰκοδομηθήσεται ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι κυρίου, μάθετε. πρὸ τοῦ ἡμᾶς πιστεῦσαι τῷ θεῷ ἦν ἡμῶν τὸ κατοικητήριον τῆς καρδίας φθαρτὸν καὶ ἀσθενές, ὡς ἀληθῶς οἰκοδομητὸς ναὸς διὰ χειρός, ὅτι ἦν πλήρης μὲν εἰδωλολατρείας καὶ ἦν οἶκος δαιμονίων διὰ τὸ Dan. 9, 24-27 (??) ποιεῖν, ὅσα ἦν ἐναντία τῷ θεῷ, 16.8. Οἰκοδομηθήσεται δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι κυρίου. προσέχετε δέ, ἵνα ὁ ναὸς τοῦ κυρίου ἐνδόξως οἰκοδομηθῇ. πῶς, μάθετε. λαβόντες τὴν ἄφεσιν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν καὶ ἐλπίσαντες ἐπὶ τὸ ὄνομα ἐγενόμεθα καινοί, πάλιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς κτιζόμενοι: διὸ ἐν τῷ κατοικητηρίῳ ἡμῶν ἀληθῶς ὁ θεὸς κατοικεῖ ἐν ἡμῖν. 16.9. πῶς; ὁ λόγος αὐτοῦ τῆς πίστεως, ἡ κλῆσις αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπαγγελίας, ἡ σοφία τῶν δικαιωμάτων, αἱ ἐντολαὶ τῆς διδαχῆς, αὐτὸς ἐν ἡμῖν προφητεύων, αὐτὸς ἐν ἡμῖν κατοικῶν, τοὺς τῷ θανάτῳ δεδουλωμένους tou\s... dedoulwme/nous CGL, toi=s dedoulwme/nois N (probably a correction of the unexpected accusative). ἀνοίγων ἡμῖν τὴν θύραν τοῦ ναοῦ, ὅ ἐστιν στόμα, μετάνοιαν διδοὺς ἡμῖν, εἰσάγει εἰς τὸν ἄφθαρτον ναόν. 19.2. ἀγαπήσεις τὸν ποιήσαντά σε, φοβηθήσῃ τόν σε πλάσαντα, δοξάσεις τόν σε λυτρωσάμενον ἐκ θανάτου: ἔσῃ ἁπλοῦς τῇ καρδίᾳ καὶ πλούσιος τῷ πνεύματι: οὐ κολληθήσῃ μετὰ τῶν πορευομένων ἐν ὁδῷ θανάτου, μισήσεις πᾶν, ὃ οὐκ ἔστιν ἀρεστὸν τῷ θεῷ, μισήσεις πᾶσαν ὑπόκρισιν: οὐ μὴ ἐγκαταλίπῃς ἐντολὰς κυρίου. | 4.9. But though I would fain write many things, not as a teacher, but as becometh one who loveth you not to fall short of that which we possess, I was anxious to write to you, being your devoted slave. Wherefore let us take heed in these last days. For the whole time of our faith shall profit us nothing, unless we now, in the season of lawlessness and in the offenses that shall be, as becometh sons of God, offer resistance, that the Black One may not effect an entrance. 4.9. 6.5. I write to you the more simply, that ye may understand, I who am the offscouring of your love. 6.5. 10.3. Accordingly he mentioned the swine with this intent. Thou shalt not cleave, saith he, to such men who are like unto swine; that is, when they are in luxury they forget the Lord, but when they are in want they recognize the Lord, just as the swine when it eateth knoweth not his lord, but when it is hungry it crieth out, and when it has received food again it is silent. 10.3. 10.4. Neither shalt thou eat eagle nor falcon nor kite nor crow. Thou shalt not, He saith, cleave unto, or be likened to, such men who now not how to provide food for themselves by toil and sweat, but in their lawlessness seize what belongeth to others, and as if they were walking in guilelessness watch and search about for some one to rob in their rapacity, just as these birds alone do not provide food for themselves, but sit idle and seek how they may eat the meat that belongeth to others, being pestilent in their evil-doings. 10.4. 10.5. And thou shalt not eat, saith He, lamprey nor polypus nor cuttle fish . Thou shalt not, He meaneth, become like unto such men, who are desperately wicked, and are already condemned to death, just as these fishes alone are accursed and swim in the depths, not swimming on the surface like the rest, but dwell on the ground beneath the deep sea. 10.5. 10.6. Moreover thou shalt not eat the hare. Why so? Thou shalt not be found a corrupter of boys, nor shalt thou become like such persons; for the hare gaineth one passage in the body every year; for according to the number of years it lives it has just so many orifices. 10.6. 10.7. Again, neither shalt thou eat the hyena; thou shalt not, saith He, become an adulterer or a fornicator, neither shalt thou resemble such persons. Why so? Because this animal changeth its nature year by year, and becometh at one time male and at another female. 10.7. 10.8. Moreover He hath hated the weasel also and with good reason. Thou shalt not, saith He, become such as those men of whom we hear as working iniquity with their mouth for uncleanness, neither shalt thou cleave unto impure women who work iniquity with their mouth. For this animal conceiveth with its mouth. 10.8. 10.9. Concerning meats then Moses received three decrees to this effect and uttered them in a spiritual sense; but they accepted them according to the lust of the flesh, as though they referred to eating. 10.9. 16.7. I find then that there is a temple, How then shall it be built in the name of the Lord? Understand ye. Before we believed on God, the abode of our heart was corrupt and weak, a temple truly built by hands; for it was full of idolatry and was a house of demons, because we did whatsoever was contrary to God. 16.7. 16.8. But it shall be built in the name of the Lord. Give heed then that the temple of the Lord may be built gloriously. 16.8. 16.9. How? Understand ye. By receiving the remission of our sins and hoping on the Name we became new, created afresh from the beginning. Wherefore God dwelleth truly in our habitation within us. How? The word of his faith, the calling of his promise, the wisdom of the ordices, the commandments of the teaching, He Himself prophesying in us, He Himself dwelling in us, opening for us who had been in bondage unto death the door of the temple, which is the mouth, and giving us repentance leadeth us to the incorruptible temple. 16.9. 19.2. Thou shalt love Him that made thee, thou shalt fear Him that created thee, thou shalt glorify Him that redeemed thee from death; thou shalt be simple in heart and rich in spirit; thou shalt not cleave to those who walk the way of death; thou shalt hate everything that is not pleasing to God; thou shalt hate all hypocrisy; thou shalt never forsake the commandments of the Lord. 19.2. 4. It behooves us therefore to investigate deeply concerning the present, and to search out the things which have power to save us. Let us therefore flee altogether from all the works of lawlessness, lest the works of lawlessness overpower us; and let us loathe the error of the present time, that we may be loved for that which is to come.,Let us give no relaxation to our soul that it should have liberty to consort with sinners and wicked men, lest haply we be made like unto them.,The last offence is at hand, concerning which the scripture speaketh, as Enoch saith. For to this end the Master hath cut the seasons and the days short, that His beloved might hasten and come to His inheritance.,And the prophet also speaketh on this wise; Ten reigns shall reign upon the earth, and after them shall arise another king, who shall bring low three of the kings under one.,In like manner Daniel speaketh concerning the same; And I saw the forth beast to be wicked and strong and more intractable than all the beasts of the earth, and how there arose from him ten horns, and from these a little horn and excrescence, and how that it abased under one three of the great horns.,Ye ought therefore to understand. Moreover I ask you this one thing besides, as being one of yourselves and loving you all in particular more than my own soul, to give heed to yourselves now, and not to liken yourselves to certain persons who pile up sin upon sin, saying that our covet remains to them also.,Ours it is; but they lost it in this way for ever, when Moses had just received it. For the scripture saith; And Moses was in the mountain fasting forty days and forty nights, and he received the covet from the Lord, even tablets of stone written with the finger of the hand of the Lord.,But they lost it by turning unto idols. For thus saith the Lord; Moses, Moses, come down quickly; for thy people whom thou broughtest out of the land of Egypt hath done unlawfully. And Moses understood, and threw the two tables from his hands; and their covet was broken in pieces, that the covet of the beloved Jesus might be sealed unto our hearts in the hope which springeth from faith in Him.,But though I would fain write many things, not as a teacher, but as becometh one who loveth you not to fall short of that which we possess, I was anxious to write to you, being your devoted slave. Wherefore let us take heed in these last days. For the whole time of our faith shall profit us nothing, unless we now, in the season of lawlessness and in the offenses that shall be, as becometh sons of God, offer resistance, that the Black One may not effect an entrance.,Let us flee from all vanity, let us entirely hate the works of the evil way. Do not entering in privily stand apart by yourselves, as if ye were already justified, but assemble yourselves together and consult concerning the common welfare.,For the scripture saith; Woe unto them that are wise for themselves, and understanding in their own sight. Let us become spiritual, let us become a temple perfect unto God. As far as in us lies, let us exercise ourselves in the fear of God, [and] let us strive to keep His commandments, that we may rejoice in His ordices.,The Lord judgeth the world without respect of persons; each man shall receive according to his deeds. If he be good, his righteousness shall go before him in the way; if he be evil, the recompense of his evil-doing is before him; lest perchance,,if we relax as men that are called, we should slumber over our sins, and the prince of evil receive power against us and thrust us out from the kingdom of the Lord.,Moreover understand this also, my brothers. When ye see that after so many signs and wonders wrought in Israel, even then they were abandoned, let us give heed, lest haply we be found, as the scripture saith, many are called but few are chosen. 4. , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |
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350. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 5.9.14, 8.6.46-8.6.47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world •law, the, and gospel •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 292; Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 145 | 5.9.14. However, I fear that this line of reasoning will carry us too far. For if it is an indication of adultery that a woman bathes with men, the fact that she revels with young men or even an intimate friendship will also be indications of the same offence. Again depilation, a voluptuous gait, or womanish attire may be regarded as indications of effeminacy and unmanliness by anyone who thinks that such symptoms are the result of an immoral character, just as blood is the result of a wound: for anything, that springs from the matter under investigation and comes to our notice, may properly be called an indication. |
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| 351. Ptolemy, Syntaxis Mathematica, 5.1-5.3, 5.3.1-5.3.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79, 80 |
352. Tacitus, Annals, 3.52.2, 3.53.1-3.53.4, 11.3, 11.18, 15.41.1, 15.44.1, 15.44.3, 15.44.12-15.44.17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables •law and lawyers, in the roman world •roman law, and law of the provinces •herodians, use of term, as interpreters of the law •law (jewish), brought from the jerusalem temple to rome, after judean war Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 101; Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 35; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 145; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 257; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 130; Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 133| 11.3. Sed consultanti super absolutione Asiatici flens Vitellius, commemorata vetustate amicitiae utque Antoniam principis matrem pariter observavissent, dein percursis Asiatici in rem publicam officiis recentique adversus Britanniam militia, quaeque alia conciliandae misericordiae videbantur, liberum mortis arbitrium ei permisit; et secuta sunt Claudii verba in eandem clementiam. hortantibus dehinc quibusdam inediam et lenem exitum, remittere beneficium Asiaticus ait: et usurpatis quibus insueverat exercitationibus, lauto corpore, hilare epulatus, cum se honestius calliditate Tiberii vel impetu G. Caesaris periturum dixisset quam quod fraude muliebri et impudico Vitellii ore caderet, venas exolvit, viso tamen ante rogo iussoque transferri partem in aliam ne opacitas arborum vapore ignis minueretur: tantum illi securitatis novissimae fuit. 11.3. Exim Calpurnia (id paelici nomen), ubi datum secretum, genibus Caesaris provoluta nupsisse Messalinam Silio exclamat; simul Cleopatram, quae id opperiens adstabat, an comperisset interrogat, atque illa adnuente cieri Narcissum postulat. is veniam in praeteritum petens quod ei Vettios, Plautios dissimulavisset, nec nunc adulteria obiecturum ait, ne domum servitia et ceteros fortunae paratus reposceret. frueretur immo his set redderet uxorem rumperetque tabulas nuptialis. 'an discidium' inquit 'tuum nosti? nam matrimonium Silii vidit populus et senatus et miles; ac ni propere agis, tenet urbem maritus.' | 11.3. When, however, Claudius requested his advice as to the acquittal of Asiaticus, Vitellius tearfully recalled their long-standing friendship and the equal devotion they had shown to the sovereign's mother Antonia: then, running over the services of Asiaticus to the state, his recent work in the field against the Britons, and all else that seemed calculated to inspire compassion, he proposed that he should be allowed a free choice as to the form of his death; and a pronouncement from Claudius followed in the same spirit of clemency. When some of his friends then recommended the gradual exit by starvation, Asiaticus remarked that he was declining that boon; went through the gymnastic exercises which had become habitual with him; bathed; dined in good spirits; and, after observing that it would have been more respectable to perish by the subtlety of Tiberius or the onslaught of Gaius Caesar than to fall by female fraud and the lecherous tongue of Vitellius, opened his arteries; but not before he had visited his pyre and given orders for it to be moved to another site, so that his trees with their shady leafage might not be affected by the heat. So complete was his composure to the end! 15.41.1. It would not be easy to attempt an estimate of the private dwellings, tenement-blocks, and temples, which were lost; but the flames consumed, in their old-world sanctity, the temple dedicated to Luna by Servius Tullius, the great altar and chapel of the Arcadian Evander to the Present Hercules, the shrine of Jupiter Stator vowed by Romulus, the Palace of Numa, and the holy place of Vesta with the Penates of the Roman people. To these must be added the precious trophies won upon so many fields, the glories of Greek art, and yet again the primitive and uncorrupted memorials of literary genius; so that, despite the striking beauty of the rearisen city, the older generation recollects much that it proved impossible to replace. There were those who noted that the first outbreak of the fire took place on the nineteenth of July, the anniversary of the capture and burning of Rome by the Senones: others have pushed their researches so far as to resolve the interval between the two fires into equal numbers of years, of months, and of days. 15.44.1. So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. |
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353. Tacitus, Histories, 3.47-3.48, 5.4.3, 5.9, 5.9.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces •law\n, laws of their fathers / ancestral laws •zeal (for the law) Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 145; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 571; Witter et al., Torah, Temple, Land: Constructions of Judaism in Antiquity (2021) 24 | 3.47. Nor were the other nations quiet. There was a sudden armed uprising in Pontus led by a barbarian slave who had once been prefect of the royal fleet. This was a certain Anicetus, a freedman of Polemo, who, having been once very powerful, was impatient of the change after the kingdom was transformed into a province. So he stirred up the people of Pontus in the name of Vitellius, bribing the poorest among them with hope of plunder. Then at the head of a band, which was far from being negligible, he suddenly attacked Trapezus, a city of ancient fame, founded by Greeks at the extreme end of the coast of Pontus. There he massacred a cohort, which originally consisted of auxiliaries furnished by the king; later its members had been granted Roman citizenship and had adopted Roman standards and arms, but retained the indolence and licence of the Greeks. He also set fire to the fleet and escaped by sea, which was unpatrolled since Mucianus had concentrated the best light galleys and all the marines at Byzantium. Moreover, the barbarians had hastily built vessels and now roamed the sea at will, despising the power of Rome. Their boats they call camarae; they have a low freeboard but are broad of beam, and are fastened together without spikes of bronze or iron. When the sea is rough the sailors build up the bulwarks with planks to match the height of the waves, until they close in the hull like the roof of a house. Thus protected these vessels roll about amid the waves. They have a prow at both ends and their arrangement of oars may be shifted, so that they can be safely propelled in either direction at will. 3.48. These events attracted Vespasian's attention, so that he sent detachments from his legions under the command of Virdius Geminus, whose military skill had been well tested. He attacked the enemy's troops when they were off their guard and were scattered in their greed for booty, and forced them to their boats; afterwards he quickly built some light galleys and caught up with Anicetus at the mouth of the river Chobus, where he had sought shelter under the protection of the king of the Sedochezi, whose alliance he had secured by bribes and gifts. At first the king sheltered his suppliant with the aid of threats and arms; but after the reward for treachery and the alternative of war were set before him, with the unstable loyalty of a barbarian he bargained away the life of Anicetus, gave up the refugees, and so an end was put to this servile war. While Vespasian was rejoicing over this victory, for everything was succeeding beyond his hopes and prayers, the news of the battle at Cremona reached him in Egypt. He moved with all the more speed to Alexandria, that he might impose the burden of famine on the broken armies of Vitellius and on Rome, which always needs help from outside. For he was now preparing to invade Africa also by land and sea, situated as it is in the same quarter of the world, his purpose being to shut off Italy's supplies of grain and so cause need and discord among his foes. 5.9. The first Roman to subdue the Jews and set foot in their temple by right of conquest was Gnaeus Pompey; thereafter it was a matter of common knowledge that there were no representations of the gods within, but that the place was empty and the secret shrine contained nothing. The walls of Jerusalem were razed, but the temple remained standing. Later, in the time of our civil wars, when these eastern provinces had fallen into the hands of Mark Antony, the Parthian prince, Pacorus, seized Judea, but he was slain by Publius Ventidius, and the Parthians were thrown back across the Euphrates: the Jews were subdued by Gaius Sosius. Antony gave the throne to Herod, and Augustus, after his victory, increased his power. After Herod's death, a certain Simon assumed the name of king without waiting for Caesar's decision. He, however, was put to death by Quintilius Varus, governor of Syria; the Jews were repressed; and the kingdom was divided into three parts and given to Herod's sons. Under Tiberius all was quiet. Then, when Caligula ordered the Jews to set up his statue in their temple, they chose rather to resort to arms, but the emperor's death put an end to their uprising. The princes now being dead or reduced to insignificance, Claudius made Judea a province and entrusted it to Roman knights or to freedmen; one of the latter, Antonius Felix, practised every kind of cruelty and lust, wielding the power of king with all the instincts of a slave; he had married Drusilla, the grand-daughter of Cleopatra and Antony, and so was Antony's grandson-inâlaw, while Claudius was Antony's grandson. |
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| 354. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 2.37 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 334 |
| 355. Appian, Introduction, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the laws of the countries Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 15 |
356. Tosefta, Berachot, 4.1, 6.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 137| 4.1. לא יטעום אדם כלום עד שיברך שנאמר (תהילים כד) לה' הארץ ומלואה הנהנה מן העולם הזה בלא ברכה מעל עד שיתירו לו כל המצות לא ישתמש אדם בפניו ידיו ורגליו אלא לכבוד קונהו שנאמר (משלי טז) כל פעל ה' למענהו. 4.1. שאלו את בן זומא מפני מה בא להן יין בתוך המזון כל אחד ואחד מברך לעצמו אמר להם מפני שאין בית הבליעה פנוי הביאו לו אורז ויין מברך על האורז ופוטר את היין צנון ונובלות מברך על הצנון ופוטר את הנובלות מליח ופרוסה מברך על המליח ופוטר את הפרוסה ר' חנינא בן גמליאל אומר מליח הבא בתחלה לפני המזון ופת הבא עם המליח לאחר המזון טעונה ברכה לפניה ולאחריה רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר פרוסות סימן גדול לאורחין כל זמן שהאורחין רואין את הפרוסות יודעין שדבר אחר בא [אחריהם ככר שלם] יודעין שאין דבר אחר [בא להם] בסעודה אחריהם. 6.18. המל [גרים אומר] במצותיו וצונו למול את הגרים להטיף מהן דם ברית שאלמלא דם ברית לא נתקיים שמים וארץ שנא' (ירמיהו לג) אם לא בריתי יומם ולילה וגו' ברוך כורת הברית. המל את העבדים אומר ברוך על המילה המברך אומר ברוך אשר קדשנו במצותיו וצונו למול את העבדים ולהטיף מהן דם ברית וכו'. | |
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357. Tosefta, Hagigah, 1.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69| 1.2. יוחנן בן דהבאי אומר משום ר' יהודה אף הסומא [שנאמר יראה פרט לסומא השיב רבי על דברי יוחנן בן דהבאי הכריעו חכמים לסייע דברי רבי יהודה] (שמואל א א׳:כ״ב) וחנה לא עלתה כי אמרה לאשה עד יגמל וגו'. | |
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| 358. Tosefta, Hulin, 2.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 359. Tosefta, Moed Qatan, 2.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 200 |
360. Tosefta, Parah, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171| 3.8. נתנן עד שלא הוצת האור ברובה או משנעשית אפר פסולה. נטל עצם או שחור וקדש בו הרי זה לא עשה כלום אם יש עליו אבק כל שהוא אם מגופה כותשו ומקדש בו וכשר. וחולקין אותו לשלשה חלקים אחד ניתן בחיל ואחד ניתן בהר המשחה ואחד מתחלק לכל המשמרות זה שמתחלק לכל המשמרות היו ישראל מזין הימנו. זה שניתן בהר המשחה היו כהנים מקדשין בו. זה שניתן בחיל היו משמרין שנאמר (במדבר יט) והיתה לעדת בני ישראל למשמרת. | |
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| 361. Tacitus, Agricola, 28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 145 |
| 362. Tosefta, Peah, 2.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •zeal (for the law) Found in books: Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 576 |
363. Tosefta, Shabbat, 17.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world, inheritance law Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 174| 17.1. אמר ר' יהודה אימתי אמרו נותנין לתלויה ביו\"ט בזמן שנתן לתוכה מעיו\"ט לא נתן לתוכה מעיו\"ט לא יתן לתוכה ביו\"ט רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר טורף אדם חבית יינה בשמריה ונותן לתלויה ביו\"ט מסננין את הביצה בסודרין ובכפיפה מצרית נוטל בכברה ונותן לתוך האבוס ר\"א בן יעקב אומר מערין לכברה בשבת. 17.1. אין סכין את הכלים בשביל ליפותן אם לנאותן להשתמש בהן מותר לא יתן אדם שמן ע\"ג טבלא של שייש להתעגל עליה לפי שאין סכין ואין נופחין ואין מדיחין את הקרקע ביו\"ט ואצ\"ל בשבת. | |
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| 364. Tosefta, Yevamot, 8.245 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lorberbaum, In God's Image: Myth, Theology, and Law in Classical Judaism (2015) 248 |
365. Tosefta, Kippurim, 1.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 171| 1.8. איזו היא אצבע צרדה זו אצבע גדולה של ימין בפה [ולא] בנבל ולא בכנור מה היו אומרים (תהילים קכ״ז:א׳) שיר המעלות לשלמה אם ה' לא יבנה בית וגו' לא היו ישנים כל הלילה אלא שקורין כנגד כהן גדול [כדי] לעסקו בתורה כך היו נוהגין בגבולין אחר חורבן הבית זכר למקדש אבל חוטאין [היו]. | |
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| 366. Epictetus, Fragments, 9.85-9.86 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law Found in books: Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233 |
| 367. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.4.28-1.4.29, 2.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 75; Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
368. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.12, 4.13, 7.5-8.5, 9, 10, 14.4-15.7, 23.1, 30.2, 30.3, 30.4, 30.5, 30.6, 30.7, 30.8, 39.1, 39.2, 39.3, 39.4, 39.5, 39.6, 39.7, 39.8, 39.9, 40, 40.1, 41, 42, 42.5, 43, 44, 45.2, 45.3, 45.4, 45.5, 45.6, 45.7, 51.3-54.4, 53.1, 56.3, 56.4, 56.5, 56.6, 56.7, 56.8, 56.9, 56.10, 56.11, 56.12, 56.13, 56.14, 56.15, 56.16, 57.3-58.1, 62.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 152| 23.1. Ὁ οἰκτίρμων κατὰ πάντα καὶ εὐεργετικὸς πατὴρ ἔχει σπλάγχνα ἐπὶ τοὺς φοβουμένους αὐτόν, ἠπίως τε καὶ προσηνῶς τὰς χάριτας αὐτοῦ ἀποδιδοῖ τοῖς προσερχομένοις αὐτῷ ἁπλῇ διανοιᾳ. | |
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369. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 2.7, 3.1, 6.1-6.35, 7.31, 76.4 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 153; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 145, 146, 147; Martens, One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law (2003) 89; Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 47 | 3.1. < 3.1. When Socrates, who, as you also know by tradition, lived many years ago, was passing his old age in poverty at Athens, he was asked by someone whether he considered the Persian king a happy man, and replied, "Perhaps so"; but he added that he did not really know, since he had never met him and had no knowledge of his character, implying, no doubt, that a man's happiness is not determined by any external possessions, such as gold plate, cities or lands, for example, or other human beings, but in each case by his own self and his own character. < 6.16. That for which men gave themselves the most trouble and spent the most money, which caused the razing of many cities and the pitiful destruction of many nations â this he found the least laborious and most inexpensive of all things to procure. < 6.17. For he did not have to go anywhere for his sexual gratification but, as he humorously put it, he found Aphrodite everywhere, without expense; and the poets libelled the goddess, he maintained, on account of their own want of self-control, when they called her "the all-golden." And since many doubted this boast, he gave a public demonstration before the eyes of all, saying that if men were like himself, Troy would never have been taken, nor Priam, king of the Phrygians and a descendant of Zeus, been slain at the altar of Zeus. < 6.18. But the Achaeans had been such fools as to believe that even dead men found women indispensable and so slew Polyxena at the tomb of Achilles. Fish showed themselves more sensible than men almost; for whenever they needed to eject their sperm, they went out of doors and rubbed themselves against something rough. < 6.19. He marvelled that while men were unwilling to pay out money to have a leg or arm or any other part of their body rubbed, that while not even the very rich would spend a single drachma for this purpose, yet on that one member they spent many talents time and again and some had even risked their lives in the bargain. < 6.20. In a joking way he would say that this sort of intercourse was a discovery made by Pan when he was in love with Echo and could not get hold of her, but roamed over the mountains night and day till Hermes in pity at his distress, since he was his son, taught him the trick. So Pan, when he had learned his lesson, was relieved of his great misery; and the shepherds learned the habit from him. < 6.31. and he took care to have a sufficient supply of food and moderate clothing, but from public affairs, lawsuits, rivalries, wars, and factions he kept himself clear. He tried especially to imitate the life of the gods, for they alone, as Homer asserts, live at ease, implying that the life of man is full of labour and hardship. Even the lower animals, he claimed, understand this sort of thing clearly. < |
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| 370. Ammonius Grammaticus, De Adfinium Vocabulorum Differentis, a ... d\n0 15. ναύκληροι καὶ ναύκραροι ... ναύκληροι καὶ ναύκραροι\n\n[1 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, concerning the temene Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 58 |
| 371. Clement of Rome, 2 Clement, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 152 |
372. Tosefta, Sanhedrin, 5.2, 5.5, 11.6, 12.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law •virtue and law, and the torah •christians, do not observe the law Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 259; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69; Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (2010) 209| 5.5. הוסיפו עליהן הרועין והגזלנין החמסנין וכל החשודין על הממון עדותן פסולה לעולם. | |
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373. Suetonius, Nero, 38 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 257 | 38. But he showed no greater mercy to the people or the walls of his capital. When someone in a general conversation said: "When I am dead, be earth consumed by fire," he rejoined "Nay, rather while I live," and his action was wholly in accord. For under cover of displeasure at the ugliness of the old buildings and the narrow, crooked streets, he set fire to the city so openly that several ex-consuls did not venture to lay hands on his chamberlains although they caught them on their estates with tow and fire-brands, while some granaries near the Golden House, whose room he particularly desired, were demolished by engines of war and then set on fire, because their walls were of stone.,For six days and seven nights destruction raged, while the people were driven for shelter to monuments and tombs. At that time, besides an immense number of dwellings, the houses of leaders of old were burned, still adorned with trophies of victory, and the temples of the gods vowed and dedicated by the kings and later in the Punic and Gallic wars, and whatever else interesting and noteworthy had survived from antiquity. Viewing the conflagration from the tower of Maecenas and exulting, as he said, in "the beauty of the flames," he sang the whole of the "Sack of Ilium," in his regular stage costume.,Furthermore, to gain from this calamity too all the spoil and booty possible, while promising the removal of the debris and dead bodies free of cost he allowed no one to approach the ruins of his own property; and from the contributions which he not only received, but even demanded, he nearly bankrupted the provinces and exhausted the resources of individuals. |
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374. Tosefta, Demai, 2.10, 2.13, 6.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law •law and lawyers, in the roman world, inheritance law Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 174; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 99| 2.13. לא יאמר אדם חבר לעם הארץ הולך ככר זו ותן לפלוני חבר שאין משלחין טהרות ביד עם הארץ חבר שאמר לו עם הארץ הולך ככר זו והולך לפלוני ע\"ה לא יתן לו שאין מוסרין טהרות לעם הארץ. 6.13. ישראל ונכרי שלקחו ביתו של נכרי אין רשאי שיאמר לו טול אתה צלמים ואני כלים אתה יין ואני פירות לקחו [את המרחץ] אין רשאי שיאמר לו תהא שבת בחלקך וחול בחלקי ואם התנה עמו מתחלה על מנת לעשות כן מותר. | |
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375. Suetonius, Augustus, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law (jewish), brought from the jerusalem temple to rome, after judean war Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 106 | 31.1. After he finally had assumed the office of pontifex maximus on the death of Lepidus (for he could not make up his mind to deprive him of the honour while he lived) he collected whatever prophetic writings of Greek or Latin origin were in circulation anonymously or under the names of authors of little repute, and burned more than two thousand of them, retaining only the Sibylline books and making a choice even among those; and he deposited them in two gilded cases under the pedestal of the Palatine Apollo. |
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376. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 2.3.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 331| 2.3.6. τοὺς δὲ ξυμβαλόντας τὸ μαντεῖον τοῦτον ἐκεῖνον γνῶναι ὄντα, ὅντινα ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἔφραζεν, ὅτι ἄξει ἡ ἅμαξα· καὶ καταστῆσαι μὲν αὐτοὺς βασιλέα τὸν Μίδαν, Μίδαν δὲ αὐτοῖς τὴν στάσιν καταπαῦσαι, καὶ τὴν ἅμαξαν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ ἀναθεῖναι χαριστήρια τῷ Διὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀετοῦ τῇ πομπῇ. πρὸς δὲ δὴ τούτοις καὶ τόδε περὶ τῆς ἁμάξης ἐμυθεύετο, ὅστις λύσειε τοῦ ζυγοῦ τῆς ἁμάξης τὸν δεσμόν, τοῦτον χρῆναι ἄρξαι τῆς Ἀσίας. | |
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377. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 5.9.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 145 | 5.9.14. However, I fear that this line of reasoning will carry us too far. For if it is an indication of adultery that a woman bathes with men, the fact that she revels with young men or even an intimate friendship will also be indications of the same offence. Again depilation, a voluptuous gait, or womanish attire may be regarded as indications of effeminacy and unmanliness by anyone who thinks that such symptoms are the result of an immoral character, just as blood is the result of a wound: for anything, that springs from the matter under investigation and comes to our notice, may properly be called an indication. |
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| 378. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.8, 2.2.2, 2.3.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law Found in books: Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233 |
379. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 9.16, 86.4-86.13, 94.37 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature •law and lawyers, in the roman world •law (nomos) common belief of a city, meaning of the term •marriage on the choice of a spouse, first law of the cycle Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90; Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 35; Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 215 | 9.16. People may say: "But what sort of existence will the wise man have, if he be left friendless when thrown into prison, or when stranded in some foreign nation, or when delayed on a long voyage, or when cast upon a lonely shore?" His life will be like that of Jupiter, who, amid the dissolution of the world, when the gods are confounded together and Nature rests for a space from her work, can retire into himself and give himself over to his own thoughts.[10] In some such way as this the sage will act; he will retreat into himself, and live with himself. 86.4. I have inspected the house, which is constructed of hewn stone; the wall which encloses a forest; the towers also, buttressed out on both sides for the purpose of defending the house; the well, concealed among buildings and shrubbery, large enough to keep a whole army supplied; and the small bath, buried in darkness according to the old style, for our ancestors did not think that one could have a hot bath except in darkness. It was therefore a great pleasure to me to contrast Scipio's ways with our own. 86.5. Think, in this tiny recess the "terror of Carthage," to whom Rome should offer thanks because she was not captured more than once, used to bathe a body wearied with work in the fields! For he was accustomed to keep himself busy and to cultivate the soil with his own hands, as the good old Romans were wont to do. Beneath this dingy roof he stood; and this floor, mean as it is, bore his weight. 86.6. But who in these days could bear to bathe in such a fashion? We think ourselves poor and mean if our walls are not resplendent with large and costly mirrors; if our marbles from Alexandria are not set off by mosaics of Numidian stone, if their borders are not faced over on all sides with difficult patterns, arranged in many colours like paintings; if our vaulted ceilings are not buried in glass; if our swimming-pools are not lined with Thasian marble, once a rare and wonderful sight in any temple pools into which we let down our bodies after they have been drained weak by abundant perspiration; and finally, if the water has not poured from silver spigots. 86.7. I have so far been speaking of the ordinary bathing-establishments; what shall I say when I come to those of the freedmen? What a vast number of statues, of columns that support nothing, but are built for decoration, merely in order to spend money! And what masses of water that fall crashing from level to level! We have become so luxurious that we will have nothing but precious stones to walk upon. 86.8. In this bath of Scipio's there are tiny chinks – you cannot call them windows – cut out of the stone wall in such a way as to admit light without weakening the fortifications; nowadays, however, people regard baths as fit only for moths if they have not been so arranged that they receive the sun all day long through the widest of windows, if men cannot bathe and get a coat of tan at the same time, and if they cannot look out from their bath-tubs over stretches of land and sea. So it goes; the establishments which had drawn crowds and had won admiration when they were first opened are avoided and put back in the category of venerable antiques as soon as luxury has worked out some new device, to her own ultimate undoing. 86.9. In the early days, however, there were few baths, and they were not fitted out with any display. For why should men elaborately fit out that which, costs a penny only, and was invented for use, not merely for delight? The bathers of those day did not have water poured over them, nor did it always run fresh as if from a hot spring; and they did not believe that it mattered at all how perfectly pure was the water into which they were to leave their dirt. 86.10. Ye gods, what a pleasure it is to enter that dark bath, covered with a common sort of roof, knowing that therein your hero Cato, as aedile, or Fabius Maximus, or one of the Cornelia, has warmed the water with his own hands! For this also used to be the duty of the noblest aediles – to enter these places to which the populace resorted, and to demand that they be cleaned and warmed to a heat required by considerations of use and health, not the heat that men have recently made fashionable, as great as a conflagration – so much so, indeed, that a slave condemned for some criminal offence now ought to be bathed alive! It seems to me that nowadays there is no difference between "the bath is on fire," and "the bath is warm." 86.11. How some persons nowadays condemn Scipio as a boor because he did not let daylight into his perspiring-room through wide windows, or because he did not roast in the strong sunlight and dawdle about until he could stew in the hot water! "Poor fool," they say, "he did not know how to live! He did not bathe in filtered water; it was often turbid, and after heavy rains almost muddy!" But it did not matter much to Scipio if he had to bathe in that way; he went there to wash off sweat, not ointment. 86.12. And how do you suppose certain persons will answer me? They will say: "I don't envy Scipio; that was truly an exile's life – to put up with baths like those!" Friend, if you were wiser, you would know that Scipio did not bathe every day. It is stated by those who have reported to us the old-time ways of Rome that the Romans washed only their arms and legs daily – because those were the members which gathered dirt in their daily toil – and bathed all over only once a week. Here someone will retort: "Yes; pretty dirty fellows they evidently were! How they must have smelled!" But they smelled of the camp, the farm, and heroism. Now that spick-and-span bathing establishments have been devised, men are really fouler than of yore. 86.13. What says Horatius Flaccus, when he wishes to describe a scoundrel, one who is notorious for his extreme luxury? He says. "Buccillus smells of perfume." Show me a Buccillus in these days; his smell would be the veritable goat-smell – he would take the place of the Gargonius with whom Horace in the same passage contrasted him. It is nowadays not enough to use ointment, unless you put on a fresh coat two or three times a day, to keep it from evaporating on the body. But why should a man boast of this perfume as if it were his own? 94.37. "Still," it is objected, "laws do not always make us do what we ought to do; and what else are laws than precepts mingled with threats?" Now first of all, the laws do not persuade just because they threaten; precepts, however, instead of coercing, correct men by pleading. Again, laws frighten one out of communicating crime, while precepts urge a man on to his duty. Besides, the laws also are of assistance towards good conduct, at any rate if they instruct as well as command. 94.37. Still, it is objected, "laws do not always make us do what we ought to do; and what else are laws than precepts mingled with threats?" Now first of all, the laws do not persuade just because they threaten; precepts, however, instead of coercing, correct men by pleading. Again, laws frighten one out of communicating crime, while precepts urge a man on to his duty. Besides, the laws also are of assistance towards good conduct, at any rate if they instruct as well as command. 94.37. Now, as the former sort, who are inclined towards the good, can be raised to the heights more quickly: so the weaker spirits will be assisted and freed from their evil opinions if we entrust to them the accepted principles of philosophy; and you may understand how essential these principles are in the following way. Certain things sink into us, rendering us sluggish in some ways, and hasty in others. These two qualities, the one of recklessness and the other of sloth, cannot be respectively checked or roused unless we remove their causes, which are mistaken admiration and mistaken fear. As long as we are obsessed by such feelings, you may say to us: "You owe this duty to your father, this to your children, this to your friends, this to your guests"; but greed will always hold us back, no matter how we try. A man may know that he should fight for his country, but fear will dissuade him. A man may know that he should sweat forth his last drop of energy on behalf of his friends, but luxury will forbid. A man may know that keeping a mistress is the worst kind of insult to his wife, but lust will drive him in the opposite direction. |
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380. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.2.2-1.2.3, 3.10.6-3.10.7, 3.13.5, 3.14.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 240; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 336, 337| 3.10.6. Ἰκαρίου μὲν οὖν καὶ Περιβοίας νύμφης νηίδος Θόας Δαμάσιππος Ἰμεύσιμος Ἀλήτης Περίλεως, καὶ θυγάτηρ Πηνελόπη, ἣν ἔγημεν Ὀδυσσεύς· Τυνδάρεω δὲ καὶ Λήδας Τιμάνδρα, ἣν Ἔχεμος ἔγημε, καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα, ἣν ἔγημεν Ἀγαμέμνων, ἔτι τε Φυλονόη, ἣν Ἄρτεμις ἀθάνατον ἐποίησε. 3.10.7. Διὸς δὲ Λήδᾳ συνελθόντος ὁμοιωθέντος κύκνῳ, καὶ κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν νύκτα Τυνδάρεω, 3 -- Διὸς μὲν ἐγεννήθη Πολυδεύκης καὶ Ἑλένη, Τυνδάρεω δὲ Κάστωρ καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρα . 4 -- λέγουσι δὲ ἔνιοι Νεμέσεως Ἑλένην εἶναι καὶ Διός. ταύτην γὰρ τὴν Διὸς φεύγουσαν συνουσίαν εἰς χῆνα τὴν μορφὴν μεταβαλεῖν, ὁμοιωθέντα δὲ καὶ Δία κύκνῳ συνελθεῖν· τὴν δὲ ᾠὸν ἐκ τῆς συνουσίας ἀποτεκεῖν, τοῦτο δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἄλσεσιν 1 -- εὑρόντα τινὰ ποιμένα Λήδᾳ κομίσαντα δοῦναι, τὴν δὲ καταθεμένην εἰς λάρνακα φυλάσσειν, καὶ χρόνῳ καθήκοντι γεννηθεῖσαν Ἑλένην ὡς ἐξ αὑτῆς θυγατέρα τρέφειν. γενομένην δὲ αὐτὴν κάλλει διαπρεπῆ Θησεὺς ἁρπάσας εἰς Ἀφίδνας 2 -- ἐκόμισε. Πολυδεύκης δὲ καὶ Κάστωρ 3 -- ἐπιστρατεύσαντες, ἐν Ἅιδου Θησέως ὄντος, αἱροῦσι τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν Ἑλένην λαμβάνουσι, καὶ τὴν Θησέως μητέρα Αἴθραν ἄγουσιν αἰχμάλωτον. 3.13.5. αὖθις δὲ γαμεῖ Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως, περὶ ἧς τοῦ γάμου Ζεὺς καὶ Ποσειδῶν ἤρισαν, Θέμιδος 1 -- δὲ θεσπιῳδούσης ἔσεσθαι τὸν ἐκ ταύτης γεννηθέντα κρείττονα τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπέσχοντο. ἔνιοι δέ φασι, Διὸς ὁρμῶντος ἐπὶ τὴν ταύτης συνουσίαν, εἰρηκέναι Προμηθέα τὸν ἐκ ταύτης αὐτῷ γεννηθέντα οὐρανοῦ δυναστεύσειν. 2 -- τινὲς δὲ λέγουσι Θέτιν μὴ βουληθῆναι Διὶ συνελθεῖν ὡς 3 -- ὑπὸ Ἥρας τραφεῖσαν, Δία δὲ ὀργισθέντα θνητῷ θέλειν αὐτὴν 4 -- συνοικίσαι. 5 -- Χείρωνος οὖν ὑποθεμένου Πηλεῖ συλλαβεῖν καὶ κατασχεῖν 6 -- αὐτὴν μεταμορφουμένην, ἐπιτηρήσας συναρπάζει, γινομένην δὲ ὁτὲ μὲν πῦρ ὁτὲ δὲ ὕδωρ ὁτὲ δὲ θηρίον οὐ πρότερον ἀνῆκε πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν εἶδεν ἀπολαβοῦσαν. γαμεῖ δὲ ἐν τῷ Πηλίῳ, κἀκεῖ θεοὶ τὸν γάμον εὐωχούμενοι καθύμνησαν. καὶ δίδωσι Χείρων Πηλεῖ δόρυ μείλινον, Ποσειδῶν δὲ ἵππους Βαλίον καὶ Ξάνθον· ἀθάνατοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι. 3.14.2. Κέκροψ δὲ γήμας τὴν Ἀκταίου κόρην Ἄγραυλον παῖδα μὲν ἔσχεν Ἐρυσίχθονα, ὃς ἄτεκνος μετήλλαξε, θυγατέρας δὲ Ἄγραυλον Ἕρσην Πάνδροσον. Ἀγραύλου μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἄρεος Ἀλκίππη γίνεται. ταύτην βιαζόμενος Ἁλιρρόθιος, ὁ Ποσειδῶνος καὶ νύμφης Εὐρύτης, ὑπὸ Ἄρεος φωραθεὶς κτείνεται. Ποσειδῶνος δὲ εἰσάγοντος ἐν Ἀρείῳ πάγῳ κρίνεται δικαζόντων τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν Ἄρης 4 -- καὶ ἀπολύεται. | 3.10.6. Icarius and Periboea, a Naiad nymph, had five sons, Thoas, Damasippus, Imeusimus, Aletes, Perileos, and a daughter Penelope, whom Ulysses married. Tyndareus and Leda had daughters, to wit, Timandra, whom Echemus married, and Clytaemnestra, whom Agamemnon married; also another daughter Phylonoe, whom Artemis made immortal. 3.10.7. But Zeus in the form of a swan consorted with Leda, and on the same night Tyndareus cohabited with her; and she bore Pollux and Helen to Zeus, and Castor and Clytaemnestra to Tyndareus. But some say that Helen was a daughter of Nemesis and Zeus; for that she, flying from the arms of Zeus, changed herself into a goose, but Zeus in his turn took the likeness of a swan and so enjoyed her; and as the fruit of their loves she laid an egg, and a certain shepherd found it in the groves and brought and gave it to Leda; and she put it in a chest and kept it; and when Helen was hatched in due time, Leda brought her up as her own daughter. And when she grew into a lovely woman, Theseus carried her off and brought her to Aphidnae. But when Theseus was in Hades, Pollux and Castor marched against Aphidnae, took the city, got possession of Helen, and led Aethra, the mother of Theseus, away captive. 3.13.5. Afterwards he married Thetis, daughter of Nereus, for whose hand Zeus and Poseidon had been rivals; but when Themis prophesied that the son born of Thetis would be mightier than his father, they withdrew. But some say that when Zeus was bent on gratifying his passion for her, Prometheus declared that the son borne to him by her would be lord of heaven; and others affirm that Thetis would not consort with Zeus because she had been brought up by Hera, and that Zeus in anger would marry her to a mortal. Chiron, therefore, having advised Peleus to seize her and hold her fast in spite of her shape-shifting, he watched his chance and carried her off, and though she turned, now into fire, now into water, and now into a beast, he did not let her go till he saw that she had resumed her former shape. And he married her on Pelion, and there the gods celebrated the marriage with feast and song. And Chiron gave Peleus an ashen spear, and Poseidon gave him horses, Balius and Xanthus, and these were immortal. 3.14.2. Cecrops married Agraulus, daughter of Actaeus, and had a son Erysichthon, who departed this life childless; and Cecrops had daughters, Agraulus, Herse, and Pandrosus. Agraulus had a daughter Alcippe by Ares. In attempting to violate Alcippe, Halirrhothius, son of Poseidon and a nymph Euryte, was detected and killed by Ares. Impeached by Poseidon, Ares was tried in the Areopagus before the twelve gods, and was acquitted. |
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| 381. Apollodorus, Epitome, 6.7-6.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 147 |
| 382. Palestinian Talmud, Bikkurim, 2.1 (64c), 2.1 64d (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69 |
| 383. Palestinian Talmud, Demai, 2.3 (22d) (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 99 |
| 384. Palestinian Talmud, Sheviit, 38c, 38b (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 174, 189, 223 |
| 385. Nag Hammadi, The Apocryphon of John, 7.31-8.29 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •laughter. see the gnostic laughter, the law of israel Found in books: Scopello, The Gospel of Judas in Context: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Gospel of Judas (2008) 271 |
| 386. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 1.22, 1.168.4, 1.171, 2.3.10, 2.8.38, 2.15, 2.18.78-2.18.96, 2.20, 2.20.105, 4.15.97, 5.51-5.52, 6.133-6.148, 7.7.4, 7.33.1, 7.109.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 76 |
| 387. Anon., Tchacos 3 Gospel of Judas, 48.21, 48.22, 48.23, 48.24, 48.25, 48.26, 50.19-51.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scopello, The Gospel of Judas in Context: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Gospel of Judas (2008) 271 |
388. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.21.1, 1.33.2, 1.33.7-1.33.8, 2.27.5, 2.31.5, 5.14.10, 5.17.1, 7.6.6, 9.22.1, 10.5.6, 10.12.9, 10.24.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 106; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 240; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 334, 336, 337, 339; Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 283| 1.21.1. εἰσὶ δὲ Ἀθηναίοις εἰκόνες ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ τραγῳδίας καὶ κωμῳδίας ποιητῶν, αἱ πολλαὶ τῶν ἀφανεστέρων· ὅτι μὴ γὰρ Μένανδρος, οὐδεὶς ἦν ποιητὴς κωμῳδίας τῶν ἐς δόξαν ἡκόντων. τραγῳδίας δὲ κεῖνται τῶν φανερῶν Εὐριπίδης καὶ Σοφοκλῆς. λέγεται δὲ Σοφοκλέους τελευτήσαντος ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν Λακεδαιμονίους, καὶ σφῶν τὸν ἡγούμενον ἰδεῖν ἐπιστάντα οἱ Διόνυσον κελεύειν τιμαῖς, ὅσαι καθεστήκασιν ἐπὶ τοῖς τεθνεῶσι, τὴν Σειρῆνα τὴν νέαν τιμᾶν· καί οἱ τὸ ὄναρ ἐς Σοφοκλέα καὶ τὴν Σοφοκλέους ποίησιν ἐφαίνετο ἔχειν, εἰώθασι δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι ποιημάτων καὶ λόγων τὸ ἐπαγωγὸν Σειρῆνι εἰκάζειν. 1.33.2. Μαραθῶνος δὲ σταδίους μάλιστα ἑξήκοντα ἀπέχει Ῥαμνοῦς τὴν παρὰ θάλασσαν ἰοῦσιν ἐς Ὠρωπόν. καὶ αἱ μὲν οἰκήσεις ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εἰσί, μικρὸν δὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἄνω Νεμέσεώς ἐστιν ἱερόν, ἣ θεῶν μάλιστα ἀνθρώποις ὑβρισταῖς ἐστιν ἀπαραίτητος. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀποβᾶσιν ἐς Μαραθῶνα τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπαντῆσαι μήνιμα ἐκ τῆς θεοῦ ταύτης· καταφρονήσαντες γὰρ μηδέν σφισιν ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τὰς Ἀθήνας ἑλεῖν, λίθον Πάριον ὃν ὡς ἐπʼ ἐξειργασμένοις ἦγον ἐς τροπαίου ποίησιν. 1.33.7. τάδε μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω· πτερὰ δʼ ἔχον οὔτε τοῦτο τὸ ἄγαλμα Νεμέσεως οὔτε ἄλλο πεποίηται τῶν ἀρχαίων, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ Σμυρναίοις τὰ ἁγιώτατα ξόανα ἔχει πτερά· οἱ δὲ ὕστερον—ἐπιφαίνεσθαι γὰρ τὴν θεὸν μάλιστα ἐπὶ τῷ ἐρᾶν ἐθέλουσιν—ἐπὶ τούτῳ Νεμέσει πτερὰ ὥσπερ Ἔρωτι ποιοῦσι. νῦν δὲ ἤδη δίειμι ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ τοῦ ἀγάλματός ἐστιν εἰργασμένα, τοσόνδε ἐς τὸ σαφὲς προδηλώσας. Ἑλένῃ Νέμεσιν μητέρα εἶναι λέγουσιν Ἕλληνες, Λήδαν δὲ μαστὸν ἐπισχεῖν αὐτῇ καὶ θρέψαι· πατέρα δὲ καὶ οὗτοι καὶ πάντες κατὰ ταὐτὰ Ἑλένης Δία καὶ οὐ Τυνδάρεων εἶναι νομίζουσι. 1.33.8. ταῦτα ἀκηκοὼς Φειδίας πεποίηκεν Ἑλένην ὑπὸ Λήδας ἀγομένην παρὰ τὴν Νέμεσιν, πεποίηκε δὲ Τυνδάρεών τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας καὶ ἄνδρα σὺν ἵππῳ παρεστηκότα Ἱππέα ὄνομα· ἔστι δὲ Ἀγαμέμνων καὶ Μενέλαος καὶ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως, πρῶτος οὗτος Ἑρμιόνην τὴν Ἑλένης γυναῖκα λαβών· Ὀρέστης δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς τὴν μητέρα τόλμημα παρείθη, παραμεινάσης τε ἐς ἅπαν Ἑρμιόνης αὐτῷ καὶ τεκούσης παῖδα. ἑξῆς δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ καὶ Ἔποχος καλούμενος καὶ νεανίας ἐστὶν ἕτερος· ἐς τούτους ἄλλο μὲν ἤκουσα οὐδέν, ἀδελφοὺς δὲ εἶναι σφᾶς Οἰνόης, ἀφʼ ἧς ἐστι τὸ ὄνομα τῷ δήμῳ. 2.27.5. Ἐπιδαυρίοις δέ ἐστι θέατρον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ μάλιστα ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν θέας ἄξιον· τὰ μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαίων πολὺ δή τι καὶ ὑπερῆρ κ ε τῶν πανταχοῦ τῷ κόσμῳ, μεγέθει δὲ Ἀρκάδων τὸ ἐν Μεγάλῃ πόλει· ἁρμονίας δὲ ἢ κάλλους ἕνεκα ἀρχιτέκτων ποῖος ἐς ἅμιλλαν Πολυκλείτῳ γένοιτʼ ἂν ἀξιόχρεως; Πολύκλειτος γὰρ καὶ θέατρον τοῦτο καὶ οἴκημα τὸ περιφερὲς ὁ ποιήσας ἦν. ἐντὸς δὲ τοῦ ἄλσους ναός τέ ἐστιν Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ ἄγαλμα Ἠπιόνης καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἱερὸν καὶ Θέμιδος καὶ στάδιον, οἷα Ἕλλησι τὰ πολλὰ γῆς χῶμα, καὶ κρήνη τῷ τε ὀρόφῳ καὶ κόσμῳ τῷ λοιπῷ θέας ἀξία. 2.31.5. εἰσὶ δὲ οὐ μακρὰν τῆς Λυκείας Ἀρτέμιδος βωμοὶ διεστηκότες οὐ πολὺ ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων· ὁ μὲν πρῶτός ἐστιν αὐτῶν Διονύσου κατὰ δή τι μάντευμα ἐπίκλησιν Σαώτου, δεύτερος δὲ Θεμίδων ὀνομαζόμενος· Πιτθεὺς τοῦτον ἀνέθηκεν, ὡς λέγουσιν. Ἡλίου δὲ Ἐλευθερίου καὶ σφόδρα εἰκότι λόγῳ δοκοῦσί μοι ποιῆσαι βωμόν, ἐκφυγόντες δουλείαν ἀπὸ Ξέρξου τε καὶ Περσῶν. 5.14.10. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ Γαίῳ καλουμένῳ, βωμός ἐστιν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ Γῆς, τέφρας καὶ οὗτος· τὰ δὲ ἔτι ἀρχαιότερα καὶ μαντεῖον τῆς Γῆς αὐτόθι εἶναι λέγουσιν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ὀνομαζομένου Στομίου Θέμιδι ὁ βωμὸς πεποίηται. τοῦ δὲ Καταιβάτου Διὸς προβέβληται μὲν πανταχόθεν πρὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ φράγμα, ἔστι δὲ πρὸς τῷ βωμῷ τῷ ἀπὸ τῆς τέφρας τῷ μεγάλῳ. μεμνήσθω δέ τις οὐ κατὰ στοῖχον τῆς ἱδρύσεως ἀριθμουμένους τοὺς βωμούς, τῇ δὲ τάξει τῇ Ἠλείων ἐς τὰς θυσίας συμπερινοστοῦντα ἡμῖν τὸν λόγον. πρὸς δὲ τῷ τεμένει τοῦ Πέλοπος Διονύσου μὲν καὶ Χαρίτων ἐν κοινῷ, μεταξὺ δὲ αὐτῶν Μουσῶν καὶ ἐφεξῆς τούτων Νυμφῶν ἐστι βωμός. 5.17.1. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἔχει κατὰ τὰ προειρημένα· τῆς Ἥρας δέ ἐστιν ἐν τῷ ναῷ Διός, τὸ δὲ Ἥρας ἄγαλμα καθήμενόν ἐστιν ἐπὶ θρόνῳ· παρέστηκε δὲ γένειά τε ἔχων καὶ ἐπικείμενος κυνῆν ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ, ἔργα δέ ἐστιν ἁπλᾶ. τὰς δὲ ἐφεξῆς τούτων καθημένας ἐπὶ θρόνων Ὥρας ἐποίησεν Αἰγινήτης Σμῖλις . παρὰ δὲ αὐτὰς Θέμιδος ἅτε μητρὸς τῶν Ὡρῶν ἄγαλμα ἕστηκε Δορυκλείδου τέχνη, γένος μὲν Λακεδαιμονίου, μαθητοῦ δὲ Διποίνου καὶ Σκύλλιδος . 7.6.6. οἶδα δὲ καὶ ἄνδρα αὐτὸς Λυδὸν Ἄδραστον ἰδίᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τοῦ Λυδῶν ἀμύναντα Ἕλλησι· τοῦ δὲ Ἀδράστου τούτου χαλκῆν εἰκόνα ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Λυδοὶ πρὸ ἱεροῦ Περσικῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, καὶ ἔγραψαν ἐπίγραμμα ὡς τελευτήσειεν ὁ Ἄδραστος ἐναντίον Λεοννάτῳ μαχόμενος ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων. 9.22.1. ἐν Τανάγρᾳ δὲ παρὰ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Διονύσου Θέμιδός ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ Ἀφροδίτης, καὶ ὁ τρίτος τῶν ναῶν Ἀπόλλωνος, ὁμοῦ δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Ἄρτεμίς τε καὶ Λητώ. ἐς δὲ τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῦ τε Κριοφόρου καὶ ὃν Πρόμαχον καλοῦσι, τοῦ μὲν ἐς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν λέγουσιν ὡς ὁ Ἑρμῆς σφισιν ἀποτρέψαι νόσον λοιμώδη περὶ τὸ τεῖχος κριὸν περιενεγκών, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ Κάλαμις ἐποίησεν ἄγαλμα Ἑρμοῦ φέροντα κριὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων· ὃς δʼ ἂν εἶναι τῶν ἐφήβων προκριθῇ τὸ εἶδος κάλλιστος, οὗτος ἐν τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ τῇ ἑορτῇ περίεισιν ἐν κύκλῳ τὸ τεῖχος ἔχων ἄρνα ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων· 10.12.9. ἐπετράφη δὲ καὶ ὕστερον τῆς Δημοῦς παρʼ Ἑβραίοις τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς Παλαιστίνης γυνὴ χρησμολόγος, ὄνομα δὲ αὐτῇ Σάββη· Βηρόσου δὲ εἶναι πατρὸς καὶ Ἐρυμάνθης μητρός φασι Σάββην· οἱ δὲ αὐτὴν Βαβυλωνίαν, ἕτεροι δὲ Σίβυλλαν καλοῦσιν Αἰγυπτίαν. 10.24.1. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω γενόμενα ἴστω τις· ἐν δὲ τῷ προνάῳ τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖς γεγραμμένα ἐστὶν ὠφελήματα ἀνθρώποις ἐς βίον, ἐγράφη δὲ ὑπὸ ἀνδρῶν οὓς γενέσθαι σοφοὺς λέγουσιν Ἕλληνες. οὗτοι δὲ ἦσαν ἐκ μὲν Ἰωνίας Θαλῆς τε Μιλήσιος καὶ Πριηνεὺς Βίας, Αἰολέων δὲ τῶν ἐν Λέσβῳ Πιττακὸς Μιτυληναῖος, ἐκ δὲ Δωριέων τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ Κλεόβουλος Λίνδιος, καὶ Ἀθηναῖός τε Σόλων καὶ Σπαρτιάτης Χίλων· τὸν δὲ ἕβδομον Πλάτων ὁ Ἀρίστωνος ἀντὶ Περιάνδρου τοῦ Κυψέλου Μύσωνα κατείλοχε τὸν Χηνέα· κώμη δὲ ἐν τῇ Οἴτῃ τῷ ὄρει ᾠκοῦντο αἱ Χῆναι. οὗτοι οὖν οἱ ἄνδρες ἀφικόμενοι ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀνέθεσαν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τὰ ᾀδόμενα Γνῶθι σαυτὸν καὶ Μηδὲν ἄγαν. | 1.21.1. In the theater the Athenians have portrait statues of poets, both tragic and comic, but they are mostly of undistinguished persons. With the exception of Meder no poet of comedy represented here won a reputation, but tragedy has two illustrious representatives, Euripides and Sophocles. There is a legend that after the death of Sophocles the Lacedaemonians invaded Attica, and their commander saw in a vision Dionysus, who bade him honor, with all the customary honors of the dead, the new Siren. He interpreted the dream as referring to Sophocles and his poetry, and down to the present day men are wont to liken to a Siren whatever is charming in both poetry and prose. 1.33.2. About sixty stades from Marathon as you go along the road by the sea to Oropus stands Rhamnus. The dwelling houses are on the coast, but a little way inland is a sanctuary of Nemesis, the most implacable deity to men of violence. It is thought that the wrath of this goddess fell also upon the foreigners who landed at Marathon. For thinking in their pride that nothing stood in the way of their taking Athens, they were bringing a piece of Parian marble to make a trophy, convinced that their task was already finished. 1.33.7. Neither this nor any other ancient statue of Nemesis has wings, for not even the holiest wooden images of the Smyrnaeans have them, but later artists, convinced that the goddess manifests herself most as a consequence of love, give wings to Nemesis as they do to Love. I will now go onto describe what is figured on the pedestal of the statue, having made this preface for the sake of clearness. The Greeks say that Nemesis was the mother of Helen, while Leda suckled and nursed her. The father of Helen the Greeks like everybody else hold to be not Tyndareus but Zeus. 1.33.8. Having heard this legend Pheidias has represented Helen as being led to Nemesis by Leda, and he has represented Tyndareus and his children with a man Hippeus by name standing by with a horse. There are Agamemnon and Menelaus and Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles and first husband of Hermione, the daughter of Helen. Orestes was passed over because of his crime against his mother, yet Hermione stayed by his side in everything and bore him a child. Next upon the pedestal is one called Epochus and another youth; the only thing I heard about them was that they were brothers of Oenoe, from whom the parish has its name. 2.27.5. The Epidaurians have a theater within the sanctuary, in my opinion very well worth seeing. For while the Roman theaters are far superior to those anywhere else in their splendor, and the Arcadian theater at Megalopolis is unequalled for size, what architect could seriously rival Polycleitus in symmetry and beauty? For it was Polycleitus Probably the younger artist of that name. who built both this theater and the circular building. Within the grove are a temple of Artemis, an image of Epione, a sanctuary of Aphrodite and Themis, a race-course consisting, like most Greek race-courses, of a bank of earth, and a fountain worth seeing for its roof and general splendour. 2.31.5. Not far from Artemis Lycea are altars close to one another. The first of them is to Dionysus, surnamed, in accordance with an oracle, Saotes (Saviour); the second is named the altar of the Themides (Laws), and was dedicated, they say, by Pittheus. They had every reason, it seems to me, for making an altar to Helius Eleutherius (Sun, God of Freedom), seeing that they escaped being enslaved by Xerxes and the Persians. 5.14.10. On what is called the Gaeum (sanctuary of Earth) is an altar of Earth; it too is of ashes. In more ancient days they say that there was an oracle also of Earth in this place. On what is called the Stomium (Mouth) the altar to Themis has been built. All round the altar of Zeus Descender runs a fence; this altar is near the great altar made of the ashes. The reader must remember that the altars have not been enumerated in the order in which they stand, but the order followed by my narrative is that followed by the Eleans in their sacrifices. By the sacred enclosure of Pelops is an altar of Dionysus and the Graces in common; between them is an altar of the Muses, and next to these an altar of the Nymphs. 5.17.1. These things, then, are as I have already described. In the temple of Hera is an image of Zeus, and the image of Hera is sitting on a throne with Zeus standing by her, bearded and with a helmet on his head. They are crude works of art. The figures of Seasons next to them, seated upon thrones, were made by the Aeginetan Smilis. circa 580-540 B.C. Beside them stands an image of Themis, as being mother of the Seasons. It is the work of Dorycleidas, a Lacedaemonian by birth and a disciple of Dipoenus and Scyllis. 7.6.6. I myself know that Adrastus, a Lydian, helped the Greeks as a private individual, although the Lydian commonwealth held aloof. A likeness of this Adrastus in bronze was dedicated in front of the sanctuary of Persian Artemis by the Lydians, who wrote an inscription to the effect that Adrastus died fighting for the Greeks against Leonnatus. 9.22.1. Beside the sanctuary of Dionysus at Tanagra are three temples, one of Themis, another of Aphrodite, and the third of Apollo; with Apollo are joined Artemis and Leto. There are sanctuaries of Hermes Ram-bearer and of Hermes called Champion. They account for the former surname by a story that Hermes averted a pestilence from the city by carrying a ram round the walls; to commemorate this Calamis made an image of Hermes carrying a ram upon his shoulders. Whichever of the youths is judged to be the most handsome goes round the walls at the feast of Hermes, carrying a lamb on his shoulders. 10.12.9. Later than Demo there grew up among the Hebrews above Palestine a woman who gave oracles and was named Sabbe. They say that the father of Sabbe was Berosus, and her mother Erymanthe. But some call her a Babylonian Sibyl, others an Egyptian. 10.24.1. Such was the course of the war. In the fore-temple at Delphi are written maxims useful for the life of men, inscribed by those whom the Greeks say were sages. These were: from Ionia, Thales of Miletus and Bias of Priene ; of the Aeolians in Lesbos, Pittacus of Mitylene ; of the Dorians in Asia, Cleobulus of Lindus ; Solon of Athens and Chilon of Sparta ; the seventh sage, according to the list of Plato, See Plat. Prot. 343a . the son of Ariston, is not Periander, the son of Cypselus, but Myson of Chenae, a village on Mount Oeta. These sages, then, came to Delphi and dedicated to Apollo the celebrated maxims, “Know thyself,” and “Nothing in excess.” |
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389. Anon., Acts of Thomas, 139, 145, 29, 20 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79 | 20. Now when the king came to the city he inquired of his friends concerning the palace which Judas that is called Thomas was building for him. And they told him: Neither hath he built a palace nor done aught else of that he promised to perform, but he goeth about the cities and countries, and whatsoever he hath he giveth unto the poor, and teacheth of a new God, and healeth the sick, and driveth out devils, and doeth many other wonderful things; and we think him to be a sorcerer. Yet his compassions and his cures which are done of him freely, and moreover the simplicity and kindness of him and his faith, do declare that he is a righteous man or an apostle of the new God whom he preacheth; for he fasteth continually and prayeth, and eateth bread only, with salt, and his drink is water, and he weareth but one garment alike in fair weather and in winter, and receiveth nought of any man, and that he hath he giveth unto others. And when the king heard that, he rubbed his face with his hands, and shook his head for a long space. |
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| 390. Palestinian Talmud, Yevamot, 6 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •procreation, the laws of procreation Found in books: Lorberbaum, In God's Image: Myth, Theology, and Law in Classical Judaism (2015) 246 |
| 391. Justin, Second Apology, 2.9-2.16 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the •law, the, gnostic views of Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 209 |
| 392. Aristides of Athens, Apology, 2.2, 14.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73, 87 |
| 393. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, a b c d\n0 20.1 20.1 20 1\n1 20.2 20.2 20 2\n2 46 46 46 None\n3 45 45 45 None\n4 44 44 44 None\n.. ... ... ... ...\n58 92 92 92 None\n59 "57.2" "57.2" "57 2"\n60 113.3 113.3 113 3\n61 113.2 113.2 113 2\n62 113.1 113.1 113 1\n\n[63 rows x 4 columns] (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 88 |
| 394. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 2.13.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 325 |
| 395. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 2.1.8, 2.1.16-2.1.17, 2.25-2.27, 3.11.75-3.11.76, 3.89.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •law, the Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 75, 77, 82, 86, 89; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 280, 328, 329, 397 |
| 396. Clement of Alexandria, Excerpts From Theodotus, 13.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 280 |
| 397. Anon., Sifra, 103b, ahare mot 9.13, qedoshim 10.21-22 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 67 |
| 398. Justin, First Apology, 2.1-2.20, 53.5, 58.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 101; Bar Asher Siegal, Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud (2018) 135; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 208 |
| 399. Ptolemy, Epistle To Flora, 3.4, 3.6, 4.3-4.12, 5.1-5.15, 6.1-6.6, 7.4-7.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215 |
| 400. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 30.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 77 |
| 401. Palestinian Talmud, Taanit, 4.6, 68d (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
402. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 4.28, 8.13 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 81; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 25 | 4.28. ... And (the sorcerer), taking (a paper), directs the inquirer to write down with water whatever questions he may desire to have asked from the demons. Then, folding up the paper, and delivering it to the attendant, he sends him away to commit it to the flames, that the ascending smoke may waft the letters to demons. While, however, the attendant is executing this order, (the sorcerer) first removes equal portions of the paper, and on some more parts of it he pretends that demons write in Hebrew characters. Then burning an incense of the Egyptian magicians, termed Cyphi, he takes these (portions of paper) away, and places them near the incense. But (that paper) which the inquirer happens to have written (upon), having placed on the coals, he has burned. Then (the sorcerer), appearing to be borne away under divine influence, (and) hurrying into a corner (of the house), utters a loud and harsh cry, and unintelligible to all, ... and orders all those present to enter, crying out (at the same time), and invoking Phryn, or some other demon. But after passing into the house, and when those that were present stood side by side, the sorcerer, flinging the attendant upon a bed, utters to him several words, partly in the Greek, and partly, as it were, the Hebrew language, (embodying) the customary incantations employed by the magicians. (The attendant), however, goes away to make the inquiry. And within (the house), into a vessel full of water (the sorcerer) infusing copperas mixture, and melting the drug, having with it sprinkled the paper that forsooth had (the characters upon it) obliterated, he forces the latent and concealed letters to come once more into light; and by these he ascertains what the inquirer has written down. And if one write with copperas mixture likewise, and having ground a gall nut, use its vapour as a fumigator, the concealed letters would become plain. And if one write with milk, (and) then scorch the paper, and scraping it, sprinkle and rub (what is thus scraped off) upon the letters traced with the milk, these will become plain. And urine likewise, and sauce of brine, and juice of euphorbia, and of a fig, produce a similar result. But when (the sorcerer) has ascertained the question in this mode, he makes provision for the manner in which be ought to give the reply. And next he orders those that are present to enter, holding laurel branches and shaking them, and uttering cries, and invoking the demon Phryn. For also it becomes these to invoke him; and it is worthy that they make this request from demons, which they do not wish of themselves to put forward, having lost their minds. The confused noise, however, and the tumult, prevent them directing attention to those things which it is supposed (the sorcerer) does in secret. But what these are, the present is a fair opportunity for us to declare. Considerable darkness, then, prevails. For the (sorcerer) affirms that it is impossible for mortal nature to behold divine things, for that to hold converse (with these mysteries) is sufficient. Making, however, the attendant lie down (upon the couch), head foremost, and placing by each side two of those little tablets, upon which had been inscribed in, forsooth, Hebrew characters, as it were names of demons, he says that (a demon) will deposit the rest in their ears. But this (statement) is requisite, in order that some instrument may be placed beside the ears of the attendant, by which it is possible that he signify everything which he chooses. First, however, he produces a sound that the (attendant) youth may be terrified; and secondly, he makes a humming noise; then, thirdly, he speaks through the instrument what he wishes the youth to say, and remains in expectation of the issue of the affair; next, he makes those present remain still, and directs the (attendant) to signify, what he has heard from the demons. But the instrument that is placed beside his ears is a natural instrument, viz., the windpipe of long-necked cranes, or storks, or swans. And if none of these is at hand, there are also some different artificial instruments (employed); for certain pipes of brass, ten in number, (and) fitting into one another, terminating in a narrow point, are adapted (for the purpose), and through these is spoken into the ear whatsoever the (magician) wishes. And the youth hearing these (words) with terror as uttered by demons, when ordered, speaks them out. If any one, however, putting around a stick a moist hide, and having dried it and drawn it together, close it up, and by removing the rod fashion the hide into the form of a pipe, he attains a similar end. Should any of these, however, be not at hand, he takes a book, and, opening it inside, stretches it out as far as he think requisite, (and thus) achieves the same result. But if he knows beforehand that one is present who is about to ask a question, he is the more ready for all (contingencies). If, however, he may also previously ascertain the question, he writes (it) with the drug, and, as being prepared, he is considered more skilful, on account of having clearly written out what is (about) being asked. If, however, he is ignorant of the question, he forms conjectures, and puts forth something capable of a doubtful and varied interpretation, in order that the oracular response, being originally unintelligible, may serve for numerous purposes, and in the issue of events the prediction may be considered correspondent with what actually occurs. Next, having filled a vessel with water, he puts down (into it) the paper, as if uninscribed, at the same time infusing along with it copperas mixture. For in this way the paper written upon floats upwards (to the surface), bearing the response. Accordingly there ensue frequently to the attendant formidable fancies for also he strikes blows plentifully on the terrified (bystanders). For, casting incense into the fire, he again operates after the following method. Covering a lump of what are called fossil salts with Etruscan wax, and dividing the piece itself of incense into two parts, he throws in a grain of salt; and again joining (the piece) together, and placing it on the burning coals, he leaves it there. And when this is consumed, the salts, bounding upwards, create the impression of, as it were, a strange vision taking place. And the dark-blue dye which has been deposited in the incense produces a blood-red flame, as we have already declared. But (the sorcerer) makes a scarlet liquid, by mixing wax with alkanet, and, as I said, depositing the wax in the incense. And he makes the coals be moved, placing underneath powdered alum; and when this is dissolved and swells up like bubbles, the coals are moved. |
