| 1. Homeric Hymns, To Helios, 90.1 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 74 |
| 2. Hippocrates, On The Seven Fold Order of The World, 49 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius) •palladius, lausiac history Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 74 |
| 3. Hippocrates, On Airs, Waters, And Places, 107, 191, 23 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 74 |
4. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 807 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •palladius, lausiac history Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 333| 807. οἱ δ' ἀμφορῆς οἴνου μέλανος ἀνθοσμίου. | |
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5. Polybius, Histories, 3.1-3.2, 3.6, 3.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius), on manifestation of thoughts •lausiac history (palladius), hazing Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 76, 99 | 3.1. 1. In my first Book, the third, that is, from this counting backwards, I explained that I fixed as the starting-points of my work, the Social war, the Hannibalic war, and the war for Coele-Syria.,2. I likewise set forth in the same place the reasons why I wrote the two preceding Books dealing with events of an earlier date.,3. I will now attempt to give a well attested account of the above wars, their first causes and the reasons why they attained such magnitude; but in the first place I have a few words to say regarding my work as a whole.,4. The subject I have undertaken to treat, the how, when, and wherefore of the subjection of the known parts of the world to the dominion of Rome, should be viewed as a single whole,,5. with a recognized beginning, a fixed duration, and an end which is not a matter of dispute; and I think it will be advantageous to give a brief prefatory survey of the chief parts of this whole from the beginning to the end. ,6. For I believe this will be the best means of giving students an adequate idea of my whole plan.,7. Since a previous general view is of great assistance to the mind in acquiring a knowledge of details, and at the same time a previous notion of the details helps us to knowledge of the whole, I regard a preliminary survey based on both as best and will draw up these prefatory remarks to my history on this principle.,8. I have already indicated the general scope and limits of this history.,9. The particular events comprised in it begin with the above-mentioned wars and culminate and end in the destruction of the Macedonian monarchy. Between the beginning and end lies a space of fifty-three years,,10. comprising a greater number of grave and momentous events than any period of equal length in the past.,11. Starting from the 140th Olympiad I shall adopt the following order in my exposition of them. 3.2. 1. First I shall indicate the causes of the above war between Rome and Carthage, known as the Hannibalic war, and tell how the Carthaginians invaded Italy,,2. broke up the dominion of Rome, and cast the Romans into great fear for their safety and even for their native soil, while great was their own hope, such as they had never dared to entertain, of capturing Rome itself.,3. Next I shall attempt to describe how at the same period Philip of Macedon, after finishing his war with the Aetolians and settling the affairs of Greece, conceived the project of an alliance with Carthage;,4. how Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator first quarrelled and at length went to war with each other for the possession of Coele-Syria,,5. and how the Rhodians and Prusias, declaring war on the Byzantines, compelled them to stop levying toll on ships bound for the Euxine.,6. Interrupting my narrative at this point, I shall draw up my account of the Roman Constitution, as a sequel to which I shall point out how the peculiar qualities of the Constitution conduced very largely not only to their subjection of the Italians and Sicilians, and subsequently of the Spaniards and Celts, but finally to their victory over Carthage and their conceiving the project of universal empire.,7. Simultaneously in a digression I shall narrate how the dominion of Hiero of Syracuse fell,8. and after this I shall deal with the troubles in Egypt, and tell how, on the death of Ptolemy, Antiochus and Philip, conspiring to partition the dominions of his son, a helpless infant, began to be guilty of acts of unjust aggression, Philip laying hands on the islands of the Aegean, and on Caria and Samos, while Antiochus seized on Coele-Syria and Phoenicia. 3.6. 1. Some of those authors who have dealt with Hannibal and his times, wishing to indicate the causes that led to the above war between Rome and Carthage, allege as its first cause the siege of Saguntum by the Carthaginians,2. and as its second their crossing, contrary to treaty, the river whose native name is the Iber.,3. I should agree in stating that these were the beginnings of the war, but I can by no means allow that they were its causes,,4. unless we call Alexander's crossing to Asia the cause of his war against Persia and Antiochus' landing at Demetrias the cause of his war against Rome, neither of which assertions is either reasonable or true.,5. For who could consider these to be causes of wars, plans and preparations for which, in the case of the Persian war, had been made earlier, many by Alexander and even some by Philip during his life, and in the case of the war against Rome by the Aetolians long before Antiochus arrived?,6. These are pronouncements of men who are unable to see the great and essential distinction between a beginning and a cause or purpose, these being the first origin of all, and the beginning coming last.,7. By the beginning of something I mean the first attempt to execute and put in action plans on which we have decided, by its causes what is most initiatory in our judgements and opinions, that is to say our notions of things, our state of mind, our reasoning