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| 403. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 1.3, 1.8, 1.21, 1.25, 1.28, 5.9-5.12, 6.9 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 113, 124, 125, 129, 155, 165 |
| 404. Alexander of Aphrodisias, On Mixture, 3, 6.14-7.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 208 |
| 405. Palestinian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, 2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •christians, do not observe the law Found in books: Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (2010) 209 |
| 406. Palestinian Talmud, Berachot, 4c, 6a, 6b, 6c, 5c (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 236 |
| 407. Palestinian Talmud, Eruvin, 1.1, 7.11, 18c, 24d (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan |
| 408. Palestinian Talmud, Kiddushin, 1.1, 58b, 4.12 66b (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
409. Oppian, Halieutica, 5.425-5.447 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146| 5.425. ἤδη γὰρ δελφῖνες ἐνηέες ἀνδράσιν οἵην < 5.426. ἄγρην εὐθήρητον ἐπʼ ἰχθύσιν ὡπλίσσαντο < 5.427. νήσῳ ἐν Εὐβοίῃ μετὰ κύμασιν Αἰγαίοισιν· < 5.428. εὖτε γὰρ ἑσπερίης θήρης πόνον ἐγκονέωσιν < 5.429. ἰχθυβόλοι, νεπόδεσσι πυρὸς φορέοντες ὁμοκλήν, < 5.430. ἴπνου χαλκείοιο θοὸν σέλας, οἱ δʼ ἐφέπονται < 5.431. δελφῖνες, σύνθηρον ἐπισπεύδοντες ὄλεθρον. < 5.432. ἔνθʼ οἱ μὲν τρομέοντες ἀποτροπάδην ἀλέονται < 5.433. ἰχθύες, οἱ δʼ ἔκτοσθεν ἐπαΐσσοντες ὁμαρτῆ < 5.434. δελφῖνες φοβέουσι καὶ ἱεμένους ἐπὶ βύσσαν < 5.435. τρωπᾶσθαι ποτὶ χέρσον ἀνάρσιον ἐξελόωσι, < 5.436. πυκνὸν ἐπιθρώσκοντες, ἅτʼ ἀνδράσι θηρητῆρσι < 5.437. θῆρα κύνες σεύοντες ἀμοιβαίῃς ὑλακῇσι. < 5.438. τοὺς δʼ ἀγχοῦ ποτὶ χέρσον ἀτυζομένους ἁλιῆες < 5.439. ῥηϊδίως βάλλουσιν ἐϋγλώχινι τριαίνῃ. < 5.440. τοῖσι δʼ ἄφυκτα κέλευθα, διορχεῦνται δʼ ἐνὶ πόντῳ, < 5.441. καὶ πυρὶ καὶ δελφῖσιν ἐλαυνόμενοι βασιλεῦσιν. < 5.442. ἀλλʼ ὁπόταν θήρης εὐαγρέος ἔργον ἄνηται, < 5.443. δὴ τότʼ ἀπαιτίζουσι παρασχεδὸν ἐμπελάσαντες < 5.444. μισθὸν ὁμοφροσύνης, θήρης ἀποδάσμιον αἶσαν· < 5.445. οἱ δʼ οὐκ ἠνήναντο, πόρον δʼ εὐαγρέα μοῖραν < 5.446. ἀσπασίως· ἤν γάρ τις ὑπερφιάλως ἀλίτηται, < 5.447. οὐκέτι οἱ δελφῖνες ἀρηγόνες εἰσὶν ἐπʼ ἄγρην. < | |
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| 410. Palestinian Talmud, Megillah, 1.13 72b, 3.2 74a, 4.10, 75c (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 137 |
| 411. Palestinian Talmud, Pesahim, 31a (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world, local legal traditions Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69 |
412. Anon., Sifre Deuteronomy, 41, 48, 59, 33 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 306 | 33. (Devarim 6:6) "And these things that I command you this day shall be upon your heart": From "And you shall love the L-rd your G-d with all your heart," I do not know how I come to love the Holy One Blessed be He; it is, therefore written "And these things that I command you this day shall be upon your heart." For in this way you come to recognize the Holy One Blessed be He and to cleave to His ways. ,"that I command you |
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413. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 13.3, 22.1, 34.3 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 174; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122, 138| 13.3. דָּבָר אַחֵר, זֹאת הַבְּהֵמָה, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (משלי ל, ה): כָּל אִמְרַת אֱלוֹהַּ צְרוּפָה, רַב אָמַר לֹא נִתְּנוּ הַמִּצְווֹת לְיִשְׂרָאֵל אֶלָּא לְצָרֵף בָּהֶן אֶת הַבְּרִיּוֹת, וְכָל כָּךְ לָמָּה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (משלי ל, ה): מָגֵן הוּא לְכָל הַחֹסִים בּוֹ, אָמַר רַבִּי יוּדָן בְּרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן כָּל בְּהֵמוֹת וְלִוְיָתָן הֵן קֶנִיגִין שֶׁל צַדִּיקִים לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא, וְכָל מִי שֶׁלֹּא רָאָה קֶנִיגִין שֶׁל אֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה, זוֹכֶה לִרְאוֹתָהּ לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא, כֵּיצַד הֵם נִשְׁחָטִים, בְּהֵמוֹת נוֹתֵץ לַלִּוְיָתָן בְּקַרְנָיו וְקוֹרְעוֹ, וְלִוְיָתָן נוֹתֵץ לַבְּהֵמוֹת בִּסְנַפִּירָיו וְנוֹחֲרוֹ. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים זוֹ שְׁחִיטָה כְּשֵׁרָה הִיא, וְלֹא כָּךְ תָּנִינַן הַכֹּל שׁוֹחֲטִין וּבַכֹּל שׁוֹחֲטִין וּלְעוֹלָם שׁוֹחֲטִין חוּץ מִמַּגַּל קָצִיר, וְהַמְגֵרָה, וְהַשִּׁנַּיִם, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהֵן חוֹנְקִין. אָמַר רַבִּי אָבִין בַּר כַּהֲנָא אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא (ישעיה נא, ד): תּוֹרָה חֲדָשָׁה מֵאִתִּי תֵצֵא, חִדּוּשׁ תּוֹרָה מֵאִתִּי תֵצֵא. אָמַר רַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יִצְחָק אֲרִיסְטוֹן עָתִיד הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לַעֲשׂוֹת לַעֲבָדָיו הַצַּדִּיקִים לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא וְכָל מִי שֶׁלֹּא אָכַל נְבֵלוֹת בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה זוֹכֶה לִרְאוֹתוֹ לָעוֹלָם הַבָּא, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (ויקרא ז, כד): וְחֵלֶב נְבֵלָה וְחֵלֶב טְרֵפָה יֵעָשֶׂה לְכָל מְלָאכָה וְאָכֹל לֹא תֹאכְלֻהוּ, בִּשְׁבִיל שֶׁתֹּאכְלוּ מִמֶּנּוּ לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא, לְפִיכָךְ משֶׁה מַזְהִיר לְיִשְׂרָאֵל וְאוֹמֵר לָהֶם (ויקרא יא, ב): זֹאת הַחַיָּה אֲשֶׁר תֹּאכֵלוּ. 22.1. אִישׁ אִישׁ מִבֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר יִשְׁחַט שׁוֹר אוֹ כֶשֶׂב אוֹ עֵז (ויקרא יז, ג), הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (קהלת ה, ח): וְיִתְרוֹן אֶרֶץ בַּכֹּל הִיא, רַבִּי יְהוּדָה וְרַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה, רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אָמַר אֲפִלּוּ דְּבָרִים שֶׁאַתֶּם רוֹאִים יִתְרוֹן לָעוֹלָם, אַף הֵן בִּכְלַל הֲנָיָיתוֹ שֶׁל עוֹלָם הֵן, סִיבָא לְמֶעֱבַד חַבְלָא, סִיבָא לִמְסוֹךְ גַּנַּיָא, (קהלת ה, ח): מֶלֶךְ לְשָׂדֶה נֶעֱבָד, אֲפִלּוּ הוּא מֶלֶךְ וְהוּא שַׁלִּיט מִסּוֹף הָעוֹלָם וְעַד סוֹפוֹ, לְשָׂדֶה נֶעֱבָד, עֲבָדַת אַרְעָא עָבֵיד, לָא עֲבָדַת אַרְעָא וְלָא כְלוּם, לְפִיכָךְ (קהלת ה, ט): אֹהֵב כֶּסֶף לֹא יִשְׂבַּע כֶּסֶף, אוֹהֵב מָמוֹן לֹא יִשְׂבַּע מָמוֹן, (קהלת ה, ט): וְאֹהֵב בֶּהָמוֹן לֹא תְבוּאָה וגו', שֶׁכָּל מִי שֶׁהוֹמֶה וּמְהַמֶּה אַחַר הַמָּמוֹן וְקַרְקַע אֵין לוֹ מָה הֲנָאָה יֵשׁ לוֹ. רַבִּי יִשְׁמָעֵאל בְּרַבִּי תַּנְחוּם וְרַבִּי חָנִין בְּרֵיהּ דְּרַבִּי בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יִרְמְיָה, כְּתִיב (יחזקאל כז, כט): וְיָרְדוּ מֵאֳנִיּוֹתֵיהֶם וגו' [על] [אל] הָאָרֶץ יַעֲמֹדוּ, וְכִי אֵין אָנוּ יוֹדְעִין שֶׁעַל הָאָרֶץ הָיוּ עוֹמְדִין, אֶלָּא הֲרֵי שֶׁשָּׁקְעָה סְפִינָתוֹ שֶׁל אֶחָד בַּיָּם וְיֵשׁ לוֹ קַרְקַע עַל הָאָרֶץ יַעֲמֹד אִם אֵין לוֹ קַרְקַע אֵין לְךָ הֶבֶל גָּדוֹל מִזֶּה. רַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה אָמַר וְיִתְרוֹן אֶרֶץ בַּכֹּל הִיא, אֲפִלּוּ דְבָרִים שֶׁאַתָּה רוֹאֶה אוֹתָן יִתְרוֹן לְמַתַּן תּוֹרָה, כְּגוֹן הִלְכוֹת צִיצִית תְּפִלִּין וּמְזוּזָה, אַף הֵן בִּכְלַל מַתַּן תּוֹרָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים ט, י): וַיִּתֵּן ה' אֵלַי אֶת שְׁנֵי לוּחֹת הָאֲבָנִים כְּתֻבִים בְּאֶצְבַּע אֱלֹהִים וַעֲלֵיהֶם כְּכָל הַדְּבָרִים. רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בֶּן לֵוִי אָמַר וַעֲלֵיהֶם כְּכָל הַדְּבָרִים, וּכְתִיב (דברים ח, א): כָּל הַמִּצְוָה אֲשֶׁר אָנֹכִי וגו', כָּל כְּכָל, דְּבָרִים הַדְּבָרִים, מִצְוָה הַמִּצְוָה, מִקְרָא מִשְׁנָה הֲלָכוֹת תַּלְמוּד תּוֹסֶפְתּוֹת אַגָּדוֹת וַאֲפִלּוּ מַה שֶּׁתַּלְמִיד וָתִיק עָתִיד לוֹמַר לִפְנֵי רַבּוֹ, כֻּלָּן נֶאֶמְרוּ לְמשֶׁה בְּסִינַי, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (קהלת א, י): יֵשׁ דָּבָר שֶׁיֹּאמַר רְאֵה זֶה חָדָשׁ הוּא, חֲבֵרוֹ מֵשִׁיב עָלָיו (קהלת א, י): כְּבָר הָיָה לְעוֹלָמִים. מֶלֶךְ לְשָׂדֶה נֶעֱבָד, רַבִּי יְהוּדָה וְרַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה, רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר: מֶלֶךְ זֶה בַּעַל תַּלְמוּד, לְשָׂדֶה נֶעֱבָד זֶה בַּעַל מִשְׁנָה, שֶׁהוּא סוֹדֵר הֲלָכָה לְפָנָיו. וְרַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה אוֹמֵר מֶלֶךְ זֶה בַּעַל מִשְׁנָה, לְשָׂדֶה נֶעֱבָד זֶה בַּעַל תַּלְמוּד, שֶׁהוּא מְקַבֵּל הֲלָכָה לְפָנָיו, לְפִיכָךְ אֹהֵב כֶּסֶף לֹא יִשְׂבַּע כֶּסֶף, אוֹהֵב תּוֹרָה לֹא יִשְׂבַּע תּוֹרָה, וְאֹהֵב בֶּהָמוֹן וגו', שֶׁכָּל מִי שֶׁהוֹמֶה וּמְהַמֶּה אַחֲרֵי תוֹרָה וְתַלְמוּד אֵין לוֹ, מָה הֲנָאָה יֵשׁ לוֹ. רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר בְּרַבִּי אַבָּא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי אַחָא אוֹמֵר לָמַד וְלֹא לִמֵּד אֵין לְךָ הֶבֶל גָּדוֹל מִזֶּה. 22.1. דָּבָר אַחֵר, אִישׁ אִישׁ מִבֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (תהלים קמו, ז): עֹשֶׂה מִשְׁפָּט לַעֲשׁוּקִים, אֵלּוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל, דִּכְתִיב בְּהוֹן (ירמיה נ, לג): כֹּה אָמַר ה' צְבָאוֹת עֲשׁוּקִים בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וּבְנֵי יְהוּדָה. (תהלים קמו, ז): נֹתֵן לֶחֶם לָרְעֵבִים, אֵלּוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל, דִּכְתִיב (דברים ח, ג): וַיְעַנְךָ וַיַרְעִיבֶךָ. (תהלים קמו, ז): ה' מַתִּיר אֲסוּרִים, מַה שֶּׁאָסַרְתִּי לְךָ הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ, אָסַרְתִּי לְךָ חֵלֶב בְּהֵמָה וְהִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ בְּחַיָּה, אָסַרְתִּי לְךָ גִּיד הַנָּשֶׁה בְּחַיָּה וְהִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ בְּעוֹף, אָסַרְתִּי לְךָ שְׁחִיטָה בְּעוֹפוֹת וְהִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ בְּדָגִים. רַבִּי אַבָּא וְרַבִּי יוֹנָתָן בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי לֵוִי אָמַר יוֹתֵר מִמַּה שֶּׁאָסַרְתִּי לְךָ הִתַּרְתִּי לָךְ, דַּם הַנִּדָּה אָסַרְתִּי לְךָ הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ דַּם בְּתוּלִים, אָסַרְתִּי לְךָ אֵשֶׁת אִישׁ הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ אֶת הַשְּׁבוּיָה. אֵשֶׁת אָח הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ יְבָמָה, אִשָּׁה וְאֶת אֲחוֹתָהּ בְּחַיֵּיהֶם הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ לְאַחַר מִיתָה, לְבִישַׁת כִּלְאַיִם הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ סָדִין בְּצִיצִית, בְּשַׂר חֲזִיר הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ דָּג שֶׁשְּׁמוֹ שִׁבּוּטָא, אֶת הַחֵלֶב הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ אֶת הַשֻּׁמָּן, אֶת הַדָּם הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ טְחוֹל, בָּשָׂר בְּחָלָב הִתַּרְתִּי לְךָ אֶת הַכְּחָל. רַבִּי מְנַחֲמָא וְרַבִּי בֵּבַי וְרַבִּי אַחָא וְרַבִּי יוֹחָנָן בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יוֹנָתָן אָמְרוּ תַּחַת מַה שֶּׁאָסַרְתִּי לְךָ הִתַּרְתִּי לָךְ, תַּחַת אִסּוּר דָּגִים לִוְיָתָן דָּג טָהוֹר, תַּחַת אִסּוּר עוֹפוֹת זִיז עוֹף טָהוֹר הוּא, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (תהלים נ, יא): יָדַעְתִּי כָּל עוֹף הָרִים וְזִיז שָׂדַי עִמָּדִי. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה בְּרַבִּי סִימוֹן בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁהוּא פּוֹרֵשׂ אֶת כְּנָפָיו מַכְּהֶה גַּלְגַּל חַמָּה, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (איוב לט, כו): הֲמִבִּינָתְךָ יַאֲבֶר נֵץ יִפְרֹשׂ כְּנָפָו לְתֵימָן, וְלָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ זִיז, שֶׁיֵּשׁ בּוֹ כַּמָּה מִינֵי טַעַם מִזֶּה וּמִזֶּה. תַּחַת אִסּוּר בְּהֵמוֹת (תהלים נ, י): בְּהֵמוֹת בְּהַרְרֵי אָלֶף, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן וְרֵישׁ לָקִישׁ וְרַבָּנָן, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אוֹמֵר בְּהֵמָה אַחַת הִיא וּרְבוּצָה עַל אֶלֶף הָרִים וְאֶלֶף הָרִים מְגַדְּלִין לָהּ כָּל מִינֵי עֲשָׂבִים וְהִיא אוֹכֶלֶת, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (איוב מ, כ): כִּי בוּל הָרִים יִשְׂאוּ לוֹ. וְרֵישׁ לָקִישׁ אָמַר בְּהֵמָה אַחַת הִיא רְבוּצָה עַל אֶלֶף הָרִים וְאֶלֶף הָרִים מְגַדְּלִין לָהּ מַאֲכָל לַאֲכִילָתָן שֶׁל צַדִּיקִים, וְהִיא אוֹכֶלֶת, מַאי טַעְמָא (ישעיה סה, י): וְהָיָה הַשָּׁרוֹן לִנְוֵה צֹאן. וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי בְּהֵמָה אַחַת הִיא וּרְבוּצָה עַל אֶלֶף הָרִים וְאֶלֶף הָרִים מְגַדְּלִין לָהּ מִינֵי בְּהֵמוֹת, וְהִיא אוֹכֶלֶת, מַאי טַעְמָא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (איוב מ, כ): וְכָל חַיַּת הַשָּׂדֶה יְשַׂחֲקוּ שָׁם, וְאֶפְשָׁר כֵּן אִית בְּעִיר אָכֵיל בְּעִיר, אָמַר רַבִּי תַּנְחוּמָא גְּדוֹלִים הֵם מַעֲשֵׂה הָאֱלֹהִים מַה מְּשֻׁנִּין הֵם מַעֲשָׂיו שֶׁל הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, וּמֵהֵיכָן הוּא שׁוֹתֶה, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן וְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ, רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אָמַר כָּל מַה שֶּׁהַיַּרְדֵּן מַכְנִיס אַחַת לְשִׁשָּׁה חֳדָשִׁים הוּא עוֹשֶׂה גְּמִיעָה אֶחָת, מַאי טַעְמָא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (איוב מ, כג): הֵן יַעֲשֹׁק נָהָר וְלֹא יַחְפּוֹז. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ אָמַר כָּל מַה שֶּׁהַיַּרְדֵּן מַכְנִיס לִשְׁנֵים עָשָׂר חֳדָשִׁים הוּא עוֹשֶׂה אוֹתוֹ גְּמִיעָה אַחַת, מַאי טַעְמָא (איוב מ, כג): יִבְטַח כִּי יָגִיחַ יַרְדֵּן אֶל פִּיהוּ, וְיֵשׁ בָּהֶם לִכְלוּךְ פֶּה, רַב הוּנָא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אָמַר אֵין בָּהֶם לִכְלוּךְ פֶּה, וּמֵהֵיכָן הוּא שׁוֹתֶה, תָּנֵי רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן יוֹחָאי נָהָר יוֹצֵא מֵעֵדֶן וּשְׁמוֹ יוּבַל וּמִשָּׁם הוּא שׁוֹתֶה, מַאי טַעְמָא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ירמיה יז, ח): וְעַל יוּבַל יְשַׁלַּח שָׁרָשָׁיו. אָמַר רַבִּי מֵאִיר (איוב יב, ז): וְאוּלָם שְׁאַל נָא בְהֵמוֹת וְתֹרֶךָּ, זֶה בְּהֵמוֹת, (איוב יב, ז): וְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וְיַגֶּד לָךְ, זֶה זִיז שָׂדָי, (איוב יב, ח): אוֹ שִׂיחַ לָאָרֶץ וְתֹרֶךָּ, זֶה גַּן עֵדֶן, (איוב יב, ח): וִיסַפְּרוּ לְךָ דְּגֵי הַיָּם, זֶה לִוְיָתָן, (איוב יב, ט): מִי לֹא יָדַע בְּכָל אֵלֶּה כִּי יַד ה' עָשְׂתָה זֹאת. 34.3. דָּבָר אַחֵר, וְכִי יָמוּךְ, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (משלי יא, יז): גֹּמֵל נַפְשׁוֹ אִישׁ חָסֶד, זֶה הִלֵּל הַזָּקֵן, שֶׁבְּשָׁעָה שֶׁהָיָה נִפְטַר מִתַּלְמִידָיו הָיָה מְהַלֵּךְ וְהוֹלֵךְ עִמָּם, אָמְרוּ לוֹ תַּלְמִידָיו רַבֵּנוּ לְהֵיכָן אַתָּה הוֹלֵךְ אָמַר לָהֶם לַעֲשׂוֹת מִצְוָה, אָמְרוּ לוֹ וְכִי מַה מִּצְוָה זוֹ, אָמַר לָהֶן לִרְחֹץ בְּבֵית הַמֶּרְחָץ, אָמְרוּ לוֹ וְכִי זוֹ מִצְוָה הִיא, אָמַר לָהֶם, הֵן. מָה אִם אִיקוֹנִין שֶׁל מְלָכִים שֶׁמַּעֲמִידִים אוֹתָן בְּבָתֵּי טַרְטִיאוֹת וּבְבָתֵּי קִרְקָסִיאוֹת, מִי שֶׁנִּתְמַנֶּה עֲלֵיהֶם הוּא מוֹרְקָן וְשׁוֹטְפָן וְהֵן מַעֲלִין לוֹ מְזוֹנוֹת, וְלֹא עוֹד אֶלָּא שֶׁהוּא מִתְגַּדֵּל עִם גְּדוֹלֵי מַלְכוּת, אֲנִי שֶׁנִּבְרֵאתִי בְּצֶלֶם וּבִדְמוּת, דִּכְתִיב (בראשית ט, ו): כִּי בְּצֶלֶם אֱלֹהִים עָשָׂה אֶת הָאָדָם, עַל אַחַת כַּמָּה וְכַמָּה. דָּבָר אַחֵר, גֹּמֵל נַפְשׁוֹ אִישׁ חָסֶד, זֶה הִלֵּל הַזָּקֵן, שֶׁבְּשָׁעָה שֶׁהָיָה נִפְטַר מִתַּלְמִידָיו הָיָה מְהַלֵּךְ וְהוֹלֵךְ עִמָּם, אָמְרוּ לוֹ תַּלְמִידָיו רַבֵּנוּ לְהֵיכָן אַתָּה הוֹלֵךְ, אָמַר לָהֶם לִגְמֹל חֶסֶד עִם הָדֵין אַכְסַנְיָא בְּגוֹ בֵּיתָא. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, כָּל יוֹם אִית לָךְ אַכְסַנְיָא, אָמַר לָהֶם, וְהָדֵין נַפְשָׁא עֲלוּבְתָּא לָאו אַכְסַנְיָא הוּא בְּגוֹ גוּפָא, יוֹמָא דֵין הִיא הָכָא לְמָחָר לֵית הִיא הָכָא. דָּבָר אַחֵר (משלי יא, יז): גֹּמֵל נַפְשׁוֹ אִישׁ חָסֶד וְעֹכֵר שְׁאֵרוֹ אַכְזָרִי, אָמַר רַבִּי אֲלֶכְּסַנְדְּרִי זֶה שֶׁמַּגַעַת לוֹ שִׂמְחָה וְאֵינוֹ מַדְבִּיק אֶת קְרוֹבָיו עִמּוֹ מִשּׁוּם עֲנִיּוּת. אָמַר רַבִּי נַחְמָן כְּתִיב (דברים טו, י): כִּי בִּגְלַל הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה, גַּלְגַּל הוּא שֶׁחוֹזֵר בָּעוֹלָם, לְפִיכָךְ משֶׁה מַזְהִיר אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל וְכִי יָמוּךְ אָחִיךָ. | 34.3. "Another Thing: 'But if he is impoverished', here it is written, \"The merciful man does good to his own soul (Proverbs 11:17),\" this [refers to] Hillel the Elder, who, at the time that he was departing from his students, would walk with them. They said to him, \"Rabbi, where are you walking to?\" He said to them, \"To fulfill a commandment!\" They said to him, \"And what commandment is this?\" He said to them, \"To bathe in the bathhouse.\" They said to him: \"But is this really a commandment?\" He said to them: \"Yes. Just like regarding the statues (lit. icons) of kings, that are set up in the theaters and the circuses, the one who is appointed over them bathes them and scrubs them, and they give him sustece, and furthermore, he attains status with the leaders of the kingdom; I, who was created in the [Divine] Image and Form, as it is written, \"For in the Image of G-d He made Man (Genesis 9:6),\" even more so!...", |
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| 414. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 6.44 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, on stoic divine law theory •freedom, and the law Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 61 |
| 415. Palestinian Talmud, Rosh Hashanah, 1.7 (1.9, 57bf.) (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69 |
| 416. Anon., Lamentations Rabbah, 5.16 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •christians, do not observe the law Found in books: Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (2010) 209 |
| 417. Novatianus, On The Jewish Foods, 2, 5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142 |
| 418. Hermas, Similitudes, 5.2, 5.5-5.6, 5.6.2-5.6.4, 8.3.2, 8.6.4, 9.28.5-9.28.6, 9.28.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, laws, in the vineyard parable •death, death to life, or dying to, to the law Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 103, 155, 156 |
| 419. Hermas, Mandates, 1.1, 12.1.1, 12.2.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, and gospel •law, the, in origen •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 571, 572; Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 420. Palestinian Talmud, Sanhedrin, 3.5 (21a), 11.7 (30b), 7.11 25b, 10.6 29c, 8.1, 26a, 27d (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69 |
| 421. Palestinian Talmud, Shabbat, 14.4 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •christians, do not observe the law Found in books: Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (2010) 209 |
| 422. Palestinian Talmud, Shevuot, 7.4 (37d) (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •violation of the law Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69 |
| 423. Palestinian Talmud, Sotah, 3.4, 19a (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 191 |
| 424. Palestinian Talmud, Qiddushin, 1.1, 58b, 4.12 66b (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 425. Anon., Acts of Andrew, 53 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 80 |
426. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 1.1, 56.20, 57.18.3-57.18.5, 69.8.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the laws of the countries •roman law, and law of the provinces •law (jewish), brought from the jerusalem temple to rome, after judean war •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 106; Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 145; Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 145; Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 15 | 56.20. The mountains had an uneven surface broken by ravines, and the trees grew close together and very high. Hence the Romans, even before the enemy assailed them, were having a hard time of it felling trees, building roads, and bridging places that required it., They had with them many waggons and many beasts of burden as in time of peace; moreover, not a few women and children and a large retinue of servants were following them â one more reason for their advancing in scattered groups., Meanwhile a violent rain and wind came up that separated them still further, while the ground, that had become slippery around the roots and logs, made walking very treacherous for them, and the tops of the trees kept breaking off and falling down, causing much confusion., While the Romans were in such difficulties, the barbarians suddenly surrounded them on all sides at once, coming through the densest thickets, as they were acquainted with the paths. At first they hurled their volleys from a distance; then, as no one defended himself and many were wounded, they approached closer to them., For the Romans were not proceeding in any regular order, but were mixed in helter-skelter with the waggons and the unarmed, and so, being unable to form readily anywhere in a body, and being fewer at every point than their assailants, they suffered greatly and could offer no resistance at all. 56.20. 1. The mountains had an uneven surface broken by ravines, and the trees grew close together and very high. Hence the Romans, even before the enemy assailed them, were having a hard time of it felling trees, building roads, and bridging places that required it.,2. They had with them many waggons and many beasts of burden as in time of peace; moreover, not a few women and children and a large retinue of servants were following them â one more reason for their advancing in scattered groups.,3. Meanwhile a violent rain and wind came up that separated them still further, while the ground, that had become slippery around the roots and logs, made walking very treacherous for them, and the tops of the trees kept breaking off and falling down, causing much confusion.,4. While the Romans were in such difficulties, the barbarians suddenly surrounded them on all sides at once, coming through the densest thickets, as they were acquainted with the paths. At first they hurled their volleys from a distance; then, as no one defended himself and many were wounded, they approached closer to them.,5. For the Romans were not proceeding in any regular order, but were mixed in helter-skelter with the waggons and the unarmed, and so, being unable to form readily anywhere in a body, and being fewer at every point than their assailants, they suffered greatly and could offer no resistance at all. 57.18.3. Later, when Marcus Junius and Lucius Norbanus assumed office, an omen of no little importance occurred on the very first day of the year, and it doubtless had a bearing on the fate of Germanicus. The consul Norbanus, it seems, had always been devoted to the trumpet, and as he practised on it assiduously, he wished to play the instrument on this occasion, also, at dawn, when many persons were already near his house. 57.18.3. Later, when Marcus Junius and Lucius Norbanus assumed office, an omen of no little importance occurred on the very first day of the year, and it doubtless had a bearing on the fate of Germanicus. The consul Norbanus, it seems, had always been devoted to the trumpet, and as he practised on it assiduously, he wished to play the instrument on this occasion, also, at dawn, when many persons were already near his house. 4 This proceeding startled them all alike, just as if the consul had given them a signal for battle; and they were also alarmed by the falling of the statue Janus. They were furthermore disturbed not a little by an oracle, reputed to be an utterance of the Sibyl, which, although it did not fit this period of the city's history at all, was nevertheless applied to the situation then existing. 57.18.4. This proceeding startled them all alike, just as if the consul had given them a signal for battle; and they were also alarmed by the falling of the statue Janus. They were furthermore disturbed not a little by an oracle, reputed to be an utterance of the Sibyl, which, although it did not fit this period of the city's history at all, was nevertheless applied to the situation then existing. 57.18.5. It ran:"When thrice three hundred revolving years have run their course, Civil strife upon Rome destruction shall bring, and the folly, too, of Sybaris . . ." Tiberius, now, denounced these verses as spurious and made an investigation of all the books that contained any prophecies, rejecting some as worthless and retaining others as genuine. 57.18.5. It ran: "When thrice three hundred revolving years have run their course, Civil strife upon Rome destruction shall bring, and the folly, too, of Sybaris . . ." Tiberius, now, denounced these verses as spurious and made an investigation of all the books that contained any prophecies, rejecting some as worthless and retaining others as genuine. 5 a As the Jews flocked to Rome in great numbers and were converting many of the natives to their ways, he banished most of them. 6 At the death of Germanicus Tiberius and Livia were thoroughly pleased, but everybody else was deeply grieved. He was a man of the most striking physical beauty and likewise of the noblest spirit, and was conspicuous alike for his culture and for his strength. Though the bravest of men against the foe, he showed himself most gentle with his countrymen; 69.8.2. On his birthday he gave the usual spectacle free to the people and slew many wild beasts, so that one hundred lions, for example, and a like number of lionesses fell on this single occasion. He also distributed gifts by means of little balls which he threw broadcast both in the theatres and in the Circus, for the men and for the women separately. And further, he also commanded them to bathe separately. |
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427. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 5.8.3, 2.14.5, 1.24.5, 1.6.3, 5.20.1, 4.18.4, 1.13.5, 1.13.3, 1.13.1, 1.13, 1.13.7, 1.25.4, 1.28.2, 5.20.2, 5.19.2-20.1, 5.19.2, 5.19.1, 1.26.3, 1.31.2, 1.21.1, 3.15.2, i. pref. 3, 3.14.2, i. pref, 3.4.3, i. pref. 2, 3.12.5, 3.12.7, 3.1.1, 3.16.1, 3.23.8, 3.16.8, 3.12.12, 3.24.1, 3.43.3, 4.pre, 4.pre4, 3.2.2, 3.2.1, 5.24.4, 4.41.4, 4.40.3, 4.35.5, 3.24.2, 3.19, 3.13, 3.11.9, 3.11.7, 3.11.3, 3.14, 3.11.2, 3.10.4, 3.5.3, 3.5.2, 3.5.1, 3.2.3, 3.17.4, 3.18.5-19.1, 3.21.1, 3.22.1, 3.11.1, 3.15, 3.18, 3.16.6, 1.28.1, 1.26.1, 3.25.2, 3.25.6, 4.33.3, 5.pre, 4.26.2, 4.33, 4.33.2, 5.35.2, 5.13.5, 4.33.4, 4.33.5, 4.35.4, 4.41.1, 4.41.2, 5.1.2-2.1, 5.13.2, 4.12.5, 4.8.1, 4.2.2, 4.pre2, 4.6.4, 1.30.15, 1.7.3, 1.22.1, 2.34.3, 1.25.3, 3.1.9, 4.6.1, 3.21.3, 1.27.2, 1.25.2, 1.13.6, 2.32.4, 4.27.35, 4.27.36, 4.27.37, 4.27.38, 4.27.39, 4.27.40, 4.27.41, 4.27.42, 4.27.34, 4.27.43, 4.27.45, 4.27.46, 4.27.47, 4.27.48, 4.27.49, 4.27.50, 4.27.51, 4.27.52, 4.27.44, 4.27.33, 4.27.32, 4.27.31, 4.27.259, 4.27.258, 4.27.257, 4.27.256, 4.27.16, 4.27.17, 4.27.18, 4.27.19, 4.27.20, 4.27.21, 4.27.22, 4.27.23, 4.27.24, 4.27.25, 4.27.26, 4.27.27, 4.27.28, 4.27.29, 4.27.30, 4.27.53, 4.27.260, 4.27.54, 4.27.55, 4.27.77, 4.27.78, 4.27.79, 4.27.80, 4.27.81, 4.27.82, 4.27.83, 4.27.84, 4.27.76, 4.27.85, 4.27.87, 4.27.88, 4.27.89, 4.27.90, 4.27.91, 4.27.92, 4.27.93, 4.27.94, 4.27.86, 4.27.75, 4.27.74, 4.27.73, 4.27.56, 4.27.254, 4.27.253, 4.27.57, 4.27.58, 4.27.59, 4.27.60, 4.27.61, 4.27.62, 4.27.63, 4.27.64, 4.27.65, 4.27.66, 4.27.67, 4.27.68, 4.27.69, 4.27.70, 4.27.71, 4.27.72, 4.27.255, 4.27.95, 4.27.261, 4.27.15, 4.27.288, 4.27.287, 4.27.286, 4.27.285, 4.27.283, 4.27.282, 4.27.281, 4.27.280, 4.27.289, 4.27.279, 4.27.277, 4.27.276, 4.27.275, 4.27.274, 4.27.273, 4.27.272, 4.27.271, 4.27.270, 4.27.278, 4.27.290, 4.27.291, 4.27.292, 4.27.311, 4.27.310, 4.27.309, 4.27.308, 4.27.307, 4.27.306, 4.27.305, 4.27.304, 4.27.303, 4.27.302, 4.27.301, 4.27.300, 4.27.299, 4.27.298, 4.27.297, 4.27.296, 4.27.295, 4.27.294, 4.27.293, 4.27.262, 3.3.4, 4.20, 4.21, 4.26.5, 4.27.1, 4.27.2, 4.27.3, 4.27.4, 2.22.5, 4.27.5, 4.27.7, 4.27.8, 4.27.9, 4.27.10, 4.27.11, 4.27.12, 4.27.13, 4.27.14, 4.27.6, 4.27.269, 4.27.268, 4.27.267, 4.27.266, 4.27.265, 4.27.264, 4.27.263, 4.27.96, 4.27.97, 4.27.98, 4.27.209, 4.27.248, 4.27.210, 4.27.211, 4.27.212, 4.27.213, 4.27.214, 4.27.215, 4.27.208, 4.27.216, 4.27.218, 4.27.219, 4.27.220, 4.27.221, 4.27.222, 4.27.223, 4.27.224, 4.27.225, 4.27.217, 4.27.207, 4.27.206, 4.27.205, 4.27.190, 4.27.191, 4.27.192, 4.27.193, 4.27.194, 4.27.252, 4.27.251, 4.27.195, 4.27.196, 4.27.197, 4.27.198, 4.27.199, 4.27.250, 4.27.249, 4.27.200, 4.27.201, 4.27.202, 4.27.203, 4.27.204, 4.27.226, 4.27.189, 4.27.227, 4.27.229, 4.27.230, 4.27.231, 4.27.232, 4.27.233, 4.27.234, 4.27.235, 4.27.236, 4.27.237, 4.27.238, 4.27.239, 4.27.240, 4.27.241, 4.27.242, 4.27.243, 4.27.244, 4.27.245, 4.27.246, 4.27.247, 4.27.228, 4.27.188, 4.27.187, 4.27.186, 4.27.122, 4.27.123, 4.27.124, 4.27.125, 4.27.126, 4.27.127, 4.27.128, 4.27.129, 4.27.121, 4.27.130, 4.27.132, 4.27.133, 4.27.134, 4.27.135, 4.27.136, 4.27.137, 4.27.138, 4.27.139, 4.27.131, 4.27.120, 4.27.119, 4.27.118, 4.27.99, 4.27.100, 4.27.101, 4.27.102, 4.27.103, 4.27.104, 4.27.105, 4.27.106, 4.27.107, 4.27.108, 4.27.109, 4.27.110, 4.27.111, 4.27.112, 4.27.113, 4.27.114, 4.27.115, 4.27.116, 4.27.117, 4.27.140, 4.27.141, 4.27.142, 4.27.143, 4.27.167, 4.27.168, 4.27.169, 4.27.170, 4.27.171, 4.27.172, 4.27.173, 4.27.174, 4.27.175, 4.27.176, 4.27.177, 4.27.178, 4.27.179, 4.27.180, 4.27.181, 4.27.182, 4.27.183, 4.27.184, 4.27.185, 4.27.166, 4.27.312, 4.27.165, 4.27.163, 4.27.144, 4.27.145, 4.27.146, 4.27.147, 4.27.148, 4.27.149, 4.27.150, 4.27.151, 4.27.152, 4.27.153, 4.27.154, 4.27.155, 4.27.156, 4.27.157, 4.27.158, 4.27.159, 4.27.160, 4.27.161, 4.27.162, 4.27.164, 4.27.313, 4.27.284, 4.27.315, 4.27.314, 4.33.12, 4.33.13, 4.33.14, 4.33.15, 5.5.1, 5.30.1, 5.33.3, 5.33.4, 4.27.316, 4.27.317, 4.27.318, 4.27.319, 4.27.320, 4.27.321, 4.32.1, 4.33.10, 4.33.11, 4.24.2, 4.24.1, 4.16.2, 1.27.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 85, 86 | 5.8.3. For the same reason, too, do the prophets compare them to irrational animals, on account of the irrationality of their conduct, saying, "They have become as horses raging for the females; each one of them neighing after his neighbour's wife." And again, "Man, when he was in honour, was made like unto cattle." This denotes that, for his own fault, he is likened to cattle, by rivalling their irrational life. And we also, as the custom is, do designate men of this stamp as cattle and irrational beasts. |
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| 428. Tertullian, On Repentance, 9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79 |
| 429. Tertullian, On Monogamy, 5.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of •law, the, moral law, •law, the, ritual law, Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 77; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142 |
| 430. Tertullian, On Fasting, Against The Psychics, 15.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 81; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
| 431. Tertullian, On Idolatry, 15.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 189 |
| 432. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 1.3.3, 2.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bible, books of the law •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 81; Veltri, Libraries, Translations, and 'Canonic' Texts: The Septuagint, Aquila and Ben Sira in the Jewish and Christian Traditions (2006) 87 |
433. Tertullian, On Baptism, 20 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 80 | 20. They who are about to enter baptism ought to pray with repeated prayers, fasts, and bendings of the knee, and vigils all the night through, and with the confession of all by- gone sins, that they may express the meaning even of the baptism of John: They were baptized, says (the Scripture), confessing their own sins. To us it is matter for thankfulness if we do now publicly confess our iniquities or our turpitudes: for we do at the same time both make satisfaction for our former sins, by mortification of our flesh and spirit, and lay beforehand the foundation of defences against the temptations which will closely follow. Watch and pray, says (the Lord), lest you fall into temptation. Matthew 26:41 And the reason, I believe, why they were tempted was, that they fell asleep; so that they deserted the Lord when apprehended, and he who continued to stand by Him, and used the sword, even denied Him thrice: for withal the word had gone before, that no one untempted should attain the celestial kingdoms. The Lord Himself immediately after baptism temptations surrounded, when in forty days He had kept fast. Then, some one will say, it becomes us, too, rather to fast after baptism. Well, and who forbids you, unless it be the necessity for joy, and the thanksgiving for salvation? But so far as I, with my poor powers, understand, the Lord figuratively retorted upon Israel the reproach they had cast on the Lord. For the people, after crossing the sea, and being carried about in the desert during forty years, although they were there nourished with divine supplies, nevertheless were more mindful of their belly and their gullet than of God. Thereupon the Lord, driven apart into desert places after baptism, showed, by maintaining a fast of forty days, that the man of God lives not by bread alone, but by the word of God; Matthew 4:1-4 and that temptations incident to fullness or immoderation of appetite are shattered by abstinence. Therefore, blessed ones, whom the grace of God awaits, when you ascend from that most sacred font of your new birth, and spread your hands for the first time in the house of your mother, together with your brethren, ask from the Father, ask from the Lord, that His own specialties of grace and distributions of gifts 1 Corinthians 12:4-12 may be supplied you. Ask, says He, and you shall receive. Well, you have asked, and have received; you have knocked, and it has been opened to you. Only, I pray that, when you are asking, you be mindful likewise of Tertullian the sinner. < |
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| 434. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 47.1-2l (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 144, 180 |
435. Tertullian, Apology, 9.13, 18.8, 42.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •bible, books of the law •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 77, 78; Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 189; Veltri, Libraries, Translations, and 'Canonic' Texts: The Septuagint, Aquila and Ben Sira in the Jewish and Christian Traditions (2006) 87| 9.13. 18.8. de sententiae communione suspexit. Adfirmavit haec vobis etiam Aristaeus. Ita in Graecum stilum exaperta monumenta reliquit. Hodie apud Serapeum Ptolemaei bibliothecae cum ipsis Hebraicis litteris exhibentur. Sed et Iudaei palam lectitant. vectigalis libertas; vulgo aditur sabbatis omnibus. Qui audierit, inveniet deum; qui etiam studuerit intellegere, cogetur et credere. 42.4. possum. | |
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436. Tertullian, Against Marcion, 2.20, 5.4, 5.7-5.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •law, in early christian theology •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of •law, the, moral law, •law, the, ritual law, Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal, Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud (2018) 135; Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 90; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142 | 2.20. But these saucy cuttles (of heretics) under the figure of whom the law about things to be eaten Deuteronomy 14 prohibited this very kind of piscatory aliment, as soon as they find themselves confuted, eject the black venom of their blasphemy, and so spread about in all directions the object which (as is now plain) they severally have in view, when they put forth such assertions and protestations as shall obscure and tarnish the rekindled light of the Creator's bounty. We will, however, follow their wicked design, even through these black clouds, and drag to light their tricks of dark calumny, laying to the Creator's charge with special emphasis the fraud and theft of gold and silver which the Hebrews were commanded by Him to practise against the Egyptians. Come, unhappy heretic, I cite even you as a witness; first look at the case of the two nations, and then you will form a judgment of the Author of the command. The Egyptians put in a claim on the Hebrews for these gold and silver vessels. The Hebrews assert a counter claim, alleging that by the bond of their respective fathers, attested by the written engagement of both parties, there were due to them the arrears of that laborious slavery of theirs, for the bricks they had so painfully made, and the cities and palaces which they had built. What shall be your verdict, you discoverer of the most good God? That the Hebrews must admit the fraud, or the Egyptians the compensation? For they maintain that thus has the question been settled by the advocates on both sides, of the Egyptians demanding their vessels, and the Hebrews claiming the requital of their labours. But for all they say, the Egyptians justly renounced their restitution-claim then and there; while the Hebrews to this day, in spite of the Marcionites, re-assert their demand for even greater damages, insisting that, however large was their loan of the gold and silver, it would not be compensation enough, even if the labour of six hundred thousand men should be valued at only a farthing a day a piece. Which, however, were the more in number - those who claimed the vessel, or those who dwelt in the palaces and cities? Which, too, the greater - the grievance of the Egyptians against the Hebrews, or the favour which they displayed towards them? Were free men reduced to servile labour, in order that the Hebrews might simply proceed against the Egyptians by action at law for injuries; or in order that their officers might on their benches sit and exhibit their backs and shoulders shamefully mangled by the fierce application of the scourge? It was not by a few plates and cup - in all cases the property, no doubt, of still fewer rich men - that any one would pronounce that compensation should have been awarded to the Hebrews, but both by all the resources of these and by the contributions of all the people. If, therefore, the case of the Hebrews be a good one, the Creator's case must likewise be a good one; that is to say, his command, when He both made the Egyptians unconsciously grateful, and also gave His own people their discharge in full at the time of their migration by the scanty comfort of a tacit requital of their long servitude. It was plainly less than their due which He commanded to be exacted. The Egyptians ought to have given back their men-children also to the Hebrews. 5.4. But, says he, I speak after the manner of men: when we were children, we were placed in bondage under the elements of the world. This, however, was not said after the manner of men. For there is no figure here, but literal truth. For (with respect to the latter clause of this passage), what child (in the sense, that is, in which the Gentiles are children) is not in bondage to the elements of the world, which he looks up to in the light of a god? With regard, however, to the former clause, there was a figure (as the apostle wrote it); because after he had said, I speak after the manner of men, he adds), Though it be but a man's covet, no man disannuls, or adds thereto. For by the figure of the permanency of a human covet he was defending the divine testament. To Abraham were the promises made, and to his seed. He said not 'to seeds,' as of many; but as of one, 'to your seed,' which is Christ. Galatians 3:16 Fie on Marcion's sponge! But indeed it is superfluous to dwell on what he has erased, when he may be more effectually confuted from that which he has retained. But when the fullness of time had come, God sent forth His Son Galatians 4:4 - the God, of course, who is the Lord of that very succession of times which constitutes an age; who also ordained, as signs of time, suns and moons and constellations and stars; who furthermore both predetermined and predicted that the revelation of His Son should be postponed to the end of the times. It shall come to pass in the last days, that the mountain (of the house) of the Lord shall be manifested; and in the last days I will pour out of my Spirit upon all flesh as Joel says. It was characteristic of Him (only) to wait patiently for the fullness of time, to whom belonged the end of time no less than the beginning. But as for that idle god, who has neither any work nor any prophecy, nor accordingly any time, to show for himself, what has he ever done to bring about the fullness of time, or to wait patiently its completion? If nothing, what an impotent state to have to wait for the Creator's time, in servility to the Creator! But for what end did He send His Son? To redeem them that were under the law, Galatians 4:5 in other words, to make the crooked ways straight, and the rough places smooth, as Isaiah says Isaiah 40:4 - in order that old things might pass away, and a new course begin, even the new law out of Zion, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem, Isaiah 2:3 and that we might receive the adoption of sons, Galatians 4:5 that is, the Gentiles, who once were not sons. For He is to be the light of the Gentiles, and in His name shall the Gentiles trust. Isaiah 42:4, 6 That we may have, therefore the assurance that we are the children of God, He has sent forth His Spirit into our hearts, crying, Abba, Father. Galatians 4:6 For in the last days, says He, I will pour out of my Spirit upon all flesh. Now, from whom comes this grace, but from Him who proclaimed the promise thereof? Who is (our) Father, but He who is also our Maker? Therefore, after such affluence (of grace), they should not have returned to weak and beggarly elements. Galatians 4:9 By the Romans, however, the rudiments of learning are wont to be called elements. He did not therefore seek, by any depreciation of the mundane elements, to turn them away from their god, although, when he said just before, Howbeit, then, you serve them which by nature are no gods, Galatians 4:8 he censured the error of that physical or natural superstition which holds the elements to be god; but at the God of those elements he aimed not in this censure. He tells us himself clearly enough what he means by elements, even the rudiments of the law: You observe days, and months, and times, and years Galatians 4:10 - the sabbaths, I suppose, and the preparations, and the fasts, and the high days. For the cessation of even these, no less than of circumcision, was appointed by the Creator's decrees, who had said by Isaiah, Your new moons, and your sabbaths, and your high days I cannot bear; your fasting, and feasts, and ceremonies my soul hates; Isaiah 1:13-14 also by Amos, I hate, I despise your feast-days, and I will not smell in your solemn assemblies; Amos 5:21 and again by Hosea, I will cause to cease all her mirth, and her feast-days, and her sabbaths, and her new moons, and all her solemn assemblies. Hosea 2:11 The institutions which He set up Himself, you ask, did He then destroy? Yes, rather than any other. Or if another destroyed them, he only helped on the purpose of the Creator, by removing what even He had condemned. But this is not the place to discuss the question why the Creator abolished His own laws. It is enough for us to have proved that He intended such an abolition, that so it may be affirmed that the apostle determined nothing to the prejudice of the Creator, since the abolition itself proceeds from the Creator. But as, in the case of thieves, something of the stolen goods is apt to drop by the way, as a clue to their detection; so, as it seems to me, it has happened to Marcion: the last mention of Abraham's name he has left untouched (in the epistle), although no passage required his erasure more than this, even his partial alteration of the text. For (it is written) that Abraham had two sons, the one by a bond maid, the other by a free woman; but he who was of the bond maid was born after the flesh, but he of the free woman was by promise: which things are allegorized (that is to say, they presaged something besides the literal history); for these are the two covets, or the two exhibitions (of the divine plans), as we have found the word interpreted, the one from the Mount Sinai, in relation to the synagogue of the Jews, according to the law, which genders to bondage - the other genders (to liberty, being raised) above all principality, and power, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but in that which is to come, which is the mother of us all, in which we have the promise of (Christ's) holy church; by reason of which he adds in conclusion: So then, brethren, we are not children of the bond woman, but of the free. In this passage he has undoubtedly shown that Christianity had a noble birth, being sprung, as the mystery of the allegory indicates, from that son of Abraham who was born of the free woman; whereas from the son of the bond maid came the legal bondage of Judaism. Both dispensations, therefore, emanate from that same God by whom, as we have found, they were both sketched out beforehand. When he speaks of the liberty wherewith Christ has made us free, Galatians 5:1 does not the very phrase indicate that He is the Liberator who was once the Master? For Galba himself never liberated slaves which were not his own, even when about to restore free men to their liberty. By Him, therefore, will liberty be bestowed, at whose command lay the enslaving power of the law. And very properly. It was not meet that those who had received liberty should be entangled again with the yoke of bondage Galatians 5:1 - that is, of the law; now that the Psalm had its prophecy accomplished: Let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us, since the rulers have gathered themselves together against the Lord and against His Christ. All those, therefore, who had been delivered from the yoke of slavery he would earnestly have to obliterate the very mark of slavery - even circumcision, on the authority of the prophet's prediction. He remembered how that Jeremiah had said, Circumcise the foreskins of your heart; Jeremiah 4:4 as Moses likewise had enjoined, Circumcise your hard hearts Deuteronomy 10:16 - not the literal flesh. If, now, he were for excluding circumcision, as the messenger of a new god, why does he say that in Christ neither circumcision avails anything, nor uncircumcision? Galatians 5:6 For it was his duty to prefer the rival principle of that which he was abolishing, if he had a mission from the god who was the enemy of circumcision. Furthermore, since both circumcision and uncircumcision were attributed to the same Deity, both lost their power in Christ, by reason of the excellency of faith- of that faith concerning which it had been written, And in His name shall the Gentiles trust? Isaiah 42:4 - of that faith which, he says works by love. Galatians 5:6 By this saying he also shows that the Creator is the source of that grace. For whether he speaks of the love which is due to God, or that which is due to one's neighbor - in either case, the Creator's grace is meant: for it is He who enjoins the first in these words, You shall love God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your strength; Deuteronomy 6:5 and also the second in another passage: You shall love your neighbour as yourself. Leviticus 19:18 But he that troubles you shall have to bear judgment. Galatians 5:10 From what God? From (Marcion's) most excellent god? But he does not execute judgment. From the Creator? But neither will He condemn the maintainer of circumcision. Now, if none other but the Creator shall be found to execute judgment, it follows that only He, who has determined on the cessation of the law, shall be able to condemn the defenders of the law; and what, if he also affirms the law in that portion of it where it ought (to be permanent)? For, says he, all the law is fulfilled in you by this: 'You shall love your neighbour as yourself.' Galatians 5:14 If, indeed, he will have it that by the words it is fulfilled it is implied that the law no longer has to be fulfilled, then of course he does not mean that I should any more love my neighbour as myself, since this precept must have ceased together with the law. But no! We must evermore continue to observe this commandment. The Creator's law, therefore, has received the approval of the rival god, who has, in fact, bestowed upon it not the sentence of a summary dismissal, but the favour of a compendious acceptance; the gist of it all being concentrated in this one precept! But this condensation of the law is, in fact, only possible to Him who is the Author of it. When, therefore, he says, Bear one another's burdens, and so fulfill the law of Christ, Galatians 6:2 since this cannot be accomplished except a man love his neighbour as himself, it is evident that the precept, You shall love your neighbour as yourself (which, in fact, underlies the injunction, Bear one another's burdens), is really the law of Christ, though literally the law of the Creator. Christ, therefore, is the Creator's Christ, as Christ's law is the Creator's law. You are deceived; God is not mocked. Galatians 6:7 But Marcion's god can be mocked; for he knows not how to be angry, or how to take vengeance. For whatsoever a man sows, that shall he also reap. Galatians 6:7 It is then the God of recompense and judgment who threatens this. Let us not be weary in well-doing; Galatians 6:9 and as we have opportunity, let us do good. Galatians 6:10 Deny now that the Creator has given a commandment to do good, and then a diversity of precept may argue a difference of gods. If, however, He also announces recompense, then from the same God must come the harvest both of death and of life. But in due time we shall reap; Galatians 6:9 because in Ecclesiastes it is said, For everything there will be a time. Ecclesiastes 3:17 Moreover, the world is crucified unto me, who am a servant of the Creator - the world, (I say,) but not the God who made the world - and I unto the world, Galatians 6:14 not unto the God who made the world. The world, in the apostle's sense, here means life and conversation according to worldly principles; it is in renouncing these that we and they are mutually crucified and mutually slain. He calls them persecutors of Christ. But when he adds, that he bare in his body the scars of Christ - since scars, of course, are accidents of body - he therefore expressed the truth, that the flesh of Christ is not putative, but real and substantial, the scars of which he represents as borne upon his body. 5.7. And the hidden things of darkness He will Himself bring to light, 1 Corinthians 4:5 even by Christ; for He has promised Christ to be a Light, Isaiah 42:6 and Himself He has declared to be a lamp, searching the hearts and reins. From Him also shall praise be had by every man, 1 Corinthians 4:5 from whom proceeds, as from a judge, the opposite also of praise. But here, at least, you say he interprets the world to be the God thereof, when he says: We are made a spectacle unto the world, and to angels, and to men. 1 Corinthians 4:9 For if by world he had meant the people thereof, he would not have afterwards specially mentioned men. To prevent, however, your using such an argument as this, the Holy Ghost has providentially explained the meaning of the passage thus: We are made a spectacle to the world, i.e. both to angels, who minister therein, and to men, who are the objects of their ministration. of course, a man of the noble courage of our apostle (to say nothing of the Holy Ghost) was afraid, when writing to the children whom he had begotten in the gospel, to speak freely of the God of the world; for against Him he could not possibly seem to have a word to say, except only in a straightforward manner! I quite admit, that, according to the Creator's law, Leviticus 18:8 the man was an offender who had his father's wife. 1 Corinthians 5:1 He followed, no doubt, the principles of natural and public law. When, however, he condemns the man to be delivered unto Satan, 1 Corinthians 5:5 he becomes the herald of an avenging God. It does not matter that he also said, For the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord, 1 Corinthians 5:5 since both in the destruction of the flesh and in the saving of the spirit there is, on His part, judicial process; and when he bade the wicked person be put away from the midst of them, 1 Corinthians 5:13 he only mentioned what is a very frequently recurring sentence of the Creator. Purge out the old leaven, that you may be a new lump, as you are unleavened. 1 Corinthians 5:7 The unleavened bread was therefore, in the Creator's ordice, a figure of us (Christians). For even Christ our passover is sacrificed for us. 1 Corinthians 5:7 But why is Christ our passover, if the passover be not a type of Christ, in the similitude of the blood which saves, and of the Lamb, which is Christ? Exodus 12 Why does (the apostle) clothe us and Christ with symbols of the Creator's solemn rites, unless they had relation to ourselves? When, again, he warns us against fornication, he reveals the resurrection of the flesh. The body, says he, is not for fornication, but for the Lord; and the Lord for the body, 1 Corinthians 6:13 just as the temple is for God, and God for the temple. A temple will therefore pass away with its god, and its god with the temple. You see, then, how that He who raised up the Lord will also raise us up. 1 Corinthians 6:14 In the body will He raise us, because the body is for the Lord, and the Lord for the body. And suitably does he add the question: Do you not know that your bodies are the members of Christ? 1 Corinthians 6:15 What has the heretic to say? That these members of Christ will not rise again, for they are no longer our own? For, he says, you are bought with a price. 1 Corinthians 6:20 A price! surely none at all was paid, since Christ was a phantom, nor had He any corporeal substance which He could pay for our bodies! But, in truth, Christ had wherewithal to redeem us; and since He has redeemed, at a great price, these bodies of ours, against which fornication must not be committed (because they are now members of Christ, and not our own), surely He will secure, on His own account, the safety of those whom He made His own at so much cost! Now, how shall we glorify, how shall we exalt, God in our body, 1 Corinthians 6:20 which is doomed to perish? We must now encounter the subject of marriage, which Marcion, more continent than the apostle, prohibits. For the apostle, although preferring the grace of continence, 1 Corinthians 7:7-8 yet permits the contraction of marriage and the enjoyment of it, and advises the continuance therein rather than the dissolution thereof. 1 Corinthians 7:27 Christ plainly forbids divorce, Moses unquestionably permits it. Now, when Marcion wholly prohibits all carnal intercourse to the faithful (for we will say nothing about his catechumens), and when he prescribes repudiation of all engagements before marriage, whose teaching does he follow, that of Moses or of Christ? Even Christ, however, when He here commands the wife not to depart from her husband, or if she depart, to remain unmarried or be reconciled to her husband, 1 Corinthians 7:10-11 both permitted divorce, which indeed He never absolutely prohibited, and confirmed (the sanctity) of marriage, by first forbidding its dissolution; and, if separation had taken place, by wishing the nuptial bond to be resumed by reconciliation. But what reasons does (the apostle) allege for continence? Because the time is short. 1 Corinthians 7:29 I had almost thought it was because in Christ there was another god! And yet He from whom emanates this shortness of the time, will also send what suits the said brevity. No one makes provision for the time which is another's. You degrade your god, O Marcion, when you make him circumscribed at all by the Creator's time. Assuredly also, when (the apostle) rules that marriage should be only in the Lord, 1 Corinthians 7:39 that no Christian should intermarry with a heathen, he maintains a law of the Creator, who everywhere prohibits marriage with strangers. But when he says, although there be that are called gods, whether in heaven or in earth, 1 Corinthians 8:5 the meaning of his words is clear - not as if there were gods in reality, but as if there were some who are called gods, without being truly so. He introduces his discussion about meats offered to idols with a statement concerning idols (themselves): We know that an idol is nothing in the world. 1 Corinthians 8:4 Marcion, however, does not say that the Creator is not God; so that the apostle can hardly be thought to have ranked the Creator among those who are called gods, without being so; since, even if they had been gods, to us there is but one God, the Father. 1 Corinthians 8:6 Now, from whom do all things come to us, but from Him to whom all things belong? And pray, what things are these? You have them in a preceding part of the epistle: All things are yours; whether Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas, or the world, or life, or death, or things present, or things to come. 1 Corinthians 3:21-22 He makes the Creator, then the God of all things, from whom proceed both the world and life and death, which cannot possibly belong to the other god. From Him, therefore, among the all things comes also Christ. 1 Corinthians 3:23 When he teaches that every man ought to live of his own industry, 1 Corinthians 9:13 he begins with a copious induction of examples - of soldiers, and shepherds, and husbandmen. 1 Corinthians 9:7 But he wanted divine authority. What was the use, however, of adducing the Creator's, which he was destroying? It was vain to do so; for his god had no such authority! (The apostle) says: You shall not muzzle the ox that treads out the grain, and adds: Does God take care of oxen? Yes, of oxen, for the sake of men! For, says he, it is written for our sakes. 1 Corinthians 11:10 Thus he showed that the law had a symbolic reference to ourselves, and that it gives its sanction in favour of those who live of the gospel. (He showed) also, that those who preach the gospel are on this account sent by no other god but Him to whom belongs the law, which made provision for them, when he says: For our sakes was this written. Still he declined to use this power which the law gave him, because he preferred working without any restraint. of this he boasted, and suffered no man to rob him of such glory 1 Corinthians 9:15 - certainly with no view of destroying the law, which he proved that another man might use. For behold Marcion, in his blindness, stumbled at the rock whereof our fathers drank in the wilderness. For since that rock was Christ, 1 Corinthians 10:4 it was, of course, the Creator's, to whom also belonged the people. But why resort to the figure of a sacred sign given by an extraneous god? Was it to teach the very truth, that ancient things prefigured the Christ who was to be educed out of them? For, being about to take a cursory view of what befell the people (of Israel) he begins with saying: Now these things happened as examples for us. 1 Corinthians 10:6 Now, tell me, were these examples given by the Creator to men belonging to a rival god? Or did one god borrow examples from another, and a hostile one too? He withdraws me to himself in alarm from Him from whom he transfers my allegiance. Will his antagonist make me better disposed to him? Should I now commit the same sins as the people, shall I have to suffer the same penalties, or not? 1 Corinthians 10:7-10 But if not the same, how vainly does he propose to me terrors which I shall not have to endure! From whom, again, shall I have to endure them? If from the Creator, What evils does it appertain to Him to inflict? And how will it happen that, jealous God as He is, He shall punish the man who offends His rival, instead of rather encouraging him. If, however, from the other god - but he knows not how to punish. So that the whole declaration of the apostle lacks a reasonable basis, if it is not meant to relate to the Creator's discipline. But the fact is, the apostle's conclusion corresponds to the beginning: Now all these things happened unto them for ensamples; and they are written for our admonition, upon whom the ends of the world have come. 1 Corinthians 10:11 What a Creator! How prescient already, and considerate in warning Christians who belong to another god! Whenever cavils occur the like to those which have been already dealt with, I pass them by; certain others I dispatch briefly. A great argument for another god is the permission to eat of all kinds of meats, contrary to the law. 1 Corinthians 10:25-27 Just as if we did not ourselves allow that the burdensome ordices of the law were abrogated - but by Him who imposed them, who also promised the new condition of things. The same, therefore, who prohibited meats, also restored the use of them, just as He had indeed allowed them from the beginning. If, however, some strange god had come to destroy our God, his foremost prohibition would certainly have been, that his own votaries should abstain from supporting their lives on the resources of his adversary. 5.8. The head of every man is Christ. 1 Corinthians 11:3 What Christ, if He is not the author of man? The head he has here put for authority; now authority will accrue to none else than the author. of what man indeed is He the head? Surely of him concerning whom he adds soon afterwards: The man ought not to cover his head, forasmuch as he is the image of God. 1 Corinthians 11:7 Since then he is the image of the Creator (for He, when looking on Christ His Word, who was to become man, said, Let us make man in our own image, after our likeness Genesis 1:26), how can I possibly have another head but Him whose image I am? For if I am the image of the Creator there is no room in me for another head. But wherefore ought the woman to have power over her head, because of the angels? 1 Corinthians 11:10 If it is because she was created for the man, 1 Corinthians 11:9 and taken out of the man, according to the Creator's purpose, then in this way too has the apostle maintained the discipline of that God from whose institution he explains the reasons of His discipline. He adds: Because of the angels. 1 Corinthians 11:10 What angels? In other words, whose angels? If he means the fallen angels of the Creator, there is great propriety in his meaning. It is right that that face which was a snare to them should wear some mark of a humble guise and obscured beauty. If, however, the angels of the rival god are referred to, what fear is there for them? For not even Marcion's disciples, (to say nothing of his angels,) have any desire for women. We have often shown before now, that the apostle classes heresies as evil 1 Corinthians 11:18-19 among works of the flesh, and that he would have those persons accounted estimable who shun heresies as an evil thing. In like manner, when treating of the gospel, we have proved from the sacrament of the bread and the cup the verity of the Lord's body and blood in opposition to Marcion's phantom; while throughout almost the whole of my work it has been contended that all mention of judicial attributes points conclusively to the Creator as to a God who judges. Now, on the subject of spiritual gifts, 1 Corinthians 12:1 I have to remark that these also were promised by the Creator through Christ; and I think that we may derive from this a very just conclusion that the bestowal of a gift is not the work of a god other than Him who is proved to have given the promise. Here is a prophecy of Isaiah: There shall come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse, and a flower shall spring up from his root; and upon Him shall rest the Spirit of the Lord. After which he enumerates the special gifts of the same: The spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and of religion. And with the fear of the Lord shall the Spirit fill Him. Isaiah 11:1-3 In this figure of a flower he shows that Christ was to arise out of the rod which sprang from the stem of Jesse; in other words, from the virgin of the race of David, the son of Jesse. In this Christ the whole substantia of the Spirit would have to rest, not meaning that it would be as it were some subsequent acquisition accruing to Him who was always, even before His incarnation, the Spirit of God; so that you cannot argue from this that the prophecy has reference to that Christ who (as mere man of the race only of David) was to obtain the Spirit of his God. (The prophet says,) on the contrary, that from the time when (the true Christ) should appear in the flesh as the flower predicted, rising from the root of Jesse, there would have to rest upon Him the entire operation of the Spirit of grace, which, so far as the Jews were concerned, would cease and come to an end. This result the case itself shows; for after this time the Spirit of the Creator never breathed among them. From Judah were taken away the wise man, and the cunning artificer, and the counsellor, and the prophet; that so it might prove true that the law and the prophets were until John. Luke 16:16 Now hear how he declared that by Christ Himself, when returned to heaven, these spiritual gifts were to be sent: He ascended up on high, that is, into heaven; He led captivity captive, meaning death or slavery of man; He gave gifts to the sons of men, that is, the gratuities, which we call charismata. He says specifically sons of men, and not men promiscuously; thus exhibiting to us those who were the children of men truly so called, choice men, apostles. For, says he, I have begotten you through the gospel; 1 Corinthians 4:15 and You are my children, of whom I travail again in birth. Galatians 4:19 Now was absolutely fulfilled that promise of the Spirit which was given by the word of Joel: In the last days will I pour out of my Spirit upon all flesh, and their sons and their daughters shall prophesy; and upon my servants and upon my handmaids will I pour out of my Spirit. Since, then, the Creator promised the gift of His Spirit in the latter days; and since Christ has in these last days appeared as the dispenser of spiritual gifts (as the apostle says, When the fullness of the time had come, God sent forth His Son; Galatians 4:4 and again, This I say, brethren, that the time is short ), it evidently follows in connection with this prediction of the last days, that this gift of the Spirit belongs to Him who is the Christ of the predicters. Now compare the Spirit's specific graces, as they are described by the apostle, and promised by the prophet Isaiah. To one is given, says he, by the Spirit the word of wisdom; this we see at once is what Isaiah declared to be the spirit of wisdom. To another, the word of knowledge; this will be the (prophet's) spirit of understanding and counsel. To another, faith by the same Spirit; this will be the spirit of religion and the fear of the Lord. To another, the gifts of healing, and to another the working of miracles; this will be the spirit of might. To another prophecy, to another discerning of spirits, to another various kinds of tongues, to another the interpretation of tongues; this will be the spirit of knowledge. See how the apostle agrees with the prophet both in making the distribution of the one Spirit, and in interpreting His special graces. This, too, I may confidently say: he who has likened the unity of our body throughout its manifold and various members to the compacting together of the various gifts of the Spirit, shows also that there is but one Lord of the human body and of the Holy Spirit. This Spirit, (according to the apostle's showing,) meant not that the service of these gifts should be in the body, nor did He place them in the human body); and on the subject of the superiority of love above all these gifts, He even taught the apostle that it was the chief commandment, just as Christ has shown it to be: You shall love the Lord with all your heart and soul, with all your strength, and with all your mind, and your neighbour as your own self. Luke 10:27 When he mentions the fact that it is written in the law, how that the Creator would speak with other tongues and other lips, while confirming indeed the gift of tongues by such a mention, he yet cannot be thought to have affirmed that the gift was that of another god by his reference to the Creator's prediction. 1 Corinthians 14:21 In precisely the same manner, when enjoining on women silence in the church, that they speak not for the mere sake of learning 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 (although that even they have the right of prophesying, he has already shown when he covers the woman that prophesies with a veil), he goes to the law for his sanction that woman should be under obedience. Now this law, let me say once for all, he ought to have made no other acquaintance with, than to destroy it. But that we may now leave the subject of spiritual gifts, facts themselves will be enough to prove which of us acts rashly in claiming them for his God, and whether it is possible that they are opposed to our side, even if the Creator promised them for His Christ who is not yet revealed, as being destined only for the Jews, to have their operations in His time, in His Christ, and among His people. Let Marcion then exhibit, as gifts of his god, some prophets, such as have not spoken by human sense, but with the Spirit of God, such as have both predicted things to come, and have made manifest the secrets of the heart; 1 Corinthians 14:25 let him produce a psalm, a vision, a prayer 1 Corinthians 14:26 - only let it be by the Spirit, in an ecstasy, that is, in a rapture, whenever an interpretation of tongues has occurred to him; let him show to me also, that any woman of boastful tongue in his community has ever prophesied from among those specially holy sisters of his. Now all these signs (of spiritual gifts) are forthcoming from my side without any difficulty, and they agree, too, with the rules, and the dispensations, and the instructions of the Creator; therefore without doubt the Christ, and the Spirit, and the apostle, belong severally to my God. Here, then, is my frank avowal for any one who cares to require it. |
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437. Tertullian, Against The Jews, 4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •enoch, as righteous apart from the law Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 158 | 4. It follows, accordingly, that, in so far as the abolition of carnal circumcision and of the old law is demonstrated as having been consummated at its specific times, so also the observance of the Sabbath is demonstrated to have been temporary. For the Jews say, that from the beginning God sanctified the seventh day, by resting on it from all His works which He made; and that thence it was, likewise, that Moses said to the People: Remember the day of the sabbaths, to sanctify it: every servile work you shall not do therein, except what pertains unto life. Whence we (Christians) understand that we still more ought to observe a sabbath from all servile work always, and not only every seventh day, but through all time. And through this arises the question for us, what sabbath God willed us to keep? For the Scriptures point to a sabbath eternal and a sabbath temporal. For Isaiah the prophet says, Your sabbaths my soul hates; Isaiah 1:13 and in another place he says, My sabbaths you have profaned. Whence we discern that the temporal sabbath is human, and the eternal sabbath is accounted divine; concerning which He predicts through Isaiah: And there shall be, He says, month after month, and day after day, and sabbath after sabbath; and all flesh shall come to adore in Jerusalem, says the Lord; which we understand to have been fulfilled in the times of Christ, when all flesh - that is, every nation - came to adore in Jerusalem God the Father, through Jesus Christ His Son, as was predicted through the prophet: Behold, proselytes through me shall go unto You. Thus, therefore, before this temporal sabbath, there was withal an eternal sabbath foreshown and foretold; just as before the carnal circumcision there was withal a spiritual circumcision foreshown. In short, let them teach us, as we have already premised, that Adam observed the sabbath; or that Abel, when offering to God a holy victim, pleased Him by a religious reverence for the sabbath; or that Enoch, when translated, had been a keeper of the sabbath; or that Noah the ark-builder observed, on account of the deluge, an immense sabbath; or that Abraham, in observance of the sabbath, offered Isaac his son; or that Melchizedek in his priesthood received the law of the sabbath. But the Jews are sure to say, that ever since this precept was given through Moses, the observance has been binding. Manifest accordingly it is, that the precept was not eternal nor spiritual, but temporary, which would one day cease. In short, so true is it that it is not in the exemption from work of the sabbath- that is, of the seventh day - that the celebration of this solemnity is to consist, that Joshua the Son of Nun, at the time that he was reducing the city Jericho by war, stated that he had received from God a precept to order the People that priests should carry the ark of the testament of God seven days, making the circuit of the city; and thus, when the seventh day's circuit had been performed, the walls of the city would spontaneously fall. Joshua 6:1-20 Which was so done; and when the space of the seventh day was finished, just as was predicted, down fell the walls of the city. Whence it is manifestly shown, that in the number of the seven days there intervened a sabbath-day. For seven days, whencesoever they may have commenced, must necessarily include within them a sabbath-day; on which day not only must the priests have worked, but the city must have been made a prey by the edge of the sword by all the people of Israel. Nor is it doubtful that they wrought servile work, when, in obedience to God's precept, they drove the preys of war. For in the times of the Maccabees, too, they did bravely in fighting on the sabbaths, and routed their foreign foes, and recalled the law of their fathers to the primitive style of life by fighting on the sabbaths. Nor should I think it was any other law which they thus vindicated, than the one in which they remembered the existence of the prescript touching the day of the sabbaths. Whence it is manifest that the force of such precepts was temporary, and respected the necessity of present circumstances; and that it was not with a view to its observance in perpetuity that God formerly gave them such a law. |