about these, and everything through which we reach decisions and projects.,8. The nature of these is evident from the instances adduced above;,9. it is easy for anyone to see the real causes and origin of the war against Persia.,10. The first was the retreat of the Greeks under Xenophon from the upper Satrapies, in which, though they traversed the whole of Asia, a hostile country, none of the barbarians ventured to face them.,11. The second was the crossing of Agesilaus, King of Sparta, to Asia, where he found no opposition of any moment to his projects, and was only compelled to return without effecting anything owing to the disturbances in Greece.,12. From both of these facts Philip perceived and reckoned on the cowardice and indolence of the Persians as compared with the military efficiency of himself and his Macedonians, and further fixing his eyes on the splendour of the great prize which the war promised,,13. he lost no time, once he had secured the avowed good-will of the Greeks, but seizing on the pretext that it was his urgent duty to take vengeance on the Persians for their injurious treatment of the Greeks, he bestirred himself and decided to go to war, beginning to make every preparation for this purpose.,14. We must therefore look on the first considerations I have mentioned as the causes of the war against Persia, the second as its pretext and Alexander's crossing to Asia as its beginning. 3.13. 1. The Carthaginians could ill bear their defeat in the war for Sicily, and, as I said above, they were additionally exasperated by the matter of Sardinia and the exorbitancy of the sum they had been last obliged to agree to pay.,2. Therefore, when they had subjugated the greater part of Iberia, they were quite ready to adopt any measures against Rome which suggested themselves.,3. On the death of Hasdrubal, to whom after that of Hamilcar they had entrusted the government of Iberia, they at first waited for a pronouncement on the part of the troops,,4. and when news reached them from their armies that the soldiers had uimously chosen Hannibal as their commander, they hastened to summon a general assembly of the commons, which uimously ratified the choice of the soldiers.,5. Hannibal on assuming the command, at once set forth with the view of subduing a tribe called the Olcades, and arriving before their most powerful city Althaea,,6. encamped there and soon made himself master of it by a series of vigorous and formidable assaults, upon which the rest of the tribe were overawed and submitted to the Carthaginians.,7. After exacting tribute from the towns and possessing himself of a considerable sum, he retired to winter quarters at New Carthage.,8. By the generosity he now displayed to the troops under his command, paying them in part and promising further payment, he inspired in them great good-will to himself and high hopes of the future. |
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| 6. Lucian, Conversation With Cronus, 22 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •palladius, lausiac history Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 333 |
| 7. Tertullian, On The Flesh of Christ, 24.2, 31.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius) •palladius, lausiac history •lausiac history (palladius), hazing Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 74, 76 |
| 8. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 1.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius), on manifestation of thoughts Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 99 |
| 9. Leo I Pope, Sermons, 1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 |
| 10. Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters To Monks, 25 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 48 |
| 11. Ambrose, On Virginity, 3.4.17 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 |
| 12. Palladius of Aspuna, Dialogue On The Life of John Chrysostom, 7 (4th cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 47 |
| 13. Cassian, Conferences, 2.17, 5.18, 21.22 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 |
| 14. Augustine, Retractiones, 2.45 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 42 |
15. Augustine, The City of God, 18.43 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 42 | 18.43. For while there were other interpreters who translated these sacred oracles out of the Hebrew tongue into Greek, as Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, and also that translation which, as the name of the author is unknown, is quoted as the fifth edition, yet the Church has received this Septuagint translation just as if it were the only one; and it has been used by the Greek Christian people, most of whom are not aware that there is any other. From this translation there has also been made a translation in the Latin tongue, which the Latin churches use. Our times, however, have enjoyed the advantage of the presbyter Jerome, a man most learned, and skilled in all three languages, who translated these same Scriptures into the Latin speech, not from the Greek, but from the Hebrew. But although the Jews acknowledge this very learned labor of his to be faithful, while they contend that the Septuagint translators have erred in many places, still the churches of Christ judge that no one should be preferred to the authority of so many men, chosen for this very great work by Eleazar, who was then high priest; for even if there had not appeared in them one spirit, without doubt divine, and the seventy learned men had, after the manner of men, compared together the words of their translation, that what pleased them all might stand, no single translator ought to be preferred to them; but since so great a sign of divinity has appeared in them, certainly, if any other translator of their Scriptures from the Hebrew into any other tongue is faithful, in that case he agrees with these seventy translators, and if he is not found to agree with