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438. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 24.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 215, 543 | 10. There are legends of the metamorphosis of men: with you the gods also are metamorphosed. Rhea becomes a tree; Zeus a dragon, on account of Persephone; the sisters of Phaëthon are changed into poplars, and Leto into a bird of little value, on whose account what is now Delos was called Ortygia. A god, forsooth, becomes a swan, or takes the form of an eagle, and, making Ganymede his cupbearer, glories in a vile affection. How can I reverence gods who are eager for presents, and angry if they do not receive them? Let them have their Fate! I am not willing to adore wandering stars. What is that hair of Berenicé? Where were her stars before her death? And how was the dead Antinous fixed as a beautiful youth in the moon? Who carried him there: unless perchance, as men, perjuring themselves for hire, are credited when they say in ridicule of the gods that kings have ascended into heaven, so some one, in like manner, has put this man also among the gods, and been recompensed with honour and reward? Why have you robbed God? Why do you dishonour His workmanship? You sacrifice a sheep, and you adore the same animal. The Bull is in the heavens, and you slaughter its image. The Kneeler crushes a noxious animal; and the eagle that devours the man-maker Prometheus is honoured. The swan is noble, forsooth, because it was an adulterer; and the Dioscuri, living on alternate days, the ravishers of the daughters of Leucippus, are also noble! Better still is Helen, who forsook the flaxen-haired Menelaus, and followed the turbaned and gold-adorned Paris. A just man also is Sophron, who transported this adulteress to the Elysian fields! But even the daughter of Tyndarus is not gifted with immortality, and Euripides has wisely represented this woman as put to death by Orestes. |
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| 439. Lucian, Hermotimus, Or Sects, 14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 394 |
| 440. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 11.7 (462d-3a), 13.48 (585b), 2.2 (36b-c), 5.2 (186b), 8.334b (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 28 |
| 441. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 2.12, 7.314, 9.78-9.79 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in clement •law, the •exposition of the law Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 288, 397; Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 88 |
| 442. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.90 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 397 |
| 443. Sextus Julius Africanus, Charmed Girdles (Fragments), 12.20.35-12.20.47 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries, life of bardaisan •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries, public archive of edessa Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 120 |
444. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73 | 10.96. To Trajan: It is my custom, Sir, to refer to you in all cases where I do not feel sure, for who can better direct my doubts or inform my ignorance? I have never been present at any legal examination of the Christians, and I do not know, therefore, what are the usual penalties passed upon them, or the limits of those penalties, or how searching an inquiry should be made. I have hesitated a great deal in considering whether any distinctions should be drawn according to the ages of the accused; whether the weak should be punished as severely as the more robust; whether if they renounce their faith they should be pardoned, or whether the man who has once been a Christian should gain nothing by recanting; whether the name itself, even though otherwise innocent of crime, should be punished, or only the crimes that gather round it. 10.96. In the meantime, this is the plan which I have adopted in the case of those Christians who have been brought before me. I ask them whether they are Christians; if they say yes, then I repeat the question a second and a third time, warning them of the penalties it entails, and if they still persist, I order them to be taken away to prison. For I do not doubt that, whatever the character of the crime may be which they confess, their pertinacity and inflexible obstinacy certainly ought to be punished. There were others who showed similar mad folly whom I reserved to be sent to Rome, as they were Roman citizens. Subsequently, as is usually the way, the very fact of my taking up this question led to a great increase of accusations, and a variety of cases were brought before me. A pamphlet was issued anonymously, containing the names of a number of people. Those who denied that they were or had been Christians and called upon the gods in the usual formula, reciting the words after me, those who offered incense and wine before your image, which I had given orders to be brought forward for this purpose, together with the statues of the deities - all such I considered should be discharged, especially as they cursed the name of Christ, which, it is said, those who are really Christians cannot be induced to do. Others, whose names were given me by an informer, first said that they were Christians and afterwards denied it, declaring that they had been but were so no longer, some of them having recanted many years before, and more than one so long as twenty years back. They all worshipped your image and the statues of the deities, and cursed the name of Christ. But they declared that the sum of their guilt or their error only amounted to this, that on a stated day they had been accustomed to meet before daybreak and to recite a hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god, and that so far from binding themselves by oath to commit any crime, their oath was to abstain from theft, robbery, adultery, and from breach of faith, and not to deny trust money placed in their keeping when called upon to deliver it. When this ceremony was concluded, it had been their custom to depart and meet again to take food, but it was of no special character and quite harmless, and they had ceased this practice after the edict in which, in accordance with your orders, I had forbidden all secret societies. † I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what truth there was in these statements by submitting two women, who were called deaconesses, to the torture, but I found nothing but a debased superstition carried to great lengths. So I postponed my examination, and immediately consulted you. The matter seems to me worthy of your consideration, especially as there are so many people involved in the danger. Many persons of all ages, and of both sexes alike, are being brought into peril of their lives by their accusers, and the process will go on. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through the free cities, but into the villages and the rural districts, and yet it seems to me that it can be checked and set right. It is beyond doubt that the temples, which have been almost deserted, are beginning again to be thronged with worshippers, that the sacred rites which have for a long time been allowed to lapse are now being renewed, and that the food for the sacrificial victims is once more finding a sale, whereas, up to recently, a buyer was hardly to be found. From this it is easy to infer what vast numbers of people might be reclaimed, if only they were given an opportunity of repentance. |
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445. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73 | 10.96. To Trajan: It is my custom, Sir, to refer to you in all cases where I do not feel sure, for who can better direct my doubts or inform my ignorance? I have never been present at any legal examination of the Christians, and I do not know, therefore, what are the usual penalties passed upon them, or the limits of those penalties, or how searching an inquiry should be made. I have hesitated a great deal in considering whether any distinctions should be drawn according to the ages of the accused; whether the weak should be punished as severely as the more robust; whether if they renounce their faith they should be pardoned, or whether the man who has once been a Christian should gain nothing by recanting; whether the name itself, even though otherwise innocent of crime, should be punished, or only the crimes that gather round it. 10.96. In the meantime, this is the plan which I have adopted in the case of those Christians who have been brought before me. I ask them whether they are Christians; if they say yes, then I repeat the question a second and a third time, warning them of the penalties it entails, and if they still persist, I order them to be taken away to prison. For I do not doubt that, whatever the character of the crime may be which they confess, their pertinacity and inflexible obstinacy certainly ought to be punished. There were others who showed similar mad folly whom I reserved to be sent to Rome, as they were Roman citizens. Subsequently, as is usually the way, the very fact of my taking up this question led to a great increase of accusations, and a variety of cases were brought before me. A pamphlet was issued anonymously, containing the names of a number of people. Those who denied that they were or had been Christians and called upon the gods in the usual formula, reciting the words after me, those who offered incense and wine before your image, which I had given orders to be brought forward for this purpose, together with the statues of the deities - all such I considered should be discharged, especially as they cursed the name of Christ, which, it is said, those who are really Christians cannot be induced to do. Others, whose names were given me by an informer, first said that they were Christians and afterwards denied it, declaring that they had been but were so no longer, some of them having recanted many years before, and more than one so long as twenty years back. They all worshipped your image and the statues of the deities, and cursed the name of Christ. But they declared that the sum of their guilt or their error only amounted to this, that on a stated day they had been accustomed to meet before daybreak and to recite a hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god, and that so far from binding themselves by oath to commit any crime, their oath was to abstain from theft, robbery, adultery, and from breach of faith, and not to deny trust money placed in their keeping when called upon to deliver it. When this ceremony was concluded, it had been their custom to depart and meet again to take food, but it was of no special character and quite harmless, and they had ceased this practice after the edict in which, in accordance with your orders, I had forbidden all secret societies. † I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what truth there was in these statements by submitting two women, who were called deaconesses, to the torture, but I found nothing but a debased superstition carried to great lengths. So I postponed my examination, and immediately consulted you. The matter seems to me worthy of your consideration, especially as there are so many people involved in the danger. Many persons of all ages, and of both sexes alike, are being brought into peril of their lives by their accusers, and the process will go on. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through the free cities, but into the villages and the rural districts, and yet it seems to me that it can be checked and set right. It is beyond doubt that the temples, which have been almost deserted, are beginning again to be thronged with worshippers, that the sacred rites which have for a long time been allowed to lapse are now being renewed, and that the food for the sacrificial victims is once more finding a sale, whereas, up to recently, a buyer was hardly to be found. From this it is easy to infer what vast numbers of people might be reclaimed, if only they were given an opportunity of repentance. |
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| 446. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 65.1-65.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman political theory, ruler as living law, ideal of Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 47 |
| 447. Anon., Deuteronomy Rabbah, 11, 9, 178 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 307 |
| 448. Anon., Didascalia Apostolorum, 15, 19, 26, 6, 21 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79 |
| 449. Tertullian, On Modesty, 12.4-12.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 77, 78 |
450. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 1.9.1, 10.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan •christians, do not observe the law Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 137, 138; Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (2010) 209| 1.9.1. מַה שֶּׁהָיָה הוּא שֶׁיִּהְיֶה, רַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא הַדּוֹרוֹת מִתְכַּנְסִין לִפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא וְאוֹמְרִים לְפָנָיו רִבּוֹנוֹ שֶׁל עוֹלָם מִי יֹאמַר לְפָנֶיךָ שִׁירָה תְּחִלָּה, וְאוֹמֵר לָהֶם לְשֶׁעָבַר לֹא אָמְרוּ שִׁירָה לְפָנַי אֶלָּא דּוֹרוֹ שֶׁל משֶׁה, וְעַכְשָׁיו לֹא יֹאמַר שִׁירָה לְפָנַי אֶלָּא הוּא, מַאי טַעְמָא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה מב, י): שִׁירוּ לַה' שִׁיר חָדָשׁ תְּהִלָּתוֹ מִקְצֵה הָאָרֶץ יוֹרְדֵי הַיָּם וּמְלֹאוֹ וגו', מַעֲשֶׂה וְשָׁלְחָה מַלְכוּת אֵצֶל רַבּוֹתֵינוּ וְאָמְרָה לָהֶם שִׁלְחוּ לָנוּ קְסִלוֹפָנוֹס אֶחָד מִשֶּׁלָּכֶם, אָמְרוּ כַּמָּה קְסִלוֹפָנוֹס יֵשׁ לָהֶם וְהֵם מְבַקְּשִׁין מִמֶּנּוּ קְסִלוֹפָנוֹס אֶחָד. כַּמָּה מִקְווֹת פַּנָּסִין יֵשׁ לָהֶם, כַּמָּה אֲבָנִים טוֹבוֹת וּמַרְגָּלִיּוֹת יֵשׁ לָהֶם, כִּמְדֻמִּין אָנוּ שֶׁאֵין מְבַקְּשִׁין מִמֶּנּוּ אֶלָּא מֵאִיר פָּנִים בַּהֲלָכָה, שָׁלְחוּ לָהֶם אֶת רַבִּי מֵאִיר, וְהָיוּ שׁוֹאֲלִין אוֹתוֹ וְהוּא מֵשִׁיב, שׁוֹאֲלִין אוֹתוֹ וְהוּא מֵשִׁיב, וּבַסּוֹף שָׁאֲלוּ אוֹתוֹ לָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ חֲזִיר, אָמַר לָהֶם שֶׁהוּא עָתִיד לְהַחֲזִיר אֶת הַמַּלְכוּת לִבְעָלֶיהָ. וְעוֹד יָשַׁב רַבִּי מֵאִיר וְדָרַשׁ עָתִיד זְאֵב לִהְיוֹת גָּזוֹז מֵילָתָן, וְהַכֶּלֶב גְּלֶבְטִינוֹן, אָמְרוּ לוֹ דַּיֶּךָ רַבִּי מֵאִיר, וְאֵין כָּל חָדָשׁ תַּחַת הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ. רַבָּנָן אָמְרִין לֶעָתִיד לָבוֹא הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מוֹצִיא כָּרוֹז וּמַכְרִיז וְאוֹמֵר כָּל מִי שֶׁלֹא אָכַל בְּשַׂר חֲזִיר מִיָּמָיו יָבוֹא וְיִטֹּל שְׂכָרוֹ, וְהַרְבֵּה מְאֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם שֶׁלֹא אָכְלוּ בְּשַׂר חֲזִיר מִימֵיהֶם וְהֵם בָּאִים לִטֹּל שְׂכָרָן, בְּאוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אוֹמֵר נִשְׂתַּכְּרוּ אֵלּוּ שְׁנֵי עוֹלָמוֹת, לֹא דַּיָּן שֶׁאָכְלוּ עוֹלָמָן אֶלָּא הֵם מְבַקְּשִׁין לֶאֱכֹל עוֹלָמָן שֶׁל בָּנַי עוֹד, בְּאוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מוֹצִיא כָּרוֹז פַּעַם שְׁנִיָּה וּמַכְרִיז וְאוֹמֵר כָּל מִי שֶׁלֹא אָכַל בְּשַׂר נְבֵלוֹת וּטְרֵפוֹת, שְׁקָצִים וּרְמָשִׂים, אִם לֹא אָכַל מִשֶּׁלּוֹ אָכַל מִשֶּׁל חֲבֵרוֹ, הֱוֵי לָמָּה נִקְרָא שְׁמוֹ חֲזִיר שֶׁעָתִיד לְהַחֲזִיר הַגְּדֻלָּה וְהַמַּלְכוּת לִבְעָלֶיהָ. עוֹרוֹת תְּחָשִׁים מָה הֵן, רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר אַלְטִינוֹן. רַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה אוֹמֵר גַּלְטִינוֹן. רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אוֹמֵר מִין חַיָּה גְדוֹלָה הֶרְאָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְמשֶׁה וְעָשָׂה הֵימֶנָּה צֹרֶךְ הַמִּשְׁכָּן וּגְנָזָהּ. רַבִּי אָבִין אָמַר קֶרֶשׁ הָיָה שְׁמָהּ. תָּנֵי רַבִּי הוֹשַׁעְיָה קֶרֶן אַחַת הָיְתָה לוֹ בְּמִצְחוֹ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים סט, לב): וְתִיטַב לַה' מִשּׁוֹר פָּר מַקְרִן מַפְרִיס וגו', מַקְרִין תַּרְתֵּי שְׁמַע מִנָּהּ. אָמַר רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בַּר יִצְחָק מַקְרִן כְּתִיב. רַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה אָמַר בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יִצְחָק, כַּגּוֹאֵל רִאשׁוֹן כָּךְ גּוֹאֵל אַחֲרוֹן, מַה גּוֹאֵל רִאשׁוֹן נֶאֱמַר (שמות ד, כ): וַיִּקַּח משֶׁה אֶת אִשְׁתּוֹ וְאֶת בָּנָיו וַיַּרְכִּבֵם עַל הַחֲמֹר, כָּךְ גּוֹאֵל אַחֲרוֹן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (זכריה ט, ט): עָנִי וְרֹכֵב עַל הַחֲמוֹר. מַה גּוֹאֵל הָרִאשׁוֹן הוֹרִיד אֶת הַמָּן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמות טז, ד): הִנְנִי מַמְטִיר לָכֶם לֶחֶם מִן הַשָּׁמָיִם, אַף גּוֹאֵל אַחֲרוֹן יוֹרִיד אֶת הַמָּן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים עב, טז): יְהִי פִסַּת בַּר בָּאָרֶץ. מַה גּוֹאֵל רִאשׁוֹן הֶעֱלָה אֶת הַבְּאֵר, אַף גּוֹאֵל אַחֲרוֹן יַעֲלֶה אֶת הַמַּיִם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (יואל ד, יח): וּמַעְיָן מִבֵּית ה' יֵצֵא וְהִשְׁקָה אֶת נַחַל הַשִּׁטִּים. | |
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| 451. Bardaisan, Book of The Laws of The Countries, 218-222 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 122 |
452. Oppian, Halieutica, 5.425-5.447 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146| 5.425. ἤδη γὰρ δελφῖνες ἐνηέες ἀνδράσιν οἵην < 5.426. ἄγρην εὐθήρητον ἐπʼ ἰχθύσιν ὡπλίσσαντο < 5.427. νήσῳ ἐν Εὐβοίῃ μετὰ κύμασιν Αἰγαίοισιν· < 5.428. εὖτε γὰρ ἑσπερίης θήρης πόνον ἐγκονέωσιν < 5.429. ἰχθυβόλοι, νεπόδεσσι πυρὸς φορέοντες ὁμοκλήν, < 5.430. ἴπνου χαλκείοιο θοὸν σέλας, οἱ δʼ ἐφέπονται < 5.431. δελφῖνες, σύνθηρον ἐπισπεύδοντες ὄλεθρον. < 5.432. ἔνθʼ οἱ μὲν τρομέοντες ἀποτροπάδην ἀλέονται < 5.433. ἰχθύες, οἱ δʼ ἔκτοσθεν ἐπαΐσσοντες ὁμαρτῆ < 5.434. δελφῖνες φοβέουσι καὶ ἱεμένους ἐπὶ βύσσαν < 5.435. τρωπᾶσθαι ποτὶ χέρσον ἀνάρσιον ἐξελόωσι, < 5.436. πυκνὸν ἐπιθρώσκοντες, ἅτʼ ἀνδράσι θηρητῆρσι < 5.437. θῆρα κύνες σεύοντες ἀμοιβαίῃς ὑλακῇσι. < 5.438. τοὺς δʼ ἀγχοῦ ποτὶ χέρσον ἀτυζομένους ἁλιῆες < 5.439. ῥηϊδίως βάλλουσιν ἐϋγλώχινι τριαίνῃ. < 5.440. τοῖσι δʼ ἄφυκτα κέλευθα, διορχεῦνται δʼ ἐνὶ πόντῳ, < 5.441. καὶ πυρὶ καὶ δελφῖσιν ἐλαυνόμενοι βασιλεῦσιν. < 5.442. ἀλλʼ ὁπόταν θήρης εὐαγρέος ἔργον ἄνηται, < 5.443. δὴ τότʼ ἀπαιτίζουσι παρασχεδὸν ἐμπελάσαντες < 5.444. μισθὸν ὁμοφροσύνης, θήρης ἀποδάσμιον αἶσαν· < 5.445. οἱ δʼ οὐκ ἠνήναντο, πόρον δʼ εὐαγρέα μοῖραν < 5.446. ἀσπασίως· ἤν γάρ τις ὑπερφιάλως ἀλίτηται, < 5.447. οὐκέτι οἱ δελφῖνες ἀρηγόνες εἰσὶν ἐπʼ ἄγρην. < | |
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| 453. Pollux, Onomasticon, 8.37, 8.117, 9.34 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 124, 157, 291, 295 |
454. Lucian, Athletics, 9, 19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 124 | 19. So. Why, you had better work the sluice yourself, whenever the word stream is either turbid or diverging into a wrong channel. As for mere continuance, you can cut that up by questions. However, so long as what I have to say is not irrelevant, I do not know that length matters. There is an ancient procedure in the Areopagus, our murder court. When the members have ascended the hill, and taken their seats to decide a case of murder or deliberate maiming or arson, each side is allowed to address the court in turn, prosecution and defence being conducted either by the principals or by counsel. As long as they speak to the matter in hand, the court listens silently and patiently. But if either prefaces his speech with an appeal to its benevolence, or attempts to stir its compassion or indignation by irrelevant considerations — and the legal profession have numberless ways of playing upon juries —, the usher at once comes up and silences him. The court is not to be trifled with or have its food disguised with condiments, but to be shown the bare facts. Now, Anacharsis, I hereby create you a temporary Areopagite; you shall hear me according to that court’s practice, and silence me if you find me cajoling you; but as long as I keep to the point, I may speak at large. For there is no sun here to make length a burden to you; we have plenty of shade and plenty of time.An. That sounds reasonable. And I take it very kindly that you should have given me this incidental view of the proceedings on the Areopagus; they are very remarkable, quite a pattern of the way a judicial decision should be arrived at. Let your speech be regulated accordingly, and the Areopagite of your appointment shall listen as his office requires. |
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| 455. Clement of Alexandria, Extracts From The Prophets, 18.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 80; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 395 |
456. Anon., Genesis Rabba, a b c d\n0 58.1 58.1 58 1\n1 16.6 16.6 16 6\n2 18.24 18.24 18 24\n3 34.8 34.8 34 8\n4 61.1 61.1 61 1\n5 44.1 44.1 44 1\n6 63 63 63 None\n7 "43.6" "43.6" "43 6"\n8 55.6 55.6 55 6\n9 "46.5" "46.5" "46 5"\n10 55.7 55.7 55 7 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69| 58.1. וַיִּהְיוּ חַיֵּי שָׂרָה מֵאָה שָׁנָה <>(בראשית כג, א)<>, <>(תהלים לז, יח)<>: יוֹדֵעַ ה' יְמֵי תְמִימִם וְנַחֲלָתָם לְעוֹלָם תִּהְיֶה, כְּשֵׁם שֶׁהֵן תְּמִימִים כָּךְ שְׁנוֹתָם תְּמִימִים, בַּת עֶשְׂרִים כְּבַת שֶׁבַע לְנוֹי, בַּת מֵאָה כְּבַת עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה לְחֵטְא. דָּבָר אַחֵר, יוֹדֵעַ ה' יְמֵי תְמִימִם, זוֹ שָׂרָה שֶׁהָיְתָה תְּמִימָה בְּמַעֲשֶׂיהָ, אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן כַּהֲדָא עֶגְלְתָא תְּמִימָה, וְנַחֲלָתָם לְעוֹלָם תִּהְיֶה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: וַיִּהְיוּ חַיֵּי שָׂרָה, מַה צֹּרֶךְ לוֹמַר שְׁנֵי חַיֵּי שָׂרָה בָּאַחֲרוֹנָה, לוֹמַר לְךָ שֶׁחָבִיב חַיֵּיהֶם שֶׁל צַדִּיקִים לִפְנֵי הַמָּקוֹם בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה וְלָעוֹלָם הַבָּא. 58.1. וַיִּהְיוּ חַיֵּי שָׂרָה מֵאָה שָׁנָה (בראשית כג, א), (תהלים לז, יח): יוֹדֵעַ ה' יְמֵי תְמִימִם וְנַחֲלָתָם לְעוֹלָם תִּהְיֶה, כְּשֵׁם שֶׁהֵן תְּמִימִים כָּךְ שְׁנוֹתָם תְּמִימִים, בַּת עֶשְׂרִים כְּבַת שֶׁבַע לְנוֹי, בַּת מֵאָה כְּבַת עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה לְחֵטְא. דָּבָר אַחֵר, יוֹדֵעַ ה' יְמֵי תְמִימִם, זוֹ שָׂרָה שֶׁהָיְתָה תְּמִימָה בְּמַעֲשֶׂיהָ, אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן כַּהֲדָא עֶגְלְתָא תְּמִימָה, וְנַחֲלָתָם לְעוֹלָם תִּהְיֶה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: וַיִּהְיוּ חַיֵּי שָׂרָה, מַה צֹּרֶךְ לוֹמַר שְׁנֵי חַיֵּי שָׂרָה בָּאַחֲרוֹנָה, לוֹמַר לְךָ שֶׁחָבִיב חַיֵּיהֶם שֶׁל צַדִּיקִים לִפְנֵי הַמָּקוֹם בָּעוֹלָם הַזֶּה וְלָעוֹלָם הַבָּא. | |
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457. Aelian, Varia Historia, 6.1, 12.35, 13.24 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, concerning the temene •law (jewish), brought from the jerusalem temple to rome, after judean war •law, athenian. Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 106; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 244, 245; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 72 | 6.1. THE ATHENIANS having overcome the Chalcidenses, distributed that part of their country which is called Hippobotus into forty lots; but meddled not with the ground consecrated to Athena in the place named Lelantus. The rest of the country they let out, and brought away the pillars which now stand at the Royal Stoa, on which they set up the bills of sale. The prisoners that they took they cast into fetters: neither did this satisfy their rage against the Chalcidenses. The Lacedemonians having overcome the Messenians, took to themselves the half of every thing in Messenia. and compelled the free-women to go to funerals, and to bewail the dead, such as were strangers, and nothing related to them. of the men, they employed some in husbandry, some they sold, some they slew. likewise the Athenians were insolent in this manner. Having good success, they used not their good fortune moderately: For they compelled the foreign virgins that inhabited their country, to carry umbrellas in public solemnities before their own virgins, and the women before their women; and the men to carry spades. The Sicyonians having taken Pellene, prostituted publicly the wives and daughters of the Pellenians. This was most savage, O you Grecian Gods, and unseemly, I think, even in barbarians. Philip having gained the victory at Chaeronaea, was exalted with the success, as were also all the Macedonians. The Grecians, fearing him exceedingly, surrendered themselves according to their several cities, as fast as possible to him. The same did the Thebans, and the Megarians, the Corinthians, Achaeans, Eleians, and the Euboeans, that dwelt upon the sea-side. Philip kept not the agreement he had made with them, but subjected them all to servitude, contrary to right and equity. 12.35. There were two Perianders, the one a philosopher, the other a tyrant: Three Miltiades; one who built Chersonesus, another the son of Cypsellus, the third a son of Cimon: Four Sibyls; the Erythraean, the Samian, the Egyptian, and the Sardinian. Others add six more, making them in all ten; among which they reckon the Cumaean and the Jewish. There were three Bacides; one of Hellas, another of Athens, and the third of Arcadia. 13.24. Lycurgus the orator made a law, that women should not go in chariots at the festival solemnities called Mysteries, and that she who did so should be fined at his pleasure. The first that transgressed this law was his own wife, who being convicted, payed the fine. Pericles also made a law, that none should be a free Athenian, but he whose parents were both Athenians. Afterwards Pericles, losing his legitimate children, had only one natural son left him. It is manifest that he designed one thing, and that the contrary befell him. Clisthenes the Athenian first brought in [the] way of banishment by Ostracism, and first felt the punishment of it. Zaleucus, the law-giver of the Locrians ordained, that whosoever was taken in adultery should lose both his eyes. It fell out contrary to his expectation, for his son being surprized in adultery, was to suffer the punishment decreed by his father. Hereupon, lest what was confirmed by general votes should be violated, he suffered one of his own eyes to be put out, and one of his sons, that the young man might not be quite blind. |
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| 458. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.192 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 137 |
459. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.5, 1.10, 2.20-2.21, 9.17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world, local legal traditions •twelve tables, law of the, •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69, 145; Luck, Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts (2006) 72 | 1.5. "What you promise," he said, "is fair and just, and I'll repeat what I left unfinished. But first I swear to you, by the all-seeing god of the Sun, I'm speaking things I know to be true; and you'll have no doubt when you arrive at the next Thessalian town and find the story on everyone's lips of a happening in plain daylight. But first so you know who I am, I'm from Aegium. And here's how I make my living: I deal in cheese and honey, all that sort of innkeeper's stuff, travelling here and there through Boeotia, Aetolia, Thessaly. So when I learned that at Hypata, Thessaly's most important town, some fresh cheese with a fine flavour was being sold at a very good price, I rushed there, in a hurry to buy the lot. But as usual I went left foot first, and my hopes of a profit were dashed. A wholesale dealer called Lupus had snapped it up the day before. So, exhausted after my useless chase, I started to walk to the baths as Venus began to shine." 1.10. As it kept happening, and many were harmed, public indignation grew, and the people decreed the severest punishment, stoning to death next day. But with the power of her chanting she thwarted their plan. Just as Medea, in that one short day she won from Creon, consumed his daughter, his palace, and the old king himself in the flames from the golden crown, so Meroe, by chanting necromantic rites in a ditch, as she told me herself when she was drunk, shut all the people in their houses, with the dumb force of her magic powers. For two whole days not one of them could break the locks, rip open the doors, or even dig a way through the walls, until at last, at everyone's mutual urging, they called out, swearing a solemn oath not to lay hands on her themselves, and to come to her defence and save her if anyone tried to do so. Thus propitiated she freed the whole town. But as for the author of the original decree, she snatched him up in the dead of night with his whole house – that's walls and floor and foundations entire – and shifted them, the doors still locked, a hundred miles to another town on the top of a rugged and arid mountain; and since the densely-packed homes of those folk left no room for the new guest, she dropped the house in front of the gates and vanished." 2.21. Thelyphron's tale: guarding the body 'When I was still a student in Miletus I sailed across to watch the Olympic Games, and since I wanted to visit this region too of the famous province, I travelled all through Thessaly and arrived one unlucky day at Larissa. Since my purse was feeling rather thin, I was wandering all over town seeking a source of funds when I saw a tall old man standing on a block of stone in the middle of the market-place announcing that anyone willing to guard a corpse for a night might bid for the work. "What's this?" I asked, of a passer-by, "Are corpses here in the habit of running off?" "Hush, young man!' he replied. "You're an innocent stranger and it seems you don't realise you're in Thessaly where witches are always gnawing away bits of dead men's faces to use in their magic arts." "Tell me then, if you would" I countered, 'what this guardianship involves.' "Well firstly," he replied, "you need to stay wide awake all night, eyes straining unblinkingly and fixed on the corpse, and never glancing around you or letting your concentration waver, because those dreadful women have the power to change their shape and can creep up on you silently, transformed to any sort of creature they wish, defeating the sun's eye or the gaze of justice. They can look like dogs, or birds, or mice or even flies. Then they send the watcher to sleep with dreadful incantations. No one could count the number of tricks those evil women contrive to gain their wish. Yet only four or five pieces of gold are the pay for this dangerous task. Oh yes – I almost forgot to say – that if, by the morning, any piece of the body's face is damaged, the watcher must part with bits sliced from his own face to replace the portions removed." Despite this I plucked up my courage, like a man, went straight up to the crier and said: "You can stop advertising. Hand over the cash." "Ten gold pieces," he said, "will be waiting for you. But now, young man, beware. The dead man was a son of one of our leading families: guard him carefully from those evil Harpies." "That's all nonsense to me," I replied, "not worth a trifle. You see before you a man of iron, unsleeping like Argus; I'm eyes all over, and keener of sight than Lynceus himself." I'd barely finished speaking when he dragged me off swiftly to a house whose entrance was bolted, and led me through a small back door and into a darkened room with barred windows, where he pointed to a weeping woman robed in black. He approached her saying: "Here's the man I've contracted to guard your husband's body securely. She parted her hair that fell loose and with her hand brushed it either side of a face beautiful even in grief, then looking at me she said: "Please see that you watch as vigilantly as you can." "Don't worry!" I replied, "Just give me a little bonus." The matter being agreed, she took me into an adjoining room where the corpse lay, covered with pure white linen. She called in seven mourners as witness, uncovering the body with her own hand, and after a lot more weeping, she made all swear a solemn oath and, while one dutifully wrote down her inventory of the dead, she pointed out each individual feature: "Behold," she said, "one nose intact, two untouched eyes, two ears whole, the lips unscathed, one chin complete. Citizens, good and true, bear testimony to this." Once finished, the tablets were sealed, and she prepared to leave. But I said: "Madame, would you see that I've everything I need." "And what might that be?" she answered. "A large lamp," I said, "enough oil to keep it burning till dawn, hot water, wine and a cup, and a plate of what's left from supper." "Away with you, you fool," she replied, with a shake of her head, "asking for a meal in a house of mourning! There's been no food, not a puff of smoke in the house for days on end. Do you think you're here for a banquet? Adapt yourself to the moment, with tears and lament." And turning to her maid as she spoke she cried: "Myrrhine, hand him the lamp and the oil then lock him in, and go at once." 9.17. The tale of Arete and Philesitherus: Myrmex The old chatterer at once began: 'This Barbarus had a journey to make, and since he wished to be sure of his wife's faithfulness, he gave secret instructions concerning her to Myrmex his servant, whom he firmly trusted. He charged him with guarding the lady, threatening incarceration, everlasting chains, violent and shameful death, if any man so much as brushed her in passing with his fingertips, and swore it by all the powers of the heavens. Then leaving the worried Myrmex as sharp-eyed custodian of his wife, secure in mind he set out on his way. Myrmex, intensely anxious, firmly refused to let his mistress leave the house. He sat by her side while she worked at her household task of spinning wool, and was close behind when Arete went to the baths in the evening, holding the hem of her robe in his hand, displaying marvellous tenacity in the demanding role with which he was entrusted. Bu there was no way to hide the noble lady's beauty from Philesitherus' ardent gaze. He was aroused and kindled in the extreme by her very reputation for chastity, and the famously close watch kept on her. He was ready to try anything, suffer anything, to overcome the tenacious household defences. He trusted to human frailty where honesty was concerned, sure that all difficulties cash will overcome, that gold can open even adamantine doors. Taking advantage of Myrmex being alone, he revealed his passion for Arete, and begged for help to ease his agony, since he'd decided and resolved to hasten his own death if he failed to attain his desire. Nor need Myrmex fear so simple a matter. He would sneak in alone at dusk, trusting the shadows would cloak and conceal him, and would be gone again in a trice. Adding to these reassurances and the like a powerfully-driven wedge to break through the servant's stolid resistance, by holding out his palm on which lay some bright freshly-minted gold pieces, of which twenty he said were destined for the mistress, but ten he freely gave to him. Myrmex was horrified at this unheard of approach, and stopping his ears he fled, yet could not rid his thoughts of the coins' glowing splendour. He distanced himself from them, and went swiftly homewards, though seeing still in his imagination the gleam of shining gold, and feeling that rich reward within his grasp. His mind was wonderfully disturbed, and the poor man was dragged this way and that, torn by his dilemma, on the one hand faithfulness, on the other gain, on one side tortuous punishment, on the other pleasure. But in the end gold overcame his fear of death. His love of glittering lucre was not quenched by time, for pestilential avarice poisoned his night-time thoughts, and no matter how strongly his master's threats urged him to stay home, the lure of gold tempted him forth. Swallowing his shame, laying aside all doubts, he carried Philesitherus' blandishments to his mistress' ear. The woman, not deviating from her gender's natural fickleness, immediately forsook her honour for money. Myrmex, filled with delight, swiftly sought an end to any loyalty to his master, craving not merely to touch but to possess the wealth, which to his shame he had gazed on. He cheerfully announced to Philesitherus that his efforts had furthered the youth's wishes, and demanded payment of his reward. Myrmex's palm, that had never even known the feel of copper coins, now held golden ones. |
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| 460. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Yishmael, bahodesh 3, pisha 14, pisha 8, shirta 4, vayassa 1, mishpatim 20 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 144 |
| 461. Apuleius, Apology, 34.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 104; Luck, Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts (2006) 72 |
| 462. Celsus Platonic Philosopher, Alethes Logos, 8.28 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73 |
| 463. Lucian, The Eunuch, 19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 241 |
464. Tertullian, On The Games, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 189 | 8. To follow out my plan in regard to places: the circus is chiefly consecrated to the Sun, whose temple stands in the middle of it, and whose image shines forth from its temple summit; for they have not thought it proper to pay sacred honours underneath a roof to an object they have itself in open space. Those who assert that the first spectacle was exhibited by Circe, and in honour of the Sun her father, as they will have it, maintain also the name of circus was derived from her. Plainly, then, the enchantress did this in the name of the parties whose priestess she was - I mean the demons and spirits of evil. What an aggregation of idolatries you see, accordingly, in the decoration of the place! Every ornament of the circus is a temple by itself. The eggs are regarded as sacred to the Castors, by men who are not ashamed to profess faith in their production from the egg of a swan, which was no other than Jupiter himself. The Dolphins vomit forth in honour of Neptune. Images of Sessia, so called as the goddess of sowing; of Messia, so called as the goddess of reaping; of Tutulina, so called as the fruit-protecting deity - load the pillars. In front of these you have three altars to these three gods - Great, Mighty, Victorious. They reckon these of Samo-Thrace. The huge Obelisk, as Hermeteles affirms, is set up in public to the Sun; its inscription, like its origin, belongs to Egyptian superstition. Cheerless were the demon-gathering without their Mater Magna; and so she presides there over the Euripus. Consus, as we have mentioned, lies hidden under ground at the Murcian Goals. These two sprang from an idol. For they will have it that Murcia is the goddess of love; and to her, at that spot, they have consecrated a temple. See, Christian, how many impure names have taken possession of the circus! You have nothing to do with a sacred place which is teted by such multitudes of diabolic spirits. And speaking of places, this is the suitable occasion for some remarks in anticipation of a point that some will raise. What, then, you say; shall I be in danger of pollution if I go to the circus when the games are not being celebrated? There is no law forbidding the mere places to us. For not only the places for show-gatherings, but even the temples, may be entered without any peril of his religion by the servant of God, if he has only some honest reason for it, unconnected with their proper business and official duties. Why, even the streets and the market-place, and the baths, and the taverns, and our very dwelling-places, are not altogether free from idols. Satan and his angels have filled the whole world. It is not by merely being in the world, however, that we lapse from God, but by touching and tainting ourselves with the world's sins. I shall break with my Maker, that is, by going to the Capitol or the temple of Serapis to sacrifice or adore, as I shall also do by going as a spectator to the circus and the theatre. The places in themselves do not contaminate, but what is done in them; from this even the places themselves, we maintain, become defiled. The polluted things pollute us. It is on this account that we set before you to whom places of the kind are dedicated, that we may prove the things which are done in them to belong to the idol-patrons to whom the very places are sacred. |
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| 465. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.8, 7.2.6-7.2.7, 10.23.5, 20.1.45-20.1.47 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law •adultery, athenian laws against •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146; Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233; Pinheiro et al., Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel (2012a) 164; Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 141 |
466. Theophilus, To Autolycus, 1.14, 2.9-2.10, 2.12-2.14, 2.22, 2.26, 2.33-2.35, 2.38, 3.9, 3.11-3.13, 3.16-3.29 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in theophilus •magi, on law and the old testament •law, the, in clement Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 217, 218, 219, 395 | 1.14. Therefore, do not be sceptical, but believe; for I myself also used to disbelieve that this would take place, but now, having taken these things into consideration, I believe. At the same time, I met with the sacred Scriptures of the holy prophets, who also by the Spirit of God foretold the things that have already happened, just as they came to pass, and the things now occurring as they are now happening, and things future in the order in which they shall be accomplished. Admitting, therefore, the proof which events happening as predicted afford, I do not disbelieve, but I believe, obedient to God, whom, if you please, do you also submit to, believing Him, lest if now you continue unbelieving, you be convinced hereafter, when you are tormented with eternal punishments; which punishments, when they had been foretold by the prophets, the later-born poets and philosophers stole from the holy Scriptures, to make their doctrines worthy of credit. Yet these also have spoken beforehand of the punishments that are to light upon the profane and unbelieving, in order that none be left without a witness, or be able to say, We have not heard, neither have we known. But do you also, if you please, give reverential attention to the prophetic Scriptures, and they will make your way plainer for escaping the eternal punishments, and obtaining the eternal prizes of God. For He who gave the mouth for speech, and formed the ear to hear, and made the eye to see, will examine all things, and will judge righteous judgment, rendering merited awards to each. To those who by patient continuance in well-doing Romans 2:7 seek immortality, He will give life everlasting, joy, peace, rest, and abundance of good things, which neither has eye seen, nor ear heard, nor has it entered into the heart of man to conceive. 1 Corinthians 2:9 But to the unbelieving and despisers, who obey not the truth, but are obedient to unrighteousness, when they shall have been filled with adulteries and fornications, and filthiness, and covetousness, and unlawful idolatries, there shall be anger and wrath, tribulation and anguish, Romans 2:8-9 and at the last everlasting fire shall possess such men. Since you said, Show me your God, this is my God, and I counsel you to fear Him and to trust Him. < 2.9. But men of God carrying in them a holy spirit and becoming prophets, being inspired and made wise by God, became God-taught, and holy, and righteous. Wherefore they were also deemed worthy of receiving this reward, that they should become instruments of God, and contain the wisdom that is from Him, through which wisdom they uttered both what regarded the creation of the world and all other things. For they predicted also pestilences, and famines, and wars. And there was not one or two, but many, at various times and seasons among the Hebrews; and also among the Greeks there was the Sibyl; and they all have spoken things consistent and harmonious with each other, both what happened before them and what happened in their own time, and what things are now being fulfilled in our own day: wherefore we are persuaded also concerning the future things that they will fall out, as also the first have been accomplished. 2.10. And first, they taught us with one consent that God made all things out of nothing; for nothing was coeval with God: but He being His own place, and wanting nothing, and existing before the ages, willed to make man by whom He might be known; for him, therefore, He prepared the world. For he that is created is also needy; but he that is uncreated stands in need of nothing. God, then, having His own Word internal within His own bowels, begot Him, emitting Him along with His own wisdom before all things. He had this Word as a helper in the things that were created by Him, and by Him He made all things. He is called governing principle [ἁρκή], because He rules, and is Lord of all things fashioned by Him. He, then, being Spirit of God, and governing principle, and wisdom, and power of the highest, came down upon the prophets, and through them spoke of the creation of the world and of all other things. For the prophets were not when the world came into existence, but the wisdom of God which was in Him, and His holy Word which was always present with Him. Wherefore He speaks thus by the prophet Solomon: When He prepared the heavens I was there, and when He appointed the foundations of the earth I was by Him as one brought up with Him. And Moses, who lived many years before Solomon, or, rather, the Word of God by him as by an instrument, says, In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. First he named the beginning, and creation, then he thus introduced God; for not lightly and on slight occasion is it right to name God. For the divine wisdom foreknew that some would trifle and name a multitude of gods that do not exist. In order, therefore, that the living God might be known by His works, and that [it might be known that] by His Word God created the heavens and the earth, and all that is therein, he said, In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth. Then having spoken of their creation, he explains to us: And the earth was without form, and void, and darkness was upon the face of the deep; and the Spirit of God moved upon the water. This, sacred Scripture teaches at the outset, to show that matter, from which God made and fashioned the world, was in some manner created, being produced by God. 2.12. of this six days' work no man can give a worthy explanation and description of all its parts, not though he had ten thousand tongues and ten thousand mouths; nay, though he were to live ten thousand years, sojourning in this life, not even so could he utter anything worthy of these things, on account of the exceeding greatness and riches of the wisdom of God which there is in the six days' work above narrated. Many writers indeed have imitated [the narration], and essayed to give an explanation of these things; yet, though they thence derived some suggestions, both concerning the creation of the world and the nature of man, they have emitted no slightest spark of truth. And the utterances of the philosophers, and writers, and poets have an appearance of trustworthiness, on account of the beauty of their diction; but their discourse is proved to be foolish and idle, because the multitude of their nonsensical frivolities is very great; and not a stray morsel of truth is found in them. For even if any truth seems to have been uttered by them, it has a mixture of error. And as a deleterious drug, when mixed with honey or wine, or some other thing, makes the whole [mixture] hurtful and profitless; so also eloquence is in their case found to be labour in vain; yea, rather an injurious thing to those who credit it. Moreover, [they spoke] concerning the seventh day, which all men acknowledge; but the most know not that what among the Hebrews is called the Sabbath, is translated into Greek the Seventh (ἑβδομάς), a name which is adopted by every nation, although they know not the reason of the appellation. And as for what the poet Hesiod says of Erebus being produced from chaos, as well as the earth and love which lords it over his [Hesiod's] gods and men, his dictum is shown to be idle and frigid, and quite foreign to the truth. For it is not meet that God be conquered by pleasure; since even men of temperance abstain from all base pleasure and wicked lust. 2.13. Moreover, his [Hesiod's] human, and mean, and very weak conception, so far as regards God, is discovered in his beginning to relate the creation of all things from the earthly things here below. For man, being below, begins to build from the earth, and cannot in order make the roof, unless he has first laid the foundation. But the power of God is shown in this, that, first of all, He creates out of nothing, according to His will, the things that are made. For the things which are impossible with men are possible with God. Luke 18:27 Wherefore, also, the prophet mentioned that the creation of the heavens first of all took place, as a kind of roof, saying: At the first God created the heavens - that is, that by means of the first principle the heavens were made, as we have already shown. And by earth he means the ground and foundation, as by the deep he means the multitude of waters; and darkness he speaks of, on account of the heaven which God made covering the waters and the earth like a lid. And by the Spirit which is borne above the waters, he means that which God gave for animating the creation, as he gave life to man, mixing what is fine with what is fine. For the Spirit is fine, and the water is fine, that the Spirit may nourish the water, and the water penetrating everywhere along with the Spirit, may nourish creation. For the Spirit being one, and holding the place of light, was between the water and the heaven, in order that the darkness might not in any way communicate with the heaven, which was nearer God, before God said, Let there be light. The heaven, therefore, being like a dome-shaped covering, comprehended matter which was like a clod. And so another prophet, Isaiah by name, spoke in these words: It is God who made the heavens as a vault, and stretched them as a tent to dwell in. Isaiah 40:22 The command, then, of God, that is, His Word, shining as a lamp in an enclosed chamber, lit up all that was under heaven, when He had made light apart from the world. And the light God called Day, and the darkness Night. Since man would not have been able to call the light Day, or the darkness Night, nor, indeed, to have given names to the other things, had not he received the nomenclature from God, who made the things themselves. In the very beginning, therefore, of the history and genesis of the world, the holy Scripture spoke not concerning this firmament [which we see], but concerning another heaven, which is to us invisible, after which this heaven which we see has been called firmament, and to which half the water was taken up that it might serve for rains, and showers, and dews to mankind. And half the water was left on earth for rivers, and fountains, and seas. The water, then, covering all the earth, and specially its hollow places, God, through His Word, next caused the waters to be collected into one collection, and the dry land to become visible, which formerly had been invisible. The earth thus becoming visible, was yet without form. God therefore formed and adorned it with all kinds of herbs, and seeds and plants. 2.14. Consider, further, their variety, and diverse beauty, and multitude, and how through them resurrection is exhibited, for a pattern of the resurrection of all men which is to be. For who that considers it will not marvel that a fig-tree is produced from a fig-seed, or that very huge trees grow from the other very little seeds? And we say that the world resembles the sea. For as the sea, if it had not had the influx and supply of the rivers and fountains to nourish it, would long since have been parched by reason of its saltness; so also the world, if it had not had the law of God and the prophets flowing and welling up sweetness, and compassion, and righteousness, and the doctrine of the holy commandments of God, would long before now have come to ruin, by reason of the wickedness and sin which abound in it. And as in the sea there are islands, some of them habitable, and well-watered, and fruitful, with havens and harbours in which the storm-tossed may find refuge - so God has given to the world which is driven and tempest-tossed by sins, assemblies - we mean holy churches - in which survive the doctrines of the truth, as in the island-harbours of good anchorage; and into these run those who desire to be saved, being lovers of the truth, and wishing to escape the wrath and judgment of God. And as, again, there are other islands, rocky and without water, and barren, and infested by wild beasts, and uninhabitable, and serving only to injure navigators and the storm-tossed, on which ships are wrecked, and those driven among them perish - so there are doctrines of error- I mean heresies - which destroy those who approach them. For they are not guided by the word of truth; but as pirates, when they have filled their vessels, drive them on the fore-mentioned places, that they may spoil them: so also it happens in the case of those who err from the truth, that they are all totally ruined by their error. 2.22. You will say, then, to me: You said that God ought not to be contained in a place, and how do you now say that He walked in Paradise? Hear what I say. The God and Father, indeed, of all cannot be contained, and is not found in a place, for there is no place of His rest; but His Word, through whom He made all things, being His power and His wisdom, assuming the person of the Father and Lord of all, went to the garden in the person of God, and conversed with Adam. For the divine writing itself teaches us that Adam said that he had heard the voice. But what else is this voice but the Word of God, who is also His Son? Not as the poets and writers of myths talk of the sons of gods begotten from intercourse [with women], but as truth expounds, the Word, that always exists, residing within the heart of God. For before anything came into being He had Him as a counsellor, being His own mind and thought. But when God wished to make all that He determined on, He begot this Word, uttered, the first-born of all creation, not Himself being emptied of the Word [Reason], but having begotten Reason, and always conversing with His Reason. And hence the holy writings teach us, and all the spirit-bearing [inspired] men, one of whom, John, says, In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, John 1:1 showing that at first God was alone, and the Word in Him. Then he says, The Word was God; all things came into existence through Him; and apart from Him not one thing came into existence. The Word, then, being God, and being naturally produced from God, whenever the Father of the universe wills, He sends Him to any place; and He, coming, is both heard and seen, being sent by Him, and is found in a place. 2.26. And God showed great kindness to man in this, that He did not allow him to remain in sin for ever; but, as it were, by a kind of banishment, cast him out of Paradise, in order that, having by punishment expiated, within an appointed time, the sin, and having been disciplined, he should afterwards be restored. Wherefore also, when man had been formed in this world, it is mystically written in Genesis, as if he had been twice placed in Paradise; so that the one was fulfilled when he was placed there, and the second will be fulfilled after the resurrection and judgment. For just as a vessel, when on being fashioned it has some flaw, is remoulded or remade, that it may become new and entire; so also it happens to man by death. For somehow or other he is broken up, that he may rise in the resurrection whole; I mean spotless, and righteous, and immortal. And as to God's calling, and saying, Where are you, Adam? God did this, not as if ignorant of this; but, being long-suffering, He gave him an opportunity of repentance and confession. 2.34. And, for the rest, would that in a kindly spirit you would investigate divine things - I mean the things that are spoken by the prophets- in order that, by comparing what is said by us with the utterances of the others, you may be able to discover the truth. We have shown from their own histories, which they have compiled, that the names of those who are called gods, are found to be the names of men who lived among them, as we have shown above. And to this day their images are daily fashioned, idols, the works of men's hands. And these the mass of foolish men serve, while they reject the maker and fashioner of all things and the nourisher of all breath of life, giving credit to vain doctrines through the deceitfulness of the senseless tradition received from their fathers. But God at least, the Father and Creator of the universe, did not abandon mankind, but gave a law, and sent holy prophets to declare and teach the race of men, that each one of us might awake and understand that there is one God. And they also taught us to refrain from unlawful idolatry, and adultery, and murder, fornication, theft, avarice, false swearing, wrath, and every incontinence and uncleanness; and that whatever a man would not wish to be done to himself, he should not do to another; and thus he who acts righteously shall escape the eternal punishments, and be thought worthy of the eternal life from God. 2.35. The divine law, then, not only forbids the worshipping of idols, but also of the heavenly bodies, the sun, the moon, or the other stars; yea, not heaven, nor earth, nor the sea, nor fountains, nor rivers, must be worshipped, but we must serve in holiness of heart and sincerity of purpose only the living and true God, who also is Maker of the universe. Wherefore says the holy law: You shall not commit adultery; you shall not steal; you shall not bear false witness; you shall not desire your neighbour's wife. So also the prophets. Solomon indeed teaches us that we must not sin with so much as a turn of the eye, saying, Let your eyes look right on, and let your eyelids look straight before you. Proverbs 4:25 And Moses, who himself also was a prophet, says, concerning the sole government of God: Your God is He who establishes the heaven, and forms the earth, whose hands have brought forth all the host of heaven; and He has not set these things before you that you should go after them. Deuteronomy 4:19 And Isaiah himself also says: Thus says the Lord God who established the heavens, and founded the earth and all that is therein, and gives breath unto the people upon it, and spirit to them that walk therein. This is the Lord your God. Isaiah 42:5 And again, through him He says: I have made the earth, and man upon it. I by my hand have established the heavens. Isaiah 45:12 And in another chapter, This is your God, who created the ends of the earth; He hungers not, neither is weary, and there is no searching of His understanding. Isaiah 40:28 So, too, Jeremiah says: Who has made the earth by His power, and established the world by His wisdom, and by His discretion has stretched out the heavens, and a mass of water in the heavens, and He caused the clouds to ascend from the ends of the earth; He made lightnings with rain, and brought forth winds out of His treasures. Jeremiah 10:12-13 One can see how consistently and harmoniously all the prophets spoke, having given utterance through one and the same spirit concerning the unity of God, and the creation of the world, and the formation of man. Moreover, they were in sore travail, bewailing the godless race of men, and they reproached those, who seemed to be wise, for their error and hardness of heart. Jeremiah, indeed, said: Every man is brutishly gone astray from the knowledge of Him; every founder is confounded by his graven images; in vain the silversmith makes his molten images; there is no breath in them: in the day of their visitation they shall perish. Jeremiah 51:17-18 The same, too, says David: They are corrupt, they have done abominable works; there is none that does good, no, not one; they have all gone aside, they have together become profitless. So also Habakkuk: What profits the graven image that he has graven it a lying image? Woe to him that says to the stone, Awake; and to the wood, Arise. Habakkuk 2:18 Likewise spoke the other prophets of the truth. And why should I recount the multitude of prophets, who are numerous, and said ten thousand things consistently and harmoniously? For those who desire it, can, by reading what they uttered, accurately understand the truth, and no longer be carried away by opinion and profitless labour. These, then, whom we have already mentioned, were prophets among the Hebrews, - illiterate, and shepherds, and uneducated. 2.38. But what matters it whether they were before or after them? Certainly they did at all events utter things confirmatory of the prophets. Concerning the burning up of the world, Malachi the prophet foretold: The day of the Lord comes as a burning oven, and shall consume all the wicked. Malachi 4:1 And Isaiah: For the wrath of God is as a violent hail-storm, and as a rushing mountain torrent. Isaiah 30:30 The Sibyl, then, and the other prophets, yea, and the poets and philosophers, have clearly taught both concerning righteousness, and judgment, and punishment; and also concerning providence, that God cares for us, not only for the living among us, but also for those that are dead: though, indeed, they said this unwillingly, for they were convinced by the truth. And among the prophets indeed, Solomon said of the dead, There shall be healing to your flesh, and care taken of your bones. Proverbs 3:8 And the same says David, The bones which You have broken shall rejoice. And in agreement with these sayings was that of Timocles:- The dead are pitied by the loving God. And the writers who spoke of a multiplicity of gods came at length to the doctrine of the unity of God, and those who asserted chance spoke also of providence; and the advocates of impunity confessed there would be a judgment, and those who denied that there is a sensation after death acknowledged that there is. Homer, accordingly, though he had said - Like fleeting vision passed the soul away, says in another place:- To Hades went the disembodied soul; And again:- That I may quickly pass through Hades' gates, Me bury. And as regards the others whom you have read, I think you know with sufficient accuracy how they have expressed themselves. But all these things will every one understand who seeks the wisdom of God, and is well pleasing to Him through faith and righteousness and the doing of good works. For one of the prophets whom we already mentioned, Hosea by name, said, Who is wise, and he shall understand these things? prudent, and he shall know them? For the ways of the Lord are right, and the just shall walk in them: but the transgressors shall fall therein. Hosea 14:9 He, then, who is desirous of learning, should learn much. Endeavour therefore to meet [with me] more frequently, that, by hearing the living voice, you may accurately ascertain the truth. < 3.9. Now we also confess that God exists, but that He is one, the creator, and maker, and fashioner of this universe; and we know that all things are arranged by His providence, but by Him alone. And we have learned a holy law; but we have as lawgiver Him who is really God, who teaches us to act righteously, and to be pious, and to do good. And concerning piety He says, You shall have no other gods before me. You shall not make unto you any graven image, or any likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth: you shall not bow down yourself to them, nor serve them: for I am the Lord your God. Exodus 20:3 And of doing good He said: Honour your father and your mother; that it may be well with you, and that your days may be long in the land which I the Lord God give you. Again, concerning righteousness: You shall not commit adultery. You shall not kill. You shall not steal. You shall not bear false witness against your neighbour. You shall not covet your neighbour's wife, you shall not covet your neighbour's house, nor his land, nor his man-servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his beast of burden, nor any of his cattle, nor anything that is your neighbour's. You shall not wrest the judgment of the poor in his cause. Exodus 23:6 From every unjust matter keep you far. The innocent and righteous you shall not slay; you shall not justify the wicked; and you shall not take a gift, for gifts blind the eyes of them that see and pervert righteous words. of this divine law, then, Moses, who also was God's servant, was made the minister both to all the world, and chiefly to the Hebrews, who were also called Jews, whom an Egyptian king had in ancient days enslaved, and who were the righteous seed of godly and holy men - Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob. God, being mindful of them, and doing marvellous and strange miracles by the hand of Moses, delivered them, and led them out of Egypt, leading them through what is called the desert; whom He also settled again in the land of Canaan, which afterwards was called jud a, and gave them a law, and taught them these things. of this great and wonderful law, which tends to all righteousness, the ten heads are such as we have already rehearsed. 3.11. And when the people transgressed the law which had been given to them by God, God being good and pitiful, unwilling to destroy them, in addition to His giving them the law, afterwards sent forth also prophets to them from among their brethren, to teach and remind them of the contents of the law, and to turn them to repentance, that they might sin no more. But if they persisted in their wicked deeds, He forewarned them that they should be delivered into subjection to all the kingdoms of the earth; and that this has already happened them is manifest. Concerning repentance, then, Isaiah the prophet, generally indeed to all, but expressly to the people, says: Seek the Lord while He may be found, call upon Him while He is near: let the wicked forsake his ways, and the unrighteous man his thoughts: and let him return unto the Lord his God, and he will find mercy, for He will abundantly pardon. Isaiah 55:6 And another prophet, Ezekiel, says: If the wicked will turn from all his sins that he has committed, and keep all My statutes, and do that which is right in My sight, he shall surely live, he shall not die. All his transgressions that he has committed, they shall not be mentioned unto him; but in his righteousness that he has done he shall live: for I desire not the death of the sinner, says the Lord, but that he turn from his wicked way, and live. Ezekiel 18:21 Again Isaiah: You who take deep and wicked counsel, turn, that you may be saved. Isaiah 31:6 And another prophet, Jeremiah: Turn to the Lord your God, as a grape-gatherer to his basket, and you shall find mercy. Jeremiah 6:9 Many therefore, yea rather, countless are the sayings in the Holy Scriptures regarding repentance, God being always desirous that the race of men turn from all their sins. 3.13. And concerning chastity, the holy word teaches us not only not to sin in act, but not even in thought, not even in the heart to think of any evil, nor look on another man's wife with our eyes to lust after her. Solomon, accordingly, who was a king and a prophet, said: Let your eyes look right on, and let your eyelids look straight before you: make straight paths for your feet. Proverbs 4:25 And the voice of the Gospel teaches still more urgently concerning chastity, saying: Whosoever looks on a woman who is not his own wife, to lust after her, has committed adultery with her already in his heart. Matthew 5:28 And he that marries, says [the Gospel], her that is divorced from her husband, commits adultery; and whosoever puts away his wife, saving for the cause of fornication, causes her to commit adultery. Matthew 5:32 Because Solomon says: Can a man take fire in his bosom, and his clothes not be burned? Or can one walk upon hot coals, and his feet not be burned? So he that goes in to a married woman shall not be innocent. Proverbs 6:27-29 3.16. But I wish now to give you a more accurate demonstration, God helping me, of the historical periods, that you may see that our doctrine is not modern nor fabulous, but more ancient and true than all poets and authors who have written in uncertainty. For some, maintaining that the world was uncreated, went into infinity; and others, asserting that it was created, said that already 153,075 years had passed. This is stated by Apollonius the Egyptian. And Plato, who is esteemed to have been the wisest of the Greeks, into what nonsense did he run? For in his book entitled The Republic, we find him expressly saying: For if things had in all time remained in their present arrangement, when ever could any new thing be discovered? For ten thousand times ten thousand years elapsed without record, and one thousand or twice as many years have gone by since some things were discovered by D dalus, and some by Orpheus, and some by Palamedes. And when he says that these things happened, he implies that ten thousand times ten thousand years elapsed from the flood to D dalus. And after he has said a great deal about the cities of the world, and the settlements, and the nations, he owns that he has said these things conjecturally. For he says, If then, my friend, some god should promise us, that if we attempted to make a survey of legislation, the things now said, etc., which shows that he was speaking by guess; and if by guess, then what he says is not true. 3.19. And neither does he make out that there was a second flood: on the contrary, he said that never again would there be a flood of water on the world; as neither indeed has there been, nor ever shall be. And he says that eight human beings were preserved in the ark, in that which had been prepared by God's direction, not by Deucalion, but by Noah; which Hebrew word means rest, as we have elsewhere shown that Noah, when he announced to the men then alive that there was a flood coming, prophesied to them, saying, Come there, God calls you to repentance. On this account he was fitly called Deucalion. And this Noah had three sons (as we mentioned in the second book), whose names were Shem, and Ham, and Japhet; and these had three wives, one wife each; each man and his wife. This man some have surnamed Eunuchus. All the eight persons, therefore, who were found in the ark were preserved. And Moses showed that the flood lasted forty days and forty nights, torrents pouring from heaven, and from the fountains of the deep breaking up, so that the water overtopped every high hill 15 cubits. And thus the race of all the men that then were was destroyed, and those only who were protected in the ark were saved; and these, we have already said, were eight. And of the ark, the remains are to this day to be seen in the Arabian mountains. This, then, is in sum the history of the deluge. 3.20. And Moses, becoming the leader of the Jews, as we have already stated, was expelled from the land of Egypt by the king, Pharaoh, whose name was Amasis, and who, they say, reigned after the expulsion of the people 25 years and 4 months, as Manetho assumes. And after him [reigned] Chebron, 13 years. And after him Amenophis, 20 years 7 months. And after him his sister Amessa, 21 years 1 month. And after her Mephres, 12 years 9 months. And after him Methramuthosis, 20 years and 10 months. And after him Tythmoses, 9 years 8 months. And after him Damphenophis, 30 years 10 months. And after him Orus, 35 years 5 months. And after him his daughter, 10 years 3 months. After her Mercheres, 12 years 3 months. And after him his son Armais, 30 years 1 month. After him Messes, son of Miammus, 6 years, 2 months. After him Rameses, 1 year 4 months. After him Amenophis, 19 years 6 months. After him his sons Thoessus and Rameses, 10 years, who, it is said, had a large cavalry force and naval equipment. The Hebrews, indeed, after their own separate history, having at that time migrated into the land of Egypt, and been enslaved by the king Tethmosis, as already said, built for him strong cities, Peitho, and Rameses, and On, which is Heliopolis; so that the Hebrews, who also are our ancestors, and from whom we have those sacred books which are older than all authors, as already said, are proved to be more ancient than the cities which were at that time renowned among the Egyptians. And the country was called Egypt from the king Sethos. For the word Sethos, they say, is pronounced Egypt. And Sethos had a brother, by name Armais. He is called Danaus, the same who passed from Egypt to Argos, whom the other authors mention as being of very ancient date. 3.21. And Manetho, who among the Egyptians gave out a great deal of nonsense, and even impiously charged Moses and the Hebrews who accompanied him with being banished from Egypt on account of leprosy, could give no accurate chronological statement. For when he said they were shepherds, and enemies of the Egyptians, he uttered truth indeed, because he was forced to do so. For our forefathers who sojourned in Egypt were truly shepherds, but not lepers. For when they came into the land called Jerusalem, where also they afterwards abode, it is well known how their priests, in pursuance of the appointment of God, continued in the temple, and there healed every disease, so that they cured lepers and every unsoundness. The temple was built by Solomon the king of Jud a. And from Manetho's own statement his chronological error is manifest. (As it is also in respect of the king who expelled them, Pharaoh by name. For he no longer ruled them. For having pursued the Hebrews, he and his army were engulphed in the Red Sea. And he is in error still further, in saying that the shepherds made war against the Egyptians.) For they went out of Egypt, and thenceforth dwelt in the country now called Jud a, 313 years before Danaus came to Argos. And that most people consider him older than any other of the Greeks is manifest. So that Manetho has unwillingly declared to us, by his own writings, two particulars of the truth: first, avowing that they were shepherds; secondly, saying that they went out of the land of Egypt. So that even from these writings Moses and his followers are proved to be 900 or even 1000 years prior to the Trojan War. 3.22. Then concerning the building of the temple in Jud a, which Solomon the king built 566 years after the exodus of the Jews from Egypt, there is among the Tyrians a record how the temple was built; and in their archives writings have been preserved, in which the temple is proved to have existed 143 years 8 months before the Tyrians founded Carthage (and this record was made by Hiram (that is the name of the king of the Tyrians), the son of Abimalus, on account of the hereditary friendship which existed between Hiram and Solomon, and at the same time on account of the surpassing wisdom possessed by Solomon. For they continually engaged with each other in discussing difficult problems. And proof of this exists in their correspondence, which to this day is preserved among the Tyrians, and the writings that passed between them); as Meder the Ephesian, while narrating the history of the Tyrian kingdom, records, speaking thus: For when Abimalus the king of the Tyrians died, his son Hiram succeeded to the kingdom. He lived 53 years. And Bazorus succeeded him, who lived 43, and reigned 17 years. And after him followed Methuastartus, who lived 54 years, and reigned 12. And after him succeeded his brother Atharymus, who lived 58 years, and reigned 9. He was slain by his brother of the name of Helles, who lived 50 years, and reigned 8 months. He was killed by Juthobalus, priest of Astarte, who lived 40 years, and reigned 12. He was succeeded by his son Bazorus, who lived 45 years, and reigned 7. And to him his son Metten succeeded, who lived 32 years, and reigned 29. Pygmalion, son of Pygmalius succeeded him, who lived 56 years, and reigned 7. And in the 7th year of his reign, his sister, fleeing to Libya, built the city which to this day is called Carthage. The whole period, therefore, from the reign of Hiram to the founding of Carthage, amounts to 155 years and 8 months. And in the 12th year of the reign of Hiram the temple in Jerusalem was built. So that the entire time from the building of the temple to the founding of Carthage was 143 years and 8 months. 