them, then we ought to believe that the prophetic gift is with them. For the same Spirit who was in the prophets when they spoke these things was also in the seventy men when they translated them, so that assuredly they could also say something else, just as if the prophet himself had said both, because it would be the same Spirit who said both; and could say the same thing differently, so that, although the words were not the same, yet the same meaning should shine forth to those of good understanding; and could omit or add something, so that even by this it might be shown that there was in that work not human bondage, which the translator owed to the words, but rather divine power, which filled and ruled the mind of the translator. Some, however, have thought that the Greek copies of the Septuagint version should be emended from the Hebrew copies; yet they did not dare to take away what the Hebrew lacked and the Septuagint had, but only added what was found in the Hebrew copies and was lacking in the Septuagint, and noted them by placing at the beginning of the verses certain marks in the form of stars which they call asterisks. And those things which the Hebrew copies have not, but the Septuagint have, they have in like manner marked at the beginning of the verses by horizontal spit-shaped marks like those by which we denote ounces; and many copies having these marks are circulated even in Latin. But we cannot, without inspecting both kinds of copies, find out those things which are neither omitted nor added, but expressed differently, whether they yield another meaning not in itself unsuitable, or can be shown to explain the same meaning in another way. If, then, as it behooves us, we behold nothing else in these Scriptures than what the Spirit of God has spoken through men, if anything is in the Hebrew copies and is not in the version of the Seventy, the Spirit of God did not choose to say it through them, but only through the prophets. But whatever is in the Septuagint and not in the Hebrew copies, the same Spirit chose rather to say through the latter, thus showing that both were prophets. For in that manner He spoke as He chose, some things through Isaiah, some through Jeremiah, some through several prophets, or else the same thing through this prophet and through that. Further, whatever is found in both editions, that one and the same Spirit willed to say through both, but so as that the former preceded in prophesying, and the latter followed in prophetically interpreting them; because, as the one Spirit of peace was in the former when they spoke true and concordant words, so the selfsame one Spirit has appeared in the latter, when, without mutual conference they yet interpreted all things as if with one mouth. |
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| 16. Rufinus of Aquileia, Historia Monachorum, 1.1.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 129 |
17. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 4.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 42 | 4.7. 11. For who would not see what the apostle meant to say, and how wisely he has said it, in the following passage: We glory in tribulations also: knowing that tribulation works patience; and patience, experience; and experience, hope: and hope makes not ashamed; because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost which is given unto us? Romans 5:3-5 Now were any man unlearnedly learned (if I may use the expression) to contend that the apostle had here followed the rules of rhetoric, would not every Christian, learned or unlearned, laugh at him? And yet here we find the figure which is called in Greek κλίμαζ (climax,) and by some in Latin gradatio, for they do not care to call it scala (a ladder), when the words and ideas have a connection of dependency the one upon the other, as we see here that patience arises out of tribulation, experience out of patience, and hope out of experience. nother ornament, too, is found here; for after certain statements finished in a single tone of voice, which we call clauses and sections (membra et c sa), but the Greeks κῶλα and κόμματα, there follows a rounded sentence (ambitus sive circuitus) which the Greeks call περίοδος, the clauses of which are suspended on the voice of the speaker till the whole is completed by the last clause. For of the statements which precede the period, this is the first clause, knowing that tribulation works patience; the second, and patience, experience; the third, and experience, hope. Then the period which is subjoined is completed in three clauses, of which the first is, and hope makes not ashamed; the second, because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts; the third, by the Holy Ghost which is given unto us. But these and other matters of the same kind are taught in the art of elocution. As then I do not affirm that the apostle was guided by the rules of eloquence, so I do not deny that his wisdom naturally produced, and was accompanied by, eloquence. 12. In the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, again, he refutes certain false apostles who had gone out from the Jews, and had been trying to injure his character; and being compelled to speak of himself, though he ascribes this as folly to himself, how wisely and how eloquently he speaks! But wisdom is his guide, eloquence his attendant; he follows the first, the second follows him, and yet he does not spurn it when it comes after him. I say again, he says, Let no man think me a fool: if otherwise, yet as a fool receive me, that I may boast myself a little. That which I speak, I speak it not after the Lord, but as it were foolishly, in this confidence of boasting. Seeing that many glory after the flesh, I will glory also. For you suffer fools gladly, seeing ye yourselves are wise. For you suffer, if a man bring you into bondage, if a man devour you, if a man take of you, if a man exalt himself, if a man smite you on the face. I speak as concerning reproach, as though we had been weak. Howbeit, whereinsoever any is bold (I speak foolishly), I am bold also. Are they Hebrews? So am I. Are they Israelites? So am I. Are they the seed of Abraham? So am I. Are they ministers of Christ? (I speak as a fool), I am more: in labors more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one, thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have been in the deep; in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils by my own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren; in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness. Besides those things which are without, that which comes upon me daily, the care of all the churches. Who is weak, and I am not weak? Who is offended, and I burn not? If I must needs glory, I will glory of the things which concern my infirmities. 2 Corinthians 11:16-30 The thoughtful and attentive perceive how much wisdom there is in these words. And even a man sound asleep must notice what a stream of eloquence flows through them. 13. Further still, the educated man observes that those sections which the Greeks call κόμματα, and the clauses and periods of which I spoke a short time ago, being intermingled in the most beautiful variety, make up the whole form and features (so to speak) of that diction by which even the unlearned are delighted and affected. For, from the place where I commenced to quote, the passage consists of periods: the first the smallest possible, consisting of two members; for a period cannot have less than two members, though it may have more: I say again, let no man think me a fool. The next has three members: if otherwise, yet as a fool receive me, that I may boast myself a little. The third has four members: That which I speak, I speak it not after the Lord, but as it were foolishly, in this confidence of boasting. The fourth has two: Seeing that many glory after the flesh, I will glory also. And the fifth has two: For you suffer fools gladly, seeing ye yourselves are wise. The sixth again has two members: for you suffer, if a man bring you into bondage. Then follow three sections (c sa): if a man devour you, if a man take of you, if a man exalt himself. Next three clauses (membra): if a man smite you on the face. I speak as concerning reproach, as though we had been weak. Then is subjoined a period of three members: Howbeit, whereinsoever any is bold (I speak foolishly), I am bold also. After this, certain separate sections being put in the interrogatory form, separate sections are also given as answers, three to three: Are they Hebrews? So am I. Are they Israelites? So am I. Are they the seed of Abraham? So am I. But a fourth section being put likewise in the interrogatory form, the answer is given not in another section (c sum) but in a clause (membrum): Are they the ministers of Christ? (I speak as a fool.) I am more. Then the next four sections are given continuously, the interrogatory form being most elegantly suppressed: in labors more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. Next is interposed a short period; for, by a suspension of the voice, of the Jews five times is to be marked off as constituting one member, to which is joined the second, received I forty stripes save one. Then he returns to sections, and three are set down: Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck. Next comes a clause: a night and a day I have been in the deep. Next fourteen sections burst forth with a vehemence which is most appropriate: In journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils by my own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren, in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness. After this comes in a period of three members: Besides those things which are without, that which comes upon me daily, the care of all the churches. And to this he adds two clauses in a tone of inquiry: Who is weak, and I am not weak? Who is offended, and I burn not? In fine, this whole passage, as if panting for breath, winds up with a period of two members: If I must needs glory, I will glory of the things which concern mine infirmities. And I cannot sufficiently express how beautiful and delightful it is when after this outburst he rests himself, and gives the hearer rest, by interposing a slight narrative. For he goes on to say: The God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which is blessed for evermore, knows that I lie not. And then he tells, very briefly the danger he had been in, and the way he escaped it. 14. It would be tedious to pursue the matter further, or to point out the same facts in regard to other passages of Holy Scripture. Suppose I had taken the further trouble, at least in regard to the passages I have quoted from the apostle's writings, to point out figures of speech which are taught in the art of rhetoric? Is it not more likely that serious men would think I had gone too far, than that any of the studious would think I had done enough? All these things when taught by masters are reckoned of great value; great prices are paid for them, and the vendors puff them magniloquently. And I fear lest I too should smack of that puffery while thus descanting on matters of this kind. It was necessary, however, to reply to the ill-taught men who think our authors contemptible; not because they do not possess, but because they do not display, the eloquence which these men value so highly. 15. But perhaps some one is thinking that I have selected the Apostle Paul because he is our great orator. For when he says, Though I be rude in speech, yet not in knowledge, 2 Corinthians 11:6 he seems to speak as if granting so much to his detractors, not as confessing that he recognized its truth. If he had said, I am indeed rude in speech, but not in knowledge, we could not in any way have put another meaning upon it. He did not hesitate plainly to assert his knowledge, because without it he could not have been the teacher of the Gentiles. And certainly if we bring forward anything of his as a model of eloquence, we take it from those epistles which even his very detractors, who thought his bodily presence weak and his speech contemptible, confessed to be weighty and powerful. 