3.23. So then let what has been said suffice for the testimony of the Phœnicians and Egyptians, and for the account of our chronology given by the writers Manetho the Egyptian, and Meder the Ephesian, and also Josephus, who wrote the Jewish war, which they waged with the Romans. For from these very old records it is proved that the writings of the rest are more recent than the writings given to us through Moses, yes, and than the subsequent prophets. For the last of the prophets, who was called Zechariah, was contemporary with the reign of Darius. But even the lawgivers themselves are all found to have legislated subsequently to that period. For if one were to mention Solon the Athenian, he lived in the days of the kings Cyrus and Darius, in the time of the prophet Zechariah first mentioned, who was by many years the last of the prophets. Or if you mention the lawgivers Lycurgus, or Draco, or Minos, Josephus tells us in his writings that the sacred books take precedence of them in antiquity, since even before the reign of Jupiter over the Cretans, and before the Trojan War, the writings of the divine law which has been given to us through Moses were in existence. And that we may give a more accurate exhibition of eras and dates, we will, God helping us, now give an account not only of the dates after the deluge, but also of those before it, so as to reckon the whole number of all the years, as far as possible; tracing up to the very beginning of the creation of the world, which Moses the servant of God recorded through the Holy Spirit. For having first spoken of what concerned the creation and genesis of the world, and of the first man, and all that happened after in the order of events, he signified also the years that elapsed before the deluge. And I pray for favour from the only God, that I may accurately speak the whole truth according to His will, that you and every one who reads this work may be guided by His truth and favour. I will then begin first with the recorded genealogies, and I begin my narration with the first man. 3.24. Adam lived till he begot a son, 230 years. And his son Seth, 205. And his son Enos, 190. And his son Cai, 170. And his son Mahaleel, 165. And his son Jared, 162. And his son Enoch, 165. And his son Methuselah, 167. And his son Lamech, 188. And Lamech's son was Noah, of whom we have spoken above, who begot Shem when 500 years old. During Noah's life, in his 600th year, the flood came. The total number of years, therefore, till the flood, was 2242. And immediately after the flood, Shem, who was 100 years old, begot Arphaxad. And Arphaxad, when 135 years old, begot Salah. And Salah begot a son when 130. And his son Eber, when 134. And from him the Hebrews name their race. And his son Phaleg begot a son when 130. And his son Reu, when 132 And his son Serug, when 130. And his son Nahor, when 75. And his son Terah, when 70. And his son Abraham, our patriarch, begot Isaac when he was 100 years old. Until Abraham, therefore, there are 3278 years. The fore-mentioned Isaac lived until he begot a son, 60 years, and begot Jacob. Jacob, till the migration into Egypt, of which we have spoken above, lived 130 years. And the sojourning of the Hebrews in Egypt lasted 430 years; and after their departure from the land of Egypt they spent 40 years in the wilderness, as it is called. All these years, therefore, amount to 3,938. And at that time, Moses having died, Jesus the sun of Nun succeeded to his rule, and governed them 27 years. And after Jesus, when the people had transgressed the commandments of God, they served the king of Mesopotamia, by name Chusarathon, 8 years. Then, on the repentance of the people, they had judges: Gothonoel, 40 years; Eglon, 18 years; Aoth, 8 years. Then having sinned, they were subdued by strangers for 20 years. Then Deborah judged them 40 years. Then they served the Midianites 7 years. Then Gideon judged them 40 years; Abimelech, 3 years; Thola, 22 years; Jair, 22 years. Then the Philistines and Ammonites ruled them 18 years. After that Jephthah judged them 6 years; Esbon, 7 years; Ailon, 10 years; Abdon, 8 years. Then strangers ruled them 40 years. Then Samson judged them 20 years. Then there was peace among them for 40 years. Then Samera judged them one year; Eli, 20 years; Samuel, 12 years. 3.25. And after the judges they had kings, the first named Saul, who reigned 20 years; then David, our forefather, who reigned 40 years. Accordingly, there are to the reign of David [from Isaac] 496 years. And after these kings Solomon reigned, who also, by the will of God, was the first to build the temple in Jerusalem; he reigned 40 years. And after him Rehoboam, 17 years; and after him Abias, 7 years; and after him Asa, 41 years; and after him Jehoshaphat, 25 years; and after him Joram, 8 years; and after him Ahaziah, 1 year; and after him Athaliah, 6 years; and after her Josiah, 40 years; and after him Amaziah, 39 years; and after him Uzziah, 52 years; and after him Jotham, 16 years; and after him Ahaz, 17 years; and after him Hezekiah, 29 years; and after him Manasseh, 55 years; and after him Amon, 2 years; and after him Josiah, 31 years; and after him Jehoahaz, 3 months; and after him Jehoiakim, 11 years. Then another Jehoiakim, 3 months 10 days; and after him Zedekiah, 11 years. And after these kings, the people, continuing in their sins, and not repenting, the king of Babylon, named Nebuchadnezzar, came up into Jud a, according to the prophecy of Jeremiah. He transferred the people of the Jews to Babylon, and destroyed the temple which Solomon had built. And in the Babylonian banishment the people passed 70 years. Until the sojourning in the land of Babylon, there are therefore, in all, 4954 years 6 months and 10 days. And according as God had, by the prophet Jeremiah, foretold that the people should be led captive to Babylon, in like manner He signified beforehand that they should also return into their own land after 70 years. These 70 years then being accomplished, Cyrus becomes king of the Persians, who, according to the prophecy of Jeremiah, issued a decree in the second year of his reign, enjoining by his edict that all Jews who were in his kingdom should return to their own country, and rebuild their temple to God, which the fore-mentioned king of Babylon had demolished. Moreover, Cyrus, in compliance with the instructions of God, gave orders to his own bodyguards, Sabessar and Mithridates, that the vessels which had been taken out of the temple of Jud a by Nebuchadnezzar should be restored, and placed again in the temple. In the second year, therefore, of Darius are fulfilled the 70 years which were foretold by Jeremiah. 3.26. Hence one can see how our sacred writings are shown to be more ancient and true than those of the Greeks and Egyptians, or any other historians. For Herodotus and Thucydides, as also Xenophon, and most other historians, began their relations from about the reign of Cyrus and Darius, not being able to speak with accuracy of prior and ancient times. For what great matters did they disclose if they spoke of Darius and Cyrus, barbarian kings, or of the Greeks Zopyrus and Hippias, or of the wars of the Athenians and Laced monians, or the deeds of Xerxes or of Pausanias, who ran the risk of starving to death in the temple of Minerva, or the history of Themistocles and the Peloponnesian war, or of Alcibiades and Thrasybulus? For my purpose is not to furnish mere matter of much talk, but to throw light upon the number of years from the foundation of the world, and to condemn the empty labour and trifling of these authors, because there have neither been twenty thousand times ten thousand years from the flood to the present time, as Plato said, affirming that there had been so many years; nor yet 15 times 10,375 years, as we have already mentioned Apollonius the Egyptian gave out; nor is the world uncreated, nor is there a spontaneous production of all things, as Pythagoras and the rest dreamed; but, being indeed created, it is also governed by the providence of God, who made all things; and the whole course of time and the years are made plain to those who wish to obey the truth. Lest, then, I seem to have made things plain up to the time of Cyrus, and to neglect the subsequent periods, as if through inability to exhibit them, I will endeavour, by God's help, to give an account, according to my ability, of the course of the subsequent times. 3.27. When Cyrus, then, had reigned twenty-nine years, and had been slain by Tomyris in the country of the Massaget, this being in the 62d Olympiad, then the Romans began to increase in power, God strengthening them, Rome having been founded by Romulus, the reputed child of Mars and Ilia, in the 7th Olympiad, on the 21st day of April, the year being then reckoned as consisting of ten months. Cyrus, then, having died, as we have already said, in the 62d Olympiad, this date falls 220 A.U.C., in which year also Tarquinius, surnamed Superbus, reigned over the Romans, who was the first who banished Romans and corrupted the youth, and made eunuchs of the citizens, and, moreover, first defiled virgins, and then gave them in marriage. On this account he was fitly called Superbus in the Roman language, and that is translated the Proud. For he first decreed that those who saluted him should have their salute acknowledged by some one else. He reigned twenty-five years. After him yearly consuls were introduced, tribunes also and ediles for 453 years, whose names we consider it long and superfluous to recount. For if any one is anxious to learn them, he will ascertain them from the tables which Chryserus the nomenclator compiled: he was a freedman of Aurelius Verus, who composed a very lucid record of all things, both names and dates, from the rounding of Rome to the death of his own patron, the Emperor Verus. The annual magistrates ruled the Romans, as we say, for 453 years. Afterwards those who are called emperors began in this order: first, Caius Julius, who reigned 3 years 4 months 6 days; then Augustus, 56 years 4 months 1 day; Tiberius, 22 years; then another Caius, 3 years 8 months 7 days; Claudius, 23 years 8 months 24 days; Nero, 13 years 6 months 58 days; Galba, 2 years 7 months 6 days; Otho, 3 months 5 days; Vitellius, 6 months 22 days; Vespasian, 9 years 11 months 22 days; Titus, 2 years 22 days; Domitian, 15 years 5 months 6 days; Nerva, 1 year 4 months 10 days; Trajan, 19 years 6 months 16 days; Adrian, 20 years 10 months 28 days; Antoninus, 22 years 7 months 6 days; Verus, 19 years 10 days. The time therefore of the C sars to the death of the Emperor Verus is 237 years 5 days. From the death of Cyrus, therefore, and the reign of Tarquinius Superbus, to the death of the Emperor Verus, the whole time amounts to 744 years. 3.28. And from the foundation of the world the whole time is thus traced, so far as its main epochs are concerned. From the creation of the world to the deluge were 2242 years. And from the deluge to the time when Abraham our forefather begot a son, 1036 years. And from Isaac, Abraham's son, to the time when the people dwelt with Moses in the desert, 660 years. And from the death of Moses and the rule of Joshua the Son of Nun, to the death of the patriarch David, 498 years. And from the death of David and the reign of Solomon to the sojourning of the people in the land of Babylon, 518 years 6 months 10 days. And from the government of Cyrus to the death of the Emperor Aurelius Verus, 744 years. All the years from the creation of the world amount to a total of 5698 years, and the odd months and days. 3.29. These periods, then, and all the above-mentioned facts, being viewed collectively, one can see the antiquity of the prophetical writings and the divinity of our doctrine, that the doctrine is not recent, nor our tenets mythical and false, as some think; but very ancient and true. For Thallus mentioned Belus, king of the Assyrians, and Saturn, son of Titan, alleging that Belus with the Titans made war against Jupiter and the so-called gods in his alliance; and on this occasion he says that Gyges, being defeated, fled to Tartessus. At that time Gyges ruled over that country, which then was called Acte, but now is named Attica. And whence the other countries and cities derived their names, we think it unnecessary to recount, especially to you who are acquainted with history. That Moses, and not he only, but also most of the prophets who followed him, is proved to be older than all writers, and than Saturn and Belus and the Trojan War, is manifest. For according to the history of Thallus, Belus is found to be 322 years prior to the Trojan War. But we have shown above that Moses lived somewhere about 900 or 1000 years before the sack of Troy. And as Saturn and Belus flourished at the same time, most people do not know which is Saturn and which is Belus. Some worship Saturn, and call him Bel or Bal, especially the inhabitants of the eastern countries, for they do not know who either Saturn or Belus is. And among the Romans he is called Saturn, for neither do they know which of the two is more ancient - Saturn or Bel. So far as regards the commencement of the Olympiads, they say that the observance dates from Iphitus, but according to others from Linus, who is also called Ilius. The order which the whole number of years and Olympiads holds, we have shown above. I think I have now, according to my ability, accurately discoursed both of the godlessness of your practices, and of the whole number of the epochs of history. For if even a chronological error has been committed by us, of, e.g., 50 or 100, or even 200 years, yet not of thousands and tens of thousands, as Plato and Apollonius and other mendacious authors have hitherto written. And perhaps our knowledge of the whole number of the years is not quite accurate, because the odd months and days are not set down in the sacred books. But so far as regards the periods we speak of, we are corroborated by Berosus, the Chald an philosopher, who made the Greeks acquainted with the Chald an literature, and uttered some things concerning the deluge, and many other points of history, in agreement with Moses; and with the prophets Jeremiah and Daniel also, he spoke in a measure of agreement. For he mentioned what happened to the Jews under the king of the Babylonians, whom he calls Abobassor, and who is called by the Hebrews Nebuchadnezzar. And he also spoke of the temple of Jerusalem; how it was desolated by the king of the Chald ans, and that the foundations of the temple having been laid the second year of the reign of Cyrus, the temple was completed in the second year of the reign of Darius. |
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| 467. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, 18a, 42b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69 |
| 468. Babylonian Talmud, Zevahim, 15a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jesus on the irrationality of the law, as mocking realist Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 229 |
| 469. Nag Hammadi, The Sentences of Sextus, 108b (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 77, 80 |
| 470. Athanasius, Defense Before Constantius, 8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •laughter. see the gnostic laughter, the law of israel Found in books: Scopello, The Gospel of Judas in Context: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Gospel of Judas (2008) 270 |
| 471. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, 56b, 84b, 39a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 137 |
472. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, 21b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 191| 21b. אומר בן עזאי חייב אדם ללמד את וכו' ר' אליעזר אומר כל המלמד את בתו תורה מלמדה תיפלות תיפלות ס"ד אלא אימא כאילו למדה תיפלות,א"ר אבהו מ"ט דר"א דכתיב (משלי ח, יב) אני חכמה שכנתי ערמה כיון שנכנסה חכמה באדם נכנסה עמו ערמומית,ורבנן האי אני חכמה מאי עבדי ליה מיבעי ליה לכדרבי יוסי בר' חנינא דא"ר יוסי בר' חנינא אין דברי תורה מתקיימין אלא במי שמעמיד עצמו ערום עליהן שנאמר אני חכמה שכנתי ערמה א"ר יוחנן אין דברי תורה מתקיימין אלא במי שמשים עצמו כמי שאינו שנאמר (איוב כח, יב) והחכמה מאין תמצא,רבי יהושע אומר רוצה אשה וכו' מאי קאמר הכי קאמר רוצה אשה בקב ותיפלות עמו מתשעת קבין ופרישות,הוא היה אומר חסיד שוטה כו' היכי דמי חסיד שוטה כגון דקא טבעה איתתא בנהרא ואמר לאו אורח ארעא לאיסתכולי בה ואצולה,היכי דמי רשע ערום אמר רבי יוחנן זה המטעים דבריו לדיין קודם שיבא בעל דין חברו ר' אבהו אומר זה הנותן דינר לעני להשלים לו מאתים זוז דתנן מי שיש לו מאתים זוז לא יטול לקט שכחה ופאה ומעשר עני היה לו מאתים חסר דינר אפילו אלף נותנין לו כאחת הרי זה יטול,רבי אסי אמר רבי יוחנן זה המשיא עצה למכור בנכסים מועטין דאמר רבי אסי א"ר יוחנן יתומים שקדמו ומכרו בנכסים מועטין מה שמכרו מכרו,אביי אמר זה המשיא עצה למכור בנכסים כרבן שמעון בן גמליאל דתניא נכסי לך ואחריך לפלוני וירד הראשון ומכר ואכל השני מוציא מיד הלקוחות דברי רבי רשב"ג אומר אין לשני אלא מה ששייר ראשון,רב יוסף בר חמא אמר רב ששת זה המכריע אחרים באורחותיו רבי זריקא אמר רב הונא זה המיקל לעצמו ומחמיר לאחרים עולא אמר זה | 21b. § The mishna states: From here ben Azzai states: A person is obligated to teach his daughter Torah, so that if she drinks and does not die immediately, she will know that some merit of hers has delayed her punishment. Rabbi Eliezer says: Anyone who teaches his daughter Torah is teaching her promiscuity. The Gemara asks: Could it enter your mind to say that teaching one’s daughter Torah is actually teaching her promiscuity? Rather, say: It is considered as if he taught her promiscuity.,Rabbi Abbahu says: What is the reason for Rabbi Eliezer’s statement? It is as it is written: “I, wisdom, dwell with cunning” (Proverbs 8:12), which indicates that once wisdom enters into a person, cunning enters with it. Rabbi Eliezer fears that the woman will use the cunning she achieves by learning the wisdom of the Torah to engage in promiscuous behavior.,The Gemara asks: And the Rabbis who disagree with him, what do they do with this verse: “I, wisdom, dwell with cunning [orma]”; how do they interpret it? The Gemara responds: He requires that verse for that which Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, states, interpreting the word “orma” as nakedness rather than cunningness, as Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, says: The matters of Torah do not endure except in one who stands naked for them, as it is stated: “I, wisdom, dwell with nakedness [orma]” (Proverbs 8:12). This means that wisdom dwells only in one who is prepared to give away all of his possessions for the sake of Torah study. Rabbi Yoḥa says: The matters of Torah do not endure except in one who considers himself as one who does not exist, as it is stated: “But wisdom, it can be found in nothingness” (Job 28:12).,§ The mishna states that Rabbi Yehoshua says: A woman desires to receive the amount of a kav of food and a sexual relation-ship rather than to receive nine kav of food and abstinence. The Gemara asks: What is he saying? This is what Rabbi Yehoshua is saying: A woman desires to receive the amount of a kav of food and with it a sexual relationship, i.e., her husband’s availability to fulfill her sexual desires, rather than nine kav of food and with it abstinence, and since her desires are of a sexual nature, it is undesirable for her to study Torah.,§ The mishna continues: He, Rabbi Yehoshua, would say: A foolish man of piety, and a conniving wicked person, and an abstinent woman, and those who injure themselves out of false abstinence; all these are people who erode the world. The Gemara asks: Who is considered a foolish man of piety? For example, it is one who sees that a woman is drowning in a river, and he says: It is not proper conduct to look at her while she is undressed and save her.,The Gemara asks: Who is considered a conniving wicked person? Rabbi Yoḥa says: This is one who presents his statement to the judge before the other litigant comes and thereby prejudices the judge in his favor. Rabbi Abbahu says: This is referring to one who gives a dinar to a poor man in order to complete the sum of two hundred dinars for him, so that he will no longer be entitled to receive charity, as we learned in a mishna (Pe’a 8:8): One who has two hundred dinars may not collect gleanings, forgotten sheaves, pe’a, and the poor man’s tithe, since he is not defined as poor. However, if he has two hundred less one dinar, even if he is given one thousand dinars at once, he may collect.,Rabbi Asi says that Rabbi Yoḥa says: A conniving wicked person is one who provides advice to male orphans to sell from the small quantity of property left to them by their father, before it is appropriated by the court for the purpose of providing for the daughters, who do not inherit property. This causes the daughters to lose their right to sustece, because although it is improper to do so, the sale is valid, as Rabbi Asi says that Rabbi Yoḥa says: With regard to male orphans who preemptively sold the property from a small estate, that which they sold, they sold, and the sons retain the money.,Abaye says: A conniving wicked person is one who provides advice to sell property in accordance with the ruling of Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel, as it is taught in a baraita: With regard to one who said: My property is given to you, and after you die, to so-and-so, and the first beneficiary entered the property and sold it and consumed the profits, the second beneficiary repossesses the property from the purchasers, as the property belongs to him after the death of the first beneficiary; this is the statement of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi. Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: The second beneficiary receives only that which the first beneficiary left, since his sale is valid. However, it is not permitted to sell the property ab initio, since the giver intended for the second beneficiary to receive the property.,Rav Yosef bar Ḥama says that Rav Sheshet says: A conniving wicked person is one who persuades others with his ways, convincing others to mimic his seemingly righteous behavior, in order to hide his faults. Rabbi Zerika says that Rav Huna says: A conniving wicked person is one who is lenient in the halakha for himself and strict for others. Ulla says: This |
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473. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, 102b, 61b, 62b, 63b, 64a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lorberbaum, In God's Image: Myth, Theology, and Law in Classical Judaism (2015) 251 64a. מלמד שאין השכינה שורה על פחות משני אלפים ושני רבבות מישראל הרי שהיו ישראל שני אלפים ושני רבבות חסר אחד וזה לא עסק בפריה ורביה לא נמצא זה גורם לשכינה שתסתלק מישראל,אבא חנן אמר משום רבי אליעזר חייב מיתה שנאמר (במדבר ג, ד) ובנים לא היו להם הא היו להם בנים לא מתו אחרים אומרים גורם לשכינה שתסתלק מישראל שנאמר (בראשית יז, ז) להיות לך לאלהים ולזרעך אחריך בזמן שזרעך אחריך שכינה שורה אין זרעך אחריך על מי שורה על העצים ועל האבנים:,| 64a. This teaches that the Divine Presence does not rest upon less than two thousands and two ten-thousands of the Jewish people, as the terms thousands and ten-thousands are both in the plural. Consequently, if there were two thousands and two ten-thousands of the Jewish people, less one, and this man did not engage in the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply, is he not found to have caused the Divine Presence to be depart from the Jewish people?,Abba Ḥa said in the name of Rabbi Eliezer: A man who does not engage in procreation is liable to death, as it is stated with regard to the sons of Aaron: “And Nadav and Avihu died…and they had no children” (Numbers 3:4). This indicates that if they would have had children they would not have died. Others say: He causes the Divine Presence to depart from the Jewish people, as it is stated: “To be a God to you and to your seed after you” (Genesis 17:7). When your seed is after you, i.e., when you have children, the Divine Presence rests upon the Jewish people, but if your seed is not after you, upon whom can the Divine Presence rest? Upon wood and stones?,married a woman and stayed with her for ten years and she did not give birth, he is no longer permitted to neglect the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply. Consequently, he must either divorce her and marry someone else, or take another wife while still married to her. If he divorced her she is permitted to marry another man, as it is not necessarily on her account that she and her first husband did not have children, and the second husband is permitted to stay with her for ten years. And if she had a miscarriage, he counts the ten years from the time of the miscarriage.,The Sages taught: If a man married a woman and stayed with her for ten years and she did not give birth, he should divorce her and pay her marriage contract, because perhaps he did not merit to be built, i.e., to have children, from her. It is not certain that their failure to have children is due to her, as it is possible that they are not a suitable match for bearing children.,Although there is no explicit proof for the matter that one must take another wife if he has not had children after ten years of marriage, there is an allusion to the matter, as the verse states: “And Sarai, Abram’s wife, took Hagar…after Abram had dwelled ten years in the land of Canaan, and gave her to Abram her husband to be his wife” (Genesis 16:3). Incidentally, this verse also comes to teach you that the years spent dwelling outside of Eretz Yisrael do not count as part of his tally. Consequently, if he was sick during this period or she was sick, or if one of the two of them was imprisoned in jail, it does not count as part of his tally.,Rava said to Rav Naḥman: Let us derive from Isaac that one may wait a longer period of time, as it is written: “And Isaac was forty years old when he took Rebekah…to be his wife” (Genesis 25:20), and it is written with regard to the birth of Jacob and Esau: “And Isaac was sixty years old when she bore them” (Genesis 25:26). This indicates that one may wait twenty years. Rav Naḥman said to him: Isaac knew that he was infertile, and therefore there was no reason for him to marry another woman, as Rebekah was not the cause of their infertility.,The Gemara responds: If so, Abraham also should not have married another woman, as he was also infertile. Rather, the tanna requires that verse that states when Jacob and Esau were born for that which Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba taught. This is because Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: Why were Ishmael’s years counted in the Torah, as they do not appear to be relevant to its narrative? In order to determine through them the years of Jacob, i.e., Jacob’s age at the time that various events took place, as explained in tractate Megilla (17a). The verse concerning Jacob’s birth was not meant to allude to a halakha about remaining married before having children, but to make it possible to determine Jacob’s age by relating it to the age of Ishmael.,Rabbi Yitzḥak said: Isaac our father was infertile, as it is stated: “And Isaac entreated the Lord concerning [lenokhaḥ] his wife because she was barren” (Genesis 25:21). It is not stated that he entreated the Lord for [al] his wife, but lenokhaḥ, which can mean opposite, against, or corresponding to; this teaches that they were both infertile. The Gemara asks: If so, why does the verse continue: “And the Lord let Himself be entreated of him”? The verse should say: And the Lord let Himself be entreated of them. The Gemara answers that their prayers were answered due to Isaac, because the prayer of a righteous individual who is the son of a righteous individual is not similar to the prayer of a righteous individual who is the son of a wicked individual, and Rebekah’s father was the wicked Bethuel.,Rabbi Yitzḥak said: For what reason were our forefathers initially infertile? Because the Holy One, Blessed be He, desires the prayers of the righteous, and He therefore wanted them to pray for children. Similarly, Rabbi Yitzḥak said: Why are the prayers of the righteous compared to a pitchfork [eter], as in the verse: “And He let Himself be entreated [vaye’ater]”? This indicates that just as this pitchfork turns over produce from one place to another, so the prayer of the righteous turns over the attributes of the Holy One, Blessed be He, from the attribute of rage to the attribute of mercy. Rabbi Ami said: Abraham and Sarah were originally tumtumin, people whose sexual organs are concealed and not functional, as it is stated: “Look to the rock | |
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474. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, 24b, 24a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 416| 24a. יומא חד שמעיה דקא גריס אמר שמואל השולה דג מן הים בשבת כיון שיבש בו כסלע חייב א"ל ולימא מר ובין סנפיריו אמר ליה ולא סבר לה מר דההיא רבי יוסי בן רבי אבין אמרה אמר ליה אנא ניהו,א"ל ולאו קמיה דר' יוסי דמן יוקרת הוה שכיח מר א"ל (הין) א"ל ומ"ט שבקיה מר ואתא הכא אמר ליה גברא דעל בריה ועל ברתיה לא חס עלי דידי היכי חייס,בריה מאי היא יומא חד הוו אגרי ליה אגירי בדברא נגה להו ולא אייתי להו ריפתא אמרו ליה לבריה כפינן הוו יתבי תותי תאינתא אמר תאנה תאנה הוציאי פירותיך ויאכלו פועלי אבא אפיקו ואכלו,אדהכי והכי אתא אבוה אמר להו לא תינקטו בדעתייכו דהאי דנגהנא אמצוה טרחנא ועד השתא הוא דסגאי אמרו ליה רחמנא לישבעך כי היכי דאשבען ברך אמר להו מהיכא אמרו הכי והכי הוה מעשה אמר לו בני אתה הטרחת את קונך להוציא תאנה פירותיה שלא בזמנה יאסף שלא בזמנו,ברתיה מאי היא הויא ליה ברתא בעלת יופי יומא חד חזיא לההוא גברא דהויא כריא בהוצא וקא חזי לה אמר לו מאי האי אמר ליה רבי אם ללוקחה לא זכיתי לראותה לא אזכה אמר לה בתי קא מצערת להו לברייתא שובי לעפריך ואל יכשלו ביך בני אדם,הויא ליה ההוא חמרא כדהוו אגרי לה כל יומא לאורתא הוו משדרי לה אגרה אגבה ואתיא לבי מרה ואי טפו לה או בצרי לה לא אתיא יומא חד אינשו זוגא דסנדלי עלה ולא אזלה עד דשקלונהו מינה והדר אזלה,אלעזר איש בירתא כד הוו חזו ליה גבאי צדקה הוו טשו מיניה דכל מאי דהוה גביה יהיב להו יומא חד הוה סליק לשוקא למיזבן נדוניא לברתיה חזיוהו גבאי צדקה טשו מיניה,אזל ורהט בתרייהו אמר להו אשבעתיכו במאי עסקיתו אמרו ליה ביתום ויתומה אמר להן העבודה שהן קודמין לבתי שקל כל דהוה בהדיה ויהב להו פש ליה חד זוזא זבן ליה חיטי ואסיק שדייה באכלבא,אתא דביתהו אמרה לה לברתיה מאי אייתי אבוך אמרה לה כל מה דאייתי באכלבא שדיתיה אתיא למיפתח בבא דאכלבא חזת אכלבא דמליא חיטי וקא נפקא בצינורא דדשא ולא מיפתח בבא מחיטי אזלא ברתיה לבי מדרשא אמרה ליה בא וראה מה עשה לך אוהבך אמר לה העבודה הרי הן הקדש עליך ואין לך בהן אלא כאחד מעניי ישראל,ר' יהודה נשיאה גזר תעניתא בעי רחמי ולא אתא מיטרא אמר כמה איכא משמואל הרמתי ליהודה בן גמליאל אוי לו לדור שכן נתקע אוי לו למי שעלתה בימיו כך חלש דעתיה ואתא מיטרא,דבי נשיאה גזר תעניתא ולא אודעינהו לרבי יוחנן ולריש לקיש לצפרא אודעינהו אמר ליה ריש לקיש לרבי יוחנן הא לא קבילנא עלן מאורתא אמר ליה אנן בתרייהו גררינן,דבי נשיאה גזר תעניתא ולא אתא מיטרא תנא להו אושעיא זעירא דמן חברייא (במדבר טו, כד) והיה אם מעיני העדה נעשתה לשגגה,משל לכלה שהיא בבית אביה כל זמן שעיניה יפות אין כל גופה צריכה בדיקה עיניה טרוטות כל גופה צריכה בדיקה,אתו עבדיה ורמו ליה סודרא בצואריה וקא מצערו ליה אמרו (ליה) בני מאתיה שבקיה דהא נמי מצער לן כיון דחזינן דכל מיליה לשום שמים לא אמרי ליה מידי ושבקינן ליה אתון נמי שבקוהו,רבי גזר תעניתא ולא אתא מיטרא נחית קמיה אילפא ואמרי לה רבי אילפי אמר משיב הרוח ונשא זיקא מוריד הגשם ואתא מיטרא אמר ליה מאי עובדך אמר ליה דיירנא בקוסטא דחיקא דלית ביה חמרא לקידושא ואבדלתא טרחנא ואתינא חמרא לקידושא ואבדלתא ומפיקנא להו ידי חובתייהו,רב איקלע לההוא אתרא גזר תעניתא ולא אתא מיטרא נחית קמיה שליחא דצבורא אמר משיב הרוח ונשב זיקא אמר מוריד הגשם ואתא מיטרא אמר ליה מאי עובדך אמר ליה מיקרי דרדקי אנא ומקרינא לבני עניי כבני עתירי וכל דלא אפשר ליה לא שקלינא מיניה מידי ואית לי פירא דכוורי וכל מאן דפשע משחדינא ליה מינייהו ומסדרינן ליה ומפייסינן ליה עד דאתי וקרי,רב נחמן גזר תעניתא בעא רחמי ולא אתא מיטרא אמר שקלוה לנחמן חבוטו מן גודא לארעא חלש דעתיה ואתא מיטרא,רבה גזר תעניתא בעי רחמי ולא אתא מיטרא אמרו ליה והא רב יהודה כי הוה גזר תעניתא אתא מיטרא אמר להו מאי אעביד אי משום תנויי אנן עדיפינן מינייהו דבשני דרב יהודה כל תנויי | 24a. One day Rabbi Yosei bar Avin heard Rav Ashi studying and reciting the following statement. Shmuel said: With regard to one who removes a fish from the sea on Shabbat, when an area on the skin of the fish the size of a sela coin has dried up, he is liable for violating the prohibition against slaughtering an animal on Shabbat. A fish in that condition cannot survive, and therefore one who removed it from the water is liable for killing it. Rabbi Yosei bar Avin said to Rav Ashi: And let the Master say that this is the case provided that the skin that dried is between its fins. Rav Ashi said to him: And doesn’t the Master maintain that Rabbi Yosei ben Rabbi Avin said this ruling? Why didn’t you state it in his name? Rabbi Yosei bar Avin said to him: I am he.,Rav Ashi said to him: And didn’t the Master sit before and frequent the study hall of Rabbi Yosei from Yokrat? Rabbi Yosei bar Avin said to him: Yes. Rav Ashi said to him: And what is the reason that the Master left him and came here? Rabbi Yosei bar Avin said to him: I was concerned and departed because he is so severe and unforgiving. He is a man who has no mercy on his own son, and no mercy on his daughter. How, then, could he have mercy on me?,The Gemara asks: What is the incident involving his son? One day Rabbi Yosei from Yokrat hired day laborers to work his field. It grew late and he did not bring them food. The workers said to the son of Rabbi Yosei from Yokrat: We are starving. They were sitting under a fig tree, so the son said: Fig tree, fig tree. Yield your fruits, so that my father’s workers may eat. The fig tree yielded fruit, and they ate.,In the meantime, his father came and said to the workers: Do not be angry with me for being late, as I was engaged in a mitzva, and until just now I was traveling for that purpose and could not get here any sooner. They said to him: May the Merciful One satisfy you just as your son satisfied us and gave us food. He said to them: From where did he find food to give you? They said: Such-and-such an incident occurred. Rabbi Yosei from Yokrat said to his son: My son, you troubled your Creator to cause the fig to yield its fruit not in its proper time, so too, you will die young. And indeed, his son died before his time.,The Gemara asks: What is the incident involving his daughter? He had a very beautiful daughter. One day Rabbi Yosei from Yokrat saw a certain man piercing a hole in the hedge surrounding his property and looking at his daughter. Rabbi Yosei said to him: What is this? The man said to him: My teacher, if I have not merited taking her in marriage, shall I not at least merit to look at her? Rabbi Yosei said to her: My daughter, you are causing people distress. Return to your dust, and let people no longer stumble into sin due to you.,§ The Gemara relates another story involving Rabbi Yosei from Yokrat. He had a certain donkey that people hired each day for work. In the evening they would send it back with the money for its hire on its back, and the animal would go to its owner’s house. But if they added or subtracted from the appropriate sum, the donkey would not go. One day someone forgot a pair of sandals on the donkey, and it did not move until they removed the sandals from its back, after which it went off.,The Gemara cites more stories about miracles that occurred to righteous individuals. Whenever the charity collectors would see Elazar of the village of Birta, they would hide from him, as any money Elazar had with him he would give them, and they did not want to take all his property. One day, Elazar went to the market to purchase what he needed for his daughter’s dowry. The charity collectors saw him and hid from him.,He went and ran after them, saying to them: I adjure you, tell me, in what mitzva are you engaged? They said to him: We are collecting money for the wedding of an orphan boy and an orphan girl. He said to them: I swear by the Temple service that they take precedence over my daughter. He took everything he had with him and gave it to them. He was left with one single dinar, with which he bought himself wheat, and he then ascended to his house and threw it into the granary.,Elazar’s wife came and said to her daughter: What has your father brought? She said to her mother: Whatever he brought he threw into the granary. She went to open the door of the granary, and saw that the granary was full of wheat, so much so that it was coming out through the doorknob, and the door would not open due to the wheat. The granary had miraculously been completely filled. Elazar’s daughter went to the study hall and said to her father: Come and see what He Who loves You, the Almighty, has performed for you. He said to her: I swear by the Temple service, as far as you are concerned this wheat is consecrated property, and you have a share in it only as one of the poor Jews. He said this because he did not want to benefit from a miracle.,The Gemara returns to the topic of fasting for rain. Rabbi Yehuda Nesia decreed a fast and prayed for mercy, but rain did not come. He said, lamenting: How great is the difference between the prophet Samuel of Rama, for whom rain fell even when he prayed for it in summer, and myself, Yehuda ben Gamliel. Woe to the generation that is stuck with this leadership; woe to him in whose days this has occurred. He grew upset, and rain came.,The Gemara relates another story involving a Nasi’s decree of a fast for rain. In the house of the Nasi a fast was declared, but they didn’t inform Rabbi Yoḥa and Reish Lakish of the fast the day before. In the morning they informed them. Reish Lakish said to Rabbi Yoḥa: What are we to do? We did not accept this fast upon ourselves the evening before, and a fast must be accepted in the afternoon service of the day preceding the fast. Rabbi Yoḥa said to him: We are drawn after the community, and therefore, when the Nasi declares a public fast there is no need for an individual to accept it upon himself the day before.,The Gemara further states that on another occasion, a fast was declared in the house of the Nasi, but rain did not come. Oshaya, the youngest member of the group of Sages, taught them a baraita. It is written: “Then it shall be, if it shall be committed in error by the congregation, it being hidden from their eyes” (Numbers 15:24). This verse indicates that the leaders are considered the eyes of the congregation.,Oshaya continued: There is a parable that illustrates this, involving a bride who is in her father’s home and has not yet been seen by her bridegroom. As long as her eyes are beautiful, her body need not be examined, as certainly she is beautiful. However, if her eyes are bleary [terutot], her entire body requires examination. So too, if the leaders of the generation are flawed, it is a sign that the entire generation is unworthy. By means of this parable, Oshaya was hinting that rain was withheld from the entire nation due to the evil committed by the household of the Nasi.,The servants of the Nasi came and placed a scarf around his neck and tormented him as punishment for insulting the house of the Nasi. His townsmen said to them: Let him be, as he also causes us pain with his harsh reproof, but since we see that all his actions are for the sake of Heaven we do not say anything to him and let him be. You too should let him be.,§ The Gemara relates: Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi declared a fast but rain did not come. Ilfa descended to lead the service before him, and some say it was Rabbi Ilfi. He recited: He Who makes the wind blow, and the wind indeed blew. He continued to recite: And Who makes the rain come, and subsequently, the rain came. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi said to him: What are your good deeds, in the merit of which your prayers are answered so speedily? He said to him: I live in an impoverished city, in which there is no wine for kiddush or havdala. I go to the effort of bringing the residents wine for kiddush and havdala, and I thereby enable them to fulfill their duty. In reward for this mitzva, my prayers for rain were answered.,The Gemara relates a similar incident. Rav happened to come to a certain place where he decreed a fast but rain did not come. The prayer leader descended to lead the service before him and recited: He Who makes the wind blow, and the wind blew. He continued and said: And Who makes the rain fall, and the rain came. Rav said to him: What are your good deeds? He said to him: I am a teacher of children, and I teach the Bible to the children of the poor as to the children of the rich, and if there is anyone who cannot pay, I do not take anything from him. And I have a fishpond, and any child who neglects his studies, I bribe him with the fish and calm him, and soothe him until he comes and reads.,The Gemara further relates: Rav Naḥman decreed a fast, prayed for mercy, but rain did not come. In his misery, he said: Take Naḥman and throw him from the wall to the ground, as the fast he decreed has evidently had no effect. He grew upset, and rain came.,The Gemara relates: Rabba decreed a fast. He prayed for mercy, but rain did not come. They said to him: But when this Rav Yehuda decreed a fast, rain would come. He said to them: What can I do? If the difference between us is due to Torah study, we are superior to the previous generation, as in the years of Rav Yehuda all of their learning |
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| 475. Nag Hammadi, The Second Treatise of The Great Seth, 51.20, 51.21, 51.22, 51.23, 51.24, 55.14-56.14 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams, Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: Book I: (Sects 1-46) (2009) 117 |
| 476. Babylonian Talmud, Niddah, 52b, 51b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122 |
477. Babylonian Talmud, Shevuot, 26a, 34b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 229| 34b. ועדים רואין אותו מבחוץ מאי,א"ל רב המנונא והלה מה טוען אי אמר לא היו דברים מעולם הוחזק כפרן אי אמר אין שקלי ודידי שקלי כי אתו עדים מאי הוי א"ל המנונא את עול תא,ההוא דא"ל לחבריה מנה מניתי לך בצד עמוד זה א"ל לא עברתי בצד עמוד זה אתו תרי סהדי אסהידו ביה דהשתין מים בצד עמוד זה אמר ר"ל הוחזק כפרן,מתקיף לה ר"נ האי דינא פרסאה הוא מי קאמר מעולם בעסק זה קא"ל,איכא דאמרי ההוא דא"ל לחבריה מנה מניתי לך בצד עמוד זה א"ל לא עברתי בצד עמוד זה מעולם נפקו ביה סהדי דהשתין מים בצד עמוד זה אמר ר"נ הוחזק כפרן,א"ל רבא לר"נ כל מילתא דלא רמיא עליה דאיניש עביד לה ולאו אדעתיה:,ר"ש אומר חייב כאן וחייב בפקדון כו':,מחכו עלה במערבא מאי חוכא,דקתני מה לפקדון שכן לא עשה בו מושבע כנשבע מזיד כשוגג,מכדי מושבע מפי עצמו בעדות לר"ש מנא ליה דגמר מפקדון פקדון נמי מושבע מפי אחרים נגמר מעדות,ומאי חוכא דלמא ר"ש בק"ו מייתי לה מפי אחרים חייב מפי עצמו לא כל שכן,אלא חוכא אמזיד כשוגג דקתני מה לפקדון שכן לא עשה בו מושבע כנשבע מזיד כשוגג,מכדי מזיד גבי עדות מנא ליה דלא כתיב ביה ונעלם ה"נ לא כתיב ביה ונעלם,אמר להו רב הונא ומאי חוכא דלמא מזיד דלאו כשוגג בפקדון ממעילה ר"ש גמר לה,והיינו חוכא אדגמר לה ממעילה נגמר לה מעדות,מסתברא ממעילה הוה ליה למילף שכן מעילה ממעילה,אדרבה מעדות הוה ליה למילף שכן תחטא מתחטא,מסתברא ממעילה הוה ליה למילף שכן מעילה בכל נהנה בקבוע חומש ואשם,אדרבה מעדות ה"ל למילף שכן חטא הדיוט בשבועה תבעיה וכפריה ואואין הנך נפישין,אלא מאי חוכא,כי אתא רב פפא ורב הונא בריה דרב יהושע מבי רב אמרי היינו חוכא מכדי ר"ש ג"ש גמיר למה ליה דפריך מה לפקדון שכן לא עשה בו מושבע כנשבע מזיד כשוגג,ומאי חוכא דלמא כי פריך מקמי דתיקום ליה ג"ש בתר דקמא ליה ג"ש לא פריך,ולא והאמר להו רבא בר איתי לרבנן מאן תנא שבועת הפקדון לא ניתן זדונה לכפרה ר"ש היא,דלמא מזיד כשוגג פריך דגמר לה ממעילה דהנך נפישין אבל מושבע כנשבע לא פריך,ותהדר עדות ותגמר לה מפקדון מזיד דלאו כשוגג מה פקדון שוגג אין מזיד לא אף עדות שוגג אין מזיד לא כי היכי דיליף פקדון ממעילה | 34b. and witnesses see him counting the money from outside, what is the halakha? Is their testimony accepted?,Rav Hamnuna said to Rav Yehuda: And what does the other person claim in response to the demand for repayment? If he says: These matters never happened, he assumes the presumptive status of a denier of the truth, as the witnesses testify that they saw the claimant counting the money and giving it to him. If he says: Yes, I took money from him, but it is my money that I took, then when the witnesses come and testify that they saw the claimant counting the money and giving it to him, what of it? The testimony of the witnesses does not contradict his claim, as the witnesses do not know the circumstances under which the money changed hands. Rav Yehuda said to him: Are you Hamnuna? Enter and come into the study hall, as you make your teacher wiser.,The Gemara relates a similar incident: There was a certain individual who said to another: I counted for you and gave you one hundred dinars as a loan alongside this column. The other person said to him in response: I did not pass alongside this column. Two witnesses came and testified about him that they saw that he urinated alongside this column. Reish Lakish said: He assumes the presumptive status of a denier of the truth, as the testimony of witnesses proves that he passed alongside the column.,Rav Naḥman objects to this: That is a ruling characteristic of a Persian court, not a reasonable ruling characteristic of a Jewish court. Did the respondent say that he never passed alongside the column? It was that he did not pass alongside the column in the context of this matter that he said to him that he did not pass the column; therefore, the testimony of the witnesses does not contradict his statement.,There are those who say that the incident transpired a bit differently. There was a certain individual who said to another: I counted for you and gave you one hundred dinars as a loan alongside this column. The other person said to him in response: I never passed alongside this column. Witnesses emerged and testified concerning him that he urinated alongside this column. Rav Naḥman said: He assumes the presumptive status of a denier of the truth, as the witnesses contradicted his claim.,Rava said to Rav Naḥman: There is no proof from here that he assumes the presumptive status of a denier, as any matter that is not incumbent upon a person to remember, he performs it and it is not on his mind. Therefore, when he denied ever passing alongside the column, it was because there was never any reason for him to remember that he had been there.,§ The Gemara proceeds to cite the opinion cited last in the baraita explaining the source of the halakha that one is liable for taking a false oath of testimony only for a case involving monetary matters. Rabbi Shimon says: The Torah rendered one liable if he takes a false oath here, with regard to an oath of testimony, and the Torah rendered one liable if he takes a false oath with regard to an oath on a deposit; just as there, the verse is speaking of liability only in cases involving monetary claims, so too here, the verse is speaking of liability only in cases involving monetary claims.,They mocked this proof in the West, i.e., Eretz Yisrael. The Gemara asked: What is worthy of mockery in the statement of Rabbi Shimon?,The Gemara explains that they mocked that which the baraita teaches in the continuation, rejecting the a fortiori inference suggested by Rabbi Shimon: What is notable about the case of a deposit? It is notable in that with regard to a deposit the Torah did not render the halakhic status of one to whom an oath was administered by others like that of one who himself took an oath, as one to whom an oath was administered by others is exempt; and the Torah did not render the halakhic status of one who takes an intentional false oath like that of one who takes an unwitting false oath.,This rejection is difficult: Now, with regard to the fact that one who administered an oath to himself is liable in the case of an oath of testimony, from where is it derived according to Rabbi Shimon? Rabbi Shimon derives it by means of a verbal analogy from an oath on a deposit. If so, based on the same verbal analogy, in the case of an oath on a deposit too, let us derive from the case of an oath of testimony the fact that one is liable for a false oath that was administered by others.,The Gemara rejects this: And what is worthy of mockery in that statement? Perhaps Rabbi Shimon does not derive that one who takes a false oath of testimony on his own is liable by means of a verbal analogy from an oath on a deposit; rather, he derives it by means of an a fortiori inference: If one is liable for a false oath of testimony administered by others, is it not all the more so that he is liable for an oath that he takes on his own?,The Gemara answers: Rather, the mockery is with regard to the distinction between an oath on a deposit and an oath of testimony in the matter of whether the halakhic status of one who takes an intentional false oath is like that of one who takes an unwitting false oath, as it teaches in the baraita: What is notable about the case of a deposit? It is notable in that with regard to a deposit the Torah did not render the halakhic status of one to whom an oath was administered by others like that of one who himself took an oath, as one to whom an oath was administered by others is exempt; and the Torah did not render the halakhic status of one who takes an intentional false oath like that of one who takes an unwitting false oath.,Now, from where does he derive that one who takes an intentional false oath of testimony is liable? He derives it as it is not written in the context of an oath of testimony: And it is hidden. Here too, it is not written in the context of an oath on a deposit: And it is hidden. Therefore, there should be no distinction between intentional and unwitting with regard to an oath on a deposit either.,Rav Huna said to the Sages: And what is worthy of mockery in that statement? Perhaps the fact that the halakhic status of one who takes an intentional false oath is not like that of one who takes an unwitting false oath in the case of a deposit, and it is from the halakhot of misuse of consecrated property that Rabbi Shimon derived it. Just as one is liable to bring a guilt-offering for the misuse of consecrated property only if he did so unwittingly, one is liable to bring a guilt-offering for a false oath on a deposit only if he unwittingly took the false oath.,The Gemara answers: And that is what is worthy of mockery. Instead of deriving the lack of liability for an intentional false oath of deposit from the case of misuse of consecrated property, let him derive liability for an intentional false oath on a deposit from the case of an oath of testimony.,The Gemara rejects this: It stands to reason that he should have derived it from the case of misuse of consecrated property, as that is a derivation of misuse written with regard to an oath on a deposit: “If any one shall sin and commits an act of misuse and dealt falsely with his colleague in a matter of deposit” (Leviticus 5:21), which is derived from misuse written with regard to misuse of consecrated property: “If any one commits an act of misuse and sinned unwittingly from items consecrated to the Lord” (Leviticus 5:15).,The Gemara asks: On the contrary, he should have derived it from the case of an oath of testimony, as that is a derivation of “shall sin” written with regard to an oath on a deposit which is derived from “shall sin” written with regard to an oath of testimony: “And if any one shall sin and he hears the voice of an oath, and he is a witness” (Leviticus 5:1).,The Gemara rejects this: It stands to reason that it is from the case of misuse of consecrated property that he should have derived it, as there are many elements common to an oath on a deposit and misuse of consecrated property represented by the mnemonic: Misuse, with regard to all, derive benefit, with fixed, one-fifth, and guilt-offering. The term misuse is employed in both cases. Both cases are relevant with regard to all individuals and not only those fit to testify. Both involve one deriving benefit from property that is not his. In both cases, one is liable to bring a fixed guilt-offering, as opposed to one who takes a false oath of testimony, who is liable to bring a sliding-scale offering. In both cases, one adds one-fifth to the payment of the principal. In both cases, that is the offering with which one gains atonement.,The Gemara rejects this: On the contrary, he should have derived the halakha with regard to an oath on a deposit from the halakha of an oath of testimony, as there are many elements common to both oaths represented by the mnemonic: Sin, ordinary [hedyot], with an oath, claimed from him, denied his claim, and multiple instances of the term “or.” The term “shall sin” is written in both contexts. Both oaths relate to the property of ordinary individuals, not to consecrated property. In both cases there is a claim presented by one of the parties and denial of that claim by the one taking the oath. Multiple instances of the term “or” appear in both passages in the Torah. The Gemara responds: These elements common to an oath on a deposit and misuse of consecrated property are more numerous than the elements common to an oath on a deposit and an oath of testimony.,Rather, after resolving all the difficulties that were raised against the opinion of Rabbi Shimon, the question remains: What did the Sages of Eretz Yisrael find that is worthy of mockery in that baraita?,When Rav Pappa and Rav Huna, son of Rav Yehoshua, came from the study hall of their teacher, they said: This is what is worthy of mockery: Now, since ultimately Rabbi Shimon derives the halakha by means of a verbal analogy between the term “shall sin” written with regard to an oath on a deposit and the term “shall sin” written with regard to an oath of testimony, why is it that he refutes the parallel between them by saying: What is notable about the case of a deposit? It is notable in that with regard to a deposit the Torah did not render the halakhic status of one to whom an oath was administered by others like that of one who himself took an oath, as one to whom an oath was administered by others is exempt; and the Torah did not render the halakhic status of one who takes an intentional false oath like that of one who takes an unwitting false oath. Rabbi Shimon should have derived by means of the verbal analogy that all the halakhot of an oath of testimony and all the halakhot of an oath on a deposit are identical.,The Gemara rejects this: And what is worthy of mockery in that statement? Perhaps when Rabbi Shimon refuted the parallel between the two oaths, it was prior to the verbal analogy being established for him, and the derivation was by means of a paradigm. After the verbal analogy was established for him, he does not refute the parallel and holds that in the case of an oath on a deposit one is liable to bring a guilt-offering for false oaths administered by others as well as for intentional false oaths.,The Gemara asks: And does Rabbi Shimon not refute the parallel between the two oaths? But didn’t Rava bar Ittai say to the Sages: Who is the tanna who taught with regard to an oath on a deposit that atonement by means of an offering is not possible for one who takes an intentional false oath? It is Rabbi Shimon. Apparently, Rabbi Shimon concludes that there remains a distinction between intentional and unwitting in the case of an oath on a deposit.,The Gemara suggests: Perhaps with regard to the halakhic status of one who takes an intentional false oath being like that of one who takes an unwitting false oath, Rabbi Shimon refutes the parallel between the two oaths even after the verbal analogy is established for him, as he derives the halakha of an oath on a deposit from the halakha of misuse of consecrated property, where there is a distinction between intentional and unwitting, as those elements common to an oath on a deposit and the misuse of consecrated property are more numerous than the elements common to an oath on a deposit and an oath of testimony. But he does not refute the parallel between the two oaths with the claim that there is a distinction between them with regard to whether the halakhic status of one to whom an oath was administered by others is like that of one who himself took an oath. Once the verbal analogy was established for him, there is no longer a distinction between the two oaths in that regard.,The Gemara asks: If, according to Rabbi Shimon, based on the derivation from the misuse of consecrated property, one who intentionally takes a false oath on a deposit does not bring a guilt-offering like one who took the false oath unwittingly, let the discussion of the case of an oath of testimony return to the verbal analogy and derive it from the case of an oath on a deposit that the halakhic status of one who takes an intentional false oath is not like that of one who takes an unwitting false oath. Just as in the case of an oath on a deposit, one who takes an unwitting false oath, yes, he is liable to bring a guilt-offering, and one who takes an intentional false oath, no, he is not liable, so too, in the case of an oath of testimony, one who takes an unwitting false oath, yes, he is liable to bring a sin-offering, and one who takes an intentional false oath, no, he is not liable, just as he derives the case of an oath on a deposit from the case of misuse of consecrated property. |
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| 478. Babylonian Talmud, Ketuvot, 105b, 111a, 111b, 50a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 81 |
479. Babylonian Talmud, Horayot, 13b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oral tora, rabbinic law constructed as distinct from ‘other’ Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 416| 13b. רב פפא אמר אפילו שופתא מרא גייצי,ת"ר חמשה דברים משכחים את הלימוד האוכל ממה שאוכל עכבר וממה שאוכל חתול והאוכל לב של בהמה והרגיל בזיתים והשותה מים של שיורי רחיצה והרוחץ רגליו זו על גבי זו ויש אומרים אף המניח כליו תחת מראשותיו חמשה דברים משיבים את הלימוד פת פחמין וכל שכן פחמין עצמן והאוכל ביצה מגולגלת בלא מלח והרגיל בשמן זית והרגיל ביין ובשמים והשותה מים של שיורי עיסה ויש אומרים אף הטובל אצבעו במלח ואוכל,הרגיל בשמן זית מסייע ליה לרבי יוחנן דאמר רבי יוחנן כשם שהזית משכח לימוד של שבעים שנה כך שמן זית משיב לימוד של שבעים שנה:,והרגיל ביין ובשמים: מסייע ליה לרבא דאמר רבא חמרא וריחני פקחין:,והטובל אצבעו במלח: אמר ר"ל ובאחת כתנאי ר' יהודה אומר אחת ולא שתים רבי יוסי אומר שתים ולא שלש וסימניך קמיצה,עשרה דברים קשים ללימוד העובר תחת האפסר [הגמל] וכל שכן תחת גמל [עצמו] והעובר בין שני גמלים והעובר בין שתי נשים והאשה העוברת בין שני אנשים והעובר מתחת ריח רע של נבילה והעובר תחת הגשר שלא עברו תחתיו מים מ' יום והאוכל פת שלא בשל כל צרכו והאוכל בשר מזוהמא ליסטרון והשותה מאמת המים העוברת בבית הקברות והמסתכל בפני המת ויש אומרים אף הקורא כתב שעל גבי הקבר,ת"ר כשהנשיא נכנס כל העם עומדים ואין יושבים עד שאומר להם שבו כשאב ב"ד נכנס עושים לו שורה אחת מכאן ושורה אחת מכאן עד שישב במקומו כשחכם נכנס אחד עומד ואחד יושב עד שישב במקומו בני חכמים ותלמידי חכמים בזמן שרבים צריכים להם מפסיעין על ראשי העם יצא לצורך יכנס וישב במקומו,בני ת"ח שממונים אביהם פרנס על הצבור בזמן שיש להם דעת לשמוע נכנסים ויושבים לפני אביהם ואחוריהם כלפי העם בזמן שאין להם דעת לשמוע נכנסים ויושבים לפני אביהם ופניהם כלפי העם רבי אלעזר בר ר' [צדוק] אומר אף בבית המשתה עושים אותם סניפין,[אמר מר] יצא לצורך נכנס ויושב במקומו אמר רב פפא לא אמרו אלא לקטנים אבל לגדולים לא הוה ליה למבדק נפשיה מעיקרא דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב לעולם ילמד אדם עצמו להשכים ולהעריב כדי שלא יתרחק (אמר רבא) האידנא דחלשא עלמא אפילו לגדולים נמי,רבי אלעזר ב"ר [צדוק] אומר אף בבית המשתה עושים אותם סניפים אמר רבא בחיי אביהם בפני אביהם,א"ר יוחנן בימי רשב"ג נישנית משנה זו רבן שמעון בן גמליאל נשיא רבי מאיר חכם רבי נתן אב"ד כי הוה רשב"ג התם הוו קיימי כולי עלמא מקמיה כי הוו עיילי רבי מאיר ורבי נתן הוו קיימי כולי עלמא מקמייהו אמר רשב"ג לא בעו למיהוי היכרא בין דילי לדידהו תקין הא מתניתא,ההוא יומא לא הוו רבי מאיר ורבי נתן התם למחר כי אתו חזו דלא קמו מקמייהו כדרגילא מילתא אמרי מאי האי אמרו להו הכי תקין רשב"ג,אמר ליה ר"מ לרבי נתן אנא חכם ואת אב"ד נתקין מילתא כי לדידן מאי נעביד ליה נימא ליה גלי עוקצים דלית ליה וכיון דלא גמר נימא ליה (תהלים קו, ב) מי ימלל גבורות ה' ישמיע כל תהלתו למי נאה למלל גבורות ה' מי שיכול להשמיע כל תהלותיו נעבריה והוי אנא אב"ד ואת נשיא,שמעינהו רבי יעקב בן קרשי אמר דלמא חס ושלום אתיא מלתא לידי כיסופא אזל יתיב אחורי עיליתיה דרשב"ג פשט גרס ותנא גרס ותנא,אמר מאי דקמא דלמא חס ושלום איכא בי מדרשא מידי יהב דעתיה וגרסה למחר אמרו ליה ניתי מר וניתני בעוקצין פתח ואמר בתר דאוקים אמר להו אי לא גמירנא כסיפיתנן,פקיד ואפקינהו מבי מדרשא הוו כתבי קושייתא [בפתקא] ושדו התם דהוה מיפריק מיפריק דלא הוו מיפריק כתבי פירוקי ושדו אמר להו רבי יוסי תורה מבחוץ ואנו מבפנים,אמר להן רבן [שמעון בן] גמליאל ניעיילינהו מיהו ניקנסינהו דלא נימרו שמעתא משמייהו אסיקו לרבי מאיר אחרים ולר' נתן יש אומרים אחוו להו בחלמייהו זילו פייסוהו [לרבן שמעון ב"ג] רבי נתן אזל רבי מאיר לא אזל אמר דברי חלומות לא מעלין ולא מורידין כי אזל רבי נתן אמר ליה רשב"ג נהי דאהני לך קמרא דאבוך למהוי אב ב"ד שויניך נמי נשיא,מתני ליה רבי לרבן שמעון בריה אחרים אומרים אילו היה תמורה | 13b. Rav Pappa said: They gnaw even on the handle of a hoe.,§ The Sages taught in a baraita: There are five factors that cause one to forget his Torah study: One who eats from that which a mouse eats and from that which a cat eats, and one who eats the heart of an animal, and one who is accustomed to eating olives, and one who drinks water that remains from washing, and one who washes his feet with this foot atop that foot. And some say: Also one who places his garments under his head. Correspondingly, there are five factors that restore forgotten Torah study: Eating bread baked on coals and all the more so one who warms himself with the heat of the coals themselves, and one who eats a hard-boiled egg [beitza megulgelet] without salt, and one who is accustomed to eating olive oil, and one who is accustomed to drinking wine and smelling spices, and one who drinks water that remains from kneading dough. And some say: Also one who dips his finger in salt and eats it.,The Gemara elaborates on the baraita: One who is accustomed to eating olive oil restores forgotten Torah study. The Gemara notes: This supports the opinion of Rabbi Yoḥa, as Rabbi Yoḥa said: Just as eating an olive causes one to forget seventy years’ worth of Torah study, olive oil restores seventy years’ worth of Torah study.,The baraita continues: And one who is accustomed to drinking wine and smelling spices restores forgotten Torah study. The Gemara notes: This supports the opinion of Rava, as Rava said: Wine and spices rendered me wise.,The baraita continues: One who dips his finger in salt and eats it restores forgotten Torah study. Reish Lakish says: And that is the case with regard to one finger. The Gemara notes: This is parallel to a dispute between tanna’im. Rabbi Yehuda says: One finger but not two. Rabbi Yosei says: Two fingers but not three. And your mnemonic for the fact that the dispute is between one and two fingers is kemitza, i.e., the ring finger. When one presses his ring finger to his palm, there remain two straight fingers on one side and one on the other.,Ten factors are detrimental for Torah study: One who passes beneath the bit of the camel, and all the more so one who passes beneath a camel itself; and one who passes between two camels; and one who passes between two women; and a woman who passes between two men; and one who passes beneath a place where there is the foul odor of an animal carcass; and one who passes under a bridge beneath which water has not passed for forty days; and one who eats bread that was not sufficiently baked; and one who eats meat from zuhama listeron, a utensil consisting of a spoon and a fork, used to remove the film on the surface of soup; and one who drinks from an aqueduct that passes through a cemetery; and one who gazes at the face of the dead. And some say: Also one who reads the writing that is on the stone of a grave.,§ The Sages taught in a baraita: When the Nasi of the Sanhedrin enters, all the people stand and they do not sit until he says to them: Sit. When the deputy Nasi of the Sanhedrin enters, the people form for him one row from here, on this side of the path that he takes, and one row from there, on the other side of it, in a display of deference, until he sits in his place, and then they may be seated. When the Ḥakham, who is ranked third among the members of the Sanhedrin, enters, one person stands when he is within four cubits of the Ḥakham, and another sits, i.e., when one is no longer within four cubits of the Ḥakham he may sit. And all those whom the Ḥakham passes do this, until he sits in his place. When the multitudes require their services, i.e., they serve a public role, sons of the Sages and Torah scholars may step over the heads of the people seated on the ground in order to reach their places in the Sanhedrin. If one of the Sages left for the purpose of relieving himself, when he is finished he may enter and sit in his place in the Sanhedrin, and he need not be concerned that he is imposing upon those assembled.,When they have the wisdom to hear and to study, the sons of Torah scholars, whose fathers are appointed as leaders of the congregation, enter and sit before their fathers, and their backs are directed toward the people. When they do not have the wisdom to hear and to study they enter and sit before their fathers, and their faces are directed toward the people, so everyone sees that they are seated there in deference to their fathers but not as students. Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Tzadok, says: Even at a wedding party one renders them attachments [senifin] and seats them adjacent to their fathers.,The Master said: If one of the Sages left for the purpose of relieving himself, when he is finished he may enter and sit in his place. Rav Pappa said: The Sages said this only with regard to one who leaves for minor bodily functions, i.e., to urinate. But with regard to one who leaves for major bodily functions, i.e., to defecate, no, he may not return to his place, because he should have examined himself initially so that he would not need to leave. His failure to do so constitutes negligence and he may not impose upon others when he returns, as Rav Yehuda says that Rav says: A person should always accustom himself to relieving himself in the morning and in the evening so that he will not need to distance himself during the daylight hours to find an appropriate place. Rava said: Today, when the world is weak and people are not as healthy as they once were, one may even return after he leaves for major bodily functions.,Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Tzadok, says: Even at a wedding party one renders them attachments. Rava said: This applies during the lifetime of their fathers and in the presence of their fathers.,§ Rabbi Yoḥa says: This mishna, i.e., the preceding baraita, was taught during the days of Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel. Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel was the Nasi, Rabbi Meir was the Ḥakham, and Rabbi Natan was the deputy Nasi. When Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel was there, everyone would arise before him. When Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan would enter, everyone would arise before them. Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel said: Shouldn’t there be a conspicuous distinction between me and them in terms of the manner in which deference is shown? Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel instituted the provisions delineated in this baraita that distinguish between the Nasi and his subordinates with regard to the deference shown them.,That day, when Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel instituted these provisions, Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan were not there. The following day when they came to the study hall, they saw that the people did not stand before them as the matter was typically done. They said: What is this? The people said to them: This is what Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel instituted.,Rabbi Meir said to Rabbi Natan: I am the Ḥakham and you are the deputy Nasi. Let us devise a matter and do to him as he did to us. What shall we do to him? Let us say to him: Reveal to us tractate Okatzim, which he does not know. And once it is clear to all that he did not learn, he will not have anything to say. Then we will say to him: “Who can express the mighty acts of the Lord, shall make all His praises heard?” (Psalms 106:2), indicating: For whom is it becoming to express the mighty acts of the Lord? It is becoming for one who is capable of making all His praises heard, and not for one who does not know one of the tractates. We will remove him from his position as Nasi, and I will be deputy Nasi and you will be Nasi.,Rabbi Ya’akov ben Korshei heard them talking, and said: Perhaps, Heaven forfend, this matter will come to a situation of humiliation for Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel. He did not wish to speak criticism or gossip about Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan, so he went and sat behind the upper story where Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel lived. He explained tractate Okatzin; he studied it aloud and repeated it, and studied it aloud and repeated it.,Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel said to himself: What is this that is transpiring before us? Perhaps, Heaven forfend, there is something transpiring in the study hall. He suspected that Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan were planning something. He concentrated and studied tractate Okatzin. The following day Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan said to him: Let the Master come and teach a lesson in tractate Okatzin. He began and stated the lesson he had prepared. After he completed teaching the tractate, he said to them: If I had not studied the tractate, you would have humiliated me.,Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel commanded those present and they expelled Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan from the study hall as punishment. Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan would write difficulties on a scrap of paper [pitka] and would throw them there into the study hall. Those difficulties that were resolved were resolved; as for those that were not resolved, Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan wrote resolutions on a scrap of paper and threw them into the study hall. Rabbi Yosei said to the Sages: How is it that the Torah, embodied in the preeminent Torah scholars, is outside and we are inside?,Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel said to them: Let us admit them into the study hall. But we will penalize them in that we will not cite halakha in their names. They cited statements of Rabbi Meir in the name of Aḥerim, meaning: Others, and they cited statements of Rabbi Natan in the name of yesh omerim, meaning: Some say. Rabbi Meir and Rabbi Natan were shown a message in their dreams: Go, appease Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel. Rabbi Natan went. Rabbi Meir did not go. He said in his heart: Matters of dreams are insignificant. When Rabbi Natan went, Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel said to him: Although the ornate belt, i.e., the importance, of your father was effective in enabling you to become deputy Nasi, as Rabbi Natan’s father was the Babylonian Exilarch, will it render you Nasi as well?,Years later, Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi taught Rabban Shimon his son that Aḥerim say: If it was considered a substitute, |
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| 480. Babylonian Talmud, Makkot, 16b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122 |
481. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, 27a, 13a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 81| 13a. דלא קטליה דוד לשמעי דאתיליד מיניה מרדכי דמיקני ביה המן ומה שילם לי ימיני דלא קטליה שאול לאגג דאתיליד מיניה המן דמצער לישראל,רבי יוחנן אמר לעולם מבנימן קאתי ואמאי קרי ליה יהודי על שום שכפר בע"ז שכל הכופר בע"ז נקרא יהודי כדכתיב (דניאל ג, יב) איתי גוברין יהודאין וגו',רבי שמעון בן פזי כי הוה פתח בדברי הימים אמר הכי כל דבריך אחד הם ואנו יודעין לדורשן (דברי הימים א ד, יח) ואשתו היהודיה ילדה את ירד אבי גדור ואת חבר אבי שוכו ואת יקותיאל אבי זנוח ואלה בני בתיה בת פרעה אשר לקח מרד,אמאי קרי לה יהודיה על שום שכפרה בע"ז דכתיב (שמות ב, ה) ותרד בת פרעה לרחוץ על היאור ואמר רבי יוחנן שירדה לרחוץ מגילולי בית אביה,ילדה והא רבויי רביתיה לומר לך שכל המגדל יתום ויתומה בתוך ביתו מעלה עליו הכתוב כאילו ילדו,ירד זה משה ולמה נקרא שמו ירד שירד להם לישראל מן בימיו גדור שגדר פרצותיהן של ישראל חבר שחיבר את ישראל לאביהן שבשמים סוכו שנעשה להם לישראל כסוכה יקותיאל שקוו ישראל לאל בימיו זנוח שהזניח עונותיהן של ישראל,אבי אבי אבי אב בתורה אב בחכמה אב בנביאות,ואלה בני בתיה אשר לקח מרד וכי מרד שמו והלא כלב שמו אמר הקב"ה יבא כלב שמרד בעצת מרגלים וישא את בת פרעה שמרדה בגלולי בית אביה,אשר הגלה מירושלם אמר רבא שגלה מעצמו,ויהי אומן את הדסה קרי לה הדסה וקרי לה אסתר תניא ר"מ אומר אסתר שמה ולמה נקרא שמה הדסה על שם הצדיקים שנקראו הדסים וכן הוא אומר (זכריה א, ח) והוא עומד בין ההדסים,רבי יהודה אומר הדסה שמה ולמה נקראת שמה אסתר על שם שהיתה מסתרת דבריה שנאמר אין אסתר מגדת את עמה וגו',ר' נחמיה אומר הדסה שמה ולמה נקראת אסתר שהיו אומות העולם קורין אותה על שום אסתהר בן עזאי אומר אסתר לא ארוכה ולא קצרה היתה אלא בינונית כהדסה ר' יהושע בן קרחה אמר אסתר ירקרוקת היתה וחוט של חסד משוך עליה,כי אין לה אב ואם ובמות אביה ואמה למה לי אמר רב אחא עיברתה מת אביה ילדתה מתה אמה,ובמות אביה ואמה לקחה מרדכי לו לבת תנא משום ר"מ אל תקרי לבת אלא לבית וכן הוא אומר (שמואל ב יב, ג) ולרש אין כל כי אם כבשה אחת קטנה אשר קנה ויחיה ותגדל עמו ועם בניו יחדו מפתו תאכל ומכוסו תשתה ובחיקו תשכב ותהי לו כבת משום דבחיקו תשכב הוות ליה (לבת) אלא (לבית) הכי נמי לבית,ואת שבע הנערות וגו' אמר רבא שהיתה מונה בהן ימי שבת וישנה ואת נערותיה וגו' אמר רב שהאכילה מאכל יהודי,ושמואל אמר שהאכילה קדלי דחזירי,ור' יוחנן אמר זרעונים וכן הוא אומר (דניאל א, טז) ויהי המלצר נושא את פת בגם ונותן להם זרעונים,ששה חדשים בשמן המור מאי שמן המור ר' חייא בר אבא אמר סטכת רב הונא אמר שמן זית שלא הביא שליש תניא רבי יהודה אומר אנפקינון שמן זית שלא הביא שליש ולמה סכין אותו שמשיר את השיער ומעדן את הבשר,בערב היא באה ובבקר היא שבה אמר רבי יוחנן מגנותו של אותו רשע למדנו שבחו שלא היה משמש מטתו ביום,ותהי אסתר נשאת חן אר"א מלמד שלכל אחד ואחד נדמתה לו כאומתו ותלקח אסתר אל המלך אחשורוש אל בית מלכותו בחדש העשירי הוא חדש טבת ירח שנהנה גוף מן הגוף,ויאהב המלך את אסתר מכל הנשים ותשא חן וחסד לפניו מכל הבתולות אמר רב ביקש לטעום טעם בתולה טעם טעם בעולה טעם,ויעש המלך משתה גדול עבד משתיא ולא גליא ליה דלי כרגא ולא גליא ליה שדר פרדישני ולא גליא ליה,ובהקבץ בתולות שנית וגו' אזיל שקל עצה ממרדכי אמר אין אשה מתקנאה אלא בירך חבירתה ואפי' הכי לא גליא ליה דכתיב אין אסתר מגדת מולדתה וגו',אמר רבי אלעזר מאי דכתיב | 13a. the responsibility of Judah, as David did not kill Shimei, although he was liable to the death penalty. The grave consequences of this failure included that Mordecai was born from him, and it was he against whom Haman was jealous, leading Haman to issue a decree against all of the Jewish people. And how a Benjamite has repaid me is referring to the fact that Saul, who was from the tribe of Benjamin, did not kill the Amalekite king Agag immediately, from whom Haman was later born, and he caused suffering to the Jewish people.,Rabbi Yoḥa said a different explanation of the verse: Actually, Mordecai came from the tribe of Benjamin. Why, then, was he referred to as Yehudi? On account of the fact that he repudiated idol worship, for anyone who repudiates idolatry is called Yehudi. It is understood here in the sense of yiḥudi, one who declares the oneness of God, as it is written: “There are certain Jews [Yehuda’in] whom thou hast appointed over the affairs of the province of Babylonia, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-Nego; these men, O king, have not regarded you: They serve not your gods, nor worship the golden image which you have set up” (Daniel 3:12). These three individuals were in fact Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah, who were not all from the tribe of Judah but are referred to as Yehuda’in because they repudiated idol worship.,§ Incidental to the exposition of the word Yehudi as one who repudiates idolatry, the Gemara relates that when Rabbi Shimon ben Pazi introduced his exposition of the book of Chronicles, he addressed the book of Chronicles and said as follows: All of your words are one, and we know how to expound them. This introduction made reference to the fact that the book of Chronicles cannot always be interpreted literally but requires exposition, as the same individual might be called by various different names, as in the following verse: “And his wife HaYehudiyya bore Jered the father of Gedor, and Heber the father of Soco, and Jekuthiel the father of Zanoah. And these are the sons of Bithiah the daughter of Pharaoh, whom Mered took” (I Chronicles 4:18).,Why is she, who we are told at the end of the verse was Pharaoh’s daughter Bithiah, referred to as Yehudiyya? Because she repudiated idol worship, as it is written: “And the daughter of Pharaoh came down to wash herself in the river” (Exodus 2:5), and Rabbi Yoḥa said: She went down to wash and purify herself from the idols of her father’s house.,The Gemara understands that all the names referred to in the verse as children of Pharaoh’s daughter refer to Moses, as it will soon explain. The Gemara asks: Pharaoh’s daughter bore Moses? But didn’t she merely raise him? Rather, it is telling you that with regard to anyone who raises an orphan boy or girl in his house, the verse ascribes him credit as if he gave birth to him.,The Gemara explains how all the names in fact are referring to Moses: “Jered”; this is Moses, and why was he called Jered? Because manna came down [yarad] for the Jewish people in his days. He was also called “Gedor” because he fenced in [gadar] the breaches of the Jewish people. He was called “Heber” because he connected [ḥibber] the Jewish people to their Father in Heaven. He was called “Soco” because he was for the Jewish people like a shelter [sukka] and shield. He was called “Jekuthiel” because the Jewish people trusted in God [kivu laEl] in his days. Lastly, he was called “Zanoah” because he caused the iniquities of the Jewish people to be disregarded [hizniaḥ].,The Gemara notes that the words “father of” appear three times in that same verse: “And his wife Hajehudijah bore Jered the father of Gedor, and Heber the father of Soco, and Jekuthiel the father of Zanoah.” This teaches that Moses was a father to all of the Jewish people in three respects: A father in Torah, a father in wisdom, and a father in prophecy.,The aforementioned verse stated: “And these are the sons of Bithiah the daughter of Pharaoh, whom Mered took.” The Gemara asks: Was Bithiah’s husband’s name Mered? Wasn’t his name Caleb? Rather, the verse alludes to the reason that Caleb married Bithiah. The Holy One, Blessed be He, said: Let Caleb, who rebelled [marad] against the advice of the spies, come and marry the daughter of Pharaoh, who rebelled against the idols of her father’s home.,§ The Gemara resumes its explanation of the book of Esther. The verse states with regard to Mordecai: “Who had been exiled from Jerusalem” (Esther 2:6). Rava said: This language indicates that he went into exile on his own, not because he was forced to leave Jerusalem. He knew that he would be needed by those in exile, and therefore he consciously left Jerusalem to attend to the needs of his people.,The verse states: “And he had brought up Hadassah, that is, Esther” (Esther 2:7). She is referred to as “Hadassah” and she is referred to as “Esther.” What was her real name? It is taught in a baraita that the Sages differed in their opinion as to which was in fact her name and which one was a description: Rabbi Meir says: Esther was her real name. Why then was she called Hadassah? On account of the righteous, who are called myrtles [hadassim], and so it states: “And he stood among the myrtles [hahadassim]” (Zechariah 1:8).,Rabbi Yehuda differs and says: Hadassah was her real name. Why then was she called Esther? Because she concealed [masteret] the truth about herself, as it is stated: “Esther had not yet made known her kindred nor her people” (Esther 2:20).,Rabbi Neḥemya concurs and says: Hadassah was her real name. Why then was she called Esther? This was her non-Hebrew name, for owing to her beauty the nations of the world called her after Istahar, Venus. Ben Azzai says: Esther was neither tall nor short, but of average size like a myrtle tree, and therefore she was called Hadassah, the Hebrew name resembling that myrtle tree. Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa said: Esther was called Hadassah because she was greenish, having a pale complexion like a myrtle, but a cord of Divine grace was strung around her, endowing her with a beautiful appearance.,The verse initially states with regard to Esther: “For she had neither father nor mother” (Esther 2:7). Why do I need to be told in the continuation of the verse: “And when her father and mother were dead, Mordecai took her for his own daughter”? Rav Aḥa said: This repetition indicates that when her mother became pregt with her, her father died, and when she gave birth to her, her mother died, so that she did not have a mother or a father for even a single day.,The verse states: “And when her father and mother were dead, Mordecai took her for his own daughter” (Esther 2:7). A tanna taught a baraita in the name of Rabbi Meir: Do not read the verse literally as for a daughter [bat], but rather read it as for a home [bayit]. This indicates that Mordecai took Esther to be his wife. And so it states: “But the poor man had nothing, except one little ewe lamb, which he had bought and reared: And it grew up together with him, and with his children; it did eat of his bread, and drank of his own cup, and lay in his bosom, and was like a daughter [kevat] to him” (II Samuel 12:3). The Gemara questions: Because it lay in his bosom, it “was like a daughter to him”? Rather, the parable in II Samuel referenced the illicit taking of another’s wife, and the phrase should be read: Like a home [bayit] to him, i.e., a wife. So too, here, Mordecai took her for a home, i.e., a wife.,The verse states: “And the seven maids chosen to be given her out of the king’s house” (Esther 2:9). Rava said: She would have a separate maid attend her each day, and she would count the days of the week by them, so she was always aware when Shabbat was. The verse continues: “And he advanced her and her maids to the best place in the house of the women.” Rav said: The advancement in the verse signals that he fed her food of Jews, i.e., kosher food.,And Shmuel said an alternative understanding: The advancement was a well-intentioned act in that he fed her pig hinds, thinking she would view it as a delicacy, although in fact they were not kosher.,And Rabbi Yoḥa said a third understanding: He gave her vegetables, which did not pose a problem with regard to the kosher laws. And so it states with regard to the kindness done for Daniel and his associates: “So the steward took away their food and the wine that they should drink; and gave them vegetables” (Daniel 1:16).,The verse states: “Six months with oil of myrrh” (Esther 2:12). The Gemara asks: What is “oil of myrrh”? Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said: It is the aromatic oil called setakt. Rav Huna said: It is a cosmetic oil derived from olives that have not yet reached one-third of their growth. It is similarly taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yehuda says: Anpakinon is the oil of olives that have not reached one-third of their growth. And why is it smeared on the body? Because it removes the hair and softens the skin.,The verse states: “In the evening she went, and in the morning she returned” (Esther 2:14). Rabbi Yoḥa said: From the implicit criticism of that wicked man, Ahasuerus, who cohabited with many women, we have incidentally learned his praise as well, that he would not engage in sexual relations during the day, but in a more modest fashion at night.,The verse states: “And Esther obtained favor in the sight of all those who looked upon her” (Esther 2:15). Rabbi Elazar said: This teaches that she appeared to each and every one as if she were a member of his own nation, and therefore she obtained favor in the eyes of all. The next verse states: “So Esther was taken to King Ahasuerus into his royal house in the tenth month, which is the month Tevet” (Esther 2:16). It was by act of divine providence that Esther was taken to Ahasuerus in a cold winter month, in which the body takes pleasure in the warmth of another body, and therefore she found favor in his eyes.,The verse states: “And the king loved Esther more than all the women, and she obtained grace and favor in his sight more than all the virgins” (Esther 2:17). Rav said: This double language indicates that if he wanted to taste in her the taste of a virgin during intercourse, he tasted it, and if he wanted to experience the taste of a non-virgin, he tasted it, and therefore he loved her more than all the other women.,The verse states: “Then the king made a great feast for all his princes and his servants, even Esther’s feast” (Esther 2:18). The Gemara explains that this was part of an attempt to have Esther reveal her true identity. He made a great feast in her honor, but she did not reveal her identity to him. He lowered the taxes [karga] in her name, but still she did not reveal it to him. He sent gifts [pardishenei] to the ministers in her name, but even so she did not reveal it to him.,The verse states: “And when the virgins were gathered together the second time and Mordecai sat in the king’s gate” (Esther 2:19). The Gemara explains: The reason Ahasuerus gathered the women together was that he went and took advice from Mordecai as to what he should do to get Esther to reveal her identity. Mordecai said to him: As a rule, a woman is jealous only of the thigh of another woman. Therefore, you should take for yourself additional women. But even so she did not reveal her origins to him, as it is written: “Esther had not yet made known her kindred nor her people” (Esther 2:20).,§ Rabbi Elazar said: What is the meaning of that which is written: |
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| 482. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, 43b, 65a, 69a, 85b, 86b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 67 |
483. Babylonian Talmud, Hagigah, 15a, 16b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 193 16b. הראשונים היו נשיאים ושניים להם אב ב"ד:,| 16b. The first members of each pair served as Nasi, and their counterparts served as deputy Nasi.,The Sages taught: Three of the first pairs who say not to place hands and two of the last pairs who say to place hands served as Nasi, and their counterparts served as deputy Nasi; this is the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say the opposite: Yehuda ben Tabbai was deputy Nasi and Shimon ben Shataḥ was the Nasi.,The Gemara asks: Who is the tanna who taught that which the Sages taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai said: I swear that I will not see the consolation of Israel if I did not kill a conspiring witness. This means that Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai sentenced a conspiring witness to death, in order to counter the views of the Sadducees, who would say: Conspiring witnesses are not executed unless the sentenced one has been executed. Their views opposed the traditional view, which maintains that conspiring witnesses are executed only if the one sentenced by their testimony has not yet been executed.,Shimon ben Shataḥ said to him: I swear that I will not see the consolation of Israel if you did not shed innocent blood, as the Sages said: Conspiring witnesses are not executed unless they are both found to be conspirators; if only one is found to be a conspirator, he is not executed. And they are not flogged if they are liable to such a penalty, unless they are both found to be conspirators. And if they testified falsely that someone owed money, they do not pay money unless they are both found to be conspirators.,Hearing this, Yehuda ben Tabbai immediately accepted upon himself not to rule on any matter of law unless he was in the presence of Shimon ben Shataḥ, as he realized he could not rely on his own judgment.,The baraita further relates: All of Yehuda ben Tabbai’s days, he would prostrate himself on the grave of that executed individual, to request forgiveness, and his voice was heard weeping. The people thought that it was the voice of that executed person, rising from his grave. Yehuda ben Tabbai said to them: It is my voice, and you shall know that it is so, for tomorrow, i.e., sometime in the future, he will die, and his voice will no longer be heard. Yehuda ben Tabbai was referring to himself, but he did not want to mention something negative about himself in direct terms.,Rav Aḥa, son of Rava, said to Rav Ashi: This provides no conclusive proof that the voice was not that of the executed man, as perhaps ben Tabbai appeased the executed individual in the World-to-Come. Or, alternatively, the latter may have prosecuted him by the law of Heaven, and that is why his voice can no longer be heard.,The Gemara returns to its original question: Whose opinion does this baraita follow? Granted, if you say it is in accordance with that of Rabbi Meir, who said that Shimon ben Shataḥ was deputy Nasi while Rabbi Yehuda ben Tabbai was Nasi, that explains why he had previously issued a halakhic ruling in the presence of Shimon ben Shataḥ to execute the conspiring witness, and only after that unfortunate incident did he undertake to issue rulings only in the presence of his colleague. But if you say that the baraita is in accordance with the Sages, who said: Yehuda ben Tabbai was deputy Nasi and Shimon ben Shataḥ the Nasi, why did he need to make such a commitment? May the deputy Nasi issue a halakhic ruling in the presence of the Nasi?,The Gemara refutes this: No; what did he mean by accepting upon himself not to rule on his own? He spoke with regard to joining the ruling of others: Even with regard to joining the ruling of others, I will also not join until I have first heard the view of Shimon ben Shataḥ.,§ It is taught in the mishna: Menaḥem departed and Shammai entered. The Gemara asks: To where did Menaḥem depart? Abaye said: He departed and went astray. Therefore, the mishna did not wish to delve into the details of his case. Rava said: He departed for the king’s service. He received a post from the king and had to leave the court. This is also taught in a baraita: Menaḥem departed for the king’s service, and eighty pairs of students dressed in silk robes left with him to work for the king, and that they no longer studied Torah.,§ Rav Shemen bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: A rabbinic decree [shevut] should never be taken lightly in your eyes, since placing hands on the head of an offering on a Festival is prohibited only as a rabbinic decree because it is considered making use of an animal, which is not considered a prohibited labor but merely resembles one, and yet the greatest scholars of each generation disputed it.,The Gemara is puzzled by this statement: This is obvious. Since it is an accepted rabbinic decree, why should people take it lightly? The Gemara answers: It was necessary for him to state it because it is a rabbinic decree related to a mitzva. In other words, although this rabbinic decree of placing the hands on an animal is not performed for one’s own sake but for the purpose of a mitzva, it was nevertheless a serious matter in the eyes of the Sages.,The Gemara remains puzzled: This too is obvious. In that case as well, the act is prohibited by the Sages. The Gemara responds: Rabbi Yoḥa’s statement comes to exclude the opinion of the one who said that they disagree with regard to the actual obligation of placing hands, i.e., whether or not obligatory peace-offerings require placing the hands. He therefore teaches us that it is a rabbinic decree that is the subject of their dispute, not the requirement itself.,Rami bar Ḥama said: You can learn from here, from this dispute, that the mitzva of placing hands requires not only placing one’s hands on the animal’s head, but we also require that one places his hands with all his strength. For if it enters your mind that we do not require all his strength, what prohibition does one violate by placing his hands? Let him place them on a Festival as well, as this does not resemble a prohibited action at all.,The Gemara raises an objection to this from a baraita: “Speak to the children of [benei] Israel” (Leviticus 1:2). The word benei literally means: Sons of. And it states nearby: “And he shall place his hand on the head of the burnt-offering” (Leviticus 1:4), from which we learn that the sons of Israel place their hands, but the daughters of Israel do not place them. Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Yishmael say: It is optional for the daughters of Israel to place their hands. They may place their hands if they so choose, although they are not obligated to do so.,Rabbi Yosei said: The Sage Abba Elazar related to me the following incident: On one occasion, we had a calf for a peace-offering, and we brought it to the Women’s Courtyard, and women placed their hands on it. We did this not because there is an obligation of placing hands in the case of women, but in order to please the women, by allowing them to sacrifice an offering, in all of its particulars, as men do. Now, if it enters your mind that we require placing hands with all one’s strength, would we perform work with consecrated offerings in order to please the women? Placing one’s hands forcefully on an animal is considered performing work with it, and if one does it without being obligated to do so, he has thereby performed work with an offering. Rather, isn’t it correct to conclude from this that we do not require placing hands with all one’s strength?,The Gemara rejects this: Actually, I could say to you that we do require placing hands with all one’s strength, but here they allowed women to place their hands by saying to them: Ease your hands and do not press forcefully, so that their hand placing should not constitute work. The Gemara retorts: If so, then the reason formulated as: Not because there is an obligation to place hands in the case of women, is irrelevant to this law. Let him derive the permission for women to do so from the reason that it is not considered placing hands at all. If placing hands must be performed with all one’s strength, this action the women are performing does not constitute placing hands.,Rabbi Ami said: He stated one reason and another. One reason is that it is not considered placing hands at all, as it is not performed with all of one’s strength; and another reason is that they allowed it in order to please the women.,Rav Pappa said: Learn from this that anything upon which one may not place objects or upon which one may not sit on Shabbat, its sides are likewise prohibited, for if it enters your mind to say that the sides are permitted, they could have told the women to place their hands on the sides, i.e., on the head of the animal rather than on its back, as the head of the animal is considered as if it were one of its sides. Rather, must one not conclude from this that the sides are prohibited? | |
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| 484. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, 16b-17a, 28b, 65a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69 |
485. Babylonian Talmud, Eruvin, 21, 22, 27b, 53b, 61b, 54a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 138| 54a. בטשה ביה אמרה ליה לא כך כתוב (שמואל ב כג, ה) ערוכה בכל ושמורה אם ערוכה ברמ"ח אברים שלך משתמרת ואם לאו אינה משתמרת תנא תלמיד אחד היה לרבי אליעזר שהיה שונה בלחש לאחר ג' שנים שכח תלמודו,תנא תלמיד אחד היה לו לרבי אליעזר שנתחייב בשריפה למקום אמרו הניחו לו אדם גדול שמש,א"ל שמואל לרב יהודה שיננא פתח פומיך קרי פתח פומיך תני כי היכי דתתקיים ביך ותוריך חיי שנאמר (משלי ד, כב) כי חיים הם למצאיהם ולכל בשרו מרפא אל תקרי למצאיהם אלא למוציאיהם בפה,א"ל שמואל לרב יהודה שיננא חטוף ואכול חטוף ואישתי דעלמא דאזלינן מיניה כהלולא דמי,א"ל רב לרב המנונא בני אם יש לך היטב לך שאין בשאול תענוג ואין למות התמהמה ואם תאמר אניח לבני חוק בשאול מי יגיד לך בני האדם דומים לעשבי השדה הללו נוצצין והללו נובלין,א"ר יהושע בן לוי המהלך בדרך ואין עמו לוייה יעסוק בתורה שנאמר (משלי א, ט) כי לוית חן הם,חש בראשו יעסוק בתורה שנאמר כי לוית חן הם לראשך חש בגרונו יעסוק בתורה שנאמר וענקים לגרגרותיך חש במעיו יעסוק בתורה שנאמר רפאות תהי לשרך חש בעצמותיו יעסוק בתורה שנאמר ושקוי לעצמותיך חש בכל גופו יעסוק בתורה שנאמר ולכל בשרו מרפא,אמר רב יהודה בר' חייא בא וראה שלא כמדת הקב"ה מדת בשר ודם מדת בשר ודם אדם נותן סם לחבירו לזה יפה ולזה קשה אבל הקב"ה אינו כן נתן תורה לישראל סם חיים לכל גופו שנאמר ולכל בשרו מרפא,א"ר אמי מ"ד (משלי כב, יח) כי נעים כי תשמרם בבטנך יכונו יחדיו על שפתיך אימתי ד"ת נעי' בזמן שתשמרם בבטנך ואימתי תשמרם בבטנך בזמן שיכונו יחדיו על שפתיך,ר' זירא אמר מהכא (משלי טו, כג) שמחה לאיש במענה פיו ודבר בעתו מה טוב אימתי שמחה לאיש בזמן שמענה בפיו ל"א אימתי שמחה לאיש במענה פיו בזמן שדבר בעתו מה טוב,ר' יצחק אמר מהכא (דברים ל, יד) כי קרוב אליך הדבר מאד בפיך ובלבבך לעשותו אימתי קרוב אליך בזמן שבפיך ובלבבך לעשותו,רבא אמר מהכא (תהלים כא, ג) תאות לבו נתתה לו וארשת שפתיו בל מנעת סלה אימתי תאות לבו נתתה לו בזמן שארשת שפתיו בל מנעת סלה,רבא רמי כתיב תאות לבו נתתה לו וכתיב וארשת שפתיו בל מנעת סלה זכה תאות לבו נתתה לו לא זכה וארשת שפתיו בל מנעת סלה,תנא דבי ר"א בן יעקב כל מקום שנאמר נצח סלה ועד אין לו הפסק עולמית נצח דכתיב (ישעיהו נז, טז) כי לא לעולם אריב ולא לנצח אקצוף,סלה דכתיב (תהלים מח, ט) כאשר שמענו כן ראינו בעיר ה' צבאות בעיר אלהינו אלהים יכוננה עד עולם סלה ועד דכתיב (שמות טו, יח) ה' ימלוך לעולם ועד:,(סימן ענקים לחייו לוחות חרות): א"ר (אליעזר) מאי דכתיב (משלי א, ט) וענקים לגרגרותיך אם משים אדם עצמו כענק זה שרף על הצואר ונראה ואינו נראה תלמודו מתקיים בידו ואם לאו אין תלמודו מתקיים בידו,ואמר ר"א מאי דכתיב (שיר השירים ה, יג) לחיו כערוגת הבשם אם משים אדם עצמו כערוגה זו שהכל דשין בה וכבושם זה שהכל מתבשמין בה תלמודו מתקיים ואם לאו אין תלמודו מתקיים,וא"ר מ"ד (שמות לא, יח) לוחות אבן אם אדם משים עצמו את לחייו כאבן זו שאינה נמחית תלמודו מתקיים בידו ואם לאו אין תלמודו מתקיים בידו,וא"ר (אליעזר) מאי דכתיב (שמות לב, טז) חרות על הלוחות אלמלי לא נשתברו לוחות הראשונות לא נשתכחה תורה מישראל,רב אחא בר יעקב אמר אין כל אומה ולשון שולטת בהן שנאמר חרות אל תיקרי חרות אלא חירות,אמר רב מתנה מאי דכתיב (במדבר כא, יח) וממדבר מתנה אם משים אדם עצמו כמדבר זה שהכל דשין בו תלמודו מתקיים בידו ואם לאו אין תלמודו מתקיים בידו,רבא בריה דרב יוסף בר חמא הוה ליה מלתא לרב יוסף בהדיה כי מטא מעלי יומא דכיפורי אמר איזיל ואפייסיה אזל אשכחיה לשמעיה דקא מזיג ליה כסא אמר ליה הב לי ואימזגיה אנא יהב ליה מזגיה כדטעמיה אמר דמי האי מזיגא למזיגא דרבא בריה דרב יוסף בר חמא א"ל אנא הוא,א"ל לא תתיב אכרעיך עד דמפרשת לי הני קראי מאי דכתיב וממדבר מתנה וממתנה נחליאל ומנחליאל במות ומבמות הגיא,א"ל אם אדם משים עצמו כמדבר זה שהכל דשין בו תורה ניתנה לו במתנה וכיון שניתנה לו במתנה נחלו אל שנאמר וממתנה נחליאל וכיון שנחלו אל עולה לגדולה שנאמר ומנחליאל במות,ואם מגיס לבו הקדוש ברוך הוא משפילו שנאמר ומבמות הגיא ואם חוזר בו הקב"ה מגביהו שנאמר (ישעיהו מ, ד) כל גיא ינשא,אמר רב הונא מ"ד (תהלים סח, יא) חיתך ישבו בה תכין בטובתך לעני אלהים אם אדם משים עצמו כחיה זו שדורסת ואוכלת ואיכא דאמרי שמסרחת ואוכלת תלמודו מתקיים בידו ואם לאו אין תלמודו מתקיים בידו ואם עושה כן הקדוש ברוך הוא עושה לו סעודה בעצמו שנאמר תכין בטובתך לעני אלהים,א"ר חייא בר אבא א"ר יוחנן מאי דכתיב (משלי כז, יח) נוצר תאנה יאכל פריה למה נמשלו דברי תורה כתאנה מה תאנה זו | 54a. She kicked him and said to him: Isn’t it written as follows: “Ordered in all things and secure” (ii Samuel 23:5), which indicates that if the Torah is ordered in your 248 limbs, i.e., if you exert your entire body in studying it, it will be secure, and if not, it will not be secure. The Gemara relates that it was similarly taught in a baraita: Rabbi Eliezer had a student who would study quietly, and after three years he forgot his studies.,Incidental to the story cited above involving a student of Rabbi Eliezer, the Gemara cites the following episode: It was taught in a baraita: Rabbi Eliezer had a student who was liable for the punishment of death by burning, for his sins against God, but the Rabbis said: Let him alone and do not punish him as he deserves, because he served a great person.,The Gemara cites instructions issued by Shmuel that are similar to those of Berurya. Shmuel said to Rav Yehuda: Keen scholar [shina], open your mouth and read from the Torah, open your mouth and study the Talmud, in order that your studies should endure in you and that you should live a long life, as it is stated: “For they are life to those who find them, and health to all their flesh” (Proverbs 4:22). Do not read: “To those who find them [lemotzeihem],” but rather “to those who express them [lemotzi’eihem],” with their mouth.,The Gemara cites additional instructions issued by Shmuel: Shmuel said to Rav Yehuda, his beloved student: Keen scholar, grab and eat, grab and drink, as the world from which we are departing is like a wedding feast, whose joy is only temporary, and one who does not take pleasure in it now will not be able to do so in the future.,Similarly, Rav said to Rav Hamnuna: My son, if you have money, do well for yourself. There is no point waiting, as there is no pleasure in the netherworld, and death does not tarry. And if you say: I will save up in order to leave for my children, who told you the law of the netherworld, i.e., how do you know which of you will die first (Arukh)? People are similar to grass of the field, in that these blossom, i.e., grow, and their actions are blessed, and these wither and die.,Having expounded the verse “For they are life to those who find them” as referring to the Torah, the Gemara cites another teaching related to this verse that praises the Torah. Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: One who is walking along the way without a companion and is afraid should engage in Torah study, as it is stated with regard to the words of Torah: “For they shall be a graceful wreath [livyat ḥen] for your head, and chains about your neck” (Proverbs 1:9). The word livyat is understood here as a reference to levaya, accompaniment, so that the verse is interpreted to mean that Torah is a graceful accompaniment to one who is traveling.,One who feels pain in his head should engage in Torah study, as it is stated: “For they shall be a graceful wreath for your head.” One who feels pain in his throat should engage in Torah study, as it is stated: “And chains about your neck.” One who feels pain in his intestines should engage in Torah study, as it is stated: “It shall be health to your navel” (Proverbs 3:8). One who feels pain in his bones should engage in Torah study, as it is stated: “And marrow to your bones” (Proverbs 3:8). One who feels pain in his entire body should engage in Torah study, as it is stated: “And health to all their flesh” (Proverbs 4:22).,Rav Yehuda, son of Rabbi Ḥiyya, said: Come and see that the attribute of flesh and blood is unlike the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He. The attribute of flesh and blood is that when a person gives a drug to his fellow, it is good for this part of his body and it is harmful to that other part of his body. But the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He, is not so; He gave the Torah to the Jewish people, and it is a drug of life for one’s entire body, as it is stated: “And health to all their flesh.”,The Gemara continues with praise for Torah study and knowledge. Rav Ami said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “For it is a pleasant thing if you keep them within you; let them be firmly attached together to your lips” (Proverbs 22:18)? When are words of Torah pleasant? When you keep them within you and know them. And when will you keep them within you? When they will be attached together to your lips, i.e., when you articulate them audibly and expound them.,Rabbi Zeira said that this idea is derived from here: “A man has joy in the answer of his mouth; and a word in due season, how good it is” (Proverbs 15:23). When does a man have joy? When an answer related to Torah study is in his mouth. Another version: When does a man have joy in the answer of his mouth? When he experiences the fulfillment of: A word in due season, how good it is, i.e., when he knows when and how to address each issue.,Rabbi Yitzḥak said that this idea is derived from here: “But the matter is very near to you, in your mouth and in your heart, that you may do it” (Deuteronomy 30:14). When is it very near to you? When it is in your mouth and in your heart, that you may do it, i.e., when you articulate your Torah study.,Rava said that this idea is actually derived from here: “You have given him his heart’s desire, and have not withheld the request of his lips, Selah” (Psalms 21:3). When have You given him his heart’s desire? When You have not withheld the request of his lips, Selah, i.e., when he converses in words of Torah.,Rava raised an internal contradiction in that very verse: In the beginning of the verse it is written: “You have given him his heart’s desire,” implying that it is enough for one to request in his heart, whereas in the end of the verse it is written: “And You have not withheld the request of his lips, Selah,” indicating that one must express his prayers verbally. Rava himself resolved the contradiction: If one is fortunate, “You have given him his heart’s desire,” even if he does not give verbal expression to his wants. But if he is not fortunate, at least “You have not withheld the request of his lips, Selah.”,With regard to the end of this verse, a Sage of the school of Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov taught the following baraita: Wherever it states netzaḥ, Selah, or va’ed, the matter will never cease. Netzaḥ, as it is written: “For I will not contend forever; neither will I be eternally [lanetzaḥ] angry” (Isaiah 57:16), which demonstrates that netzaḥ bears a similar meaning to forever.,Selah, as it is written: “As we have heard, so have we seen in the city of the Lord of Hosts, in the city of our God; may God establish it forever, Selah” (Psalms 48:9), which demonstrates that Selah means forever. Va’ed, as it is written: “The Lord shall reign forever and ever [va’ed]” (Exodus 15:18).,In light of the previous discussion, the Gemara cites several expositions of verses proposed by Rabbi Eliezer, while first providing them with a mnemonic: Chains, cheeks, tablets, engraved. Rabbi Eliezer said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “And chains about your neck” (Proverbs 1:9)? If a person makes himself like a chain that hangs loosely on the neck, i.e., if a scholar is not pushy and disruptive to others, and he is also seen but not seen, i.e., just as a chain is covered by clothes and hair, so too, the scholar does not let himself be seen, his Torah study will endure. But if not, if he acts in a rude and arrogant manner, his Torah study will not endure.,And Rabbi Eliezer also said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “His cheeks are like a bed of spices” (Song of Songs 5:13)? If a person makes himself humble like this garden bed upon which everyone treads, and like this spice with which everyone perfumes himself, i.e., which benefits not only the one who wears it, his Torah study will endure. But if not, his Torah study will not endure.,And Rabbi Eliezer further said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “Tablets [luḥot] of stone” (Exodus 31:18)? If a person makes his cheeks [leḥayav] like this stone that does not wear away, his Torah study will endure. But if not, i.e., if he is not diligent in his studies, his Torah study will not endure.,And, lastly, Rabbi Eliezer said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “And the tablets were the work of God, and the writing was the writing of God, engraved upon the tablets” (Exodus 32:16)? This teaches that had the first tablets, the subject of this verse, not been broken, the Torah would never have been forgotten from the Jewish people, as the Torah would have been engraved upon their hearts.,Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov said: Had the tablets not been broken, no nation or tongue would ever have ruled over them, as it is stated: “Engraved”; do not read it engraved [ḥarut] but rather freedom [ḥeirut].,Similarly, Rav Mattana said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “The well that the princes dug out, that the nobles of the people delved, with the scepter, with their staves. And from the wilderness they went to Mattanah” (Numbers 21:18)? If a person makes himself humble like this wilderness, which is open to all and upon which everyone treads, his Torah study will endure and be given to him as a gift [mattana]. And if not, his Torah study will not endure.,The Gemara relates that Rav Yosef had a grievance against Rava, son of Rav Yosef bar Ḥama, who is usually referred to in the Gemara simply as Rava, and as a result of the grievance the two would never meet. When the eve of Yom Kippur arrived, Rava said: I will go and appease him. He went and found Rav Yosef’s attendant mixing him a cup of wine. He said to the attendant: Give it to me, and I will mix it. He gave it to Rava, and Rava mixed it. Rav Yosef was blind and could not see his visitor, but when he tasted the wine he said: This mixture is similar to the mixture of Rava, son of Rav Yosef bar Ḥama, who would add extra water to the wine. Rava said to him: It is I.,Rav Yosef said to him: Do not sit on your knees until you have explained these verses to me: What is the meaning of that which is written: “And from the wilderness to Mattanah; and from Mattanah to Nahaliel; and from Nahaliel to Bamoth; and from Bamoth to the valley in the field of Moab, to the top of Pisgah, which looks out toward the desert” (Numbers 21:19–20)?,Rava said to him: If a person makes himself humble like this wilderness, which is open to all and upon which everyone treads, the Torah will be given to him as a gift [mattana]. And once it is given to him as a gift, he inherits it [neḥalo] and God [El] makes it His inheritance, as it is stated: “And from Mattanah to Nahaliel.” And once God has made it His inheritance, he rises to greatness, as it is stated: “And from Nahaliel to Bamoth,” which means heights.,And if he becomes haughty, the Holy One, Blessed be He, lowers him, as it is stated: “And from Bamoth to the valley.” And if he repents, the Holy One, Blessed be He, raises him back up, as it is stated: “Every valley shall be exalted” (Isaiah 40:4).,Rav Huna said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “Your flock found a dwelling in it; You, O God, prepare of Your goodness for the poor” (Psalms 68:11)? If a person makes himself like an animal that tramples its prey and eats it immediately, without being particular about its food, i.e., if a scholar immediately reviews what he has heard from his teacher; and some say, like an animal that soils and eats, i.e., if a scholar is not particular about maintaining his honor during his Torah study, just as an animal is not particular about the quality of its food, his Torah study will endure. And if not, his Torah study will not endure. And if he does so, the Holy One, Blessed be He, will Himself prepare him a feast, as it is stated: “You, O God, prepare of Your goodness for the poor,” indicating that God in His goodness will Himself prepare a feast for that pauper.,Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “He who guards the fig tree shall eat its fruit” (Proverbs 27:18)? Why were matters of Torah compared to a fig tree? Just as this fig tree, |
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486. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, 10a, 20a, 33b, 58a, 17a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 262; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 138| 17a. בפמליא של מעלה ובפמליא של מטה ובין התלמידים העוסקים בתורתך בין עוסקין לשמה בין עוסקין שלא לשמה וכל העוסקין שלא לשמה יהי רצון שיהו עוסקין לשמה.,ר' אלכסנדרי בתר צלותיה אמר הכי יהי רצון מלפניך ה' אלהינו שתעמידנו בקרן אורה ואל תעמידנו בקרן חשכה ואל ידוה לבנו ואל יחשכו עינינו איכא דאמרי הא רב המנונא מצלי לה ור' אלכסנדרי בתר דמצלי אמר הכי רבון העולמים גלוי וידוע לפניך שרצוננו לעשות רצונך ומי מעכב שאור שבעיסה ושעבוד מלכיות יהי רצון מלפניך שתצילנו מידם ונשוב לעשות חוקי רצונך בלבב שלם.,רבא בתר צלותיה אמר הכי אלהי עד שלא נוצרתי איני כדאי ועכשיו שנוצרתי כאלו לא נוצרתי עפר אני בחיי ק"ו במיתתי הרי אני לפניך ככלי מלא בושה וכלימה יהי רצון מלפניך ה' אלהי שלא אחטא עוד ומה שחטאתי לפניך מרק ברחמיך הרבים אבל לא ע"י יסורין וחלאים רעים והיינו וידוי דרב המנונא זוטי ביומא דכפורי.,מר בריה דרבינא כי הוה מסיים צלותיה אמר הכי אלהי נצור לשוני מרע ושפתותי מדבר מרמה ולמקללי נפשי תדום ונפשי כעפר לכל תהיה פתח לבי בתורתך ובמצותיך תרדוף נפשי ותצילני מפגע רע מיצר הרע ומאשה רעה ומכל רעות המתרגשות לבא בעולם וכל החושבים עלי רעה מהרה הפר עצתם וקלקל מחשבותם יהיו לרצון אמרי פי והגיון לבי לפניך ה' צורי וגואלי.,רב ששת כי הוה יתיב בתעניתא בתר דמצלי אמר הכי רבון העולמים גלוי לפניך בזמן שבית המקדש קיים אדם חוטא ומקריב קרבן ואין מקריבין ממנו אלא חלבו ודמו ומתכפר לו ועכשיו ישבתי בתענית ונתמעט חלבי ודמי יהי רצון מלפניך שיהא חלבי ודמי שנתמעט כאילו הקרבתיו לפניך על גבי המזבח ותרצני.,ר' יוחנן כי הוה מסיים ספרא דאיוב אמר הכי סוף אדם למות וסוף בהמה לשחיטה והכל למיתה הם עומדים אשרי מי שגדל בתורה ועמלו בתורה ועושה נחת רוח ליוצרו וגדל בשם טוב ונפטר בשם טוב מן העולם ועליו אמר שלמה (קהלת ז, א) טוב שם משמן טוב ויום המות מיום הולדו.,מרגלא בפומיה דר"מ גמור בכל לבבך ובכל נפשך לדעת את דרכי ולשקוד על דלתי תורתי נצור תורתי בלבך ונגד עיניך תהיה יראתי שמור פיך מכל חטא וטהר וקדש עצמך מכל אשמה ועון ואני אהיה עמך בכל מקום.,מרגלא בפומייהו דרבנן דיבנה אני בריה וחברי בריה אני מלאכתי בעיר והוא מלאכתו בשדה אני משכים למלאכתי והוא משכים למלאכתו כשם שהוא אינו מתגדר במלאכתי כך אני איני מתגדר במלאכתו ושמא תאמר אני מרבה והוא ממעיט שנינו אחד המרבה ואחד הממעיט ובלבד שיכוין לבו לשמים.,מרגלא בפומיה דאביי לעולם יהא אדם ערום ביראה (משלי טו, א) מענה רך משיב חמה ומרבה שלום עם אחיו ועם קרוביו ועם כל אדם ואפילו עם נכרי בשוק כדי שיהא אהוב למעלה ונחמד למטה ויהא מקובל על הבריות,אמרו עליו על רבן יוחנן בן זכאי שלא הקדימו אדם שלום מעולם ואפילו נכרי בשוק.,מרגלא בפומיה דרבא תכלית חכמה תשובה ומעשים טובים שלא יהא אדם קורא ושונה ובועט באביו ובאמו וברבו ובמי שהוא גדול ממנו בחכמה ובמנין שנאמר (תהלים קיא, י) ראשית חכמה יראת ה' שכל טוב לכל עושיהם לעושים לא נאמר אלא לעושיהם לעושים לשמה ולא לעושים שלא לשמה וכל העושה שלא לשמה נוח לו שלא נברא.,מרגלא בפומיה דרב [לא כעולם הזה העולם הבא] העולם הבא אין בו לא אכילה ולא שתיה ולא פריה ורביה ולא משא ומתן ולא קנאה ולא שנאה ולא תחרות אלא צדיקים יושבין ועטרותיהם בראשיהם ונהנים מזיו השכינה שנאמר (שמות כד, יא) ויחזו את האלהים ויאכלו וישתו:,גדולה הבטחה שהבטיחן הקב"ה לנשים יותר מן האנשים שנא' (ישעיהו לב, ט) נשים שאננות קומנה שמענה קולי בנות בוטחות האזנה אמרתי,א"ל רב לר' חייא נשים במאי זכיין באקרויי בנייהו לבי כנישתא ובאתנויי גברייהו בי רבנן ונטרין לגברייהו עד דאתו מבי רבנן.,כי הוו מפטרי רבנן מבי ר' אמי ואמרי לה מבי ר' חנינא אמרי ליה הכי עולמך תראה בחייך ואחריתך לחיי העולם הבא ותקותך לדור דורים לבך יהגה תבונה פיך ידבר חכמות ולשונך ירחיש רננות עפעפיך יישירו נגדך עיניך יאירו במאור תורה ופניך יזהירו כזוהר הרקיע שפתותיך יביעו דעת וכליותיך תעלוזנה מישרים ופעמיך ירוצו לשמוע דברי עתיק יומין.,כי הוו מפטרי רבנן מבי רב חסדא ואמרי לה מבי ר' שמואל בר נחמני אמרו ליה הכי (תהלים קמד, יד) אלופינו מסובלים וגו',אלופינו מסובלים רב ושמואל ואמרי לה רבי יוחנן ור' אלעזר חד אמר אלופינו בתורה ומסובלים במצות וחד אמר אלופינו בתורה ובמצות ומסובלים ביסורים | 17a. in the heavenly entourage [pamalia] of angels each of whom ministers to a specific nation (see Daniel 10), and whose infighting causes war on earth; rand in the earthly entourage, the Sages, rand among the disciples engaged in the study of Your Torah, rwhether they engage in its study for its own sake or not for its own sake. rAnd all those engaged in Torah study not for its own sake, rmay it be Your will that they will come to engage in its study for its own sake.,After his prayer, Rabbi Alexandri said the following: rMay it be Your will, Lord our God, rthat You station us in a lighted corner and not in a darkened corner, rand do not let our hearts become faint nor our eyes dim. rSome say that this was the prayer that Rav Hamnuna would recite, and that after Rabbi Alexandri prayed, he would say the following: rMaster of the Universe, it is revealed and known before You rthat our will is to perform Your will, and what prevents us? rOn the one hand, the yeast in the dough, the evil inclination that is within every person; rand the subjugation to the kingdoms on the other. rMay it be Your will rthat You will deliver us from their hands, of both the evil inclination and the foreign kingdoms, rso that we may return to perform the edicts of Your will with a perfect heart.,After his prayer, Rava said the following: rMy God, before I was created I was worthless, rand now that I have been created it is as if I had not been created, I am no more significant. rI am dust in life, all the more so in my death. rI am before You as a vessel filled with shame and humiliation. rTherefore, may it be Your will, Lord my God, that I will sin no more, rand that those transgressions that I have committed, rcleanse in Your abundant mercy; rbut may this cleansing not be by means of suffering and serious illness, but rather in a manner I will be able to easily endure. rAnd this is the confession of Rav Hamnuna Zuti on Yom Kippur.,When Mar, son of Ravina, would conclude his prayer, he said the following: rMy God, guard my tongue from evil and my lips from speaking deceit. rTo those who curse me let my soul be silent rand may my soul be like dust to all. rOpen my heart to Your Torah, rand may my soul pursue your mitzvot. rAnd save me from a bad mishap, from the evil inclination, rfrom a bad woman, and from all evils that suddenly come upon the world. rAnd all who plan evil against me, rswiftly thwart their counsel, and frustrate their plans. rMay the words of my mouth and the meditation of my heart find favor before You, rLord, my Rock and my Redeemer.,The Gemara recounts that when Rav Sheshet would sit in observance of a fast, after he prayed he said as follows: rMaster of the Universe, it is revealed before You rthat when the Temple is standing, one sins and offers a sacrifice. rAnd although only its fat and blood were offered from that sacrifice on the altar, his transgression is atoned for him. rAnd now, I sat in observance of a fast and my fat and blood diminished. rMay it be Your will that my fat and blood that diminished be considered as if I offered a sacrifice before You on the altar, rand may I find favor in Your eyes.rHaving cited statements that various Sages would recite after their prayers, the Gemara cites additional passages recited by the Sages on different occasions.,When Rabbi Yoḥa would conclude study of the book of Job, he said the following: rA person will ultimately die and an animal will ultimately be slaughtered, and all are destined for death. Therefore, death itself is not a cause for great anguish. rRather, happy is he who grew up in Torah, whose labor is in Torah, rwho gives pleasure to his Creator, rwho grew up with a good name and who took leave of the world with a good name. rSuch a person lived his life fully, and about him, Solomon said: r“A good name is better than fine oil, and the day of death than the day of one’s birth” (Ecclesiastes 7:1); one who was faultless in life reaches the day of his death on a higher level than he was at the outset.,Rabbi Meir was wont to say the following idiom: rStudy with all your heart and with all your soul to know My ways rand to be diligent at the doors of My Torah. rKeep My Torah in your heart, rand fear of Me should be before your eyes. rGuard your mouth from all transgression, rand purify and sanctify yourself from all fault and iniquity. rAnd if you do so, I, God, will be with you everywhere.,The Sages in Yavne were wont to say: rI who learn Torah am God’s creature and my counterpart who engages in other labor is God’s creature. rMy work is in the city and his work is in the field. rI rise early for my work and he rises early for his work. rAnd just as he does not presume to perform my work, so I do not presume to perform his work. rLest you say: I engage in Torah study a lot, while he only engages in Torah study a little, so I am better than he, rit has already been taught: rOne who brings a substantial sacrifice and one who brings a meager sacrifice have equal merit, ras long as he directs his heart towards Heaven (Rav Hai Gaon, Arukh).,Abaye was wont to say: rOne must always be shrewd and utilize every strategy in order to achieve fear of Heaven and performance of mitzvot. rOne must fulfill the verse: “A soft answer turns away wrath” (Proverbs 15:1) rand take steps to increase peace with one’s brethren and with one’s relatives, rand with all people, even with a non-Jew in the marketplace, despite the fact that he is of no importance to him and does not know him at all (Me’iri), rso that he will be loved above in God’s eyes, rpleasant below in the eyes of the people, rand acceptable to all of God’s creatures.,Tangentially, the Gemara mentions that they said about Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai that no one ever preceded him in issuing a greeting, not even a non-Jew in the marketplace, as Rabban Yoḥa would always greet him first.,Rava was wont to say: rThe objective of Torah wisdom is to achieve repentance and good deeds; rthat one should not read the Torah and study mishna and become arrogant rand spurn his father and his mother and his teacher rand one who is greater than he in wisdom or in the number of students who study before him, ras it is stated: “The beginning of wisdom is fear of the Lord, a good understanding have all who fulfill them” (Psalms 111:10). rIt is not stated simply: All who fulfill, but rather: All who fulfill them, those who perform these actions as they ought to be performed, meaning those who do such deeds for their own sake, for the sake of the deeds themselves, not those who do them not for their own sake. rRava continued: One who does them not for their own sake, it would have been preferable for him had he not been created.,Rav was wont to say: rThe World-to-Come is not like this world. rIn the World-to-Come there is no eating, no drinking, rno procreation, no business negotiations, rno jealousy, no hatred, and no competition. rRather, the righteous sit with their crowns upon their heads, enjoying the splendor of the Divine Presence, as it is stated: r“And they beheld God, and they ate and drank” (Exodus 24:11), meaning that beholding God’s countece is tantamount to eating and drinking.,The Gemara states: Greater is the promise for the future made by the Holy One, Blessed be He, to women than to men, as it is stated: “Rise up, women at ease; hear My voice, confident daughters, listen to what I say” (Isaiah 32:9). This promise of ease and confidence is not given to men.,Rav said to Rabbi Ḥiyya: By what virtue do women merit to receive this reward? Rabbi Ḥiyya answered: They merit this reward for bringing their children to read the Torah in the synagogue, and for sending their husbands to study mishna in the study hall, and for waiting for their husbands until they return from the study hall.,When the Sages who had been studying there took leave of the study hall of Rabbi Ami, and some say it was the study hall of Rabbi Ḥanina, they would say to him the following blessing: rMay you see your world, may you benefit from all of the good in the world, in your lifetime, rand may your end be to life in the World-to-Come, rand may your hope be sustained for many generations. rMay your heart meditate understanding, ryour mouth speak wisdom, and your tongue whisper with praise. rMay your eyelids look directly before you, ryour eyes shine in the light of Torah, rand your face radiate like the brightness of the firmament. rMay your lips express knowledge, ryour kidneys rejoice in the upright, rand your feet run to hear the words of the Ancient of Days, God (see Daniel 7).,When the Sages took leave of the study hall of Rav Ḥisda, and some say it was the study hall of Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani, they would say to him the following, in accordance with the verse: “Our leaders are laden, there is no breach and no going forth and no outcry in our open places” (Psalms 144:14).,Our leaders are laden. Rav and Shmuel, and some say Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Elazar, disputed the proper understanding of this verse. One said: Our leaders in Torah are laden with mitzvot. And one said: Our leaders in Torah and mitzvot are laden with suffering. |
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487. Babylonian Talmud, Bekhorot, 7b, 8a, 30b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 99| 30b. חשוד על המעשר ומאן חכמים ר' יהודה וחד אמר החשוד על המעשר חשוד על השביעית ומאן חכמים ר' מאיר,דתניא עם הארץ שקיבל עליו דברי חבירות ונחשד לדבר אחד נחשד לכל התורה כולה דברי רבי מאיר וחכמים אומרים אינו נחשד אלא לאותו דבר בלבד,הגר שקיבל עליו דברי תורה אפי' נחשד לדבר אחד הוי חשוד לכל התורה כולה והרי הוא כישראל משומד נפקא מינה דאי קדיש קידושיו קידושין,ת"ר הבא לקבל דברי חבירות חוץ מדבר אחד אין מקבלין אותו עובד כוכבים שבא לקבל דברי תורה חוץ מדבר אחד אין מקבלין אותו ר' יוסי בר' יהודה אומר אפי' דקדוק אחד מדברי סופרים,וכן בן לוי שבא לקבל דברי לויה וכהן שבא לקבל דברי כהונה חוץ מדבר אחד אין מקבלין אותו שנאמר (ויקרא ז, לג) המקריב את דם השלמים וגו' העבודה המסורה לבני אהרן כל כהן שאינו מודה בה אין לו חלק בכהונה,ת"ר הבא לקבל דברי חבירות אם ראינוהו שנוהג בצינעה בתוך ביתו מקבלין אותו ואחר כך מלמדין אותו ואם לאו מלמדין אותו ואחר כך מקבלין אותו ר"ש בן יוחי אומר בין כך ובין כך מקבלין אותו והוא למד כדרכו והולך:,ת"ר מקבלין לכנפים ואח"כ מקבלין לטהרות ואם אמר איני מקבל אלא לכנפים מקבלין אותו קיבל לטהרות ולא קיבל לכנפים אף לטהרות לא קיבל:,ת"ר עד כמה מקבלין אותו בית שמאי אומרים למשקין שלשים יום לכסות שנים עשר חודש ובית הלל אומרים אחד זה ואחד זה לשנים עשר חודש,אם כן הוה ליה מקולי בית שמאי ומחומרי בית הלל אלא בית הלל אומרים אחד זה ואחד זה לשלשים:,(סימן חב"ר תלמי"ד תכל"ת מכ"ם חז"ר גבא"י בעצמ"ו),תנו רבנן הבא לקבל דברי חבירות צריך לקבל בפני שלשה חבירים ובניו ובני ביתו אינן צריכין לקבל בפני שלשה חבירים רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר אף בניו ובני ביתו צריכין לקבל בפני שלשה חבירים לפי שאינו דומה חבר שקיבל לבן חבר שקיבל:,תנו רבנן הבא לקבל דברי חבירות צריך לקבל בפני ג' חבירים ואפילו תלמיד חכם צריך לקבל בפני שלשה חבירים זקן ויושב בישיבה אינו צריך לקבל בפני שלשה חבירים שכבר קיבל עליו משעה שישב אבא שאול אומר אף תלמיד חכם אינו צריך לקבל בפני שלשה חבירים ולא עוד אלא שאחרים מקבלין לפניו,אמר רבי יוחנן בימי בנו של רבי חנינא בן אנטיגנוס נשנית משנה זו רבי יהודה ור' יוסי איסתפק להו מילתא בטהרות שדרו רבנן לגבי בנו של ר' חנינא בן אנטיגנוס אזילו אמרו ליה לעיין בה אשכחוה דקא טעין טהרות אותיב רבנן מדידיה לגבייהו וקאי איהו לעיוני בה,אתו אמרי ליה לר' יהודה ור' יוסי אמר להו ר' יהודה אביו של זה ביזה תלמידי חכמים אף הוא מבזה תלמידי חכמים,אמר לו ר' יוסי כבוד זקן יהא מונח במקומו אלא מיום שחרב בית המקדש נהגו כהנים סילסול בעצמן שאין מוסרין את הטהרות לכל אדם:,תנו רבנן חבר שמת אשתו ובניו ובני ביתו הרי הן בחזקתן עד שיחשדו וכן חצר שמוכרין בה תכלת הרי היא בחזקתה עד שתיפסל:,תנו רבנן אשת עם הארץ שנשאת לחבר וכן בתו של עם הארץ שנשאת לחבר וכן עבדו של עם הארץ שנמכר לחבר כולן צריכין לקבל דברי חבירות בתחלה אבל אשת חבר שנשאת לעם הארץ וכן בתו של חבר שנשאת לעם הארץ וכן עבדו של חבר שנמכר לעם הארץ אין צריכין לקבל דברי חבירות בתחלה,ר"מ אומר אף הן צריכין לקבל עליהן דברי חבירות לכתחלה ר"ש בן אלעזר אומר משום ר"מ מעשה באשה אחת שנשאת לחבר והיתה קומעת לו תפילין על ידו נשאת לעם הארץ והיתה קושרת לו קשרי מוכס על ידו: | 30b. is suspect with regard to tithe. And who are the Sages referred to here as the Rabbis? It is Rabbi Yehuda, as in his locale they treated the prohibition of produce of the Sabbatical Year stringently. And the other one says: One who is suspect with regard to tithe is suspect with regard to produce of the Sabbatical Year. And who are the Sages referred to here as the Rabbis? It is Rabbi Meir.,As it is taught in a baraita (Tosefta, Demai 2:4): With regard to an am ha’aretz, i.e., one who is unreliable with regard to ritual impurity and tithes, who accepts upon himself the commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status, i.e., that he will be stringent in all matters observed by ḥaverim, including teruma, tithes, and ḥalla, and also undertake to eat only food that is ritually pure, and the Sages accepted him as trustworthy but subsequently he was suspected with regard to one matter in which others saw him act improperly, he is suspected with regard to the entire Torah. This is the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say: He is suspected only with regard to that particular matter.,It is also taught in a baraita (Tosefta, Demai 2:4): With regard to a convert who accepted upon himself upon his conversion matters of Torah, i.e., all of the mitzvot, even if he is suspect with regard to one matter alone, he is suspect with regard to the entire Torah, and he is considered like a Jewish transgressor [meshummad], who habitually transgresses the mitzvot. The Gemara explains that the practical difference resulting from the fact that he is considered like a Jewish transgressor is that if he betroths a woman, his betrothal is a valid betrothal, and they are married. Although he is suspect with regard to the entire Torah, he does not return to his prior gentile status.,The Sages taught in a baraita: In the case of one who comes to accept upon himself the commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status except for one matter, which he does not wish to observe, he is not accepted, and he is not trustworthy even with regard to those matters that he does wish to accept upon himself. Likewise, in the case of a gentile who comes to convert and takes upon himself to accept the words of Torah except for one matter, he is not accepted as a convert. Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Yehuda, says: Even if he refuses to accept one detail of rabbinic law, he is not accepted.,The baraita continues: And similarly, in the case of a Levite who comes to accept the matters of a Levite, or a priest who comes to accept the matters of priesthood, except for one matter, he is not accepted. As it is stated: “He among the sons of Aaron, that sacrifices the blood of the peace offerings, and the fat, shall have the right thigh for a portion” (Leviticus 7:33). This means that with regard to the Temple service, which is handed over to the sons of Aaron, any priest who does not admit to it in its entirety has no share in the priesthood.,The Gemara continues on a similar topic. The Sages taught in a baraita: In the case of one who comes to accept upon himself a commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status, if we have seen that he practices such matters in private, within his home, he is accepted, and afterward he is taught the precise details of being a ḥaver. But if we have not seen him act as a ḥaver in his home, he is taught first and afterward accepted. Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai says: Whether in this case or that case, he is first accepted, and he then continues to learn in the usual manner, i.e., as a ḥaver he learns from others how to behave.,The Sages taught in a baraita: An am ha’aretz who wishes to become a ḥaver is accepted first with regard to hands, i.e., he is presumed to be stringent concerning the ritual purity of his hands by making sure to wash his hands before handling pure items, and afterward he is accepted as trustworthy for purity in general. And if he says: I wish to accept purity only with regard to hands, he is accepted for this. If he wishes to accept upon himself the stringencies of a ḥaver with regard to ritual purity but he does not accept upon himself the stringencies with regard to hands, i.e., to wash his hands, which is a simple act, he is not accepted even for purity in general.,The Sages taught in a baraita: Until when is he accepted, i.e., how much time must elapse before he is considered trustworthy as a ḥaver? Beit Shammai say: With regard to liquids, thirty days. With regard to impurity of clothing, about which ḥaverim would be careful as well, twelve months. And Beit Hillel say: Both with regard to this, liquids, and that, clothing, he must maintain the practice for twelve months before he is fully accepted as a ḥaver.,The Gemara raises a difficulty: If so, this is one of the rare cases of the leniencies of Beit Shammai and of the stringencies of Beit Hillel, and yet it is not included in tractate Eduyyot, which lists all of the cases where Beit Shammai are more lenient than Beit Hillel. Rather, the text of the baraita must be emended so that it reads: Beit Hillel say: Both with regard to this, liquids and that, clothing, he must maintain the practice for thirty days before he is fully accepted as a ḥaver.,§ The Gemara provides a mnemonic to remember the topics from here until the end of the chapter: Ḥaver; student; sky-blue dye [tekhelet]; tax; return; tax collector; by himself.,The Sages taught in a baraita: One who comes to accept upon himself a commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status must accept it in the presence of three ḥaverim. But his children and the members of his household are not required to accept the status of ḥaver separately in the presence of three ḥaverim. Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: Even his children and the members of his household must accept the status of ḥaver in the presence of three ḥaverim, because a ḥaver, who accepted it himself in the presence of three others, is not comparable to the son of a ḥaver, who accepted that status only due to his father but did not accept it himself explicitly, and their accepting the status not in the presence of three people is insufficient.,The Sages taught in a baraita: One who comes to accept upon himself a commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status must accept it in the presence of three ḥaverim, and even a Torah scholar who wishes to become a ḥaver must accept the status of ḥaver in the presence of three ḥaverim. But an elder who sits and studies Torah in a yeshiva is not required to accept the status of ḥaver in the presence of three ḥaverim, as he already accepted it upon himself from the moment he sat and dedicated himself to study Torah in yeshiva. Abba Shaul says: Even a Torah scholar is not required to accept the status of ḥaver in the presence of three ḥaverim; and not only does he have the status of ḥaver without an explicit declaration in the presence of three ḥaverim, but others can accept that they wish to become a ḥaver in his presence.,Rabbi Yoḥa says: This mishna, i.e., the ruling that a Torah scholar must declare his intent to become a ḥaver in the presence of three ḥaverim, was taught in the days of the son of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus. At that time, Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Yosei were uncertain about a certain matter of ritual purity. The Sages sent a delegation of their students to the son of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus and told them to go and tell him to examine this matter. The students found him while he was carrying items that were ritually pure. The son of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus seated Sages from his own yeshiva next to the students who came to ask the question, because he did not trust these students to keep his items pure. And he stood and examined the matter.,The students returned and came and told Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Yosei that the son of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus had treated them as though they had the status of amei ha’aretz. Rabbi Yehuda said to them in anger: This one’s father, i.e., Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus, degraded Torah scholars by not trusting them with matters of ritual purity. And he too, the son of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus, degrades Torah scholars.,Rabbi Yosei said to him: Let the honor of the elder, i.e., both the father and son, be left in its place. He did not act in this manner to degrade Torah scholars. Rather, from the day the Temple was destroyed, the priests were accustomed to act with a higher standard for themselves, and they decided that they will not pass ritually pure items to any other person. Therefore, the son of Rabbi Ḥanina, as a priest, acted appropriately.,The Sages taught in a baraita: In the case of a ḥaver that died, his wife and children and members of his household retain their presumptive status until they are suspected of engaging in inappropriate deeds. And similarly, in the case of a courtyard in which one sells sky-blue dye, it retains its presumptive status as a place in which fit sky-blue dye is sold until it is disqualified due to the merchant’s unscrupulous behavior.,The Sages taught in a baraita: The former wife an am ha’aretz who later marries a ḥaver, and likewise the daughter of an am ha’aretz who marries a ḥaver, and likewise the slave of an am ha’aretz who is sold to a ḥaver, must all accept upon themselves a commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status. But with regard to the former wife of a ḥaver who later marries an am ha’aretz, and likewise the daughter of a ḥaver who marries an am ha’aretz, and likewise the slave of a ḥaver who was sold to an am ha’aretz, these people need not accept upon themselves a commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status ab initio, as each of them is already accustomed to behave as a ḥaver.,The baraita continues: Rabbi Meir says: They too must accept upon themselves a commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status ab initio. And similarly, Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar would illustrate this point and say in the name of Rabbi Meir: There was an incident involving a certain woman who married a ḥaver and would tie [koma’at] for him phylacteries on his hand, and she later married a tax collector and would tie for him tax seals on his hand, which shows that her new husband had a great influence on her level of piety. |
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| 488. Babylonian Talmud, Nazir, 23a, 42a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 229 |
| 489. Babylonian Talmud, Betzah, 22a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oral tora, rabbinic law constructed as distinct from ‘other’ Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 413 |
490. Nag Hammadi, The Gospel of Thomas, 27, 14 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 64, 80 | 14. Jesus said to them, "If you fast, you will bring sin upon yourselves, and if you pray, you will be condemned, and if you give to charity, you will harm your spirits. When you go into any region and walk about in the countryside, when people take you in, eat what they serve you and heal the sick among them. After all, what goes into your mouth will not defile you; rather, it's what comes out of your mouth that will defile you." |
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491. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Qamma, 60b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law codes, and theology Found in books: Kanarek, Biblical narrative and formation rabbinic law (2014) 16| 60b. לעולם יכנס אדם בכי טוב ויצא בכי טוב שנאמר (שמות יב, כב) ואתם לא תצאו איש מפתח ביתו עד בקר,ת"ר דבר בעיר כנס רגליך שנאמר ואתם לא תצאו איש מפתח ביתו עד בקר ואומר (ישעיהו כו, כ) לך עמי בא בחדריך וסגור דלתיך בעדך ואומר (דברים לב, כה) מחוץ תשכל חרב ומחדרים אימה,מאי ואומר וכי תימא ה"מ בליליא אבל ביממא לא תא שמע לך עמי בא בחדריך וסגור דלתיך,וכי תימא ה"מ [היכא] דליכא אימה מגואי אבל היכא דאיכא אימה מגואי כי נפיק יתיב ביני אינשי בצוותא בעלמא טפי מעלי ת"ש מחוץ תשכל חרב ומחדרים אימה אע"ג דמחדרים אימה מחוץ תשכל חרב,רבא בעידן רתחא הוי סכר כוי דכתי' (ירמיהו ט, כ) כי עלה מות בחלונינו,ת"ר רעב בעיר פזר רגליך שנא' (בראשית יב, י) ויהי רעב בארץ וירד אברם מצרימה [לגור] (ויגר) שם ואומר (מלכים ב ז, ד) אם אמרנו נבא העיר והרעב בעיר ומתנו שם,מאי ואומר וכי תימא ה"מ היכא דליכא ספק נפשות אבל היכא דאיכא ספק נפשות לא ת"ש (מלכים ב ז, ד) לכו ונפלה אל מחנה ארם אם יחיונו נחיה,ת"ר דבר בעיר אל יהלך אדם באמצע הדרך מפני שמלאך המות מהלך באמצע הדרכים דכיון דיהיבא ליה רשותא מסגי להדיא שלום בעיר אל יהלך בצדי דרכים דכיון דלית ליה רשותא מחבי חבויי ומסגי,ת"ר דבר בעיר אל יכנס אדם יחיד לבית הכנסת שמלאך המות מפקיד שם כליו וה"מ היכא דלא קרו ביה דרדקי ולא מצלו ביה עשרה,ת"ר כלבים בוכים מלאך המות בא לעיר כלבים משחקים אליהו הנביא בא לעיר וה"מ דלית בהו נקבה:,יתיב רב אמי ורב אסי קמיה דר' יצחק נפחא מר א"ל לימא מר שמעתתא ומר א"ל לימא מר אגדתא פתח למימר אגדתא ולא שביק מר פתח למימר שמעתתא ולא שביק מר,אמר להם אמשול לכם משל למה הדבר דומה לאדם שיש לו שתי נשים אחת ילדה ואחת זקינה ילדה מלקטת לו לבנות זקינה מלקטת לו שחורות נמצא קרח מכאן ומכאן,אמר להן אי הכי אימא לכו מלתא דשויא לתרוייכו (שמות כב, ה) כי תצא אש ומצאה קוצים תצא מעצמה שלם ישלם המבעיר את הבערה אמר הקב"ה עלי לשלם את הבערה שהבערתי,אני הציתי אש בציון שנאמר (איכה ד, יא) ויצת אש בציון ותאכל יסודותיה ואני עתיד לבנותה באש שנאמר (זכריה ב, ט) ואני אהיה לה חומת אש סביב ולכבוד אהיה בתוכה,שמעתתא פתח הכתוב בנזקי ממונו וסיים בנזקי גופו לומר לך אשו משום חציו:,(שמואל ב כג, טו) ויתאוה דוד ויאמר מי ישקני מים מבור בית לחם אשר בשער ויבקעו שלשת הגבורים במחנה פלשתים וישאבו מים מבור בית לחם אשר בשער [וגו'],מאי קא מיבעיא ליה אמר רבא אמר ר"נ טמון באש קמיבעיא ליה אי כר' יהודה אי כרבנן ופשטו ליה מאי דפשטו ליה,רב הונא אמר גדישים דשעורים דישראל הוו דהוו מטמרי פלשתים בהו וקא מיבעיא ליה מהו להציל עצמו בממון חבירו,שלחו ליה אסור להציל עצמו בממון חבירו אבל אתה מלך אתה [ומלך] פורץ לעשות לו דרך ואין מוחין בידו,ורבנן ואיתימא רבה בר מרי אמרו גדישים דשעורין דישראל הוו וגדישין דעדשים דפלשתים וקא מיבעיא להו מהו ליטול גדישין של שעורין דישראל ליתן לפני בהמתו על מנת לשלם גדישין של עדשים דפלשתים,שלחו ליה (יחזקאל לג, טו) חבול ישיב רשע גזילה ישלם אע"פ שגזילה משלם רשע הוא אבל אתה מלך אתה ומלך פורץ לעשות לו דרך ואין מוחין בידו,בשלמא למאן דאמר לאחלופי היינו דכתיב חד קרא (שמואל ב כג, יא) ותהי שם חלקת השדה מלאה עדשים וכתיב חד קרא (דברי הימים א יא, יג) ותהי חלקת השדה מלאה שעורים,אלא למאן דאמר למקלי מאי איבעיא להו להני תרי קראי אמר לך דהוו נמי גדישים דעדשים דישראל דהוו מיטמרו בהו פלשתים,בשלמא למאן דאמר למקלי היינו דכתיב (שמואל ב כג, יב) ויתיצב בתוך החלקה ויצילה אלא למ"ד לאחלופי מאי ויצילה,דלא שבק להו לאחלופי,בשלמא הני תרתי היינו דכתיב תרי קראי | 60b. A person should always enter an unfamiliar city at a time of good, i.e., while it is light, as the Torah uses the expression “It is good” with regard to the creation of light (see Genesis 1:4). This goodness is manifest in the sense of security one feels when it is light. And likewise, when one leaves a city he should leave at a time of good, meaning after sunrise the next morning, as it is stated in the verse: “And none of you shall go out of the opening of his house until the morning” (Exodus 12:22).,§ The Sages taught: If there is plague in the city, gather your feet, i.e., limit the time you spend out of the house, as it is stated in the verse: “And none of you shall go out of the opening of his house until the morning.” And it says in another verse: “Come, my people, enter into your chambers, and shut your doors behind you; hide yourself for a little moment, until the anger has passed by” (Isaiah 26:20). And it says: “Outside the sword will bereave, and in the chambers terror” (Deuteronomy 32:25).,The Gemara asks: What is the reason for citing the additional verses introduced with the term: And it says? The first verse seems sufficient to teach the principle that one should not emerge from one’s house when there is a plague. The Gemara answers: And if you would say that this matter, the first verse that states that none of you shall go out until morning, applies only at night, but in the day one may think that the principle does not apply, for this reason the Gemara teaches: Come and hear: “Come, my people, enter into your chambers, and shut your doors behind you.”,And if you would say that this matter applies only where there is no fear inside, which explains why it is preferable to remain indoors, but where there is fear inside, one might think that when he goes out and sits among people in general company it is better, therefore, the Gemara introduces the third verse and says: Come and hear: “Outside the sword will bereave, and in the chambers terror.” This means that although there is terror in the chambers, outside the sword will bereave, so it is safer to remain indoors.,At a time when there was a plague, Rava would close the windows of his house, as it is written: “For death is come up into our windows” (Jeremiah 9:20).,The Sages taught: If there is famine in the city, spread your feet, i.e., leave the city, as it is stated in the verse: “And there was a famine in the land; and Abram went down into Egypt to sojourn there” (Genesis 12:10). And it says: “If we say: We will enter into the city, then the famine is in the city, and we shall die there; and if we sit here, we die also, now come, and let us fall unto the host of the Arameans; if they save us alive, we shall live; and if they kill us, we shall but die” (II Kings 7:4).,What is the reason for citing the second verse, introduced with the term: And it says? And if you would say that this matter, the principle of leaving the city, applies only where there is no uncertainty concerning a life-threatening situation, but where there is uncertainty concerning a life-threatening situation this principle does not apply, come and hear: “Come, and let us fall unto the host of the Arameans; if they save us alive, we shall live; and if they kill us, we shall but die.”,The Sages taught: If there is a plague in the city, a person should not walk in the middle of the road, due to the fact that the Angel of Death walks in the middle of the road, as, since in Heaven they have given him permission to kill within the city, he goes openly in the middle of the road. By contrast, if there is peace and quiet in the city, do not walk on the sides of the road, as, since the Angel of Death does not have permission to kill within the city, he hides himself and walks on the side of the road.,The Sages taught: If there is a plague in the city, a person should not enter the synagogue alone, as the Angel of Death leaves his utensils there, and for this reason it is a dangerous place. And this matter, the danger in the synagogue, applies only when there are no children learning in the synagogue, and there are not ten men praying in it. But if there are children learning or ten men praying there, it is not a dangerous place.,The Sages taught: If the dogs in a certain place are crying for no reason, it is a sign that they feel the Angel of Death has come to the city. If the dogs are playing, it is a sign that they feel that Elijah the prophet has come to the city. These matters apply only if there is no female dog among them. If there is a female dog nearby, their crying or playing is likely due to her presence.,§ Rav Ami and Rav Asi sat before Rabbi Yitzḥak Nappaḥa. One Sage said to Rabbi Yitzḥak Nappaḥa: Let the Master say words of halakha, and the other Sage said to Rabbi Yitzḥak Nappaḥa: Let the Master say words of aggada. Rabbi Yitzḥak Nappaḥa began to say words of aggada but one Sage did not let him, so he began to say words of halakha but the other Sage did not let him.,Rabbi Yitzḥak Nappaḥa said to them: I will relate a parable. To what can this be compared? It can be compared to a man who has two wives, one young and one old. The young wife pulls out his white hairs, so that her husband will appear younger. The old wife pulls out his black hairs so that he will appear older. And it turns out that he is bald from here and from there, i.e., completely bald, due to the actions of both of his wives.,Rabbi Yitzḥak Nappaḥa continued and said to them: If so, I will say to you a matter that is appropriate to both of you, which contains both halakha and aggada. In the verse that states: “If a fire breaks out, and catches in thorns” (Exodus 22:5), the term “breaks out” indicates that it breaks out by itself. Yet, the continuation of the verse states: “The one who kindled the fire shall pay compensation,” which indicates that he must pay only if the fire spread due to his negligence. The verse can be explained allegorically: The Holy One, Blessed be He, said that although the fire broke out in the Temple due to the sins of the Jewish people, it is incumbent upon Me to pay restitution for the fire that I kindled.,I, God, kindled a fire in Zion, as it is stated: “The Lord has accomplished His fury, He has poured out His fierce anger; and He has kindled a fire in Zion, which has devoured its foundations” (Lamentations 4:11). And I will build it with fire in the future, as it is stated: “For I, says the Lord, will be for her a wall of fire round about; and I will be the glory in her midst” (Zechariah 2:9).,There is a halakha that can be learned from the verse in Exodus, as the verse begins with damage caused through one’s property: “If a fire breaks out,” and concludes with damage caused by one’s body: “The one who kindled the fire.” This indicates that when damage is caused by fire, it is considered as though the person who kindled the fire caused the damage directly with his body. That serves to say to you that the liability for his fire damage is due to its similarity to his arrows. Just as one who shoots an arrow and causes damage is liable because the damage was caused directly through his action, so too, one who kindles a fire that causes damage is liable because it is considered as though the damage were caused directly by his actions.,§ The Gemara continues with another statement of aggada on a related topic: The verse states: “And David longed, and said: Oh, that one would give me water to drink of the well of Bethlehem, which is by the gate! And the three mighty men broke through the host of the Philistines, and drew water out of the well of Bethlehem, that was by the gate, and took it, and brought it to David; but he would not drink it, but poured it out to the Lord” (II Samuel 23:15–16). The Sages understood that David was not simply asking for water, but was using the term as a metaphor referring to Torah, and he was raising a halakhic dilemma.,What is the dilemma that David is raising? Rava says that Rav Naḥman says: He was asking about the halakha with regard to a concealed article damaged by a fire. He wanted to know whether the halakha is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda, who holds that one is liable to pay for such damage, or whether the halakha is in accordance with the opinion of the Rabbis, who hold that one is exempt from liability for damage by fire to concealed articles. And the Sages in Bethlehem answered him what they answered him.,Rav Huna stated a different explanation of the verse: There were stacks of barley belonging to Jews in which the Philistines were hiding, and David wanted to burn down the stacks to kill the Philistines and save his own life. He raised the dilemma: What is the halakha? Is it permitted to save oneself by destroying the property of another?,They sent the following answer to him: It is prohibited to save oneself by destroying the property of another. But you are king, and a king may breach the fence of an individual in order to form a path for himself, and none may protest his action, i.e., the normal halakhot of damage do not apply to you since you are king.,The Rabbis, and some say that it was Rabba bar Mari, give an alternative explanation of the dilemma and said: The stacks of barley belonged to Jews, and there were stacks of lentils belonging to the Philistines. David needed barley to feed his animals. And David raised the following dilemma: What is the halakha? I know that I may take the lentils belonging to a gentile to feed my animals, but is it permitted to take a stack of barley belonging to a Jew, to place before one’s animal for it to consume, with the intent to pay the owner of the barley with the stacks of lentils belonging to the Philistines?,The Sages of Bethlehem sent the following reply to him: “If the wicked restore the pledge, give back that which he had taken by robbery, walk in the statutes of life, committing no iniquity; he shall surely live, he shall not die” (Ezekiel 33:15). This verse teaches that even though the robber repays the value of the stolen item, he is nevertheless considered to be wicked, and is described as such in the verse, and a commoner would not be allowed to act as you asked. But you are king, and a king may breach the fence of an individual in order to form a path for himself, and none may protest his action.,The Gemara discusses the different explanations: Granted, according to the one who says that David was asking whether he could take the stacks of barley and exchange them, i.e., repay the owners of the barley, with stacks of lentils, this is as it is written in one verse: “And the Philistines were gathered together into a troop, where was a plot of ground full of lentils; and the people fled from the Philistines” (II Samuel 23:11), and it is written in one other verse: “He was with David at Pas Dammim, and there the Philistines were gathered together to battle, where was a plot of ground full of barley; and the people fled from before the Philistines” (I Chronicles 11:13). This apparent contradiction can be reconciled by saying that there were two fields, one of barley and one of lentils.,But according to Rav Huna, the one who says that David’s question was asked because he wanted to burn the stacks of barley, for what purpose does he require these two verses? How does he explain this contradiction? Rav Huna could have said to you that there were also stacks of lentils belonging to Jews, inside which the Philistines were hiding.,Granted, according to the one who says that David asked his question because he wanted to burn the stacks, this is as it is writ-ten in the following verse with regard to David: “But he stood in the midst of the plot, and saved it, and slew the Philistines; and the Lord performed a great victory” (II Samuel 23:12). But according to the one who says that David’s question was asked with regard to exchanging the lentils for the barley, what is the meaning of the phrase: “And saved it”?,The Rabbis answer that David saved it in that he did not permit them to exchange the value of the barley with the lentils.,Granted, according to both of these two opinions, this is as it is written in two distinct verses, one describing the field of lentils and one describing the field of barley. |
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| 492. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, 102b, 115b, 16b, 22a, 31a, 74b, 156a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69 |
493. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, 39a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122| 39a. התם ידיע ממשו הכא לא ידיע ממשן:,וטרית טרופה וציר שאין בה דגה וכו': מאי חילק אמר רב נחמן בר אבא אמר רב זו סולתנית ומפני מה אסורה מפני שערבונה עולה עמה:,תנו רבנן אין לו עכשיו ועתיד לגדל לאחר זמן כגון הסולתנית והעפיץ הרי זה מותר יש לו עכשיו ועתיד להשיר בשעה שעולה מן הים כגון אקונס ואפונס כטספטייס ואכספטייס ואוטנס מותר,אכריז רבי אבהו בקיסרי קירבי דגים ועוברן ניקחין מכל אדם חזקתן אינן באים אלא מפלוסא ואספמיא כי הא דאמר אביי האי צחנתא דבב נהרא שריא,מ"ט אילימא משום דרדיפי מיא והאי דג טמא כיון דלית ליה חוט השדרה בדוכתא דרדיפי מיא לא מצי קאי והא קא חזינן דקאי,אלא משום דמליחי מיא והאי דג טמא כיון דלית ליה קלפי בדוכתא דמליחי מיא לא מצי קאי והא קחזינן דקאי אלא משום דלא מרבה טינא דג טמא אמר רבינא האידנא דקא שפכי ביה נהר גוזא ונהר גמדא אסירי,אמר אביי האי חמרא דימא שרי תורא דימא אסיר וסימניך טמא טהור טהור טמא,אמר רב אשי שפר נונא שרי קדש נונא אסיר וסימניך (שמות טז, כג) קדש לה' איכא דאמרי קבר נונא אסור וסימניך קברי עובדי כוכבים,רבי עקיבא איקלע לגינזק אייתו לקמיה ההוא נונא דהוה דמי לחיפושא חפייה בדיקולא חזא ביה קלפי ושרייה רב אשי איקלע לטמדוריא אייתו לקמיה ההוא נונא דהוה דמי לצלופחא נקטיה להדי יומא חזא דהוה ביה צימחי ושרייה,רב אשי איקלע לההוא אתרא אייתו לקמיה נונא דהוי דמי לשפרנונא חפייה במשיכלי חיורי חזא ביה קלפי ושרייה רבה בר בר חנה איקלע לאקרא דאגמא קריבו ליה צחנתא שמעיה לההוא גברא דהוה קרי ליה באטי,אמר מדקא קרי ליה באטי ש"מ דבר טמא אית ביה לא אכל מיניה לצפרא עיין בה אשכח ביה דבר טמא קרי אנפשיה (משלי יב, כא) לא יאונה לצדיק כל און:,והקורט של חילתית: מ"ט משום דמפסקי ליה בסכינא אע"ג דאמר מר נותן טעם לפגם מותר אגב חורפיה דחילתיתא מחליא ליה שמנוניתא והוה ליה כנותן טעם לשבח ואסור,עבדיה דר' לוי הוה קא מזבין חילתיתא כי נח נפשיה דר' לוי אתו לקמיה דרבי יוחנן אמרו ליה מהו למיזבן מיניה אמר להו עבדו של חבר הרי הוא כחבר,רב הונא בר מניומי זבן תכילתא מאנשי דביתיה דרב עמרם חסידא אתא לקמיה דרב יוסף לא הוה בידיה,פגע ביה חנן חייטא א"ל יוסף עניא מנא ליה בדידי הוה עובדא דזביני תכילתא מאנשי דביתיה דרבנאה אחוה דר' חייא בר אבא ואתאי לקמיה דרב מתנא לא הוה בידיה אתאי לקמיה דרב יהודה מהגרוניא אמר לי נפלת ליד הכי אמר שמואל אשת חבר הרי היא כחבר,תנינא להא דת"ר אשת חבר הרי היא כחבר עבדו של חבר הרי הוא כחבר חבר שמת אשתו ובניו ובני ביתו הרי הן בחזקתן עד שיחשדו וכן חצר שמוכרין בה תכלת הרי הן בחזקתן עד שתיפסל,ת"ר אשת עם הארץ שנשאת לחבר וכן בתו של עם הארץ שנשאת לחבר וכן עבדו של עם הארץ שנמכר לחבר כולן צריכין לקבל דברי חברות אבל אשת חבר שנשאת לעם הארץ וכן בתו של חבר שנשאת לעם הארץ וכן עבדו של חבר שנמכר לעם הארץ אינן צריכין לקבל דברי חברות לכתחלה דברי ר"מ,ר' יהודה אומר אף הן צריכין לקבל דברי חברות לכתחלה וכן היה ר"ש בן אלעזר אומר מעשה באשה אחת שנשאת לחבר והיתה קושרת לו תפילין על ידו נשאת למוכס והיתה קושרת לו קשרי מוכס על ידו,אמר רב חבי"ת אסור בחותם אחד חמפ"ג מותר בחותם אחד חלב בשר יין תכלת | 39a. The Gemara explains: There, the substance of the wine is a recognizable component of the fish stew; here, its substance is not a recognizable component of the pickled vegetables.,§ The mishna teaches: And minced tarit fish, and brine that does not have a kilbit fish floating in it, and ḥilak are all prohibited. The Gemara asks: What is ḥilak? Rav Naḥman bar Abba says that Rav says: This is sultanit, a type of small fish that is generally caught before its scales have developed. And for what reason is it prohibited? It is because its size causes it to be intermingled with other fish, and as a result sultanit rises out of the water with non-kosher fish when it is caught.,The Sages taught: If a fish does not currently possess scales but will grow them after a period of time, such as the sultanit and afiyatz fish, it is permitted. Likewise, if it has scales now but will shed them when it is caught and rises from the sea, such as akunas and afuna, ketasfatiyas and akhsaftiyas and otanas fish, it is permitted.,Rabbi Abbahu announced in Caesarea: Fish entrails and their eggs may be purchased from any person, as the presumption with regard to them is that they come only from Pelusium [Pilusa] and Spain [Aspamya], and non-kosher fish are not found in those areas. This is similar to that which Abaye says: These small fish [tzaḥanta] of the Bav River are permitted, as non-kosher fish are not found in that river.,The Gemara asks: What is the reason that Abaye unequivocally permitted eating these fish and was not concerned about the potential presence of non-kosher fish among them? If we say that it is due to the fact that the water flows rapidly, and these non-kosher fish, since they do not have a spinal cord, are not able to exist in a place where the water flows rapidly, as the current carries the non-kosher fish out of the Bav River, and consequently all the remaining fish are kosher, that is not the case, since we see that non-kosher fish exist in rivers with strong currents.,Rather, perhaps Abaye permitted the fish because the water is salty, and these non-kosher fish are not able to exist in a place of salty water since they do not have scales. This, too, is not the case, since we see that non-kosher fish exist in salty water. Rather, Abaye permitted the small fish in the Bav River because the mud in that river is not suitable for non-kosher fish to reproduce. The conditions in the river render it an unproductive habitat for non-kosher fish. Ravina says: Nowadays, as the government built canals between the rivers, and the Goza River and the Gamda River spill into the Bav and carry non-kosher fish there, it is prohibited to eat the small fish without thorough inspection.,The Gemara cites several other statements of amora’im that concern the halakhic status of fish. Abaye says: This creature known as the sea donkey [ḥamara deyamma] is permitted; the creature known as the sea ox [tora deyamma] is prohibited, and your mnemonic to remember this halakha is: Impure is pure, and pure is impure, i.e., the name of an animal which is non-kosher on land is kosher in the sea, and that which is kosher on land is non-kosher in the sea.,Rav Ashi said: The type of fish known as shefar nuna is permitted, and the type of fish known as kadesh nuna is prohibited, and your mnemonic to remember this halakha is: That which is holy [kodesh] is to the Lord, and not for humans. And some say that Rav Ashi said: The type of fish known as kevar nuna is prohibited, and your mnemonic is: The grave [kever] is impure like the graves of gentiles.,The Gemara relates several incidents involving Sages and their rulings with regard to fish. Rabbi Akiva happened to come to Ginzak and they brought before him a certain fish that was similar to a ḥippusha, a non-kosher aquatic creature. When he enclosed it in a basket he saw that it had scales which it shed as it struggled to escape from the basket, and he permitted it on that basis. Rav Ashi happened to come to Tamduria where they brought before him a certain fish that was similar to an eel [tzelofḥa]. He took it out and held it against the light of day and saw that there were thin scales on it, and he permitted it.,Rav Ashi also happened to come to a certain land where they brought before him a fish that was similar to a shefarnuna. He enclosed it in a white vessel and saw that it shed dark scales, which he could see against the white background of the container, and he permitted it. Rabba bar bar Ḥana happened to come to Akra DeAgma and they brought him some tzaḥanta, a dish prepared from small fish. He heard a certain man calling it batei, the name of a non-kosher sea creature.,Rabba bar bar Ḥana said to himself: From the fact that he called it batei, I can conclude from here that there is a non-kosher substance in the tzaḥanta. And he did not eat from it that night. In the morning, he examined the dish and in fact found a non-kosher substance in it. He read the following verse about himself: “No sin shall befall the righteous” (Proverbs 12:21).,§ The mishna teaches: And a sliver of ḥiltit may not be consumed, although one may derive benefit from it. The Gemara asks: What is the reason that it is prohibited? It is because they slice it with a knife on which there is presumably non-kosher residue. And even though the Master said that a prohibited substance that imparts flavor to the detriment of the mixture is permitted, that principle does not apply in this case because as a result of the sharpness of the ḥiltit, the act of slicing it with a knife sweetens, i.e., enhances, the taste of the non-kosher residue. And there-fore it is like a prohibited substance that imparts flavor to the enhancement of the mixture, and it is prohibited.,The Gemara relates that the gentile slave of Rabbi Levi would sell ḥiltit, and it was permitted to purchase it from him as he was the slave of a Sage. When Rabbi Levi passed away, they came before Rabbi Yoḥa and said to him: Now that Rabbi Levi has passed, what is the halakha with regard to whether or not it is permitted to purchase ḥiltit from his gentile slave? Rabbi Yoḥa said to them: The slave of a ḥaver, one devoted to the meticulous observance of mitzvot, especially halakhot of ritual purity, teruma, and tithes, is as a ḥaver himself, and therefore it is permitted to buy ḥiltit from him.,The Gemara relates another incident that involves the status of a ḥaver and his household. Rav Huna bar Minyumi purchased sky-blue dye [tekhelta] from the people of the household, i.e., the wife, of Rav Amram the pious. One may purchase sky-blue dye for ritual fringes only from a reliable individual, as it is easy to counterfeit it. Rav Huna then came before Rav Yosef to ask if he could rely on her assurance that it was usable for the mitzva. The answer was not available to Rav Yosef.,Later, Ḥa the tailor happened to meet Rav Huna, and he said to him: From where could poor Rav Yosef have known the answer to this question? Ḥa continued: There was an incident in which I was involved, as I purchased sky-blue dye from the people of the household, i.e., the wife, of Rabena’a, brother of Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba, and I came before Rav Mattana to ask him the same question, and the answer was not available to him either. I then came before Rav Yehuda of Hagronya, who said to me: You have fallen into my hand, i.e., I am the only one who can answer your question. This is what Shmuel says: The wife of a ḥaver is herself considered like a ḥaver, and you may therefore rely on her statement.,The Gemara comments: We learn here that which the Sages taught explicitly in a baraita: The wife of a ḥaver is like a ḥaver; the slave of a ḥaver is like a ḥaver. Furthermore, with regard to a ḥaver that died, his wife and children and members of his household remain in their presumptive status until they are suspected of engaging in inappropriate deeds. And similarly, with regard to a courtyard in which they sell sky-blue dye, it remains in its presumptive status as a place in which kosher sky-blue dye is sold until it is disqualified due to unscrupulous behavior.,The Sages taught: The wife of one who is not careful to keep the particulars of certain halakhot [am ha’aretz], who later marries a ḥaver, and likewise the daughter of an am ha’aretz who marries a ḥaver, and likewise the slave of an am ha’aretz who is sold to a ḥaver, must all accept upon themselves the commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status. But the wife of a ḥaver who later marries an am ha’aretz, and likewise the daughter of a ḥaver who marries an am ha’aretz, and likewise the slave of a ḥaver who was sold to an am ha’aretz, these people need not accept upon themselves the commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status ab initio. This is the statement of Rabbi Meir.,Rabbi Yehuda says: They too must accept upon themselves the commitment to observe the matters associated with ḥaver status ab initio. And similarly, Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar would illustrate this point and say: There was an incident involving a certain woman who married a ḥaver and would tie for him phylacteries on his hand, and she later married a tax collector and would tie for him tax-seals on his hand, which shows that her new husband had a great influence on her level of piety.,§ Rav says: The substances represented by the acronym ḥet, beit, yod, tav are prohibited if they were deposited with a gentile while they were sealed with only one seal. Those represented by the acronym ḥet, beit, peh, gimmel are permitted if they were deposited with a gentile while they were sealed with one seal. The Gemara elaborates: Milk [ḥalav], meat [basar], wine [yayin], and sky-blue dye [tekhelet] |
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| 494. Babylonian Talmud, Nedarim, 62b, 54b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122 |
| 495. Origen, Adnotationes In Numeros, 25.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79 |
| 496. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.1.12, 6.8.6-6.8.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •braindrain, from law to theology •equality under the law Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 132; Humfress, Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic (2007) 149 |
| 497. Lactantius, Epitome Divinarum Institutionum, 1.6.12, 6.8.6-6.8.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law (jewish), brought from the jerusalem temple to rome, after judean war •equality under the law Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 106; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell, Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy (2023) 132 |
498. Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim, 50b, 8b, 24a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122| 24a. ואם אינו ענין לאכילה תנהו ענין לאיסור הנאה,אי מה כאן בשריפה אף כל איסורין שבתורה בשריפה אמר קרא (ויקרא ו, כג) בקדש באש תשרף בקדש בשריפה ואין כל איסורין שבתורה בשריפה,והאי בקדש באש תשרף להכי הוא דאתא האי מיבעי ליה לכדרבי שמעון דתניא רבי שמעון אומר בקדש באש תשרף לימד על חטאת ששורפין אותה בקדש ואין לי אלא זו בלבד פסולי קדשי קדשים ואמורי קדשים קלים מנין תלמוד לומר (וכל) בקדש באש תשרף,אמר ליה רבי יונתן רבך מהאי קרא קאמר לה (שמות כט, לד) ואם יותר מבשר המלואים ומן הלחם עד הבקר וגו' שאין תלמוד לומר לא יאכל ומה תלמוד לומר לא יאכל אם אינו ענין לגופיה דהא כתיב (שמות כט, לד) ושרפת את הנותר באש תנהו ענין לשאר איסורין שבתורה ואם אינו ענין לאכילה תנהו ענין לאיסור הנאה,אי מה כאן בשריפה אף כל איסורין שבתורה בשריפה אמר קרא ושרפת את הנותר נותר בשריפה ואין כל איסורין שבתורה בשריפה,והאי לא יאכל להכי הוא דאתא האי מיבעי ליה לכדרבי אלעזר דאמר ר' אלעזר לא יאכל כי קדש הוא כל שבקדש פסול בא הכתוב ליתן לא תעשה על אכילתו,אמר אביי לעולם מקרא קמא ואיפוך דליכתוב באש תשרף ולא בעי לא תאכל מה תלמוד לומר לא תאכל אם אינו ענין לגופו דנפקא ליה מדרבי אלעזר תנהו ענין לכל איסורין שבתורה ואם אינו ענין לאכילה תנהו ענין לאיסור הנאה,אי מה כאן בשריפה אף כל איסורין שבתורה בשריפה אמר קרא הנותר הנותר בשריפה ואין כל איסורין שבתורה בשריפה,אמר ליה רב פפא לאביי ואימא ליחודי ליה לאו לגופיה הוא דאתא דאי מדרבי אלעזר אין לוקין על לאו שבכללות,אלא אמר רב פפא מהכא (ויקרא ז, יט) והבשר אשר יגע בכל טמא לא יאכל באש ישרף שאין תלמוד לומר לא יאכל מה תלמוד לומר לא יאכל,אם אינו ענין לגופו דהא נפקא ליה מקל וחומר ממעשר הקל ומה מעשר הקל אמרה תורה (דברים כו, יד) לא בערתי ממנו בטמא בשר קדש חמור לא כל שכן,וכי תימא אין מזהירין מן הדין הקישא הוא דכתיב (דברים יב, יז) לא תוכל לאכול בשעריך מעשר דגנך תירושך ויצהרך ובכורות בקרך וגו',מה תלמוד לומר לא יאכל אם אינו ענין לגופו תנהו ענין לכל איסורין שבתורה ואם אינו ענין לאכילה תנהו ענין להנאה,אי מה כאן בשריפה אף כל איסורין שבתורה בשריפה אמר קרא הנותר הנותר בשריפה ואין כל איסורין שבתורה בשריפה,אמר לי' רבינא לרב אשי ואימא לעבור עליו בשני לאוין לאו מי אמר אביי אכל פוטיתא לוקה ארבע,נמלה לוקה חמש | 24a. And if it does not apply to the matter of the prohibition against eating, as the prohibition against eating these items has already been mentioned, apply it to the matter of the prohibition of deriving benefit.,The Gemara continues: Lest one say that the verse indicates that just as here, the sin-offering is disposed of with burning, so too, all the prohibited items in the Torah must be disposed of with burning, therefore the verse said: “In the sacred place…shall be burnt with fire” (Leviticus 6:23). This indicates that only that which is disqualified in the sacred place is disposed of with burning, but all other prohibited items in the Torah need not be disposed of with burning.,Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani asked: And did this verse: “In the sacred place…shall be burnt with fire,” come to teach this halakha? It is needed to teach in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Shimon, as it was taught in a baraita that Rabbi Shimon says: “In the sacred place…shall be burnt with fire”; this taught that one must burn a disqualified sin-offering in the sacred place, and not outside the Temple. And I have only derived this, meaning the sin-offering. From where do I derive that disqualified offerings of the most sacred order and portions consumed on the altar, such as the fats of offerings of minor sanctity that become impure, are burned in the Temple courtyard? The verse states: “In the sacred place…shall be burnt with fire.” This indicates that any disqualified offering must be burned in the sacred place.,The Sage who taught this halakha to Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said to him: Rabbi Yonatan, your teacher, said that same halakha from this verse: “And if the flesh of the consecration offering, or of the bread, remains until the morning, then you shall burn the leftover with fire; it shall not be eaten, because it is sacred” (Exodus 29:34). As there is no need for the verse to state: “It shall not be eaten,” what is the meaning when the verse states: “It shall not be eaten”? If it does not refer to the subject matter itself, as it is already written explicitly: “Then you shall burn the leftover with fire,” which indicates that one may not eat it, refer it to the matter of the other prohibitions in the Torah. And if it does not refer to the matter of the prohibition against eating, as eating these items is explicitly prohibited, refer it to the matter of the prohibition of deriving benefit. This indicates that it is prohibited for one to derive benefit from any item that it is prohibited for him to eat.,The Gemara continues: Lest one say that the verse indicates that just as here, the sin-offering is disposed of with burning, so too, all the prohibited items in the Torah, from which one may not benefit, must be disposed of with burning, therefore the verse said: “You shall burn the leftover,” indicating that the leftover sacrificial meat must be disposed of with burning; however, all other prohibitions in the Torah need not be disposed of with burning, despite the fact that it is prohibited to derive benefit from them.,The Gemara challenges: And did this phrase: “It shall not be eaten,” come to teach this prohibition against deriving benefit? This phrase is needed to teach in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Elazar, as Rabbi Elazar said with regard to the statement in the verse: “It shall not be eaten, because it is sacred,” that the verse comes to place a negative mitzva of eating on whatever has been rendered disqualified in the sacred place. In other words, this verse teaches a general halakha that one who eats from offerings that have been disqualified in the Temple transgresses a negative mitzva and is liable to be flogged. It teaches nothing with regard to a prohibition against deriving benefit.,Abaye said: Actually, derive this halakha from the first verse cited by Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi: “And any sin-offering, of which any of the blood is brought into the tent of meeting to make atonement in the sacred place, shall not be eaten; it shall be burnt with fire” (Leviticus 6:23). And reverse the construct of his exposition. Let the verse write: “It shall be burnt with fire,” and it will not need to write: “Shall not be eaten.” For what purpose then does the verse state: “It shall not be eaten”? If it does not apply to the subject matter itself, as that was already derived from the statement of Rabbi Elazar that whatever has been rendered disqualified in the sacred place may not be eaten, apply it to all other prohibitions in the Torah, including leavened bread on Passover and a stoned ox. And if it does not apply to the prohibition against eating, which is written explicitly, then apply it to the prohibition of deriving benefit.,The Gemara asks: Lest one say that the verse indicates that just as here, the leftover sacrificial meat is disposed of with burning, so too, all the prohibited items in the Torah, from which one may not benefit, must be disposed of with burning, therefore the verse said: “You shall burn the leftover,” indicating that the leftover sacrificial meat must be disposed of with burning; however, all other prohibited items in the Torah need not be disposed of with burning.,Rav Pappa said to Abaye: And why do you hold that the phrase: “You shall not eat,” describing the sin-offering that was sacrificed inside the Sanctuary, is not needed for other purposes? Say that this expression comes in order to designate a negative mitzva for this prohibition itself. As, if this prohibition were derived only from the source quoted by Rabbi Elazar, there will be a prohibition to eat the meat of the sin-offering whose blood was brought into the sanctuary; however, one would not be liable to be flogged for violating it, because one is not flogged for violating a negative mitzva stated in general terms. One is not flogged for violating a negative mitzva that contains several different prohibitions, such as this one, which refers to all disqualified offerings. This is because the negative mitzva is formulated too broadly. Therefore, it is possible to say that when the Torah states: “You shall not eat” with regard to this issue, it is teaching that there is a particular prohibition here and that one is flogged for violating it. If so, the verse cannot indicate a general prohibition against deriving benefit.,Rather, this suggestion should be rejected, and Rav Pappa said that one derives this halakha from here: “And the flesh that touches any impure thing shall not be eaten; it shall be burnt with fire. And as for the flesh, every one that is pure may eat of it” (Leviticus 7:19). As there is no need for the verse to state: “It shall not be eaten,” what does it mean when the verse states: “It shall not be eaten”?,If it does not refer to the subject matter itself, as that can be derived by means of an a fortiori inference from the second tithe, the halakhot of which are more lenient than those of offerings, then it must refer to something else. As it is possible to say: If with regard to the second tithe, which is more lenient because it does not have the status of an offering, the Torah said that when one recites the confession over the tithes, when destroying the tithes remaining in one’s possession that had not yet been given to the appropriate recipient, he says: “I have not eaten from it in my mourning, neither have I removed it while impure” (Deuteronomy 26:14), indicating that it is prohibited for one to remove tithes while impure, then with regard to consecrated meat, which is more stringent, all the more so is it not clear that it may not be eaten while a person is impure?,And if you say that there is a general principle that we do not warn, i.e., we may not deduce a prohibition, through logical derivation alone, then one could respond that his issue is not only derived through an a fortiori inference; rather, it is also derived from an analogy based on a juxtaposition. As it is written: “You may not eat within your gates the tithe of your grain, or of your wine, or of your oil, or the firstborn of your herd or of your flock, nor any of your vows which you have vowed, nor your voluntary offerings, nor the offering of your hand” (Deuteronomy 12:17). Since the verse itself juxtaposes tithes to offerings, it indicates that there is a prohibition with regard to offerings just as there is with regard to tithes.,The Gemara continues explaining Rav Pappa’s opinion: For what purpose then does the verse state: “It shall not be eaten” with regard to impure consecrated meat? If it does not apply to the subject matter of this verse itself, as that prohibition is derived from the second tithe, then apply it to the matter of all prohibited items in the Torah. And if it does not apply to the prohibition against eating, since that is clear, apply it to the prohibition of deriving benefit.,And if you say: Lest one say that the verse indicates that just as here, the meat that became impure in the Temple is disposed of with burning, so too, all the prohibited items in the Torah must be disposed of with burning, therefore the verse said: “The leftover,” indicating that the leftover sacrificial meat must be disposed of with burning; however, all other prohibited items in the Torah need not be disposed of with burning.,Ravina said to Rav Ashi: And say that this expression: “It shall not be eaten,” comes to teach not the prohibition against deriving benefit, but rather that one who transgresses this negative mitzva violates two prohibitions. And there is precedent for such an explanation, as didn’t Abaye say with regard to a parallel case: If one ate a small water creature [putita], he is flogged with four sets of lashes because one violates four prohibitions when eating such a creature? Two of these prohibitions are found in the verse that discusses all types of creeping animals: “You shall not make yourselves detestable with any swarming thing that swarms, neither shall you make yourselves impure with them, that you should be defiled by them” (Leviticus 11:43). A third prohibition applies to creeping animals that live in the water, as the verses say: “And all that have neither fins nor scales…They shall be a detestable thing unto you; you shall not eat of their flesh” (Leviticus 11:10–11). A fourth prohibition is cited in the verse: “And whatever does not have fins and scales you shall not eat; it is impure unto you” (Deuteronomy 14:10).,Similarly, if one ate an ant, he is flogged with five sets of lashes, two sets for the previously mentioned prohibitions of eating a creeping animal, a third based on the verse: “And every creeping thing that swarms upon the earth is a detestable thing; it shall not be eaten” (Leviticus 11:41), and a fourth based on the verse: “All creeping things that swarm upon the earth, them you shall not eat; for they are a detestable thing” (Leviticus 11:42). A fifth prohibition is stated in the verse: “You shall not make yourselves impure through every creeping thing that swarms upon the earth” (Leviticus 11:44). |
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| 499. Nag Hammadi, Apocalypse of James, 31.17-31.22 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •angels, give the law Found in books: Williams, Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: Book I: (Sects 1-46) (2009) 117 |
| 500. Nag Hammadi, The Apocalypse of Adam, 76.28-77.3, 77.9, 77.10, 77.11, 77.12, 77.13, 77.14, 77.15, 77.16, 77.17, 77.18 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Williams, Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: Book I: (Sects 1-46) (2009) 117 |
501. Babylonian Talmud, Rosh Hashanah, 28a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •virtue and law, and the torah Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 262| 28a. שמע מקצת תקיעה בבור ומקצת תקיעה על שפת הבור יצא מקצת תקיעה קודם שיעלה עמוד השחר ומקצת תקיעה לאחר שיעלה עמוד השחר לא יצא,אמר ליה אביי מאי שנא התם דבעינא כולה תקיעה בחיובא וליכא הכא נמי בעינא כולה תקיעה בחיובא וליכא,הכי השתא התם לילה לאו זמן חיובא הוא כלל הכא בור מקום חיובא הוא לאותן העומדין בבור,למימרא דסבר רבה שמע סוף תקיעה בלא תחילת תקיעה יצא וממילא תחילת תקיעה בלא סוף תקיעה יצא,ת"ש תקע בראשונה ומשך בשניה כשתים אין בידו אלא אחת ואמאי תסלק לה בתרתי פסוקי תקיעתא מהדדי לא פסקינן,ת"ש התוקע לתוך הבור או לתוך הדות או לתוך הפיטס אם קול שופר שמע יצא ואם קול הברה שמע לא יצא ואמאי ליפוק בתחילת תקיעה מקמי דליערבב קלא,כי קאמר רבה בתוקע ועולה לנפשיה,אי הכי מאי למימרא מהו דתימא זמנין דמפיק רישיה ואכתי שופר בבור וקא מיערבב קלא קמ"ל,אמר רב יהודה בשופר של עולה לא יתקע ואם תקע יצא בשופר של שלמים לא יתקע ואם תקע לא יצא,מ"ט עולה בת מעילה היא כיון דמעל בה נפקא לה לחולין שלמים דלאו בני מעילה נינהו איסורא הוא דרכיב בהו [ולא נפקי לחולין],מתקיף לה רבא אימת מעל לבתר דתקע כי קא תקע באיסורא תקע,אלא אמר רבא אחד זה ואחד זה לא יצא הדר אמר אחד זה ואחד זה יצא מצות לאו ליהנות ניתנו,אמר רב יהודה בשופר של ע"ז לא יתקע ואם תקע יצא בשופר של עיר הנדחת לא יתקע ואם תקע לא יצא מ"ט עיר הנדחת כתותי מיכתת שיעוריה,אמר רבא המודר הנאה מחבירו מותר לתקוע לו תקיעה של מצוה המודר הנאה משופר מותר לתקוע בו תקיעה של מצוה,ואמר רבא המודר הנאה מחבירו מזה עליו מי חטאת בימות הגשמים אבל לא בימות החמה המודר הנאה ממעין טובל בו טבילה של מצוה בימות הגשמים אבל לא בימות החמה,שלחו ליה לאבוה דשמואל כפאו ואכל מצה יצא כפאו מאן אילימא כפאו שד והתניא עתים חלים עתים שוטה כשהוא חלים הרי הוא כפקח לכל דבריו כשהוא שוטה הרי הוא כשוטה לכל דבריו,אמר רב אשי שכפאוהו פרסיים אמר רבא זאת אומרת התוקע לשיר יצא,פשיטא היינו הך מהו דתימא התם אכול מצה אמר רחמנא והא אכל | 28a. If one heard part of the blast in the pit and part of the blast at the edge of the pit, he has fulfilled his obligation. But if he heard part of the blast before dawn, when it is not yet time to sound the shofar, and part of the blast after dawn, he has not fulfilled his obligation.,Abaye said to him: What is different there, in the case of one who heard part of the blast before dawn and part of it after dawn? If you say that there the entire blast needs to be heard in a time of obligation, and when he hears part of the blast before dawn and part after dawn it is not all within the same time of obligation, here too, in the case of the pit, the entire blast needs to be in a place where one can fulfill his obligation, and when he hears part of the blast in a pit and part at the edge, it is not all within a place where he can fulfill his obligation.,The Gemara rejects this argument: How can these cases be compared? There, night is not a time of obligation at all, and sounding the shofar then has no meaning whatsoever, but here, a pit is a place of obligation for those standing in the pit. That is to say, the part of the blast that was heard in the pit is not inherently invalid, but merely disqualified due to an external factor, so that it is possible to connect it with the part of the blast that was heard at the edge of the pit.,The Gemara asks: Is this to say that Rabba maintains that if one heard the end of a blast without hearing the beginning of the blast, he has fulfilled his obligation? Because in the case where one heard the beginning of the blast in a pit, he is considered to have heard only the end of the shofar blast, which he heard at the edge of the pit. And it therefore follows that if one heard the beginning of a blast without hearing the end of the blast, he has also fulfilled his obligation.,Come and hear a proof that this is not so, for we learned in the mishna: If one blew the initial tekia of the first set of tekia-terua-tekia, and then drew out the second tekia so that it spans the length of two tekiot, it counts as only one tekia, and is not considered two tekiot, i.e., the concluding tekia of the first set, and the initial tekia of the second set. But why is this so? If we consider part of a blast as a complete one, let it count as two tekiot. The Gemara explains: If one hears only the beginning or the end of a shofar blast, he has indeed fulfilled his obligation, but nevertheless, we do not divide a shofar blast into two.,The Gemara raises another difficulty: Come and hear that which was taught in a mishna: If one sounds a shofar into a pit, or into a cistern, or into a large jug, if he clearly heard the sound of the shofar, he has fulfilled his obligation; but if he heard the sound of an echo, he has not fulfilled his obligation. But why is this so? If indeed half a blast is considered a blast, let him fulfill his obligation with the beginning of the blast, before the sound of the shofar is confused with the echo, since he heard the beginning of the blast clearly.,The Gemara answers: Indeed, half a blast is not considered a blast, and Rabba’s statement must be understood differently. When Rabba spoke, he was speaking not about other people hearing the blast, but about one who was sounding the shofar for himself in a pit and emerged from the pit as he was blowing. He has fulfilled his obligation, because he was located in the same place as the sound of the shofar at all times, and so he heard the entire blast clearly.,The Gemara asks: If so, what is the purpose of Rabba’s statement? The halakha in this case should be obvious, as there is no reason that the blast should be disqualified. The Gemara answers: Lest you say that his head might sometimes emerge from the pit while the shofar itself is still in the pit, and the sound may become confused with its echo, and so he would not fulfill his obligation. Therefore, Rabba teaches us that we are not concerned about this, and the obligation is considered to have been fulfilled.,§ Rav Yehuda said: One should not blow with the shofar of an animal consecrated as a burnt-offering, but if he nevertheless transgressed and blew, he has fulfilled his obligation. One should also not blow with the shofar of an animal consecrated as a peace-offering, and if he nevertheless transgressed and blew, he has not fulfilled his obligation.,The Gemara explains: What is the reason for this distinction? A burnt-offering is subject to misuse of consecrated objects before being offered, and once one misuses it for mundane purposes, it becomes non-sacred, so that the one who blows with its shofar fulfills his obligation. In contrast, peace-offerings are not subject to misuse of consecrated objects before being offered, since in the case of sacrifices of lesser sanctity, misuse is restricted to the fats and other portions that are offered on the altar, and even this applies only after the sprinkling of the blood. Since one is not considered to be misusing peace-offerings when utilizing them for mundane purposes, the prohibition remains intact and they do not become non-sacred. Therefore, one who blows the shofar of an animal consecrated as a peace-offering does not fulfill his obligation.,Rava strongly objects to this argument: When does he commit misuse? After he has sounded it, for only then has he misused the consecrated animal. If so, when he sounds it, he is sounding with something that is still prohibited, even in the case of the animal that was consecrated as a burnt-offering, and so he should not be able to fulfill his obligation with it.,Rather, Rava said: Both this one, the shofar of a burnt-offering, and the other one, the shofar of a peace-offering, are governed by the same halakha: If he sounded them, he has not fulfilled his obligation. Later, Rava retracted his statement and then said the opposite: Both this one, the shofar of a burnt-offering, and the other one, the shofar of a peace-offering, are governed by the same halakha: If he sounded them, he has fulfilled his obligation. The reason for this is that mitzvot were not given for benefit. That is to say, the fulfillment of a mitzva is not in itself considered a benefit, and in the absence of benefit, one is not liable for misuse.,Rav Yehuda said further: One should not sound a shofar that was used for idol worship, but if he nevertheless transgressed and sounded it, he has fulfilled his obligation. One should also not sound a shofar from a city whose residents were incited to idolatry, where the majority of inhabitants committed idolatry, but if he nevertheless transgressed and sounded it, he has not fulfilled his obligation. What is the reason for this last ruling? With regard to any object found in a city whose residents were incited to idolatry, its size as required for the mitzva is seen by halakha as crushed into powder. Since a shofar from a city whose residents were incited to idolatry is destined for burning, it is considered as if it is already burnt, and it therefore lacks the requisite measurement for fulfilling the mitzva.,Rava said: If one is prohibited by vow from deriving benefit from another, i.e., if he took a vow not to receive any benefit whatsoever from a certain person, that other person is nevertheless permitted to sound a blast for him so that he fulfills the mitzva, in accordance with the principle that the fulfillment of a mitzva is not in itself considered a benefit. For the same reason, if one is prohibited by vow from deriving benefit from a particular shofar, he is nevertheless permitted to sound a blast with it so that he may fulfill the mitzva.,And Rava said further: If one is prohibited by vow from deriving benefit from another, that other person may nevertheless sprinkle the waters of purification on him, i.e., water mixed with the ashes of the red heifer, which was used to purify people and objects that had contracted ritual impurity through contact with a corpse, in the rainy season, for at that time the sprinkling is performed only in order to fulfill a mitzva. But he may not do so in the summer season, since then he also benefits from the very fact that water is being sprinkled on him. Similarly, if one is prohibited by vow from deriving benefit from a particular spring, he may nevertheless immerse in it an immersion performed in order to fulfill a mitzva in the rainy season, but not in the summer season, since then he also derives benefit from the very fact that he has immersed in cold water.,§ It is related that the following ruling was sent from Eretz Yisrael to Shmuel’s father: If one was forcibly compelled to eat matza on Passover, he has fulfilled his obligation. The Gemara clarifies the matter: Who compelled him to eat the matza? If we say that a demon forced him, i.e., that he ate it in a moment of insanity, this is difficult. Isn’t it taught in a baraita: With regard to someone who is at times sane and at times insane, at the times when he is sane, he is considered halakhically competent for all purposes and is obligated in all the mitzvot. And when he is insane, he is considered insane for all purposes, and is therefore exempt from the mitzvot. If so, someone who was compelled by a demon to eat matza is not considered obligated to perform the mitzvot at all.,Rav Ashi said: We are dealing with a case where the Persians compelled him to eat. Rava said: That is to say that one who sounds a shofar for the music, having no intent to fulfill the mitzva, fulfills his obligation, since the critical issue is hearing the blast and not the intent of the blower.,The Gemara asks: Isn’t it obvious that this is identical to that which was stated above, that one who was compelled to eat matza fulfills the mitzva even if he had no intention of doing so? The same should apply in the case of the shofar, that one who heard the blast of a shofar fulfills his obligation even if he had no intention of doing so. The Gemara answers: Lest you say that there is a difference between the two cases, there, the Merciful One says: Eat matza, and he indeed ate it, thereby fulfilling the mitzva. |
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502. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, 106b, 109a, 17b, 19b, 25b, 32b, 56a, 63b, 69a, 74a, 75a, 97b, 57b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (2006) 325| 57b. נהרג עליו,אשכח ר' יעקב בר אחא דהוה כתיב בספר אגדתא דבי רב בן נח נהרג בדיין א' ובעד אחד שלא בהתראה מפי איש ולא מפי אשה ואפילו קרוב משום רבי ישמעאל אמרו אף על העוברין,מנהני מילי אמר רב יהודה דאמר קרא (בראשית ט, ה) אך את דמכם לנפשותיכם אדרוש אפילו בדיין אחד,(בראשית ט, ה) מיד כל חיה אפילו שלא בהתראה (בראשית ט, ה) אדרשנו ומיד האדם אפילו בעד אחד (בראשית ט, ה) מיד איש ולא מיד אשה אחיו אפילו קרוב,משום רבי ישמעאל אמרו אף על העוברין מאי טעמיה דרבי ישמעאל דכתיב (בראשית ט, ו) שופך דם האדם באדם דמו ישפך איזהו אדם שהוא באדם הוי אומר זה עובר שבמעי אמו,ותנא קמא תנא דבי מנשה הוא דאמר כל מיתה האמורה לבני נח אינו אלא חנק ושדי ליה האי באדם אסיפיה דקרא ודרוש ביה הכי באדם דמו ישפך איזהו שפיכות דמים של אדם שהוא בגופו של אדם הוי אומר זה חנק,מתיב רב המנונא ואשה לא מפקדה והכתיב (בראשית יח, יט) כי ידעתיו למען אשר יצוה וגו',הוא מותיב לה והוא מפרק לה בניו לדין ביתו לצדקה,אמר ליה רב אויא סבא לרב פפא אימא בת נח שהרגה לא תיהרג מיד איש ולא מיד אשה כתיב אמר ליה הכי אמר רב יהודה שופך דם האדם מכל מקום,אימא בת נח שזינתה לא תיהרג דכתיב (בראשית ב, כד) על כן יעזב איש ולא אשה א"ל הכי אמר רב יהודה (בראשית ב, כד) והיו לבשר אחד הדר ערבינהו קרא,ת"ר איש מה תלמוד לומר (ויקרא יח, ו) איש איש לרבות את הכותים שמוזהרין על העריות כישראל,והא מהכא נפקא מהתם נפקא לאמר זה גילוי עריות,התם בעריות דידהו והכא בעריות דידן דקתני סיפא בא על עריות ישראל נידון בדיני ישראל,למאי הלכתא אמר רב נחמן אמר רבה בר אבוה לא נצרכה אלא לעדה ועדים והתראה,מגרע גרע,אלא א"ר יוחנן לא נצרכה אלא לנערה המאורסה דלדידהו לית להו דדיינינן להו בדינא דידן,אבל אשת איש בדינא דידהו דיינינן להו והתניא בא על נערה המאורסה נידון בסקילה על אשת איש נידון בחנק ואי בדינא דידהו סייף הוא,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מאי אשת איש דקתני כגון שנכנסה לחופה ולא נבעלה דלדידהו לית להו דיינינן להו בדינא דידן,דתני ר' חנינא בעולת בעל יש להן נכנסה לחופה ולא נבעלה אין להן,תניא כוותיה דר' יוחנן כל ערוה שב"ד של ישראל ממיתין עליה בן נח מוזהר עליה אין ב"ד של ישראל ממיתין עליה אין בן נח מוזהר עליה דברי רבי מאיר וחכמים אומרים הרבה עריות יש שאין בית דין של ישראל ממיתין עליהן ובן נח מוזהר עליהן,בא על עריות ישראל נידון בדיני ישראל בא על עריות בן נח נידון בדיני בן נח ואנו אין לנו אלא נערה המאורסה בלבד,ונחשוב נמי נכנסה לחופה ולא נבעלה האי תנא תנא דבי מנשה הוא דאמר כל מיתה האמורה לבני נח אינו אלא חנק אידי ואידי חנק הוא,וסבר רבי מאיר כל ערוה שבית דין של ישראל ממיתין עליה בן נח מוזהר עליה והא תניא גר | 57b. he is executed for killing him even though he acted in self-defense, and a descendant of Noah is also killed for this.,§ Rabbi Ya’akov bar Aḥa found that it was written in a book of Aggadot in the study hall of Rav: Contrary to the halakha with regard to a Jew, a descendant of Noah is executed on the basis of the verdict of even one judge, and by the testimony of even one witness, and without being given forewarning before committing the transgression. He can be judged or testified against only by the mouth of a man and not by the mouth of a woman; but even a relative may judge his case or testify against him. The Sages said in the name of Rabbi Yishmael that a descendant of Noah is executed even for killing fetuses.,The Gemara asks: From where are these matters derived? Rav Yehuda says: They are derived from that which the verse states: “And your blood of your lives I will require; at the hand of every animal I will require it; and at the hand of man, even at the hand of every man’s brother, I will require the life of man” (Genesis 9:5). It is derived from the term “I will require,” which is stated in the singular, that a descendant of Noah is executed on the basis of the verdict of even one judge.,It is derived from the phrase “at the hand of every animal” that one is executed even without forewarning, as an animal certainly cannot forewarn someone. It is derived from the phrase “I will require it; and at the hand of man,” with “I” stated in the singular, that the sentence is issued on the basis of the testimony of even one witness. It is derived from the phrase “at the hand of every man,” that the judgment and testimony must be at the hand of a man, but not at the hand of a woman. It is derived from the term “his brother” that the testimony of the witness is accepted even if he is a relative of the defendant.,It is stated in that book of Aggadot that the Sages said in the name of Rabbi Yishmael: A descendant of Noah is executed even for killing fetuses. The Gemara asks: What is the reason for the opinion of Rabbi Yishmael? The Gemara answers: It is derived from that which is written: “One who sheds the blood of a person, by a person [ba’adam] his blood shall be shed” (Genesis 9:6). The word ba’adam literally means: In a person, and is interpreted homiletically: What is a person that is in a person? You must say: This is a fetus that is in its mother’s womb. Accordingly, a descendant of Noah is liable for killing a fetus.,The Gemara comments: And the first tanna, who does not derive the halakha concerning fetuses, is the tanna of the school of Menashe, who says that all death penalties stated with regard to the descendants of Noah are referring to nothing other than strangulation. And he interprets this verse as follows: Cast, i.e., redirect, this term: “In a person,” and explain it with regard to the latter part of the verse, and interpret it homiletically like this: “In a person, his blood shall be shed.” In what manner is a person’s blood shed while it is in the person’s body, without external bleeding? You must say that this is strangulation. It is therefore derived that the execution of a descendant of Noah is by strangulation.,Rav Hamnuna raises an objection to the statement in the book of Aggadot that a descendant of Noah can be judged or testified against only by a man and not by a woman: And is a woman who is a descendant of Noah not commanded to establish courts of judgment? But isn’t it written with regard to Abraham, who at that point had the status of a descendant of Noah: “For I have known him, to the end that he may command his sons and his household after him, that they may keep the way of the Lord, to do righteousness and justice” (Genesis 18:19). The word “household” is referring to the women, indicating that they are also commanded to execute justice.,He raises the objection and he resolves it: Abraham commanded his sons to carry out justice, whereas his household, the women in his family, he commanded to give charity; the Hebrew word for righteousness [tzedek] can also mean charity [tzedaka].,Rav Avya the Elder said to Rav Pappa: Why not say that a female descendant of Noah who killed someone should not be executed; as it is written: “At the hand of every man,” and not “at the hand of every woman”? Rav Pappa said to him: This is what Rav Yehuda says: It is derived from the phrase “one who sheds the blood of a person” that one who murders is liable to be executed in any case, whether that person is male or female.,Rav Avya asked further: Why not say that a female descendant of Noah who committed adultery should not be executed, as it is written: “Therefore a man shall leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave to his wife, and they shall be one flesh” (Genesis 2:24); a man, but not a woman? Rav Pappa said to him: This is what Rav Yehuda says: At the end of the verse it states: “And they shall be one flesh.” The verse then combines men and women, indicating that the same halakha applies to both.,§ The Sages taught in a baraita with regard to the verse: “No one [ish ish] shall approach any that is kin to him, to uncover their nakedness” (Leviticus 18:6): The verse could have stated: One [ish] shall not approach. Why must the verse state “no one”? It is to include the gentiles, who are prohibited from engaging in forbidden sexual relations, as Jews are.,The Gemara asks: But is it derived from here? It is derived from there, from the verse that was already interpreted as teaching this halakha: “And the Lord God commanded the man, saying” (Genesis 2:16), this alludes to forbidden sexual relations (see 56b).,The Gemara answers: There, the verse is referring to their women, gentiles, with whom relations are forbidden. And here it is referring to our women, Jews, with whom relations are forbidden. In other words, a gentile who engages in intercourse with a married Jewish woman is liable. As it is taught in the latter clause of the baraita: If a gentile engages in intercourse with those Jewish women with whom relations are forbidden, i.e., a married Jewish woman, he is judged according to the halakhot of the Jews.,The Gemara asks: With regard to what halakha is this gentile judged according to the halakhot of the Jews? Rav Naḥman says that Rabba bar Avuh says: The statement of the baraita is necessary only to teach these halakhot: That he must be judged by a Sanhedrin, and that he is punished only if two witnesses testify concerning him, and only if he was issued a forewarning before his transgression.,The Gemara asks: Should the halakha of a gentile who engaged in intercourse with a forbidden Jewish woman be less stringent than that of a gentile who engaged in intercourse with a forbidden gentile woman, in which case these conditions do not apply?,Rather, Rabbi Yoḥa says: The statement of the baraita is necessary only to teach the halakha in the case of a gentile who engages in intercourse with a betrothed young Jewish woman, which does not apply to gentiles. By halakha, only marriage applies to gentiles, not betrothal. Therefore, we judge them according to our halakha in that case.,The Gemara asks: And with regard to gentiles who engage in intercourse with a married Jewish woman, do we judge them according to their halakha? But isn’t it taught in a baraita: If a gentile engages in intercourse with a betrothed young Jewish woman, he is punished by stoning; if he engages in intercourse with a married Jewish woman he is punished by strangulation? The Gemara explains its question: And if they are judged according to their halakha, he would be executed by the sword.,Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: What is the meaning of the phrase: A married woman, which the tanna teaches? It is referring to a case where the woman had entered the wedding canopy but had not yet engaged in intercourse with her husband, in which case she is considered married according to the halakhot that apply to Jews but not according to the halakhot that apply to gentiles. Since with regard to gentiles, marriage has not yet taken effect, we judge them according to our halakhot. Therefore, a gentile who engages in intercourse with such a Jewish woman is executed by strangulation.,As Rabbi Ḥanina teaches: Gentiles can have the status of a married woman who has engaged in intercourse with her husband, i.e., such a woman is considered married according to their laws, but they cannot have the status of a married woman who has entered the wedding canopy but has not engaged in intercourse with her husband.,It is taught in a baraita in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yoḥa: Any forbidden sexual relations for which a Jewish court administers capital punishment are prohibited to a descendant of Noah, and any forbidden sexual relations for which a Jewish court does not administer capital punishment are not prohibited to a descendant of Noah; this is the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say: There are many types of forbidden sexual relations for which a Jewish court does not administer capital punishment and are nevertheless prohibited to a descendant of Noah.,If a gentile engages in intercourse with those Jews with whom relations are forbidden, he is judged according to the halakhot of the Jews. If he engages in intercourse with those descendants of Noah with whom relations are forbidden, he is judged according to the halakhot of the descendants of Noah. And we have only the case of a betrothed young woman as a case where a gentile is judged according to the halakhot of the Jews, in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yoḥa.,The Gemara suggests: And let the tanna also count the case of a woman who had entered the wedding canopy but had not yet engaged in intercourse with her husband. The Gemara explains: This tanna is the tanna of the school of Menashe, who says that all death penalties stated with regard to the descendants of Noah are referring to nothing other than strangulation, and since the punishment in Jewish halakha for engaging in intercourse with a married woman is also strangulation, both this punishment and that punishment are strangulation; there is no difference between the halakha for Jews and the halakha for gentiles in such a case.,With regard to the opinion of Rabbi Meir stated in the first clause of the baraita, the Gemara asks: And does Rabbi Meir hold that any forbidden sexual relations for which a Jewish court administers capital punishment is prohibited to a descendant of Noah? But isn’t it taught in a baraita: With regard to a convert |
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503. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, 11.4, 132a, 93a, 93b, 89b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal, Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud (2018) 176; Schiffman, Testimony and the Penal Code (1983) 69 89b. שפרו ורבו עליה ישראל מדבר סיני שירדה שנאה לעכו"ם עליו ומה שמו חורב שמו ופליגא דר' אבהו דא"ר אבהו הר סיני שמו ולמה נקרא הר חורב שירדה חורבה לעכו"ם עליו:,מנין שקושרין לשון של זהורית וכו': כשנים כשני מיבעי ליה א"ר יצחק אמר להם הקב"ה לישראל אם יהיו חטאיכם כשנים הללו שסדורות ובאות מששת ימי בראשית ועד עכשיו כשלג ילבינו: דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (ישעיה א, יח) לכו נא ונוכחה יאמר ה' לכו נא בואו נא מיבעי ליה יאמר ה' אמר ה' מיבעי ליה לעתיד לבא יאמר להם הקב"ה לישראל לכו נא אצל אבותיכם ויוכיחו אתכם,ויאמרו לפניו רבש"ע אצל מי נלך אצל אברהם שאמרת לו (בראשית טו, יג) ידוע תדע ולא בקש רחמים עלינו אצל יצחק שבירך את עשו (שם כז, מ) והיה כאשר תריד ולא בקש רחמים עלינו אצל יעקב שאמרת לו (שם מו, ד) אנכי ארד עמך מצרימה ולא בקש רחמים עלינו אצל מי נלך עכשיו יאמר ה' אמר להן הקב"ה הואיל ותליתם עצמכם בי אם יהיו חטאיכם כשנים כשלג ילבינו:,א"ר שמואל בר נחמני א"ר יונתן מ"ד (ישעיה סג, טז) כי אתה אבינו כי אברהם לא ידענו וישראל לא יכירנו אתה ה' אבינו גואלנו מעולם שמך לעתיד לבא יאמר לו הקב"ה לאברהם בניך חטאו לי אמר לפניו רבש"ע ימחו על קדושת שמך אמר אימר ליה ליעקב דהוה ליה צער גידול בנים אפשר דבעי רחמי עלייהו אמר ליה בניך חטאו אמר לפניו רבש"ע ימחו על קדושת שמך אמר לא בסבי טעמא ולא בדרדקי עצה אמר לו ליצחק בניך חטאו לי אמר לפניו רבש"ע בני ולא בניך בשעה שהקדימו לפניך נעשה לנשמע קראת להם (שמות ד, כב) בני בכורי עכשיו בני ולא בניך,ועוד כמה חטאו כמה שנותיו של אדם שבעים שנה דל עשרין דלא ענשת עלייהו פשו להו חמשין דל כ"ה דלילותא פשו להו כ"ה דל תרתי סרי ופלגא דצלויי ומיכל ודבית הכסא פשו להו תרתי סרי ופלגא אם אתה סובל את כולם מוטב ואם לאו פלגא עלי ופלגא עליך ואת"ל כולם עלי הא קריבית נפשי קמך פתחו ואמרו (כי) אתה אבינו אמר להם יצחק עד שאתם מקלסין לי קלסו להקב"ה ומחוי להו יצחק הקב"ה בעינייהו מיד נשאו עיניהם למרום ואומרים (ישעיה סג, טז) אתה ה' אבינו גואלנו מעולם שמך,א"ר חייא בר אבא א"ר יוחנן ראוי היה יעקב אבינו לירד למצרים בשלשלאות של ברזל אלא שזכותו גרמה לו דכתיב (הושע יא, ד) בחבלי אדם אמשכם בעבותות אהבה ואהיה להם כמרימי עול על לחיהם ואט אליו אוכיל:,| 89b. because the Jewish people were fruitful [paru] and multiplied in it; the Sinai Desert, because hatred descended upon the nations of the world on it, on the mountain on which the Jewish people received the Torah. And what is the mountain’s true name? Horeb is its name. And that disputes the opinion of Rabbi Abbahu, as Rabbi Abbahu said: Mount Sinai is its name. And why is it called Mount Horeb? It is because destruction [ḥurba] of the nations of the world descended upon it.,We learned in the mishna: From where is it derived that one ties a scarlet strip of wool to the scapegoat? As it says: “If your sins be like scarlet [kashanim], they will become white like snow” (Isaiah 1:18). The Gemara wonders at this: Why does the verse use the plural form: Kashanim? It should have used the singular form: Kashani. Rabbi Yitzḥak said that the Holy One, Blessed be He, said to the Jewish people: Even if your sins are as numerous as those years [kashanim] that have proceeded continuously from the six days of Creation until now, they will become white like snow. Rava taught: What is the meaning of that which is written: “Go please and let us reason together, the Lord will say” (Isaiah 1:18)? Why does the verse say: Go please? It should have said: Come please. And why does the verse say: The Lord will say? The prophet’s message is based on something that God already said. Therefore, the verse should have said: God said. Rather, the explanation of this verse is that in the future that will surely come, the Holy One, Blessed be He, will say to the Jewish people: Go please to your Patriarchs, and they will rebuke you.,And the Jewish people will say before Him: Master of the Universe, to whom shall we go? Shall we go to Abraham, to whom You said: “Know certainly that your seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and shall serve them; and they shall afflict them four hundred years” (Genesis 15:13), and he did not ask for mercy on our behalf? Or perhaps we should go to Isaac, who blessed Esau and said: “And it shall come to pass when you shall break loose, that you shall shake his yoke from off your neck” (Genesis 27:40), and he did not ask for mercy on our behalf. Or perhaps we should go to Jacob, to whom You said: “I will go down to Egypt with you” (Genesis 46:4), and he did not ask for mercy on our behalf. And if so, to whom shall we go? Shall we go to our Patriarchs, who do not have mercy on us? Rather, now God Himself says what punishment we deserve. The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to them: Since you made yourselves dependent on Me, “If your sins be like scarlet, they will become white like snow.”,Apropos the Jewish people assessing their forefathers, the Gemara cites a related teaching. Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said that Rabbi Yonatan said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “For You are our Father; for Abraham knows us not, and Israel does not acknowledge us; You, Lord, are our Father, our Redeemer, everlasting is Your name” (Isaiah 63:16). In the future that will surely come, the Holy One, Blessed be He, will say to Abraham: Your children have sinned against Me. Abraham will say before Him: Master of the Universe, if so, let them be eradicated to sanctify Your name. God said: I will say it to Jacob. Since he experienced the pain of raising children, perhaps he will ask for mercy on their behalf. He said to Jacob: Your children have sinned. Jacob said before Him: Master of the Universe, if so, let them be eradicated to sanctify Your name. The Holy One, Blessed be He, said: There is no reason in elders and no wisdom in youth. Neither Abraham nor Jacob knew how to respond properly. He said to Isaac: Your children have sinned against Me. Isaac said before Him: Master of the Universe, are they my children and not Your children? At Sinai, when they accorded precedence to “We will do” over “We will listen” before You, didn’t You call them, “My son, My firstborn son Israel” (Exodus 4:22)? Now that they have sinned, are they my children and not Your children?,And furthermore, how much did they actually sin? How long is a person’s life? Seventy years. Subtract the first twenty years of his life. One is not punished for sins committed then, as in heavenly matters, a person is only punished from age twenty. Fifty years remain for them. Subtract twenty-five years of nights, and twenty-five years remain for them. Subtract twelve and a half years during which one prays and eats and uses the bathroom, and twelve and a half years remain for them. If You can endure them all and forgive the sins committed during those years, excellent. And if not, half of the sins are upon me to bear and half upon You. And if You say that all of them, the sins of all twelve and a half years that remain, are upon me, I sacrificed my soul before You and You should forgive them due to my merit. The Jewish people began to say to Isaac: You are our father. Only Isaac defended the Jewish people as a father would and displayed compassion toward his children. Isaac said to them: Before you praise me, praise the Holy One, Blessed be He. And Isaac points to the Holy One, Blessed be He, before their eyes. Immediately they lifted their eyes to the heavens and say: “You, Lord, are our Father, our Redeemer, everlasting is Your name.”,And since the Gemara mentioned Jacob’s descent to Egypt, the Gemara cites that which Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: Our father Jacob should have gone down to Egypt in iron chains as would an exile against his will, as decreed by God and related to Abraham. However, his merit caused him to descend without suffering, as it is written: “I drew them with cords of man, with bands of love, and I was to them as they that take off the yoke on their jaws, and I fed them gently” (Hosea 11:4).,halakhot of Shabbat, this mishna resumes treatment of the halakhot of carrying from domain to domain on Shabbat. One who carries out wood on Shabbat is liable for a measure equivalent to the amount of wood necessary to cook an easily cooked egg. The measure that determines liability for carrying out spices is equivalent to that which is used to season an easily cooked egg. And all types of spices join together with one another to constitute the measure for liability. The measure that determines liability for carrying out nutshells, pomegranate peels, safflower, and madder, which are used to produce dyes, is equivalent to the amount that is used to dye a small garment placed atop a woman’s hairnet. The measure that determines liability for carrying out urine, natron, and borit, cimolian earth [Kimoleya], and potash, all of which are abrasive materials used for laundry, is equivalent to the amount that is used to launder a small garment placed atop a woman’s hairnet. And Rabbi Yehuda says: The measure that determines liability for these materials is equivalent to that which is used to remove a stain.,we already learn it once? As we learned in a mishna: The measure that determines liability for carrying out a reed is equivalent to that which is used to make a quill. And if the reed was thick and unfit for writing, or if it was fragmented, the measure that determines its liability is equivalent to that which is used to cook an egg most easily cooked, one that is already beaten and placed in a stew pot. The measure of firewood is clearly delineated. The Gemara answers: Still, this mishna is necessary. You might have said: There, the measure of the crushed reed reflects the fact that it is not suitable for anything other than kindling. However, regarding wood that is suitable to be used as a tooth of a key [aklida], the measure that determines its liability should be even any small amount. Therefore, it teaches us that wood is typically designated for burning, and that determines the measure for liability for carrying out wood on Shabbat.,We learned in the mishna that all types of spices join together with one another to constitute the measure equivalent to that which is used to season an easily cooked egg. The Gemara raises a contradiction from that which we learned elsewhere: Spices, which are prohibited due to two or three different prohibitions, e.g., one is prohibited due to orla, and one due to the prohibition of untithed produce, and they were all of a single species (Tosafot), or if they were of three different species, are prohibited, and they join together with each other to constitute a complete measure. And Ḥizkiya said: | |
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| 504. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia, 61b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122 |
| 505. Origen, Commentary On The Song of Songs, 2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541 |
| 506. Origen, Philocalia, 25.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 542 |
| 507. Origen, Commentary On John, 10.138 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Azar, Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews" (2016) 70 |
| 508. Origen, Philocalia, 25.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 542 |
| 509. Babylonian Talmud, Keritot, 4a, 20b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122 |
| 510. Origen, Selections On Psalms, 1.6, 4.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541 |
511. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.26, 4.10, 5.26, 7.88, 7.110, 7.115, 7.117, 7.131, 10.119 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 288, 329, 395; Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90, 174; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 28; Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 284; Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233; Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473 | 2.26. Aristotle says that he married two wives: his first wife was Xanthippe, by whom he had a son, Lamprocles; his second wife was Myrto, the daughter of Aristides the Just, whom he took without a dowry. By her he had Sophroniscus and Menexenus. Others make Myrto his first wife; while some writers, including Satyrus and Hieronymus of Rhodes, affirm that they were both his wives at the same time. For they say that the Athenians were short of men and, wishing to increase the population, passed a decree permitting a citizen to marry one Athenian woman and have children by another; and that Socrates accordingly did so. 5.26. Prognostics of Storms, one book.Concerning Astronomy, one book.Concerning Optics, one book.On Motion, one book.On Music, one book.Concerning Memory, one book.Six books of Homeric Problems.Poetics, one book.Thirty-eight books of Physics according to the lettering.Two books of Problems which have been examined.Two books of Routine Instruction.Mechanics, one book.Problems taken from the works of Democritus, two books.On the Magnet, one book.Analogies, one book.Miscellaneous Notes, twelve books.Descriptions of Genera, fourteen books.Claims advanced, one book.Victors at Olympia, one book.Victors at the Pythian Games, one book.On Music, one book.Concerning Delphi, one book.Criticism of the List of Pythian Victors, one book.Dramatic Victories at the Dionysia, one book.of Tragedies, one book.Dramatic Records, one book.Proverbs, one book.Laws of the Mess-table, one book.Four books of Laws.Categories, one book.De Interpretatione, one book. 7.88. And this is why the end may be defined as life in accordance with nature, or, in other words, in accordance with our own human nature as well as that of the universe, a life in which we refrain from every action forbidden by the law common to all things, that is to say, the right reason which pervades all things, and is identical with this Zeus, lord and ruler of all that is. And this very thing constitutes the virtue of the happy man and the smooth current of life, when all actions promote the harmony of the spirit dwelling in the individual man with the will of him who orders the universe. Diogenes then expressly declares the end to be to act with good reason in the selection of what is natural. Archedemus says the end is to live in the performance of all befitting actions. 7.110. And in things intermediate also there are duties; as that boys should obey the attendants who have charge of them.According to the Stoics there is an eight-fold division of the soul: the five senses, the faculty of speech, the intellectual faculty, which is the mind itself, and the generative faculty, being all parts of the soul. Now from falsehood there results perversion, which extends to the mind; and from this perversion arise many passions or emotions, which are causes of instability. Passion, or emotion, is defined by Zeno as an irrational and unnatural movement in the soul, or again as impulse in excess.The main, or most universal, emotions, according to Hecato in his treatise On the Passions, book ii., and Zeno in his treatise with the same title, constitute four great classes, grief, fear, desire or craving, pleasure. 7.115. And as there are said to be certain infirmities in the body, as for instance gout and arthritic disorders, so too there is in the soul love of fame, love of pleasure, and the like. By infirmity is meant disease accompanied by weakness; and by disease is meant a fond imagining of something that seems desirable. And as in the body there are tendencies to certain maladies such as colds and diarrhoea, so it is with the soul, there are tendencies like enviousness, pitifulness, quarrelsomeness, and the like. 7.117. Now they say that the wise man is passionless, because he is not prone to fall into such infirmity. But they add that in another sense the term apathy is applied to the bad man, when, that is, it means that he is callous and relentless. Further, the wise man is said to be free from vanity; for he is indifferent to good or evil report. However, he is not alone in this, there being another who is also free from vanity, he who is ranged among the rash, and that is the bad man. Again, they tell us that all good men are austere or harsh, because they neither have dealings with pleasure themselves nor tolerate those who have. The term harsh is applied, however, to others as well, and in much the same sense as a wine is said to be harsh when it is employed medicinally and not for drinking at all. 7.131. It is also their doctrine that amongst the wise there should be a community of wives with free choice of partners, as Zeno says in his Republic and Chrysippus in his treatise On Government [and not only they, but also Diogenes the Cynic and Plato]. Under such circumstances we shall feel paternal affection for all the children alike, and there will be an end of the jealousies arising from adultery. The best form of government they hold to be a mixture of democracy, kingship, and aristocracy (or the rule of the best).Such, then, are the statements they make in their ethical doctrines, with much more besides, together with their proper proofs: let this, however, suffice for a statement of them in a summary and elementary form. 10.119. Nor, again, will the wise man marry and rear a family: so Epicurus says in the Problems and in the De Natura. Occasionally he may marry owing to special circumstances in his life. Some too will turn aside from their purpose. Nor will he drivel, when drunken: so Epicurus says in the Symposium. Nor will he take part in politics, as is stated in the first book On Life; nor will he make himself a tyrant; nor will he turn Cynic (so the second book On Life tells us); nor will he be a mendicant. But even when he has lost his sight, he will not withdraw himself from life: this is stated in the same book. The wise man will also feel grief, according to Diogenes in the fifth book of his Epilecta. |
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| 512. Pamphilus Caesariensis 240-310, Apologia Pro Origene, 33.1.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, and gospel •law, the, gnostic views of •law, the, in origen Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 557, 558, 564, 565 |
| 513. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 1, 10-19, 2, 4-9, 3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 170 |
| 514. Origen, Homilies On Genesis, 5.5 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
| 515. Origen, Commentary On Romans, a b c d\n0 2.13.3 2.13.3 2 13\n1 2.9.1 2.9.1 2 9\n2 6.7.11 6.7.11 6 7\n3 10.1 10.1 10 1\n4 6.4 6.4 6 4\n5 6.3 6.3 6 3\n6 8.11 8.11 8 11\n7 1.3 1.3 1 3\n8 2.10 2.10 2 10\n9 3.4 3.4 3 4\n10 3.10 3.10 3 10\n11 4.12 4.12 4 12\n12 7.8 7.8 7 8\n13 7.16 7.16 7 16\n14 9.2 9.2 9 2\n15 8.8 8.8 8 8\n16 10.43 10.43 10 43\n17 3.1 3.1 3 1\n18 5.10 5.10 5 10\n19 1.18 1.18 1 18\n20 1.15 1.15 1 15\n21 2.14 2.14 2 14\n22 2.13 2.13 2 13\n23 2.4 2.4 2 4\n24 1.19 1.19 1 19\n25 2.1 2.1 2 1\n26 5.6 5.6 5 6\n27 4.10 4.10 4 10\n28 4.7 4.7 4 7\n29 3.7 3.7 3 7\n30 3.11 3.11 3 11\n31 4.4 4.4 4 4\n32 "6.9" "6.9" "6 9" (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142 |
| 516. Origen, Homilies On Psalms, 2.6, 2.16, 4.4, 5.5 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 527, 541 |
| 517. Origen, Homilies On Judges, 1.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 494, 541 |
| 518. Victorinus, Commentary On Revelation, 2.6 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 74 |
519. Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine, 1.12, 1.38 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman political theory, ruler as living law, ideal of Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 201 | 1.38. And already he was approaching very near Rome itself, when, to save him from the necessity of fighting with all the Romans for the tyrant's sake, God himself drew the tyrant, as it were by secret cords, a long way outside the gates. And now those miracles recorded in Holy Writ, which God of old wrought against the ungodly (discredited by most as fables, yet believed by the faithful), did he in every deed confirm to all alike, believers and unbelievers, who were eye-witnesses of the wonders. For as once in the days of Moses and the Hebrew nation, who were worshipers of God, Pharaoh's chariots and his host has he cast into the sea and his chosen chariot-captains are drowned in the Red Sea, - so at this time Maxentius, and the soldiers and guards with him, went down into the depths like stone, Exodus 15:5 when, in his flight before the divinely-aided forces of Constantine, he essayed to cross the river which lay in his way, over which, making a strong bridge of boats, he had framed an engine of destruction, really against himself, but in the hope of ensnaring thereby him who was beloved by God. For his God stood by the one to protect him, while the other, godless, proved to be the miserable contriver of these secret devices to his own ruin. So that one might well say, He has made a pit, and dug it, and is fallen into the ditch which he made. His mischief shall return upon his own head, and his violence shall come down upon his own pate. Thus, in the present instance, under divine direction, the machine erected on the bridge, with the ambuscade concealed therein, giving way unexpectedly before the appointed time, the bridge began to sink, and the boats with the men in them went bodily to the bottom. And first the wretch himself, then his armed attendants and guards, even as the sacred oracles had before described, sank as lead in the mighty waters. Exodus 15:10 So that they who thus obtained victory from God might well, if not in the same words, yet in fact in the same spirit as the people of his great servant Moses, sing and speak as they did concerning the impious tyrant of old: Let us sing unto the Lord, for he has been glorified exceedingly: the horse and his rider has he thrown into the sea. He has become my helper and my shield unto salvation. And again, Who is like you, O Lord, among the gods? Who is like you, glorious in holiness, marvelous in praises, doing wonders? |
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| 520. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 6.10.35, 6.10.41, 8.12.22 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the laws of the countries •exposition of the law Found in books: Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 1; Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 37 |
521. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 2.5.6, 2.16-2.17, 2.17.3, 2.18.7, 2.23.4, 3.16, 4.22.2-4.22.3, 4.22.9, 5.1.25-5.1.26, 5.8.11, 5.20.6-5.20.7, 6.38 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 77; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 102, 103, 104, 183, 223, 543; Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 31, 32; Veltri, Libraries, Translations, and 'Canonic' Texts: The Septuagint, Aquila and Ben Sira in the Jewish and Christian Traditions (2006) 87 | 2.16. And they say that this Mark was the first that was sent to Egypt, and that he proclaimed the Gospel which he had written, and first established churches in Alexandria.,And the multitude of believers, both men and women, that were collected there at the very outset, and lived lives of the most philosophical and excessive asceticism, was so great, that Philo thought it worth while to describe their pursuits, their meetings, their entertainments, and their whole manner of life. 2.17. It is also said that Philo in the reign of Claudius became acquainted at Rome with Peter, who was then preaching there. Nor is this indeed improbable, for the work of which we have spoken, and which was composed by him some years later, clearly contains those rules of the Church which are even to this day observed among us.,And since he describes as accurately as possible the life of our ascetics, it is clear that he not only knew, but that he also approved, while he venerated and extolled, the apostolic men of his time, who were as it seems of the Hebrew race, and hence observed, after the manner of the Jews, the most of the customs of the ancients.,In the work to which he gave the title, On a Contemplative Life or on Suppliants, after affirming in the first place that he will add to those things which he is about to relate nothing contrary to truth or of his own invention, he says that these men were called Therapeutae and the women that were with them Therapeutrides. He then adds the reasons for such a name, explaining it from the fact that they applied remedies and healed the souls of those who came to them, by relieving them like physicians, of evil passions, or from the fact that they served and worshipped the Deity in purity and sincerity.,Whether Philo himself gave them this name, employing an epithet well suited to their mode of life, or whether the first of them really called themselves so in the beginning, since the name of Christians was not yet everywhere known, we need not discuss here.,He bears witness, however, that first of all they renounce their property. When they begin the philosophical mode of life, he says, they give up their goods to their relatives, and then, renouncing all the cares of life, they go forth beyond the walls and dwell in lonely fields and gardens, knowing well that intercourse with people of a different character is unprofitable and harmful. They did this at that time, as seems probable, under the influence of a spirited and ardent faith, practicing in emulation the prophets' mode of life.,For in the Acts of the Apostles, a work universally acknowledged as authentic, it is recorded that all the companions of the apostles sold their possessions and their property and distributed to all according to the necessity of each one, so that no one among them was in want. For as many as were possessors of lands or houses, as the account says, sold them and brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid them at the apostles' feet, so that distribution was made unto every man according as he had need.,Philo bears witness to facts very much like those here described and then adds the following account: Everywhere in the world is this race found. For it was fitting that both Greek and Barbarian should share in what is perfectly good. But the race particularly abounds in Egypt, in each of its so-called nomes, and especially about Alexandria.,The best men from every quarter emigrate, as if to a colony of the Therapeutae's fatherland, to a certain very suitable spot which lies above the Lake Maria upon a low hill excellently situated on account of its security and the mildness of the atmosphere.,And then a little further on, after describing the kind of houses which they had, he speaks as follows concerning their churches, which were scattered about here and there: In each house there is a sacred apartment which is called a sanctuary and monastery, where, quite alone, they perform the mysteries of the religious life. They bring nothing into it, neither drink nor food, nor any of the other things which contribute to the necessities of the body, but only the laws, and the inspired oracles of the prophets, and hymns and such other things as augment and make perfect their knowledge and piety.,And after some other matters he says:The whole interval, from morning to evening, is for them a time of exercise. For they read the holy Scriptures, and explain the philosophy of their fathers in an allegorical manner, regarding the written words as symbols of hidden truth which is communicated in obscure figures.,They have also writings of ancient men, who were the founders of their sect, and who left many monuments of the allegorical method. These they use as models, and imitate their principles.,These things seem to have been stated by a man who had heard them expounding their sacred writings. But it is highly probable that the works of the ancients, which he says they had, were the Gospels and the writings of the apostles, and probably some expositions of the ancient prophets, such as are contained in the Epistle to the Hebrews, and in many others of Paul's Epistles.,Then again he writes as follows concerning the new psalms which they composed: So that they not only spend their time in meditation, but they also compose songs and hymns to God in every variety of metre and melody, though they divide them, of course, into measures of more than common solemnity.,The same book contains an account of many other things, but it seemed necessary to select those facts which exhibit the characteristics of the ecclesiastical mode of life.,But if any one thinks that what has been said is not peculiar to the Gospel polity, but that it can be applied to others besides those mentioned, let him be convinced by the subsequent words of the same author, in which, if he is unprejudiced, he will find undisputed testimony on this subject. Philo's words are as follows:,Having laid down temperance as a sort of foundation in the soul, they build upon it the other virtues. None of them may take food or drink before sunset, since they regard philosophizing as a work worthy of the light, but attention to the wants of the body as proper only in the darkness, and therefore assign the day to the former, but to the latter a small portion of the night.,But some, in whom a great desire for knowledge dwells, forget to take food for three days; and some are so delighted and feast so luxuriously upon wisdom, which furnishes doctrines richly and without stint, that they abstain even twice as long as this, and are accustomed, after six days, scarcely to take necessary food. These statements of Philo we regard as referring clearly and indisputably to those of our communion.,But if after these things any one still obstinately persists in denying the reference, let him renounce his incredulity and be convinced by yet more striking examples, which are to be found nowhere else than in the evangelical religion of the Christians.,For they say that there were women also with those of whom we are speaking, and that the most of them were aged virgins who had preserved their chastity, not out of necessity, as some of the priestesses among the Greeks, but rather by their own choice, through zeal and a desire for wisdom. And that in their earnest desire to live with it as their companion they paid no attention to the pleasures of the body, seeking not mortal but immortal progeny, which only the pious soul is able to bear of itself.,Then after a little he adds still more emphatically: They expound the Sacred Scriptures figuratively by means of allegories. For the whole law seems to these men to resemble a living organism, of which the spoken words constitute the body, while the hidden sense stored up within the words constitutes the soul. This hidden meaning has first been particularly studied by this sect, which sees, revealed as in a mirror of names, the surpassing beauties of the thoughts.,Why is it necessary to add to these things their meetings and the respective occupations of the men and of the women during those meetings, and the practices which are even to the present day habitually observed by us, especially such as we are accustomed to observe at the feast of the Saviour's passion, with fasting and night watching and study of the divine Word.,These things the above-mentioned author has related in his own work, indicating a mode of life which has been preserved to the present time by us alone, recording especially the vigils kept in connection with the great festival, and the exercises performed during those vigils, and the hymns customarily recited by us, and describing how, while one sings regularly in time, the others listen in silence, and join in chanting only the close of the hymns; and how, on the days referred to they sleep on the ground on beds of straw, and to use his own words, taste no wine at all, nor any flesh, but water is their only drink, and the reish with their bread is salt and hyssop.,In addition to this Philo describes the order of dignities which exists among those who carry on the services of the church, mentioning the diaconate, and the office of bishop, which takes the precedence over all the others. But whosoever desires a more accurate knowledge of these matters may get it from the history already cited.,But that Philo, when he wrote these things, had in view the first heralds of the Gospel and the customs handed down from the beginning by the apostles, is clear to every one. 2.17.3. In the work to which he gave the title, On a Contemplative Life or on Suppliants, after affirming in the first place that he will add to those things which he is about to relate nothing contrary to truth or of his own invention, he says that these men were called Therapeutae and the women that were with them Therapeutrides. He then adds the reasons for such a name, explaining it from the fact that they applied remedies and healed the souls of those who came to them, by relieving them like physicians, of evil passions, or from the fact that they served and worshipped the Deity in purity and sincerity. 2.23.4. James, the brother of the Lord, succeeded to the government of the Church in conjunction with the apostles. He has been called the Just by all from the time of our Saviour to the present day; for there were many that bore the name of James. 3.16. There is extant an epistle of this Clement which is acknowledged to be genuine and is of considerable length and of remarkable merit. He wrote it in the name of the church of Rome to the church of Corinth, when a sedition had arisen in the latter church. We know that this epistle also has been publicly used in a great many churches both in former times and in our own. And of the fact that a sedition did take place in the church of Corinth at the time referred to Hegesippus is a trustworthy witness. 4.22.2. His words are as follows: And the church of Corinth continued in the true faith until Primus was bishop in Corinth. I conversed with them on my way to Rome, and abode with the Corinthians many days, during which we were mutually refreshed in the true doctrine. 4.22.3. And when I had come to Rome I remained there until Anicetus, whose deacon was Eleutherus. And Anicetus was succeeded by Soter, and he by Eleutherus. In every succession, and in every city that is held which is preached by the law and the prophets and the Lord. 5.1.25. But the devil, thinking that he had already consumed Biblias, who was one of those who had denied Christ, desiring to increase her condemnation through the utterance of blasphemy, brought her again to the torture, to compel her, as already feeble and weak, to report impious things concerning us. 5.1.26. But she recovered herself under the suffering, and as if awaking from a deep sleep, and reminded by the present anguish of the eternal punishment in hell, she contradicted the blasphemers. 'How,' she said, 'could those eat children who do not think it lawful to taste the blood even of irrational animals?' And thenceforward she confessed herself a Christian, and was given a place in the order of the witnesses. 5.8.11. Shortly after he adds:For before the Romans had established their empire, while the Macedonians were still holding Asia, Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, being desirous of adorning the library which he had founded in Alexandria with the meritorious writings of all men, requested the people of Jerusalem to have their Scriptures translated into the Greek language. 5.20.6. I remember the events of that time more clearly than those of recent years. For what boys learn, growing with their mind, becomes joined with it; so that I am able to describe the very place in which the blessed Polycarp sat as he discoursed, and his goings out and his comings in, and the manner of his life, and his physical appearance, and his discourses to the people, and the accounts which he gave of his intercourse with John and with the others who had seen the Lord. And as he remembered their words, and what he heard from them concerning the Lord, and concerning his miracles and his teaching, having received them from eyewitnesses of the 'Word of life,' Polycarp related all things in harmony with the Scriptures. 5.20.7. These things being told me by the mercy of God, I listened to them attentively, noting them down, not on paper, but in my heart. And continually, through God's grace, I recall them faithfully. And I am able to bear witness before God that if that blessed and apostolic presbyter had heard any such thing, he would have cried out, and stopped his ears, and as was his custom, would have exclaimed, O good God, unto what times have you spared me that I should endure these things? And he would have fled from the place where, sitting or standing, he had heard such words. 6.38. Another error also arose at this time, called the heresy of the Elkesites, which was extinguished in the very beginning. Origen speaks of it in this manner in a public homily on the eighty-second Psalm:A certain man came just now, puffed up greatly with his own ability, proclaiming that godless and impious opinion which has appeared lately in the churches, styled 'of the Elkesites.' I will show you what evil things that opinion teaches, that you may not be carried away by it. It rejects certain parts of every scripture. Again it uses portions of the Old Testament and the Gospel, but rejects the apostle altogether. It says that to deny Christ is an indifferent matter, and that he who understands will, under necessity, deny with his mouth, but not in his heart. They produce a certain book which they say fell from heaven. They hold that whoever hears and believes this shall receive remission of sins, another remission than that which Jesus Christ has given. Such is the account of these persons. |
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| 522. Eusebius of Caesarea, Demonstration of The Gospel, 4.17.1-4.17.3, 7.3.18 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law •theology, evidence from law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 359; Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 70 |
| 523. Eusebius of Caesarea, De Theophania (Fragmenta), 4.12 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, positive attitude towards Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 103 |
524. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 1.7.4, 2.1, 2.9, 2.19, 4.11 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •plato, on positive law as rescue from the state of nature •laws, of the polis •homicide law, athenian •jewish law/legal schools, and the law of moses Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 72; Hitch, Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world (2017) 146, 147; Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 283; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 40 | 2.9. The sacrifice, therefore, through animals is posterior and most recent, and originated from a cause which is not of a pleasing nature, like that of the sacrifice from fruits, but received its commencement either from famine, or some other unfortunate circumstance. The causes, indeed, of the peculiar mactations among the Athenians, had their beginning, either in ignorance, or anger, or fear. For the slaughter of swine is attributed to an involuntary error of Clymene, who, by unintentionally striking, slew the animal. Hence her husband, being terrified as if he had perpetrated an illegal deed, consulted the oracle of the Pythian God about it. But as the God did not condemn what had happened, the slaughter of animals was afterwards considered as a thing of an indifferent nature. The inspector, however, of sacred rites, who was the offspring of prophets, wishing to make an offering of first-fruits from sheep, was permitted to do so, it is said, by an oracle, but with much caution and fear. For the oracle was as follows:---"offspring of prophets, sheep by force to slay,The Gods permit not thee: but with wash'd hands For thee 'tis lawful any sheep to kill, That dies a voluntary death." 2.9. 9.The sacrifice, therefore, through animals is posterior and most recent, and originated from a cause which is not of a pleasing nature, like that of the sacrifice from fruits, but received its commencement either from famine, or some other unfortunate circumstance. The causes, indeed, of the peculiar mactations among the Athenians, had their beginning, either in ignorance, or anger, or fear. For the slaughter of swine is attributed to an involuntary error of Clymene, who, by unintentionally striking, slew the animal. Hence her husband, being terrified as if he had perpetrated an illegal deed, consulted the oracle of the Pythian God about it. But as the God did not condemn what had happened, the slaughter of animals was afterwards considered as a thing of an indifferent nature. The inspector, however, of sacred rites, who was the offspring of prophets, wishing to make an offering of first-fruits from sheep, was permitted to do so, it is said, by an oracle, but with much caution and fear. For the oracle was as follows:--- "offspring of prophets, sheep by force to slay, The Gods permit not thee: but with wash'd hands For thee 'tis lawful any sheep to kill, That dies a voluntary death." |
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| 525. Porphyry, On The Cave of The Nymphs, "9" (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 344 |
526. Porphyry, Life of Pythagoras, 42, 20 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 64 | 20. His speech was so persuasive that, according to Nicomachus, in one address made on first landing in Italy he made more than two thousand adherents. Out of desire to live with him, [.........], to which both women and built a large auditorium, to which both women and boys were admitted. (Foreign visitors were so many that) they built whole cities, settling that whole region of Italy now known as Magna Grecia. His ordices and laws were by them received as divine precepts, and without them would do nothing. Indeed they ranked him among the divinities. They held all property in common. They ranked him among the divinities, and whenever they communicated to each other some choice bit of his philosophy, from which physical truths could always be deduced, they would swear by the Tetractys, adjuring Pythagoras as a divine witness, in the words. "I call to witness him who to our souls expressed The Tetractys, eternal Nature's fountain-spring." |
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| 527. Pseudo Clementine Literature, Homilies, 3.73, 8.15-8.17, 11.35, 13.9, 13.11, 16.2.4 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •law, the •law, the, gnostic views of Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 78, 80; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 208 |
| 528. Anon., Pistis Sophia, 2.63 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •angels, give the law Found in books: Williams, Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: Book I: (Sects 1-46) (2009) 117 |
| 529. Origen, Homilies On Joshua, 1.7, 7.5, 9.8, 10.2, 12.1-12.3, 13.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541 |
| 530. Babylonian Talmud, Hulin, 13a, 65a, 66a, 67b, 87a, 63b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 122 |
| 531. Origen, Homilies On Luke, 14.3-14.4, 14.7, 16.4-16.6, 17.1, 18.5, 20.2, 25.4-25.5 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541, 543; Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 70 |
| 532. Origen, On Jeremiah (Homilies 1-11), 1.16, 2.1, 4.4, 5.8, 7.3, 9.1, 10.5, 12.4-12.5, 16.9, 18.6, 18.9 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541, 542, 543 |
| 533. Origen, Fragmenta In Evangelium Matthaei, 310, 388, 339 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541 |
| 534. Origen, Fragments On Proverbs, 2.17 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541 |
| 535. Origen, Fragments On 1 Corinthians, 11, 34, 37, 76, 81, 84, 24 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79 |
| 536. Origen, On First Principles, 4.18, 4.17, 4.15, pref. 4, 2.7.1, pref. 2, 3.2.6, 3.4.5, 3.5.5, 4.2.1, 2.4.3, 2.4.4, 2.5, 2.9.5, 2.9.6, 2.9.7, 3.1.8, 3.1.9, 3.1.16, 1.7.4, 3.1.18, 1.7.2, 1.5.3, 2.4.2, 2.4.1, 1.8.1, 4.3.2, 2.3.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
| 537. Origen, Homilies On Ezekiel, 1.1, 1.3-1.4, 1.11-1.12, 2.2, 3.2, 3.4, 7.2-7.3, 8.6, 13.2, 14.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541, 542, 543 |
| 538. Origen, Homilies On Exodus, 5.1, 7.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gentiles, and the torah/law •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of Found in books: Fisch,, Written for Us: Paul’s Interpretation of Scripture and the History of Midrash (2023) 163; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
539. Origen, Against Celsus, 1.57, 2.32, 4.11, 4.45, 5.6, 5.34-5.36, 5.61, 7.3, 8.28-8.30 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament •theology, evidence from law •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of •law, the, moral law, •law, the, ritual law, •law, the, and gospel •law, the, gnostic views of •law (jewish), brought from the jerusalem temple to rome, after judean war •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 106; Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 81; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 543, 564; Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233; Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 70; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142, 143 | 1.57. The Jew, moreover, in the treatise, addresses the Saviour thus: If you say that every man, born according to the decree of Divine Providence, is a son of God, in what respect should you differ from another? In reply to whom we say, that every man who, as Paul expresses it, is no longer under fear, as a schoolmaster, but who chooses good for its own sake, is a son of God; but this man is distinguished far and wide above every man who is called, on account of his virtues, a son of God, seeing He is, as it were, a kind of source and beginning of all such. The words of Paul are as follow: For you have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear; but you have received the Spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father. But, according to the Jew of Celsus, countless individuals will convict Jesus of falsehood, alleging that those predictions which were spoken of him were intended of them. We are not aware, indeed, whether Celsus knew of any who, after coming into this world, and having desired to act as Jesus did, declared themselves to be also the sons of God, or the power of God. But since it is in the spirit of truth that we examine each passage, we shall mention that there was a certain Theudas among the Jews before the birth of Christ, who gave himself out as some great one, after whose death his deluded followers were completely dispersed. And after him, in the days of the census, when Jesus appears to have been born, one Judas, a Galilean, gathered around him many of the Jewish people, saying he was a wise man, and a teacher of certain new doctrines. And when he also had paid the penalty of his rebellion, his doctrine was overturned, having taken hold of very few persons indeed, and these of the very humblest condition. And after the times of Jesus, Dositheus the Samaritan also wished to persuade the Samaritans that he was the Christ predicted by Moses; and he appears to have gained over some to his views. But it is not absurd, in quoting the extremely wise observation of that Gamaliel named in the book of Acts, to show how those persons above mentioned were strangers to the promise, being neither sons of God nor powers of God, whereas Christ Jesus was truly the Son of God. Now Gamaliel, in the passage referred to, said: If this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to nought (as also did the designs of those men already mentioned after their death); but if it be of God, you cannot overthrow this doctrine, lest haply you be found even to fight against God. There was also Simon the Samaritan magician, who wished to draw away certain by his magical arts. And on that occasion he was successful; but now-a-days it is impossible to find, I suppose, thirty of his followers in the entire world, and probably I have even overstated the number. There are exceedingly few in Palestine; while in the rest of the world, through which he desired to spread the glory of his name, you find it nowhere mentioned. And where it is found, it is found quoted from the Acts of the Apostles; so that it is to Christians that he owes this mention of himself, the unmistakeable result having proved that Simon was in no respect divine. 2.32. We have already shown that Jesus can be regarded neither as an arrogant man, nor a sorcerer; and therefore it is unnecessary to repeat our former arguments, lest, in replying to the tautologies of Celsus, we ourselves should be guilty of needless repetition. And now, in finding fault with our Lord's genealogy, there are certain points which occasion some difficulty even to Christians, and which, owing to the discrepancy between the genealogies, are advanced by some as arguments against their correctness, but which Celsus has not even mentioned. For Celsus, who is truly a braggart, and who professes to be acquainted with all matters relating to Christianity, does not know how to raise doubts in a skilful manner against the credibility of Scripture. But he asserts that the framers of the genealogies, from a feeling of pride, made Jesus to be descended from the first man, and from the kings of the Jews. And he thinks that he makes a notable charge when he adds, that the carpenters wife could not have been ignorant of the fact, had she been of such illustrious descent. But what has this to do with the question? Granted that she was not ignorant of her descent, how does that affect the result? Suppose that she were ignorant, how could her ignorance prove that she was not descended from the first man, or could not derive her origin from the Jewish kings? Does Celsus imagine that the poor must always be descended from ancestors who are poor, or that kings are always born of kings? But it appears folly to waste time upon such an argument as this, seeing it is well known that, even in our own days, some who are poorer than Mary are descended from ancestors of wealth and distinction, and that rulers of nations and kings have sprung from persons of no reputation. 4.11. After this, being desirous to show that it is nothing either wonderful or new which we state regarding floods or conflagrations, but that, from misunderstanding the accounts of these things which are current among Greeks or barbarous nations, we have accorded our belief to our own Scriptures when treating of them, he writes as follows: The belief has spread among them, from a misunderstanding of the accounts of these occurrences, that after lengthened cycles of time, and the returns and conjunctions of planets, conflagrations and floods are wont to happen, and because after the last flood, which took place in the time of Deucalion, the lapse of time, agreeably to the vicissitude of all things, requires a conflagration and this made them give utterance to the erroneous opinion that God will descend, bringing fire like a torturer. Now in answer to this we say, that I do not understand how Celsus, who has read a great deal, and who shows that he has perused many histories, had not his attention arrested by the antiquity of Moses, who is related by certain Greek historians to have lived about the time of Inachus the son of Phoroneus, and is acknowledged by the Egyptians to be a man of great antiquity, as well as by those who have studied the history of the Phœnicians. And any one who likes may peruse the two books of Flavius Josephus on the antiquities of the Jews, in order that he may see in what way Moses was more ancient than those who asserted that floods and conflagrations take place in the world after long intervals of time; which statement Celsus alleges the Jews and Christians to have misunderstood, and, not comprehending what was said about a conflagration, to have declared that God will descend, bringing fire like a torturer. 4.45. And whereas Celsus ought to have recognised the love of truth displayed by the writers of sacred Scripture, who have not concealed even what is to their discredit, and thus been led to accept the other and more marvellous accounts as true, he has done the reverse, and has characterized the story of Lot and his daughters (without examining either its literal or its figurative meaning) as worse than the crimes of Thyestes. The figurative signification of that passage of history it is not necessary at present to explain, nor what is meant by Sodom, and by the words of the angels to him who was escaping thence, when they said: Look not behind you, neither stay in all the surrounding district; escape to the mountain, lest you be consumed; nor what is intended by Lot and his wife, who became a pillar of salt because she turned back; nor by his daughters intoxicating their father, that they might become mothers by him. But let us in a few words soften down the repulsive features of the history. The nature of actions - good, bad, and indifferent - has been investigated by the Greeks; and the more successful of such investigators lay down the principle that intention alone gives to actions the character of good or bad, and that all things which are done without a purpose are, strictly speaking, indifferent; that when the intention is directed to a becoming end, it is praiseworthy; when the reverse, it is censurable. They have said, accordingly, in the section relating to things indifferent, that, strictly speaking, for a man to have sexual intercourse with his daughters is a thing indifferent, although such a thing ought not to take place in established communities. And for the sake of hypothesis, in order to show that such an act belongs to the class of things indifferent, they have assumed the case of a wise man being left with an only daughter, the entire human race besides having perished; and they put the question whether the father can fitly have intercourse with his daughter, in order, agreeably to the supposition, to prevent the extermination of mankind. Is this to be accounted sound reasoning among the Greeks, and to be commended by the influential sect of the Stoics; but when young maidens, who had heard of the burning of the world, though without comprehending (its full meaning), saw fire devastating their city and country, and supposing that the only means left of rekindling the flame of human life lay in their father and themselves, should, on such a supposition, conceive the desire that the world should continue, shall their conduct be deemed worse than that of the wise man who, according to the hypothesis of the Stoics, acts becomingly in having intercourse with his daughter in the case already supposed, of all men having been destroyed? I am not unaware, however, that some have taken offense at the desire of Lot's daughters, and have regarded their conduct as very wicked; and have said that two accursed nations - Moab and Ammon - have sprung from that unhallowed intercourse. And yet truly sacred Scripture is nowhere found distinctly approving of their conduct as good, nor yet passing sentence upon it as blameworthy. Nevertheless, whatever be the real state of the case, it admits not only of a figurative meaning, but also of being defended on its own merits. 5.6. He next proceeds to make the following statement about the Jews:- The first point relating to the Jews which is fitted to excite wonder, is that they should worship the heaven and the angels who dwell therein, and yet pass by and neglect its most venerable and powerful parts, as the sun, the moon, and the other heavenly bodies, both fixed stars and planets, as if it were possible that 'the whole' could be God, and yet its parts not divine; or (as if it were reasonable) to treat with the greatest respect those who are said to appear to such as are in darkness somewhere, blinded by some crooked sorcery, or dreaming dreams through the influence of shadowy spectres, while those who prophesy so clearly and strikingly to all men, by means of whom rain, and heat, and clouds, and thunder (to which they offer worship), and lightnings, and fruits, and all kinds of productiveness, are brought about - by means of whom God is revealed to them - the most prominent heralds among those beings that are above - those that are truly heavenly angels - are to be regarded as of no account! In making these statements, Celsus appears to have fallen into confusion, and to have penned them from false ideas of things which he did not understand; for it is patent to all who investigate the practices of the Jews, and compare them with those of the Christians, that the Jews who follow the law, which, speaking in the person of God, says, You shall have no other gods before Me: you shall not make unto you an image, nor a likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the waters under the earth; you shall not bow down to them, nor serve them, worship nothing else than the Supreme God, who made the heavens, and all things besides. Now it is evident that those who live according to the law, and worship the Maker of heaven, will not worship the heaven at the same time with God. Moreover, no one who obeys the law of Moses will bow down to the angels who are in heaven; and, in like manner, as they do not bow down to sun, moon, and stars, the host of heaven, they refrain from doing obeisance to heaven and its angels, obeying the law which declares: Lest you lift up your eyes to heaven, and when you see the sun, and the moon, and the stars, even all the host of heaven, should be driven to worship them, and serve them, which the Lord your God has divided unto all nations. 5.34. But, that we may not pass without notice what Celsus has said between these and the preceding paragraphs, let us quote his words: We might adduce Herodotus as a witness on this point, for he expresses himself as follows: 'For the people of the cities Marea and Apis, who inhabit those parts of Egypt that are adjacent to Libya, and who look upon themselves as Libyans, and not as Egyptians, finding their sacrificial worship oppressive, and wishing not to be excluded from the use of cows' flesh, sent to the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, saying that there was no relationship between them and the Egyptians, that they dwelt outside the Delta, that there was no community of sentiment between them and the Egyptians, and that they wished to be allowed to partake of all kinds of food. But the god would not allow them to do as they desired, saying that that country was a part of Egypt, which was watered by the inundation of the Nile, and that those were Egyptians who dwell to the south of the city of Elephantine, and drink of the river Nile.' Such is the narrative of Herodotus. But, continues Celsus, Ammon in divine things would not make a worse ambassador than the angels of the Jews, so that there is nothing wrong in each nation observing its established method of worship. of a truth, we shall find very great differences prevailing among the nations, and yet each seems to deem its own by far the best. Those inhabitants of Ethiopia who dwell in Meroe worship Jupiter and Bacchus alone; the Arabians, Urania and Bacchus only; all the Egyptians, Osiris and Isis; the Saïtes, Minerva; while the Naucratites have recently classed Serapis among their deities, and the rest according to their respective laws. And some abstain from the flesh of sheep, and others from that of crocodiles; others, again, from that of cows, while they regard swine's flesh with loathing. The Scythians, indeed, regard it as a noble act to banquet upon human beings. Among the Indians, too, there are some who deem themselves discharging a holy duty in eating their fathers, and this is mentioned in a certain passage by Herodotus. For the sake of credibility, I shall again quote his very words, for he writes as follows: 'For if any one were to make this proposal to all men, viz., to bid him select out of all existing laws the best, each would choose, after examination, those of his own country. Men each consider their own laws much the best, and therefore it is not likely than any other than a madman would make these things a subject of ridicule. But that such are the conclusions of all men regarding the laws, may be determined by many other evidences, and especially by the following illustration. Darius, during his reign, having summoned before him those Greeks who happened to be present at the time, inquired of them for how much they would be willing to eat their deceased fathers? Their answer was, that for no consideration would they do such a thing. After this, Darius summoned those Indians who are called Callatians, who are in the habit of eating their parents, and asked of them in the presence of these Greeks, who learned what passed through an interpreter, for what amount of money they would undertake to burn their deceased fathers with fire? On which they raised a loud shout, and bade the king say no more.' Such is the way, then, in which these matters are regarded. And Pindar appears to me to be right in saying that 'law' is the king of all things. 5.35. The argument of Celsus appears to point by these illustrations to this conclusion: that it is an obligation incumbent on all men to live according to their country's customs, in which case they will escape censure; whereas the Christians, who have abandoned their native usages, and who are not one nation like the Jews, are to be blamed for giving their adherence to the teaching of Jesus. Let him then tell us whether it is a becoming thing for philosophers, and those who have been taught not to yield to superstition, to abandon their country's customs, so as to eat of those articles of food which are prohibited in their respective cities? Or whether this proceeding of theirs is opposed to what is becoming? For if, on account of their philosophy, and the instructions which they have received against superstition, they should eat, in disregard of their native laws, what was interdicted by their fathers, why should the Christians (since the Gospel requires them not to busy themselves about statues and images, or even about any of the created works of God but to ascend on high, and present the soul to the Creator); when acting in a similar manner to the philosophers, be censured for so doing? But if, for the sake of defending the thesis which he has proposed to himself, Celsus, or those who think with him, should say, that even one who had studied philosophy would keep his country's laws, then philosophers in Egypt, for example, would act most ridiculously in avoiding the eating of onions, in order to observe their country's laws, or certain parts of the body, as the head and shoulders, in order not to transgress the traditions of their fathers. And I do not speak of those Egyptians who shudder with fear at the discharge of wind from the body, because if any one of these were to become a philosopher, and still observe the laws of his country, he would be a ridiculous philosopher, acting very unphilosophically. In the same way, then, he who has been led by the Gospel to worship the God of all things, and, from regard to his country's laws, lingers here below among images and statues of men, and does not desire to ascend to the Creator, will resemble those who have indeed learned philosophy, but who are afraid of things which ought to inspire no terrors, and who regard it as an act of impiety to eat of those things which have been enumerated. 5.36. But what sort of being is this Ammon of Herodotus, whose words Celsus has quoted, as if by way of demonstrating how each one ought to keep his country's laws? For this Ammon would not allow the people of the cities of Marea and Apis, who inhabit the districts adjacent to Libya, to treat as a matter of indifference the use of cows' flesh, which is a thing not only indifferent in its own nature, but which does not prevent a man from being noble and virtuous. If Ammon, then, forbade the use of cows' flesh, because of the advantage which results from the use of the animal in the cultivation of the ground, and in addition to this, because it is by the female that the breed is increased, the account would possess more plausibility. But now he simply requires that those who drink of the Nile should observe the laws of the Egyptians regarding cattle. And hereupon Celsus, taking occasion to pass a jest upon the employment of the angels among the Jews as the ambassadors of God, says that Ammon did not make a worse ambassador of divine things than did the angels of the Jews, into the meaning of whose words and manifestations he instituted no investigation; otherwise he would have seen, that it is not for oxen that God is concerned, even where He may appear to legislate for them, or for irrational animals, but that what is written for the sake of men, under the appearance of relating to irrational animals, contains certain truths of nature. Celsus, moreover, says that no wrong is committed by any one who wishes to observe the religious worship sanctioned by the laws of his country; and it follows, according to his view, that the Scythians commit no wrong, when, in conformity with their country's laws, they eat human beings. And those Indians who eat their own fathers are considered, according to Celsus, to do a religious, or at least not a wicked act. He adduces, indeed, a statement of Herodotus which favours the principle that each one ought, from a sense of what is becoming, to obey his country's laws; and he appears to approve of the custom of those Indians called Callatians, who in the time of Darius devoured their parents, since, on Darius inquiring for how great a sum of money they would be willing to lay aside this usage, they raised a loud shout, and bade the king say no more. 5.61. After the above remarks he proceeds as follows: Let no one suppose that I am ignorant that some of them will concede that their God is the same as that of the Jews, while others will maintain that he is a different one, to whom the latter is in opposition, and that it was from the former that the Son came. Now, if he imagine that the existence of numerous heresies among the Christians is a ground of accusation against Christianity, why, in a similar way, should it not be a ground of accusation against philosophy, that the various sects of philosophers differ from each other, not on small and indifferent points, but upon those of the highest importance? Nay, medicine also ought to be a subject of attack, on account of its many conflicting schools. Let it be admitted, then, that there are among us some who deny that our God is the same as that of the Jews: nevertheless, on that account those are not to be blamed who prove from the same Scriptures that one and the same Deity is the God of the Jews and of the Gentiles alike, as Paul, too, distinctly says, who was a convert from Judaism to Christianity, I thank my God, whom I serve from my forefathers with a pure conscience. And let it be admitted also, that there is a third class who call certain persons carnal, and others spiritual,- I think he here means the followers of Valentinus - yet what does this avail against us, who belong to the Church, and who make it an accusation against such as hold that certain natures are saved, and that others perish in consequence of their natural constitution? And let it be admitted further, that there are some who give themselves out as Gnostics, in the same way as those Epicureans who call themselves philosophers: yet neither will they who annihilate the doctrine of providence be deemed true philosophers, nor those true Christians who introduce monstrous inventions, which are disapproved of by those who are the disciples of Jesus. Let it be admitted, moreover, that there are some who accept Jesus, and who boast on that account of being Christians, and yet would regulate their lives, like the Jewish multitude, in accordance with the Jewish law - and these are the twofold sect of Ebionites, who either acknowledge with us that Jesus was born of a virgin, or deny this, and maintain that He was begotten like other human beings - what does that avail by way of charge against such as belong to the Church, and whom Celsus has styled those of the multitude? He adds, also, that certain of the Christians are believers in the Sibyl, having probably misunderstood some who blamed such as believed in the existence of a prophetic Sibyl, and termed those who held this belief Sibyllists. 7.3. Celsus goes on to say of us: They set no value on the oracles of the Pythian priestess, of the priests of Dodona, of Clarus, of Branchid, of Jupiter Ammon, and of a multitude of others; although under their guidance we may say that colonies were sent forth, and the whole world peopled. But those sayings which were uttered or not uttered in Judea, after the manner of that country, as indeed they are still delivered among the people of Phœnicia and Palestine - these they look upon as marvellous sayings, and unchangeably true. In regard to the oracles here enumerated, we reply that it would be possible for us to gather from the writings of Aristotle and the Peripatetic school not a few things to overthrow the authority of the Pythian and the other oracles. From Epicurus also, and his followers, we could quote passages to show that even among the Greeks themselves there were some who utterly discredited the oracles which were recognised and admired throughout the whole of Greece. But let it be granted that the responses delivered by the Pythian and other oracles were not the utterances of false men who pretended to a divine inspiration; and let us see if, after all, we cannot convince any sincere inquirers that there is no necessity to attribute these oracular responses to any divinities, but that, on the other hand, they may be traced to wicked demons- to spirits which are at enmity with the human race, and which in this way wish to hinder the soul from rising upwards, from following the path of virtue, and from returning to God in sincere piety. It is said of the Pythian priestess, whose oracle seems to have been the most celebrated, that when she sat down at the mouth of the Castalian cave, the prophetic Spirit of Apollo entered her private parts; and when she was filled with it, she gave utterance to responses which are regarded with awe as divine truths. Judge by this whether that spirit does not show its profane and impure nature, by choosing to enter the soul of the prophetess not through the more becoming medium of the bodily pores which are both open and invisible, but by means of what no modest man would ever see or speak of. And this occurs not once or twice, which would be more permissible, but as often as she was believed to receive inspiration from Apollo. Moreover, it is not the part of a divine spirit to drive the prophetess into such a state of ecstasy and madness that she loses control of herself. For he who is under the influence of the Divine Spirit ought to be the first to receive the beneficial effects; and these ought not to be first enjoyed by the persons who consult the oracle about the concerns of natural or civil life, or for purposes of temporal gain or interest; and, moreover, that should be the time of clearest perception, when a person is in close intercourse with the Deity. 8.28. We shall now proceed to the next statement of Celsus, and examine it with care: If in obedience to the traditions of their fathers they abstain from such victims, they must also abstain from all animal food, in accordance with the opinions of Pythagoras, who thus showed his respect for the soul and its bodily organs. But if, as they say, they abstain that they may not eat along with demons, I admire their wisdom, in having at length discovered, that whenever they eat they eat with demons, although they only refuse to do so when they are looking upon a slain victim; for when they eat bread, or drink wine, or taste fruits, do they not receive these things, as well as the water they drink and the air they breathe, from certain demons, to whom have been assigned these different provinces of nature? Here I would observe that I cannot see how those whom he speaks of as abstaining from certain victims, in accordance with the traditions of their fathers, are consequently bound to abstain from the flesh of all animals. We do not indeed deny that the divine word does seem to command something similar to this, when to raise us to a higher and purer life it says, It is good neither to eat flesh, nor to drink wine, nor anything whereby your brother stumbles, or is offended, or is made weak; and again, Destroy not him with your meat, for whom Christ died; and again, If meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the world stands, lest I make my brother to offend. 8.29. But it is to be observed that the Jews, who claim for themselves a correct understanding of the law of Moses, carefully restrict their food to such things as are accounted clean, and abstain from those that are unclean. They also do not use in their food the blood of an animal nor the flesh of an animal torn by wild beasts, and some other things which it would take too long for us at present to detail. But Jesus, wishing to lead all men by His teaching to the pure worship and service of God, and anxious not to throw any hindrance in the way of many who might be benefited by Christianity, through the imposition of a burdensome code of rules in regard to food, has laid it down, that not that which goes into the mouth defiles a man, but that which comes out of the mouth; for whatsoever enters in at the mouth goes into the belly, and is cast out into the draught. But those things which proceed out of the mouth are evil thoughts when spoken, murders, adulteries, fornications, thefts, false witness, blasphemies. Paul also says, Meat commends us not to God: for neither, if we eat, are we the better; neither, if we eat not, are we the worse. Wherefore, as there is some obscurity about this matter, without some explanation is given, it seemed good to the apostles of Jesus and the elders assembled together at Antioch, and also, as they themselves say, to the Holy Spirit, to write a letter to the Gentile believers, forbidding them to partake of those things from which alone they say it is necessary to abstain, namely, things offered to idols, things strangled, and blood. 8.30. For that which is offered to idols is sacrificed to demons, and a man of God must not join the table of demons. As to things strangled, we are forbidden by Scripture to partake of them, because the blood is still in them; and blood, especially the odour arising from blood, is said to be the food of demons. Perhaps, then, if we were to eat of strangled animals, we might have such spirits feeding along with us. And the reason which forbids the use of strangled animals for food is also applicable to the use of blood. And it may not be amiss, as bearing on this point, to recall a beautiful saying in the writings of Sextus, which is known to most Christians: The eating of animals, says he, is a matter of indifference; but to abstain from them is more agreeable to reason. It is not, therefore, simply an account of some traditions of our fathers that we refrain from eating victims offered to those called gods or heroes or demons, but for other reasons, some of which I have here mentioned. It is not to be supposed, however, that we are to abstain from the flesh of animals in the same way as we are bound to abstain from all race and wickedness: we are indeed to abstain not only from the flesh of animals, but from all other kinds of food, if we cannot partake of them without incurring evil, and the consequences of evil. For we are to avoid eating for gluttony, or for the mere gratification of the appetite, without regard to the health and sustece of the body. We do not believe that souls pass from one body to another, and that they may descend so low as to enter the bodies of the brutes. If we abstain at times from eating the flesh of animals, it is evidently, therefore, not for the same reason as Pythagoras; for it is the reasonable soul alone that we honour, and we commit its bodily organs with due honours to the grave. For it is not right that the dwelling-place of the rational soul should be cast aside anywhere without honour, like the carcasses of brute beasts; and so much the more when we believe that the respect paid to the body redounds to the honour of the person who received from God a soul which has nobly employed the organs of the body in which it resided. In regard to the question, How are the dead raised up, and with what body do they come? we have already answered it briefly, as our purpose required. |
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540. Origen, Commentary On Matthew, 1.59, 10.11, 10.15, 10.18, 10.25, 11.12.21, 11.14, 12.5, 12.40, 13.11, 13.23, 14.13, 15.3.11, 16.12, 16.16, 17.14, 17.18, 17.31-17.33 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the •law, the, gnostic views of •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law •law, the, and gospel Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 208, 527, 528, 529, 541, 542, 543, 572; Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233 | 10.11. Again the kingdom of heaven is like a net that was cast into the sea. Matthew 13:47 As in the case of images and statues, the likenesses are not likenesses in every respect of those things in relation to which they are made; but, for example, the image painted with wax on the plane surface of wood has the likeness of the surface along with the color, but does not further preserve the hollows and prominences, but only their outward appearance; and in the moulding of statues an endeavour is made to preserve the likeness in respect of the hollows and the prominences, but not in respect of the color; and, if the cast be formed of wax, it endeavours to preserve both, I mean both the color and also the hollows and the prominences, but is not indeed an image of the things in the respect of depth; so conceive with me also that, in the case of the similitudes in the Gospel, when the kingdom of heaven is likened unto anything, the comparison does not extend to all the features of that to which the kingdom is compared, but only to those features which are required by the argument in hand. And here, accordingly, the kingdom of heaven is like a net that was cast into the sea, not (as supposed by some, who represent that by this word the different natures of those who have come into the net, to-wit, the evil and the righteous, are treated of), as if it is to be thought that, because of the phrase which gathered of every kind, there are many different natures of the righteous and likewise also of the evil; for to such an interpretation all the Scriptures are opposed, which emphasise the freedom of the will, and censure those who sin and approve those who do right; or otherwise blame could not rightly attach to those of the kinds that were such by nature, nor praise to those of a better kind. For the reason why fishes are good or bad lies not in the souls of the fishes, but is based on that which the Word said with knowledge, Let the waters bring forth creeping things with living souls, Genesis 1:20 when, also, God made great sea-monsters and every soul of creeping creatures which the waters brought forth according to their kinds. Genesis 1:21 There, accordingly, The waters brought forth every soul of creeping animals according to their kinds, the cause not being in it; but here we are responsible for our being good kinds and worthy of what are called vessels, or bad and worthy of being cast outside. For it is not the nature in us which is the cause of the evil, but it is the voluntary choice which works evil; and so our nature is not the cause of righteousness, as if it were incapable of admitting unrighteousness, but it is the principle which we have admitted that makes men righteous; for also you never see the kinds of things in the water changing from the bad kinds of fishes into the good, or from the better kind to the worse; but you can always behold the righteous or evil among men either coming from wickedness to virtue, or returning from progress towards virtue to the flood of wickedness. Wherefore also in Ezekiel, concerning the man who turns away from unrighteousness to the keeping of the divine commandments, it is thus written: But if the wicked man turn away from all his wickednesses which he has done, etc., down to the words, that he turn from his wicked way and live; Ezekiel 18:20-23 but concerning the man who returns from the advance towards virtue unto the flood of wickedness it is said, But in the case of the righteous man turning away from his righteousness and committing iniquity, etc., down to the words, in his sins which he has sinned in them shall he die. Ezekiel 18:24 Let those who, from the parable of the drag-net, introduce the doctrine of different natures, tell us in regard to the wicked man who afterwards turned aside from all the wickednesses which he committed and keeps all the commandments of God, and does that which is righteous and merciful, of what nature was he when he was wicked? Clearly not of a nature to be praised. If verily of a nature to be censured, of what kind of nature can he reasonably be described, when he turns away from all his sins which he did? For if he were of the bad class of natures, because of his former deeds, how did he change to that which was better? Or if because of his subsequent deeds you would say that he was of the good class, how being good by nature did he become wicked? And you will also meet with a like dilemma in regard to the righteous man turning away from his righteousness and committing unrighteousness in all manner of sins. For before he turned away from righteousness, being occupied with righteous deeds he was not of a bad nature, for a bad nature could not be in righteousness, since a bad tree - that is wickedness- cannot produce good fruits - the fruits that spring from virtue. Again, on the other hand, if he had been of a good and unchangeable nature he would not have turned away from the good after being called righteous, so as to commit unrighteousness in all his sins which he committed. 10.18. But Jesus said to them, A prophet is not without honour, save in his own country. Matthew 13:57 We must inquire whether the expression has the same force when applied universally to every prophet (as if each one of the prophets was dishonoured in his own country only, but not as if every one who was dishonoured was dishonoured in his country); or, because of the expression being singular, these things were said about one. If, then, these words are spoken about one, these things which have been said suffice, if we refer that which is written to the Saviour. But if it is general, it is not historically true; for Elijah did not suffer dishonour in Tishbeth of Gilead, nor Elisha in Abelmeholah, nor Samuel in Ramathaim, nor Jeremiah in Anathoth. But, figuratively interpreted, it is absolutely true; for we must think of Jud a as their country, and that famous Israel as their kindred, and perhaps of the body as the house. For all suffered dishonour in Jud a from the Israel which is according to the flesh, while they were yet in the body, as it is written in the Acts of the Apostles, as having been spoken in censure to the people, Which of the prophets did not your fathers persecute, who showed before of the coming of the Righteous one? Acts 7:52 And by Paul in the First Epistle to the Thessalonians like things are said: For you brethren became imitators of the churches of God which are in Jud a in Christ Jesus, for you also suffered the same things of your own countrymen even as they did of the Jews, who both killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and drove out us, and please not God, and are contrary to all men. 1 Thessalonians 2:14-15 A prophet, then, is not without honour among the Gentiles; for either they do not know him at all, or, having learned and received him as a prophet, they honour him. And such are those who are of the Church. Prophets suffer dishonour, first, when they are persecuted, according to historical fact, by the people, and, secondly, when their prophecy is not believed by the people. For if they had believed Moses and the prophets they would have believed Christ, who showed that when men believed Moses and the prophets, belief in Christ logically followed, and that when men did not believe Christ they did not believe Moses. John 5:46 Moreover, as by the transgression of the law he who sins is said to dishonour God, so by not believing in that which is prophesied the prophet is dishonoured by the man who disbelieves the prophecies. And so far as the literal truth is concerned, it is useful to recount what things Jeremiah suffered among the people in relation to which he said, And I said, I will not speak, nor will I call upon the name of the Lord. Jeremiah 20:9 And again, elsewhere, I was continually being mocked. Jeremiah 20:7 And how great sufferings he endured from the then king of Israel are written in his prophecy. And it is also written that some of the people often came to stone Moses to death; for his fatherland was not the stones of any place, but the people who followed him, among whom also he was dishonoured. And Isaiah is reported to have been sawn asunder by the people; and if any one does not accept the statement because of its being found in the Apocryphal Isaiah, let him believe what is written thus in the Epistle to the Hebrews, They were stoned, they were sawn asunder, they were tempted; Hebrews 11:37 for the expression, They were sawn asunder, refers to Isaiah, just as the words, They were slain with the sword, refer to Zacharias, who was slain between the sanctuary and the altar, as the Saviour taught, bearing testimony, as I think, to a Scripture, though not extant in the common and widely circulated books, but perhaps in apocryphal books. And they, too, were dishonoured in their own country among the Jews who went about in sheep-skins, in goat-skins, being destitute, afflicted, and so on; Hebrews 11:37 For all that will to live godly in Christ Jesus shall suffer persecution. 2 Timothy 3:12 And probably because Paul knew this, That a prophet has no honour in his own country, though he preached the Word in many places he did not preach it in Tarsus. And the Apostles on this account left Israel and did that which had been enjoined on them by the Saviour, Make disciples of all the nations, Matthew 28:19 and, You shall be My witnesses both in Jerusalem and in all Jud a and Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth. Acts 1:8 For they did that which had been commanded them in Jud a and Jerusalem; but, since a prophet has no honour in his own country, when the Jews did not receive the Word, they went away to the Gentiles. Consider, too, if, because of the fact that the saying, I will pour forth of My Spirit upon all flesh, and they shall prophesy, Joel 2:28 has been fulfilled in the churches from the Gentiles, you can say that those formerly of the world and who by believing became no longer of the world, having received the Holy Spirit in their own country - that is, the world - and prophesying, have not honour, but are dishonoured. Wherefore blessed are they who suffer the same things as the prophets, according to what was said by the Saviour, For in the same manner did their fathers unto the prophets. Luke 6:23 Now if any one who attends carefully to these things be hated and attacked, because of his living with rigorous austerity, and his reproof of sinners, as a man who is persecuted and reproached for the sake of righteousness, he will not only not be grieved, but will rejoice and be exceeding glad, being assured that, because of these things, he has great reward in heaven from Him who likened him to the prophets on the ground of his having suffered the same things. Therefore, he who zealously imitates the prophetic life, and attains to the spirit which was in them, must be dishonoured in the world, and in the eyes of sinners, to whom the life of the righteous man is a burden. 10.25. After this the word says, And when even had come, His disciples came to Him, saying, The place is desert and the time is already past; send, therefore, the multitudes away, that they may go into the villages and buy themselves food. Matthew 14:15 And first observe that when about to give to the disciples the loaves of blessing, that they might set them before the multitudes, He healed the sick, in order that, having been restored to health, they might participate in the loaves of blessing; for while they are yet sickly, they are not able to receive the loaves of the blessing of Jesus. But if any one, when he ought to listen to the precept, But let each prove himself, and so let him eat of the bread, etc., 1 Corinthians 11:28 does not obey these words, but in haphazard fashion participates in the bread of the Lord and His cup, he becomes weak or sickly, or even - if I may use the expression - on account of being stupefied by the power of the bread, asleep. < 13.11. And this may be put in another way. There are some who are kings' sons on the earth, and yet they are not sons of those kings, but sons, and sons absolutely; but others, because of their being strangers to the sons of the kings of the earth, and sons of no one of those upon the earth, but on this very account are sons, whether of God or of His Son, or of some one of those who are God's. If, then, the Saviour inquires of Peter, saying, The kings of the earth from whom do they receive toll or tribute - from their own sons or from strangers? Matthew 17:25 and Peter replies not from their own sons, but from strangers, then Jesus says about such as are strangers to the kings of the earth, and on account of being free are sons, Therefore the sons are free; Matthew 17:26 for the sons of the kings of the earth are not free, since every one that commits sin is the bond-servant of sin, John 8:34 but they are free who abide in the truth of the word of God, and on this account, know the truth, that they also may become free from sin. If, any one then, is a son simply, and not in this matter wholly a son of the kings of the earth, he is free. And nevertheless, though he is free, he takes care not to offend even the kings of the earth, and their sons, and those who receive the half-shekel; wherefore He says, Let us not cause them to stumble, but go and cast your net, and take up the fish that first comes up, Matthew 17:27 etc. But I would inquire of those who are pleased to make myths about different natures, of what sort of nature they were, whether the kings of the earth, or their sons, or those who receive the half-shekel, whom the Saviour does not wish to offend; it appears of a verity, ex hypothesi, that they are not of a nature worthy of praise, and yet He took heed not to cause them to stumble, and He prevents any stumbling-block being put in their way, that they may not sin more grievously, and that with a view to their being saved - if they will - even by receiving Him who has spared them from being caused to stumble. And as in a place verily of consolation - for such is, by interpretation, Capernaum - comforting the disciple as being both free and a son, He gives to him the power of catching the fish first, that when it came up Peter might be comforted by its coming up and being caught, and by the stater being taken from its mouth, in order to be paid to those whose the stater was, and who demanded as their own such a piece of money. 13.23. Next we must test accurately the meaning of the word necessity in the passage, For there is a necessity that the occasions come, Matthew 18:7 and to the like effect in Luke, It is 'inadmissible' but that occasions of stumbling should come, Luke 18:1 instead of impossible. And as it is necessary that that which is mortal should die, and it is impossible but that it should die, and as it must needs be that he who is in the body should be fed, for it is impossible for one who is not fed to live, so it is necessary and impossible but that occasions of stumbling should arise, since there is a necessity also that wickedness should exist before virtue in men, from which wickedness stumbling-blocks arise; for it is impossible that a man should be found altogether sinless, and who, without sin, has attained to virtue. For the wickedness in the evil powers, which is the primal source of the wickedness among men, is altogether eager to work through certain instruments against the men in the world. And perhaps also the wicked powers are more exasperated when they are cast out by the word of Jesus, and their worship is lessened, their customary sacrifices not being offered unto them; and there is a necessity that these offenses come; but there is no necessity that they should come through any particular one; wherefore the woe falls on the man through whom the stumbling-block comes, as he has given a place to the wicked power whose purpose it is to create a stumbling-block. But do not suppose that by nature, and from constitution, there are certain stumbling-blocks which seek out men through whom they come; for as God did not make death, so neither did He create stumbling-blocks; but free-will begot the stumbling-blocks in some who did not wish to endure toils for virtue. |
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| 541. Origen, Commentariorum Series In Evangelium Matthaei (Mt. 22.342763), 117, 121, 137, 28, 33, 38, 45-47, 51, 82, 90 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 564 |
| 542. Origen, Fragments On Luke, 91, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541, 543 |
| 543. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 86, 93, 85 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 61 |
| 544. Origen, Commentary On Genesis, 20.7.5, 32.16.186, 32.16.187, 32.16.188, 32.16.189, 32.16.193, 32.16.192, 32.16.191, 32.16.190, 20.28.252, 20.33.287, 20.24.219, 1.13.82, 2.13.96, 20.8.55, 20.8.56, 20.15.127, 20.17.135, 20.33.291, 1.35.253, 20.20.165, 20.20.168, 20.20.169, 20.20.170, 20.21.174, 20.23.189, 28.21.179, 20.24.211, 2.20.134, 28.22.190, 20.8.54, 12.13.106, 10.33.216, 10.18.107, 6.60.306, 6.39.200, 6.39.199, 6.21.117, 6.20.108, 19.3.15, 19.3.14, 19.3.13, 19.3.12, 13.60.416, 13.44.294, 13.24.149, 13.24.148, 13.20.122, 13.20.121, 13.17.103, 13.11.67, 13.10.64, 13.10.57, 13.3.15, 6.6.31, 2.24.155, fr.5, 5, 2.34.200, 2.34.199, 2.28.171, 19.14.89, 20.7.50, 20.4.28, fr.8, 13.162, 10.6.25, 60.426, 60.423, 60.425, 13.60.418, 13.60.420, 13.61.431, 13.61.432, 13.61.433, 60.419, 13.60.419 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79 |
| 545. Cyprian, Testimoniorum Libri Tres Adversus Judaeos (Ad Quirinum), 3.25-3.27 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries, roman takeover of osrhoene and edessa •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries, life of bardaisan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 119 |
| 546. Origen, Homiliae In Genesim (In Catenis), 2.2, 4.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 527, 543 |
| 547. Origen, Homilies On Numbers, 5.1.3, 7.1, 9.4, 12.2, 25.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of •law, the, moral law, •law, the, ritual law, •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142, 143 |
| 548. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 3.27.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 9 |
| 549. Origen, Homilies On Leviticus, 4.8, 5.1, 7.4.1-7.4.4, 7.5.5-7.5.7, 7.6, 8.9, 9.2, 10.2, 13.4, 14.2 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 79, 80; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 494, 527, 541, 543; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
| 550. Augustine, Sermons, 355 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bishops, role in the development of canon law Found in books: Humfress, Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic (2007) 203, 204 |
| 551. Philostorgius, Historia Ecclesiastica, 10.6, 11.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 129 |
| 552. Anon., Midrash Psalms, 146.4 (4th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 138 |
| 553. Theodoret of Cyrus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.24.4.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 139 |
| 554. Theodoret of Cyrus, Compendium Against Heresies, 1.21, 2.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, and gospel •law, the, gnostic views of •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 543, 564 |
| 555. Themistius, Orations, 32.358b (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
| 556. Prudentius, Hamartigenia, 756, 758-764, 757 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 257 |
| 557. Tyconius, Liber Regularum, 3.17, 3.20.1, 3.26 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, and bipartite nature of the church •manichaeans, negative evaluation of the law Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 283, 311 |
| 558. Tyconius, Expositio Apocalypseos, 2.34, 2.40 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, and bipartite nature of the church Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 311 |
| 559. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.25, 7.13.16, 7.38 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by •theodosios ii, laws pertaining to jews authorized by •theodosios ii, laws against dissenting christian sects and Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 139, 190, 256 |
| 560. Rufinus of Aquileia, In Suam Et Eusebii Caesariensis Latinam Ab Eo Factam Historiam, 11.31 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 139 |
| 561. Aphrahat, Demonstrations, 15.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 88 |
562. Pseudo Clementine Literature, Recognitions, 3.67, 6.15, 7.34-7.37 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 80 | 7.37. Then said Peter: Let not the wicked one prevail against us, taking occasion from a mother's love; but let you, and me with you, fast this day along with her, and tomorrow she shall be baptized: for it is not right that the precepts of truth be relaxed and weakened in favour of any person or friendship. Let us not shrink, then, from suffering along with her, for it is a sin to transgress any commandment. But let us teach our bodily senses, which are without us, to be in subjection to our inner senses; and not compel our inner senses, which savour the things that be of God, to follow the outer senses, which savour the things that be of the flesh. For to this end also the Lord commanded, saying: 'Whosoever shall look upon a woman to lust after her, has committed adultery with her already in his heart.' And to this He added: 'If your right eye offend you, pluck it out, and cast it from you: for it is profitable for you that one of your members perish, rather than your whole body be cast into hell-fire.' Matthew 5:28-29 He does not say, has offended you, that you should then cast away the cause of sin after you have sinned; but if it offend you, that is, that before you sin you should cut off the cause of the sin that provokes and irritates you. But let none of you think, brethren, that the Lord commended the cutting off of the members. His meaning is, that the purpose should be cut off, not the members, and the causes which allure to sin, in order that our thought, borne up on the chariot of sight, may push towards the love of God, supported by the bodily senses; and not give loose reins to the eyes of the flesh as to wanton horses, eager to turn their running outside the way of the commandments, but may subject the bodily sight to the judgment of the mind, and not suffer those eyes of ours, which God intended to be viewers and witnesses of His work, to become panders of evil desire. And therefore let the bodily senses as well as the internal thought be subject to the law of God, and let them serve His will, whose work they acknowledge themselves to be. |
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| 563. Prudentius, Apotheosis, 316 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 257 |
| 564. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 2.424 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 15 |
565. Augustine, The City of God, 2.9, 10.9, 7.26, 6.8, 6.7, 6.6, 6.5, 5.26, 2.13, 2.11, 2.8, 6.4 = Varro Ant. Div. fr. 5 Cardauns, 6.3 = Varro Ant. Div. fr. 4 Cardauns (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 225 | 2.9. The opinion of the ancient Romans on this matter is attested by Cicero in his work De Republica, in which Scipio, one of the interlocutors, says, The lewdness of comedy could never have been suffered by audiences, unless the customs of society had previously sanctioned the same lewdness. And in the earlier days the Greeks preserved a certain reasonableness in their license, and made it a law, that whatever comedy wished to say of any one, it must say it of him by name. And so in the same work of Cicero's, Scipio says, Whom has it not aspersed? Nay, whom has it not worried? Whom has it spared? Allow that it may assail demagogues and factions, men injurious to the commonwealth - a Cleon, a Cleophon, a Hyperbolus. That is tolerable, though it had been more seemly for the public censor to brand such men, than for a poet to lampoon them; but to blacken the fame of Pericles with scurrilous verse, after he had with the utmost dignity presided over their state alike in war and in peace, was as unworthy of a poet, as if our own Plautus or N vius were to bring Publius and Cneius Scipio on the comic stage, or as if C cilius were to caricature Cato. And then a little after he goes on: Though our Twelve Tables attached the penalty of death only to a very few offenses, yet among these few this was one: if any man should have sung a pasquinade, or have composed a satire calculated to bring infamy or disgrace on another person. Wisely decreed. For it is by the decisions of magistrates, and by a well-informed justice, that our lives ought to be judged, and not by the flighty fancies of poets; neither ought we to be exposed to hear calumnies, save where we have the liberty of replying, and defending ourselves before an adequate tribunal. This much I have judged it advisable to quote from the fourth book of Cicero's De Republica; and I have made the quotation word for word, with the exception of some words omitted, and some slightly transposed, for the sake of giving the sense more readily. And certainly the extract is pertinent to the matter I am endeavoring to explain. Cicero makes some further remarks, and concludes the passage by showing that the ancient Romans did not permit any living man to be either praised or blamed on the stage. But the Greeks, as I said, though not so moral, were more logical in allowing this license which the Romans forbade; for they saw that their gods approved and enjoyed the scurrilous language of low comedy when directed not only against men, but even against themselves; and this, whether the infamous actions imputed to them were the fictions of poets, or were their actual iniquities commemorated and acted in the theatres. And would that the spectators had judged them worthy only of laughter, and not of imitation! Manifestly it had been a stretch of pride to spare the good name of the leading men and the common citizens, when the very deities did not grudge that their own reputation should be blemished. |
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| 566. Augustine, Retractiones, 1.23.2-1.23.4, 2.1.1, 2.1.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •manichaeans, negative evaluation of the law Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 257, 283 |
| 567. Paulinus of Milan, Vita Sancti Ambrosii Mediolanensis, 22-23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 131 |
| 568. Augustine, Contra Adimantum Manichaei Discipulum, 13, 17, 20, 25-26, 8, 7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 277 |
| 569. Augustine, Reply To Faustus, 6.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
| 570. Philastrius of Brescia, Diversarum Hereseon Liber, 7.1-7.2, 36.4-36.5 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •trinity/father, son and holy spirit, proclaimed in the law •angels, give the law Found in books: Williams, Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: Book I: (Sects 1-46) (2009) 33, 117 |
| 571. Augustine, Confessions, 1.14, 12.25.35, 13.15.18, 13.23.34, 13.38 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables •manichaeans, negative evaluation of the law •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of •law, the, moral law, •law, the, ritual law, Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 225; Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142; Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 278 |
| 572. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 23.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 145 |
| 573. Augustine, Against Fortunatus, 21, 16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 282 |
| 574. Augustine, De Diversis Quaestionibus Ad Simplicianum, a b c d\n0 1.1.3 1.1.3 1 1\n1 66.1 66.1 66 1\n2 1.1.2 1.1.2 1 1\n3 1.1.7 1.1.7 1 1\n4 1.1.17 1.1.17 1 1\n5 1.1.11 1.1.11 1 1\n6 1.1.16 1.1.16 1 1\n7 1.1.10 1.1.10 1 1\n8 "1.1.9" "1.1.9" "1 1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 258 |
| 575. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 3.33.46 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, and bipartite nature of the church Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 311 |
| 576. Augustine, De Gestis Pelagi, a b c d\n0 "27.52" "27.52" "27 52"\n1 "22.46" "22.46" "22 46"\n2 "26.51" "26.51" "26 51" (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 247 |
| 577. Augustine, De Ordine Libri Duo, 1.8.25 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 35 |
| 578. Augustine, De Peccatorum Meritis Et Remissione Et De Baptismo Parvulorum, a b c d\n0 "2.13.19" "2.13.19" "2 13\n1 "2.13.20" "2.13.20" "2 13\n2 "3.1.1" "3.1.1" "3 1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 261 |
| 579. John Chrysostom, Homilies On John, 34.1-34.2, 45.1-45.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
| 580. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 18.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 145 |
| 581. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 24.2, 24.6, 30.4-30.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world •law and lawyers, in the roman world, local legal traditions Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 35, 69, 145 |
| 582. Augustine, De Perfectione Justitiae Hominis Liber, a b c d\n0 "17.38" "17.38" "17 38" (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paul and pauline epistles, on the law Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 261 |
| 583. Augustine, De Praedestinatione Sanctorum., 8, 7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 257 |
| 584. Augustine, De Sermone Domini In Monte Secundum Matthaeum, 1.12.34, 1.20.65, 1.21.71-1.21.72, 2.27, 2.37 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •manichaeans, negative evaluation of the law •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143; Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 277, 278 |
| 585. Augustine, Enarrationes In Psalmos, 93.6, "70 (s.1).19", "33" (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 278 |
| 586. Didymus, In Genesim, 114.6-114.11 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 191 |
| 587. Augustine, Expositio Epistolae Ad Galatas, 24.14, 44.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •manichaeans, negative evaluation of the law Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 282 |
| 588. Didymus, Commentarii In Zachariam, 1.52 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Geljon and Runia, Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2019) 88 |
| 589. Augustine, De Gratia Christi Et De Peccato Originali Contra Pelagium Et Coelestinum, a b c d\n0 "1.48.53" "1.48.53" "1 48\n1 "1.39.43" "1.39.43" "1 39 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 261 |
| 590. Augustine, Expositio Quarumdam Propositionum Ex Epistula Ad Romanos, 13-18.7, 44.1, 44.2, 44.3, 45-46.2, 60.8, 60.9, 60.10, 60.12, 62.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 282 |
| 591. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 32.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
| 592. Anon., Exodus Rabbah, 30.16 (4th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •uprooting torah law, and the praetorian edict •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 307; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 181 |
| 593. John Chrysostom, Against The Jews, 1.6.2, 6.6.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bible, books of the law Found in books: Veltri, Libraries, Translations, and 'Canonic' Texts: The Septuagint, Aquila and Ben Sira in the Jewish and Christian Traditions (2006) 58 |
| 594. John Chrysostom, De Diabolo Tentatore (Homiliae 13), 3.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 200 |
595. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 51 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, late roman, rights of the patriarchs to collect funds rescinded by •theodosios ii, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 171, 252 | 51. To the community of the Jews [Late 362 CE or early 363 CE, ANTIOCH] In times past, by far the most burdensome thing in the yoke of your slavery has been the fact that you were subjected to unauthorised ordices and had to contribute an untold amount of money to the accounts of the treasury. of this I used to see many instances with my own eyes, and I have learned of more, by finding the records which are preserved against you. Moreover, when a tax was about to be levied on you again I prevented it, and compelled the impiety of such obloquy to cease here; and I threw into the fire the records against you that were stored in my desks; so that it is no longer possible for anyone to aim at you such a reproach of impiety. My brother Constantius of honoured memory was not so much responsible for these wrongs of yours as were the men who used to frequent his table, barbarians in mind, godless in soul. These I seized with my own hands and put them to death by thrusting them into the pit, that not even any memory of their destruction might still linger amongst us. And since I wish that you should prosper yet more, I have admonished my brother Iulus, your most venerable patriarch, that the levy which is said to exist among you should be prohibited, and that no one is any longer to have the power to oppress the masses of your people by such exactions; so that everywhere, during my reign, you may have security of mind, and in the enjoyment of peace may offer more fervid prayers for my reign to the Most High God, the Creator, who has deigned to crown me with his own immaculate right hand. For it is natural that men who are distracted by any anxiety should be hampered in spirit, and should not have so much confidence in raising their hands to pray; but that those who are in all respects free from care should rejoice with their whole hearts and offer their suppliant prayers on behalf of my imperial office to Mighty God, even to him who is able to direct my reign to the noblest ends, according to my purpose. This you ought to do, in order that, when I have successfully concluded the war with Persia, I may rebuild by my own efforts the sacred city of Jerusalem, which for so many years you have longed to see inhabited, and may bring settlers there, and, together with you, may glorify the Most High God therein. 51. To the community of the Jews 1 [Late 362 or early 363, Antioch] In times past, by far the most burdensome thing in the yoke of your slavery has been the fact that you were subjected to unauthorised ordices and had to contribute an untold amount of money to the accounts of the treasury. of this I used to see many instances with my own eyes, and I have learned of more, by finding the records which are preserved against you. Moreover, when a tax was about to be levied on you again I prevented it, and compelled the impiety of such obloquy to cease here; and I threw into the fire the records against you that were stored in my desks; so that it is no longer possible for anyone to aim at you such a reproach of impiety. My brother Constantius of honoured memory was not so much responsible for these wrongs of yours as were the men who used to frequent his table, barbarians in mind, godless in soul. These I seized with my own hands and put them to death by thrusting them into the pit, that not even any memory of their destruction 1 might still linger amongst us. And since I wish that you should prosper yet more, I have admonished my brother Iulus,2 your most venerable patriarch, that the levy3 which is said to exist among you should be prohibited, and that no one is any longer to have the power to oppress the masses of your people by such exactions; so that everywhere, during my reign, you may have security of mind, and in the enjoyment of peace may offer more fervid prayers4 for my reign to the Most High God, the Creator, who has deigned to crown me with his own immaculate right hand. For it is natural that men who are distracted by any anxiety should be hampered in spirit, and should not have so much confidence in raising their hands to pray; but that those who are in all respects free from care should rejoice with their whole hearts and offer their suppliant prayers on behalf of my imperial office to Mighty God, even to him who is able to direct my reign to the noblest ends, according to my purpose. This you ought to do, in order that, when I have successfully concluded the war with Persia, I may rebuild by my own efforts the sacred city of Jerusalem,1 which for so many years you have longed to see inhabited, and may bring settlers there, and, together with you, may glorify the Most High God therein. |
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596. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 51 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, late roman, rights of the patriarchs to collect funds rescinded by •theodosios ii, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 171, 252 | 51. To the community of the Jews [Late 362 CE or early 363 CE, ANTIOCH] In times past, by far the most burdensome thing in the yoke of your slavery has been the fact that you were subjected to unauthorised ordices and had to contribute an untold amount of money to the accounts of the treasury. of this I used to see many instances with my own eyes, and I have learned of more, by finding the records which are preserved against you. Moreover, when a tax was about to be levied on you again I prevented it, and compelled the impiety of such obloquy to cease here; and I threw into the fire the records against you that were stored in my desks; so that it is no longer possible for anyone to aim at you such a reproach of impiety. My brother Constantius of honoured memory was not so much responsible for these wrongs of yours as were the men who used to frequent his table, barbarians in mind, godless in soul. These I seized with my own hands and put them to death by thrusting them into the pit, that not even any memory of their destruction might still linger amongst us. And since I wish that you should prosper yet more, I have admonished my brother Iulus, your most venerable patriarch, that the levy which is said to exist among you should be prohibited, and that no one is any longer to have the power to oppress the masses of your people by such exactions; so that everywhere, during my reign, you may have security of mind, and in the enjoyment of peace may offer more fervid prayers for my reign to the Most High God, the Creator, who has deigned to crown me with his own immaculate right hand. For it is natural that men who are distracted by any anxiety should be hampered in spirit, and should not have so much confidence in raising their hands to pray; but that those who are in all respects free from care should rejoice with their whole hearts and offer their suppliant prayers on behalf of my imperial office to Mighty God, even to him who is able to direct my reign to the noblest ends, according to my purpose. This you ought to do, in order that, when I have successfully concluded the war with Persia, I may rebuild by my own efforts the sacred city of Jerusalem, which for so many years you have longed to see inhabited, and may bring settlers there, and, together with you, may glorify the Most High God therein. |
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597. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 51 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, late roman, rights of the patriarchs to collect funds rescinded by •theodosios ii, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 171, 252 | 51. To the community of the Jews [Late 362 CE or early 363 CE, ANTIOCH] In times past, by far the most burdensome thing in the yoke of your slavery has been the fact that you were subjected to unauthorised ordices and had to contribute an untold amount of money to the accounts of the treasury. of this I used to see many instances with my own eyes, and I have learned of more, by finding the records which are preserved against you. Moreover, when a tax was about to be levied on you again I prevented it, and compelled the impiety of such obloquy to cease here; and I threw into the fire the records against you that were stored in my desks; so that it is no longer possible for anyone to aim at you such a reproach of impiety. My brother Constantius of honoured memory was not so much responsible for these wrongs of yours as were the men who used to frequent his table, barbarians in mind, godless in soul. These I seized with my own hands and put them to death by thrusting them into the pit, that not even any memory of their destruction might still linger amongst us. And since I wish that you should prosper yet more, I have admonished my brother Iulus, your most venerable patriarch, that the levy which is said to exist among you should be prohibited, and that no one is any longer to have the power to oppress the masses of your people by such exactions; so that everywhere, during my reign, you may have security of mind, and in the enjoyment of peace may offer more fervid prayers for my reign to the Most High God, the Creator, who has deigned to crown me with his own immaculate right hand. For it is natural that men who are distracted by any anxiety should be hampered in spirit, and should not have so much confidence in raising their hands to pray; but that those who are in all respects free from care should rejoice with their whole hearts and offer their suppliant prayers on behalf of my imperial office to Mighty God, even to him who is able to direct my reign to the noblest ends, according to my purpose. This you ought to do, in order that, when I have successfully concluded the war with Persia, I may rebuild by my own efforts the sacred city of Jerusalem, which for so many years you have longed to see inhabited, and may bring settlers there, and, together with you, may glorify the Most High God therein. |
|
| 598. Gregory of Nazianzus, Carmina Moralia, 105.28 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73 |
| 599. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 32.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
| 600. Anon., Pirqei De Rabbi Eliezer, 50 (4th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 223 |
| 601. Libanius, Letters, 1084, 1105, 973, 21 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 144 |
| 602. Libanius, Orations, 30 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 130 |
| 603. Ambrose, Jacob And The Happy Life, 1.4.13-1.4.16 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •manichaeans, negative evaluation of the law Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 257 |
| 604. Ambrose, Letters, 21.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 143 |
| 605. Ambrose, Letters, 21.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 143 |
| 606. Ambrose, Letters, 21.2, 1, 1a (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 143 |
| 607. Cassian, Conferences, a b c d\n0 "11.13" "11.13" "11 13" (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paul and pauline epistles, on the law •law, maximus the confessor on Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 459 |
| 608. Ambrose, Letters, 21.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 143 |
609. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 16.5.12 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman political theory, law and the principle of authority •greco-roman political theory, ruler as living law, ideal of •julian, on the ruler as ensouled law Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 48, 49 | 16.5.12. When approached by the parents of a girl who had been assaulted, he ordered that her ravisher, if convicted, should be banished; and when they complained of the indignity suffered in that he was not punished with death, the emperor merely replied: The laws may censure my clemency, but it is right for an emperor of very merciful disposition to rise above all other laws. |
|
| 610. Ephrem, Hymns On Nativity, 11.1, 12.56, 28.5 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theology, evidence from law Found in books: Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 57 |
| 611. Ephrem, Hymns On Virginity, 22.14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theology, evidence from law Found in books: Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 67 |
| 612. Ephrem, Prose Refutations, 13-8, 7, 2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 37 |
| 613. Macarius The Great, Homiliae Spirituales 50 (Collectio H), a b c d\n0 "15.36" "15.36" "15 36"\n1 "15.41" "15.41" "15 41"\n2 "17.8" "17.8" "17 8"\n3 "27.9" "27.9" "27 9" (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 459 |
| 614. Ambrose, Letters, 21.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 143 |
| 615. Epiphanius, Panarion, 1.14, 1.16, 1.42-1.43, 30.7.5-30.7.6, 30.15.3-30.15.4, 30.22.3-30.22.5, 45.1.6-45.1.8, 45.2.2, 53.1.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 81, 82; Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 360; Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 145; Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 185 |
| 616. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 1.1, 1.4.1-1.4.3, 2.8.20, 2.8.26, 3.1.5, 3.7.2, 5.3.1, 9.43.1, 12.1, 12.1.158, 12.1.163-12.1.165, 13.5.28-13.5.29, 15.2.1, 15.5.5, 16.2.3, 16.2.46-16.2.47, 16.5.11-16.5.13, 16.5.17, 16.5.25, 16.5.34, 16.5.36, 16.5.39, 16.5.41, 16.5.43, 16.5.48-16.5.49, 16.5.57-16.5.60, 16.5.62-16.5.65, 16.7.7, 16.8, 16.8.1, 16.8.5, 16.8.7-16.8.9, 16.8.12, 16.8.14, 16.8.17-16.8.27, 16.8.29, 16.9.3-16.9.5, 16.10.4-16.10.8, 16.10.10, 16.10.12, 16.10.17-16.10.19, 16.10.22-16.10.24, 16.11.1-16.11.3 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 144; Humfress, Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic (2007) 67, 88, 204; Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 56, 57, 86, 91, 92, 93, 94, 128, 129, 131, 139, 143, 146, 168, 170, 171, 172, 178, 182, 188, 190, 198, 199, 232, 236, 241, 242, 243, 244, 246, 248, 249, 252, 253, 257, 270, 271, 284, 285, 294, 313, 365 |
| 617. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 1.17.2.18, 1.17.1.10, 1.17.1. pr., 1.10.2, 1.4.7, 1.9.12, 1.9.2, 1.9.7, 1.11.6, 1.9.18, 1.10.1, 7.58.4, 5.63.1, 5.51.3 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 145 |
| 618. Justinian, Digest, 47.9.9, 48.5.24(23).4, 48.8.3.5, 13.6.18pr., 48.8.1.5, 48.5.39.8, 48.10.15.3, 47.9.4.1, 26.1.9, 47.9.7, 48.22.6.1, 41.2.1.1, 41.2.21.1, 47.9.10, 1.12.7, 14.2.9, 48.7.1.1, 4.9.3.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 257 |
| 619. Justinian, Institutiones, 1.1. pr.-1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •christian, reading of the classical law Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 140 |
| 620. Justinian, Novellae, 3.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 268, 285 |
| 621. Justinian, Novellae, 3.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 268, 285 |
| 622. Cassiodorus, Institutio Divinarum Litterarum, 2.5 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 257 |
| 623. Jerome, Dialogi Contra Pelagianos (Dialogus Adversus Pelagianos.), 2.2-2.3 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •paul and pauline epistles, on the law Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 262 |
| 624. Cassiodorus, Variarum Libri Xii, 1.25, 4.33, 4.43 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios ii, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 318 |
| 625. Ammonius Hermiae, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarius, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-120, 18, 187-189, 19, 190-199, 20, 200-209, 21, 210-219, 22, 220-227, 229, 23, 230-239, 24, 240-249, 25, 250-259, 26, 260-269, 27, 270-279, 28, 280-289, 29, 290-299, 30, 300, 308-309, 31, 310-317, 32-51, 83-89, 9, 90-99, 228 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Honigman, The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas (2003) 18 |
| 626. Jerome, Letters, 121.8 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •manichaeans, negative evaluation of the law Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE) (2020) 257 |
| 627. Stobaeus, Anthology, 4.1.138, 1.1.29b (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 471, 474 |
| 628. Anon., Avot Derabbi Nathan A, 19 (6th cent. CE - 8th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dead sea scrolls,strict obedience to the law Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 302 |
| 629. Menander Protector, Fragments, 459 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
| 630. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 2.24.1-2.24.2, 6.3.3-6.3.4 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries •bible, books of the law Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 9; Veltri, Libraries, Translations, and 'Canonic' Texts: The Septuagint, Aquila and Ben Sira in the Jewish and Christian Traditions (2006) 82 |
| 631. Procopius, Historia Arcana (Anecdota), 28.16-28.19 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 285 |
| 632. Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, 8.1 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, comparison with laws of justinian pertaining to jews •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 313 |
| 633. Procopius, On Buildings, 1, 11-16 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 15 |
| 634. Evagrius Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 1.13 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •theodosios ii, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 205, 244 |
| 635. Justinian, Digesta, 48.8.3.5, 48.10.15.3, 13.6.18pr., 48.8.1.5, 48.5.39.8, 47.9.4.1, 47.9.7, 41.2.1.1, 41.2.21.1, 47.9.10, 48.22.6.1, 14.2.9, 1.12.7, 48.7.1.1, 26.1.9, 4.9.3.1 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 104 |
| 636. Maximus The Confessor, Quaestiones Ad Thalassium , "10", "15", "18", "19", "39", "64", "9", "22" (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 460 |
| 637. Gregory The Great, Letters, 2.45, 2.50, 3.37, 13.13 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gregory the great, slave laws and •theodosios ii, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 335, 336, 357 |
| 638. Anon., Abot De Rabbi Nathan, 2.8.24 (7th cent. CE - 9th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •uprooting torah law, and the praetorian edict Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 307 |
| 639. Augustine, Letters, a b c d\n0 120 120 120 None\n1 119 119 119 None\n2 101 101 101 None\n3 83.4 83.4 83 4\n4 8* 8* 8* None\n5 "19*3" "19*3" "19*3" None\n6 "177" "177" "177" None\n7 "177.16" "177.16" "177 16" (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 225 |
| 640. Gregory of Nazianzus, De Or. Dom., 323a F22 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 240 |
| 641. Cicero, On Proper Functions, 1.153 Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
| 642. Ps.-Plutarch, On Homer, 2.143 Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
| 643. Anon., Aggadat Bereishit, 7.3 Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world, local legal traditions Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69 |
| 644. Anon., Tanhuma, pequddei 1 Tagged with subjects: •gentiles, and the torah/law Found in books: Fisch,, Written for Us: Paul’s Interpretation of Scripture and the History of Midrash (2023) 97 |
| 645. Anon., Yalqut Shimoni, 89, 91, 92b, 116 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 158 |
| 647. Various, Anthologia Palatina, "4.3c", "5.300.7", "6.12", "9.152.1" Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bannert and Roukema, Nonnus of Panopolis in Context II: Poetry, Religion, and Society (2014) 304 |
| 648. Eusebius, Greek Questions, 1.9-1.11 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 70 |
| 649. Epigraphy, Ig I , 104.13 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 165 |
| 650. Epigraphy, Ig I , 104.13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 165 |
| 651. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1035, 1180, 1196, 1229, 1230, 1234, 1241, 1258, 1361, 1443, 1463, 1590a, 1593, 1622, 1635, 1656, 1657, 1666, 1672, 1678, 204, 244, 2492, 2498, 3109, 334, 3462, 4638, 47, 4975, 736, 2762 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 295 |
| 652. Epigraphy, Ig Iv, 798-799, 801, 800 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 45 |
| 653. Epigraphy, Ngsl, 17-21, 27 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 158 |
| 654. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, g§25, g§93 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 326 |
| 655. Epigraphy, Ig, 1.3.255, 2.2.1275, 2.2.1283, 2.2.1289, 2.2.1359, I3 104 Tagged with subjects: •athens, sacred laws •laws, of the polis •homicide law, athenian Found in books: Hitch, Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world (2017) 141, 143, 144, 168; Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 159 |
| 656. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 503, 95 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 85 |
| 657. Anon., Martyrdom of Pionius, 13.2 Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 78 |
| 658. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 1.162, 1.262, 1.449, 1.537, 2.475, 2.534, 2.1065, 2.1211, 3.4, 3.144, 3.332, 3.448, 3.586, 3.627, 3.700 Tagged with subjects: •law, as the force pervading cosmic nature •allegorical interpretation, the laws of •on law and justice (attrib. archytas), on the best constitution Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 216; Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90, 174; Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473 |
| 659. Anon., Scholia On Argonautika, fr. 9 Tagged with subjects: •plato, on procreation in the laws Found in books: Huffman, A History of Pythagoreanism (2019) 379, 380, 381, 382 |
| 660. Aristophanes, Scholia Ar. Ran., 37.3.4, 49.2.7, 132.17 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
| 661. Aristotle, Apol., 6.1, 7.7, 8.5, 9.6, 12.6 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of •law, the, moral law, •law, the, ritual law, Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 141, 142, 143 |
| 662. Eusebius of Caesarea, Syriac Questions, 9-10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam, Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian (2020) 70 |
| 663. Dead Sea Scrolls, Phylactery, 7.121-7.122 Tagged with subjects: •cicero, on stoic divine law theory •freedom, and the law Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 61 |
| 665. Anon., Xii Tables, 5.5, 5.4, 10.3, 10.2, 10.1, 3.5, 3.4, 7.11, 6.5b, 10.7, 10.6, 10.5, 10.4, 6.1, 5.2, 10.10, 10.9, 10.8, 8.18a, 8.18b Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 177 |
| 666. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 416.20-416.21 Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws and prescriptions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 328 |
| 667. Mark The Monk, De Baptismo, "5" Tagged with subjects: •paul and pauline epistles, on the law •law, maximus the confessor on Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 459 |
| 668. Diadochus of Photiki, Capita De Perfectione Spirituali, "28", "16" Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 459 |
| 669. Dorotheus of Gaza, Didaskaliai, a b c d\n0 "4.47" "4.47" "4 47" Tagged with subjects: •paul and pauline epistles, on the law •law, maximus the confessor on Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 459 |
| 670. Pseudo-Macarius, Logos, a b c d\n0 "33.1‒2" "33.1‒2" "33 1‒2" Tagged with subjects: •paul and pauline epistles, on the law •law, maximus the confessor on Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 459 |
| 671. Philo of Alexandria, De Animalibus, dk 88 b 25 Tagged with subjects: •plato, on positive law as rescue from the state of nature Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 73 |
| 672. Papyri, P.Mil.Vogl. [Cg], 1.25 Tagged with subjects: •law, of the egyptians Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 36 |
| 673. Papyri, P.Oxy., 2.237, 2537, b114 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 2, 326 |
| 674. Papyri, P.Ryl., 3.458 Tagged with subjects: •edition, authoritative/official, of the jewish law, in alexandria Found in books: Honigman, The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas (2003) 135 |
| 675. Papyri, P.Yadin, 28 Tagged with subjects: •law, of the egyptians Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 35, 36 |
| 676. Epigraphy, Cil, 2.5181, 6.16740, 11.720, 11.1421 Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world •law and lawyers, in the roman world, local legal traditions Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 69, 200 |
| 677. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.4.6, 5.4.10, 5.4.15, 5.22.1, 5.22.3-5.22.4, 5.25.2, 5.25.10 Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables •roman law, and law of the provinces •law, late roman, attacks by jews on other jews who become christians prohibited by Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 104; Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 94; Rohmann, Christianity, Book-Burning and Censorship in Late Antiquity (2016) 25 |
| 678. Epigraphy, Demos Rhamnountos Ii, 182, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 259 |
| 679. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 290, 292, 298, 297 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 45, 46, 122 |
| 680. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, 138, 144, 164, 177, 143 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 72 |
| 681. Epigraphy, Syll. , 204, 271 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hitch, Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world (2017) 142 |
| 682. Andrew of Cesarea, Comm. Apoc., 26.19 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 138 |
| 683. Dead Sea Scrolls, Mezuzah, 34, 33 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 71 |
| 684. Anon., Constitutiones Sirmondianae, 12, 6, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 93 |
| 685. Anon., Life of Barsauma, 44.1-44.6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 198, 357 |
| 686. Epigraphy, Ic Iv, 2.20-2.45 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 245 |
| 687. Papyri, Sm, 24.16252 Tagged with subjects: •law, of the egyptians Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 36 |
688. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 15, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 16, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 31, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 45, 5, 51a, 51b, 83, 83b, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 215 | 3. It was my devotion to the pursuit of religious knowledge that led me to undertake the embassy to the man I have mentioned, who was held in the highest esteem by his own citizens and by others both for his virtue and his majesty and who had in his possession documents of the highest value to the Jews in his own country and in foreign lands for the interpretation of the divine law, for their |
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| 689. Anon., Praedicatio Jacobi, 24 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 138 |
| 690. Anon., Qolasta, 13-14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 138 |
| 691. Epigraphy, Seg, 8.55, 26.72, 34.167, 43.63, 54.214, 11.1112, 24.203, 196a47.-b, 48.96, 26.121, 18.13, 22.508, 24.151, 52.92, 21.651, 43.310, 56.172, 28.103 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 218 |
| 692. Epigraphy, Prose Sur Pierre, 953.43-953.45 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 148 |
| 693. Anon., Hippocratic Oath, 0 Tagged with subjects: •cleinias (the laws) Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 374 |
| 694. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
| 695. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
| 696. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q550, 1 fr. 1916 (Dig. 1.4.1. pr.) Tagged with subjects: •authority, of the law Found in books: Ando and Ruepke, Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome (2006) 145 |
| 697. Ephorus Fgrh, F, 221 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 148, 161 |
| 699. Anthemius, Novellae, 3.1.2 Tagged with subjects: •iurisconsultus, and the development of law Found in books: Humfress, Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic (2007) 88 |
| 700. Valentinian Iii, Novellae, 21.1-21.2 Tagged with subjects: •iurisconsultus, and the development of law Found in books: Humfress, Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic (2007) 88 |
| 702. Epigrap, Hyherrmann (1975) (Mdai(I) 25, 347 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 298 |
| 704. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
| 705. Galen, Galen Hippocr. Epidemiai Book 3), 17.1.607-8 comm. 2.4 Tagged with subjects: •edition, authoritative/official, of the jewish law, in jerusalem Found in books: Honigman, The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas (2003) 42 |
| 706. Fortunatianus Chirius, Artis Rhetoricae, 1.13 Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 15 |
| 707. Eratosthenes, Ap. Strabo, ap. Strabo 1.2.3 Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 174 |
| 708. Tim., Plato, Tim. 29e Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 181 |
| 711. Anon., Cologne Mani Codex, 91-94 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 81 |
| 712. Gregory of Nazianzus, Hom. In Cant., 2, p.217ff Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 713. Granius Flaccus, De Indigitamentis Fr., 19 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, leviathan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 138 |
| 714. Anon., Apocalypse of Abraham, 7-8, 3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 715. Gregory of Elvira, Tract. Sanc. Script., 4 Tagged with subjects: •law, in early christian theology Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal, Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud (2018) 176 |
| 716. Anon., Seder Eliyahu Zuta, 28 Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 200 |
| 717. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 7.17, 9.1.2-9.1.3 Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by •theodosios ii, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 129, 225 |
| 718. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 35.9-35.12 Tagged with subjects: •jewish law/legal schools, and the hakhamim (sages) •temple, the, and jewish schools of law Found in books: Taylor, The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea (2012) 196, 197 |
| 719. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
| 720. Sophocles, Stobaeus, 3.41 Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 88 |
| 721. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta, 27.19.1 Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 137 |
| 723. Epigraphy, Ig Xii, 7.27, 7.67, 7.76 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 299 |
| 724. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,3, 86 Tagged with subjects: •law, on the lesser panathenaia Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 21 |
| 725. Basilius Caesariensis Cappadociae, Canones Poenitentiales, 5.8 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, letter of •law, the, spirit of Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 143 |
| 726. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,4, 283 Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws and prescriptions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 329 |
| 727. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,8, 19 Tagged with subjects: •law, concerning the temene Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 75 |
| 728. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q387A, 1.26-1.27, 1.46, 1.67, 1.88-1.89, 1.107, 1.113, 2.8-2.13, 2.21-2.23, 3.4-3.5, 3.8, 3.19 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 122, 123, 138, 170, 179, 180, 225, 240, 296 |
| 730. Anon., Lucilius, 1073, 1107, 1109-1110, 1127-1128, 1239, 1242-1243, 47, 664, 796-797, 804-811, 860-861, 863-864, 599 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breed, Keitel and Wallace, Lucilius and Satire in Second-Century BC Rome (2018) 265 |
| 731. Epigraphy, Mdai(A), 66.228 Tagged with subjects: •laws, of the polis Found in books: Hitch, Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world (2017) 142 |
| 732. Epigraphy, Ig 2.2, 140.10, 140.11, 140.12, 140.13, 140.14, 140.15, 140.16, 140.17, 140.18, 373.22, 373.23, 373.24, 373.25, 373.26, 373.27, 373.28, 373.29, 373.30, 373.31, 373.32, 373.33, 380.8, 380.9, 380.10, 380.11, 380.12, 409.14, 409.15, 416.10, 416.11, 223 a 10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 113, 127, 306 |
| 733. Epigraphy, Ig I 3, 32.7, 105.7-105.8 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 121, 306 |
| 734. Hyperides, Ath., 13-17, 22, 21 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 127 |
| 735. Severus of Minorca, Letters, 8.4, 12.8, 12.10, 16.14-16.15, 18.5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 57, 66, 206, 345, 391 |
| 736. Epigraphy, Mama Vi List, 16.118 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 238 |
| 738. Plautus, Schematicus, 87.728 Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 88 |
| 740. Epigraphy, Ipark, 17.10-17.14, 17.42-17.46 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 148, 157, 158 |
| 741. Quodvultdeus, Liber Promissionum Et Praedictorum, a b c d\n0 "2.1.1" "2.1.1" "2 1\n1 "2" "2" "2" None\n2 "1.12.19" "1.12.19" "1 12\n3 "1.12.18" "1.12.18" "1 12\n4 "2.6.10" "2.6.10" "2 6\n5 "1" "1" "1" None\n6 2.9 2.9 2 9\n7 "2.37.83-2.38.86" "2.37.83 "2 37\n8 2.11 2.11 2 11\n9 2.12 2.12 2 12\n10 "2.23.48" "2.23.48" "2 23\n11 2.38.87 2.38.87 2 38\n12 2.38.88 2.38.88 2 38\n13 2.40.91 2.40.91 2 40\n14 2.40.92 2.40.92 2 40\n15 2.10 2.10 2 10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 348 |
| 742. Anon., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
| 743. Lxx, Song of Solomon, 6.5, 17.40, 18.7-18.9, 18.11 Tagged with subjects: •slave, being a, to (the law of) god Found in books: Soyars, The Shepherd of Hermas and the Pauline Legacy (2019) 144 |
| 744. Maximus The Confessor, Epistulae, "2" Tagged with subjects: •law, maximus the confessor on Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 466 |
| 745. Origen, Hom. Isa., 7.3 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 494 |
| 746. Julian of Aeclanum, Ad Florum, a b c d\n0 "2.151" "2.151" "2 151"\n1 "2.52" "2.52" "2 52"\n2 2.168 2.168 2 168\n3 "2.173" "2.173" "2 173"\n4 "2.177" "2.177" "2 177"\n5 "2.183" "2.183" "2 183"\n6 "2.194" "2.194" "2 194"\n7 "2" "2" "2" None\n8 "2.17" "2.17" "2 17"\n9 "2.38" "2.38" "2 38"\n10 "2.48" "2.48" "2 48"\n11 "2.50" "2.50" "2 50"\n12 "2.55" "2.55" "2 55"\n13 "2.56" "2.56" "2 56"\n14 "2.57" "2.57" "2 57"\n15 "2.64" "2.64" "2 64"\n16 "2.69" "2.69" "2 69"\n17 "2.75" "2.75" "2 75"\n18 "2.165" "2.165" "2 165"\n19 "2.166" "2.166" "2 166"\n20 2.167 2.167 2 167\n21 "2.53" "2.53" "2 53"\n22 "2.162" "2.162" "2 162"\n23 "2.161" "2.161" "2 161"\n24 "2.157" "2.157" "2 157"\n25 2.156 2.156 2 156\n26 2.155 2.155 2 155\n27 "2.154" "2.154" "2 154"\n28 2.154 2.154 2 154\n29 2.153 2.153 2 153\n30 "2.160" "2.160" "2 160" Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 284 |
| 748. Origen, Pg, pg 12, 1144, cols. 1141 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233 |
| 750. Anon., Life of Simon Stylites, 121, 123, 122 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 205 |
| 751. Zoroastrian Literature, Videvdad, 5.4 Tagged with subjects: •oral tora, rabbinic law constructed as distinct from ‘other’ Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 415 |
| 752. Anon., Derech Eretz Rabba, 10.4 Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 145 |
| 753. Hildegarde of Bingen, Sciv., 7.37, 7.39-7.41, 7.43-7.48, 8.40, 15.22, 16.45-16.47, 17.12, 17.20, 17.35-17.37, 18.21, 18.27-18.35, 18.47, 18.54-18.56, 19.50, 20.1-20.2, 20.5, 20.12-20.19, 21.18 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 102, 114, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 129, 137, 138, 141, 142, 143, 162, 183, 184, 185, 198, 216, 217, 229, 231, 295, 297, 298, 301 |
754. Aeschines, Or., 1.19, 3.39 Tagged with subjects: •hyperides, paraphrases the laws •nomothetai, enactment of laws Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 126, 127 | 1.19. And what does he say? “If any Athenian,” he says, “shall have prostituted his person, he shall not be permitted to become one of the nine archons,” because, no doubt, that official wears the wreath;The myrtle wreath was worn as sign of the sacred character of the office, and it protected the person from assault.“nor to discharge the office of priest,” as being not even clean of body; “nor shall he act as an advocate for the state,” he says, “nor shall ever hold any office whatsoever, at home or abroad,whether filled by lot or by election; nor shall he be a herald or an ambassador” |
|
| 755. Andocides, Orations, 1.82-1.84 Tagged with subjects: •law, concerning the temene •athens, law and legal discourse •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Meinel, Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy (2015) 79; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 331; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 72 |
| 756. Ambrosian Missal 119, Homily On Lazarus, Mary And Martha, 1.69, 1.90, 1.82, 1.78, 1.14, 1.68, 1.83, 1.47, 1.81, 1.80, 1.71, 1.75, 1.91, 1.79, 1.73, 1.76, 1.72, 1.84, 1.89, 1.88, 1.87, 1.74, 1.85, 1.70, 1.86, 1.77, 1.117ff Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 154 |
| 757. Cleanthes, Hymn To Zeus, "1", 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 174 |
| 758. Bardaisan, Ed. Patrologia Syriaca, 2.571 Tagged with subjects: •book of the laws of the countries Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 220 |
| 759. Anon., Herculaneum Papyrus, 1577 / 1579 Tagged with subjects: •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law Found in books: Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233 |
| 760. Andocides, Orations, 1.10, 1.29, 1.48-1.53, 1.71, 1.82, 1.84, 1.110-1.131 Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws and prescriptions •law, concerning the temene •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 331, 332; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 331; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 72 |
| 761. Long And Sedley, The Hellenistic Philosophers, 54i, 63c, 67a, 40o Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brouwer, The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates (2013) 90 |
| 762. Epigraphy, Ml, 52-53, 73, 58 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 85 |
| 763. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 25.4, 25.5, 25.6, 25.7, 25.13, 25.14, 25.15, 25.16, 25.48, 58.12, 58.13, 58.14, 58.15, 58.16, 58.17, 58.18, 58.19, 58.20, 58.21, 58.22, 58.23, 58.48, 58.52, 58.53, 58.54, 79.24, 79.25, 79.26, 100.217, 100.218, 100.219, 100.220, 37, 48, 52, 58, 81, 81 a 5-6, 81 b 33-5, 81 b 8-17, 25 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 113, 121, 126, 127, 306; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 85, 287 |
| 764. Papyri, Bgu, 1.19, 3.747, 4.1086, 9.1897, 11.2058 Tagged with subjects: •law, of the egyptians Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 35, 36 |
| 765. Xenophon, Poroi, 3.13 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 291 |
| 766. Nag Hammadi, Codex Tchacos, James, 18.16-18.20 Tagged with subjects: •laughter. see the gnostic laughter, the law of israel Found in books: Scopello, The Gospel of Judas in Context: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Gospel of Judas (2008) 270 |
| 767. Origen, In Matthaeum Commentarium, 16.18 Tagged with subjects: •laughter. see the gnostic laughter, the law of israel Found in books: Scopello, The Gospel of Judas in Context: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Gospel of Judas (2008) 270 |
| 769. Justinian, Digesta (Pandectae), 34.2.1, 48.5.10(9) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 145 |
| 770. Anon., Canticles Zuttah, 1.15 Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 200 |
| 771. Mara Bar Sarapion, Letter, 11-12, 27 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 15 |
| 772. Didodorus Siculus, Hist., 5.39.8 Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 15, 24 |
| 773. Epigraphy, Lscgsupp., 19, 150 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 329 |
| 774. Rufinus, De Adulteratione Librorum Origenis, 7 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, and gospel •law, the, in origen Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 571 |
| 777. Photius, Lexicon, 232, 288b Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 103 |
| 778. Origen, Sel. Job, 41.11 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541 |
| 779. Dead Sea Scrolls, '5Q13, 0 Tagged with subjects: •law, the Found in books: Allen and Dunne, Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity (2022) 30 |
| 780. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q289, 0 Tagged with subjects: •law, the Found in books: Allen and Dunne, Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity (2022) 36 |
| 781. Origen, Hom. Jer. Lat., 2.3.12, 2.5 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541, 542, 543 |
| 782. Origen, Fr.Jo., 49, 51, 43 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541, 542, 543 |
| 783. Origen, Hom. 1 Reg., 1.13 Tagged with subjects: •law, the, in origen •magi, on law and the old testament Found in books: Boulluec, The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries (2022) 541, 542, 543 |
| 784. Homeric Hymn To Demeter, Homeric Hymn To Demeter, 228, 230, 229 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Luck, Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts (2006) 22 |
| 785. Harpocration, Lex., s.v. ὅσιον, s.v. ἅμιπποι Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 75, 256 |
| 786. Hesychius, Histories, s.v. φρεώρυχοι, s.v. πύρρακος Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 86 |
| 787. Epigraphy, Lambert 1993, t25, t5, t12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 22 |
| 788. Epigraphy, Lambert 1997A (Rationes Centesimarum), f15, f16 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 22 |
| 789. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, l10, l13, l4a, p17, p26, p5, l4b Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 72, 175 |
| 790. Josephus, Genesis Apocryphon, 45 Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law •exposition of the law, audience of •exposition of the law, relation of, to other philonic works •exposition of the law, sequence of treatises in •audience, of exposition of the law Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 4 |
| 791. Plato, Olympian Odes, 29 Tagged with subjects: •the cosmos, and the law Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 209 |
| 792. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q199, 14a Tagged with subjects: •jesus on the irrationality of the law, as mocking realist Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 229 |
| 793. Homer, Works And Days, 29 Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 6 |
| 794. Philo of Alexandria, De Animalibus, 54, 7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon, Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (2020) 3 |
| 795. Bion of Proconnesus, Fgrh 332, f2, t1, t2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato, The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past (2020) 173 |
| 796. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 1.3-1.6, 1.9-1.15, 1.20, 1.23, 1.27, 1.100, 1.103, 1.107, 1.124-1.127, 1.138, 1.141-1.146, 2.6.9-2.6.10, 11.7.14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 114, 124, 157, 160, 168, 185, 200, 201, 224, 225, 231, 295, 299; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 331 |
| 797. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, 4.7 Tagged with subjects: •jesus on the irrationality of the law Found in books: Hayes, What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives (2015) 282 |
| 798. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Ḫar-Ra = Ḫubbulu, 22 Tagged with subjects: •hammurāpi, the laws of Found in books: Laemmle, Lists and Catalogues in Ancient Literature and Beyond: Towards a Poetics of Enumeration (2021) 62 |
| 799. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Laws of Hammurāpi §, 7 Tagged with subjects: •hammurāpi, the laws of Found in books: Laemmle, Lists and Catalogues in Ancient Literature and Beyond: Towards a Poetics of Enumeration (2021) 62 |
| 800. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Lipšur Litanies, 0 Tagged with subjects: •hammurāpi, the laws of Found in books: Laemmle, Lists and Catalogues in Ancient Literature and Beyond: Towards a Poetics of Enumeration (2021) 62 |
| 801. Epigraphy, Ijo 1, ach6 Tagged with subjects: •theodosios i, laws pertaining to jews authorized by Found in books: Kraemer, The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews (2020) 146 |
| 802. Anon., Book of James, 18.6-18.11 Tagged with subjects: •angels, give the law Found in books: Williams, Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: Book I: (Sects 1-46) (2009) 117 |
| 803. Anon., Epistle To Diognetus, 4, 4.1-2, 6.4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rosenblum, The Jewish Dietary Laws in the Ancient World (2016) 142, 143 |
| 804. Papyri, P. Laur. I, 6 Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 148 |
| 805. Pelagius, In Romanos, a b c d\n0 "7.7" "7.7" "7 7" Tagged with subjects: •paul and pauline epistles, on the law Found in books: Yates and Dupont, The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part II: Consolidation of the Canon to the Arab Conquest (ca. 393 to 650 CE). (2023) 262 |
| 806. Petronius Arbiter, Phaedrus, 114 Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 146, 147 |
| 807. Ephiphanius, Panarion, 56 Tagged with subjects: •book of the laws of the countries Found in books: Merz and Tieleman, Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (2012) 37 |
| 808. Epigraphy, Lsam, 16.25, 16.26, 20.15, 20.33, 23.2, 23.3, 23.4, 23.5, 23.6, 44.8, 44.9, 44.10, 44.11, 44.12, 48.16, 48.17, 48.18, 33b, 44, 52b, 29 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hitch, Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world (2017) 137, 139, 170; Petrovic and Petrovic, Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion (2016) 283 |
| 809. Epigraphy, Lscg, 19.4-19.7, 19.29, 55.9-55.10, 118.22 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hitch, Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world (2017) 137, 168, 169 |
| 810. Epigraphy, Lss, 18b, 90 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 329 |
| 811. Epigraphy, Agora Xvi, 56, 84 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 21 |
| 812. Herodotus, The Persian Wars, 1.65 Tagged with subjects: •servitude to the beloved, to the law Found in books: Laks, Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws (2022) Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 207 |
| 813. Anon., Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer, 50 Tagged with subjects: •law and lawyers, in the roman world Found in books: Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 223 |
814. Anon., 4 Ezra, 3.28, 3.29, 3.30, 3.31, 3.32, 3.33, 3.34, 3.35, 3.36, 4.23, 4.24, 5.27, 5.28, 5.29, 5.30, 5.33, 5.34, 5.40, 6.32, 6.33, 6.55, 6.57, 6.59, 7.11, 7.12, 7.13, 7.60, 7.61, 7.65, 7.66, 7.67, 7.116, 7.117, 7.118, 7.119, 7.120, 7.121, 7.122, 7.123, 7.124, 7.125, 7.126, 7.131, 7.132, 7.137, 8.15, 8.16, 8.17, 8.18, 8.37, 8.38, 8.39, 8.47, 9, 9.38, 10.20, 10.38, 10.39, 10.50, 11.1-12.3, 12.46, 12.47, 14, 14.5, 14.13, 14.21, 14.22, 14.27, 14.28, 14.29, 14.30, 14.31, 14.32, 14.33, 14.34, 14.35, 14.36, 14.45, 14.46 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 136, 141, 147 | 4.23. For I did not wish to inquire about the ways above, but about those things which we daily experience: why Israel has been given over to the Gentiles as a reproach; why the people whom you loved has been given over to godless tribes, and the law of our fathers has been made of no effect and the written covets no longer exist; |
|
| 815. Anon., 4Q266, 7.14-7.16 Tagged with subjects: •jubilees, book of,, and law of tithes •levites, and law of tithes •rule of the community, and law of tithes •tithes, law of Found in books: Shemesh, Halakhah in the Making: The Development of Jewish Law from Qumran to the Rabbis (2009) 156, 157, 158 |
| 816. Anon., 4Q272, 1ii.3-7 Tagged with subjects: •jubilees, book of,, and law of tithes •levites, and law of tithes •rule of the community, and law of tithes •tithes, law of Found in books: Shemesh, Halakhah in the Making: The Development of Jewish Law from Qumran to the Rabbis (2009) 156, 157, 158 |
| 817. Anon., 4Qd, 0 Tagged with subjects: •jubilees, book of,, and law of tithes •levites, and law of tithes •rule of the community, and law of tithes •tithes, law of Found in books: Shemesh, Halakhah in the Making: The Development of Jewish Law from Qumran to the Rabbis (2009) 156, 157, 158 |
| 818. Anon., 6 Ezra, 16.69-16.70 Tagged with subjects: •dietary laws in the second-and third-century texts Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 73 |
| 819. Julius Africanus, Chronographiae T, 88 Tagged with subjects: •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries, life of bardaisan •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries, public archive of edessa Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 120 |
| 820. Polybios, Timoleon, 36.9.15 Tagged with subjects: •athens, laws and prescriptions Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 327 |
| 821. Manuscripts, British Library, 658, add. ms. 14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 122 |
| 822. Romanos The Melodist, On The Sinful Woman, 10.6.1 Tagged with subjects: •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 9 |
| 823. Papyri, P.Hal., 1.70-1.73 Tagged with subjects: •law, athenian. Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 161 |
| 824. Cyril of Alexandria, Ador. Cult., 68.252-68.253 Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 440 |
| 825. Cyril of Alexandria, Glaph. Pent., "89" Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 440 |
| 826. Origen, Sel. Num., 12.576.36-12.576.40 Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 359 |
| 827. Philo of Alexandria, Deo, "4", "5" Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 162 |
| 828. Hebrew Bible, Iob, a b c d\n0 "38.4" "38.4" "38 4"\n1 14.4 14.4 14 4\n2 "14" "14" "14" None\n3 "1.21" "1.21" "1 21"\n4 "28.24" "28.24" "28 24"\n5 "25.2" "25.2" "25 2"\n6 14.5 14.5 14 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 213 |
| 829. Anon., Tab. Ceb., a b c d\n0 "7.3" "7.3" "7 3" Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 298 |
| 830. Origen, Mut., a b c d\n0 "2.4 (130.51-57)" "2.4 (130.51 "2 4 (130 Tagged with subjects: •exposition of the law Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 293 |
| 831. Prob., Praem., "141", "157", "65", "67", "71", "68" Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 547 |
| 832. Homer, Hymns, a b c d\n0 "2.32" "2.32" "2 32"\n1 "2.18" "2.18" "2 18"\n2 "3.82" "3.82" "3 82" Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cover, Philo of Alexandria: On the Change of Names (2023) 364 |
| 833. Papyri, P.Kãƒæ’ƀ™Ã‚¶Ln, 3.147 Tagged with subjects: •roman law, and law of the provinces Found in books: Ferrándiz, Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea (2022) 148 |
| 834. Romanos The Melodist, On The Presentation In The Temple, 1.1.1-1.1.3 Tagged with subjects: •bardaisan, book of the laws of the countries Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 9 |
| 835. Heraclitus, Allegoriae, 4 (Eux.) 3, 3 (Ath.) 14, 1 (Lyc.) 12, 2 (Phil.) 12, 4 (Eux.) 32, 3 (Ath.) 13, 3 (Ath.) 15, 1 (Lyc.) 18, 1 (Lyc.) 14, 3 (Ath.) 5-9, 1 (Lyc.) 19-20, 4 (Eux.) 5-6, 1 (Lyc.) 8-9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen, The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law (2005) 252 |
| 836. Anon., Leges Publicae, 5.16 Tagged with subjects: •christians, do not observe the law Found in books: Schremer, Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity (2010) 209 |
| 838. Pseudo-Hippodamus, On The Constitution, 102.7-20 thesle Tagged with subjects: •on law and justice (attrib. archytas), on the best constitution Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473 |
| 839. Archytas, [On Law And Justice], 34.21-34.22, 34.25-34.27 Tagged with subjects: •on law and justice (attrib. archytas), on the best constitution Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 473, 474 |
| 841. Antiphon, Tetralogies, Tagged with subjects: •athens, homicide laws Found in books: Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 134, 135, 136, 146 |
| 842. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q284, 1 i 4, 3 3-4 3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 255 |
| 843. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q514, 1 i 5-7 Tagged with subjects: •zeal for the law Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 245 |
| 844. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q286-90, 0 Tagged with subjects: •zeal for the law Found in books: Mermelstein, Power and Emotion in Ancient Judaism: Community and Identity in Formation (2021) 227 |
| 846. Gaius, Res Cottidianae, 2.3 Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 137 |
| 847. Cato Maior, Agr., 57-58, 56 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 142 |
| 848. Columella, Agr., 1.3.11 Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 180 |
| 850. Cato Maior, Orat., 124 m Tagged with subjects: •law of the twelve tables Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 137 |
| 852. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •mother of the gods, and laws Found in books: Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 337 |
| 853. Palestinian Talmud, Meg 4 (75B) 36,, 4 Tagged with subjects: •zeal (for the law) Found in books: Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 321 |
| 854. Stobaeus, Eclogues, 2.7.1-2.7.2, 2.7.10 Tagged with subjects: •chrysippus, treatises of, on the law Found in books: Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 233 |
| 855. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), a b c d\n0 15. ναύκραροι 15. ναύκραροι 15 ναύκραροι Tagged with subjects: •law, concerning the temene Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 58 |
| 856. Papyri, Gnomon of The Idios Logos, g§13, g§38, g§39, g§45-53, g§57, g§12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 35 |
| 857. Papyri, M. Chr., 85 Tagged with subjects: •law, of the egyptians Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 35 |
| 858. Papyri, W. Chr., 35 Tagged with subjects: •law, of the egyptians Found in books: Czajkowski et al., Law in the Roman Provinces (2020) 36 |
| 859. Anon., Pan. Lat., 5.10.2, 7.7.1, 12.2.5, 12.4.2, 12.11.4 Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman political theory, ruler as living law, ideal of Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 123 |
| 860. Julian, Them., 258d, 261a, 261b, 261c, 261d-2a, 262a, 262b, 262c, 263c, 263d, 258a-9a Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 50 |
| 861. Julian, I Pan., 42b, 45d Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 44, 45, 47, 48 |
| 862. Gregory of Nazianzus, Or., 4.47, 4.61, 4.79, 5.2, 5.54 Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman political theory, ruler as living law, ideal of Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 217 |
| 863. Iamblichus, Ep., fr. 2 Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman political theory, law and the principle of authority •greco-roman political theory, ruler as living law, ideal of Found in books: Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 63 |
865. Anon., Gospel of Thomas, 27, 14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 64, 80 | 14. Jesus said to them, "If you fast, you will bring sin upon yourselves, and if you pray, you will be condemned, and if you give to charity, you will harm your spirits. When you go into any region and walk about in the countryside, when people take you in, eat what they serve you and heal the sick among them. After all, what goes into your mouth will not defile you; rather, it's what comes out of your mouth that will defile you." |
|
| 866. Anon., Challah, 33 Tagged with subjects: •law, in early christian theology Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal, Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud (2018) 135 |