2 Corinthians 10:10 I see, then, that I must say something about the eloquence of the prophets also, where many things are concealed under a metaphorical style, which the more completely they seem buried under figures of speech, give the greater pleasure when brought to light. In this place, however, it is my duty to select a passage of such a kind that I shall not be compelled to explain the matter, but only to commend the style. And I shall do so, quoting principally from the book of that prophet who says that he was a shepherd or herdsman, and was called by God from that occupation, and sent to prophesy to the people of God. I shall not, however, follow the Septuagint translators, who, being themselves under the guidance of the Holy Spirit in their translation, seem to have altered some passages with the view of directing the reader's attention more particularly to the investigation of the spiritual sense; (and hence some passages are more obscure, because more figurative, in their translation;) but I shall follow the translation made from the Hebrew into Latin by the presbyter Jerome, a man thoroughly acquainted with both tongues. 16. When, then, this rustic, or quondam rustic prophet, was denouncing the godless, the proud, the luxurious, and therefore the most neglectful of brotherly love, he called aloud, saying: Woe to you who are at ease in Zion, and trust in the mountain of Samaria, who are heads and chiefs of the people, entering with pomp into the house of Israel! Pass ye unto Calneh, and see; and from thence go ye to Hamath the great; then go down to Gath of the Philistines, and to all the best kingdoms of these: is their border greater than your border? You that are set apart for the day of evil, and that come near to the seat of oppression; that lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch yourselves upon couches that eat the lamb of the flock, and the calves out of the midst of the herd; that chant to the sound of the viol. They thought that they had instruments of music like David; drinking wine in bowls, and anointing themselves with the costliest ointment: and they were not grieved for the affliction of Joseph. Suppose those men who, assuming to be themselves learned and eloquent, despise our prophets as untaught and unskillful of speech, had been obliged to deliver a message like this, and to men such as these, would they have chosen to express themselves in any respect differently - those of them, at least, who would have shrunk from raving like madmen? 17. For what is there that sober ears could wish changed in this speech? In the first place, the invective itself; with what vehemence it throws itself upon the drowsy senses to startle them into wakefulness: Woe to you who are at ease in Zion, and trust in the mountains of Samaria, who are heads and chiefs of the people, entering with pomp into the house of Israel! Next, that he may use the favors of God, who has bestowed upon them ample territory, to show their ingratitude in trusting to the mountain of Samaria, where idols were worshipped: Pass ye unto Calneh, he says, and see; and from thence go ye to Hamath the great; then go down to Gath of the Philistines, and to all the best kingdoms of these: is their border greater than your border? At the same time also that these things are spoken of, the style is adorned with names of places as with lamps, such as Zion, Samaria, Calneh, Hamath the great, and Gath of the Philistines. Then the words joined to these places are most appropriately varied: you are at ease, ye trust, pass on, go, descend. 18. And then the future captivity under an oppressive king is announced as approaching, when it is added: You that are set apart for the day of evil, and come near to the seat of oppression. Then are subjoined the evils of luxury: ye that lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch yourselves upon couches; that eat the lamb from the flock, and the calves out of the midst of the herd. These six clauses form three periods of two members each. For he does not say: You who are set apart for the day of evil, who come near to the seat of oppression, who sleep upon beds of ivory, who stretch yourselves upon couches, who eat the lamb from the flock, and calves out of the herd. If he had so expressed it, this would have had its beauty: six separate clauses running on, the same pronoun being repeated each time, and each clause finished by a single effort of the speaker's voice. But it is more beautiful as it is, the clauses being joined in pairs under the same pronoun, and forming three sentences, one referring to the prophecy of the captivity: You that are set apart for the day of evil, and come near the seat of oppression; the second to lasciviousness: ye that lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch yourselves upon couches; the third to gluttony: who eat the lamb from the flock, and the calves out of the midst of the herd. So that it is at the discretion of the speaker whether he finish each clause separately and make six altogether, or whether he suspend his voice at the first, the third, and the fifth, and by joining the second to the first, the fourth to the third, and the sixth to the fifth, make three most elegant periods of two members each: one describing the imminent catastrophe; another, the lascivious couch; and the third, the luxurious table. 19. Next he reproaches them with their luxury in seeking pleasure for the sense of hearing. And here, when he had said, You who chant to the sound of the viol, seeing that wise men may practise music wisely, he, with wonderful skill of speech, checks the flow of his invective, and not now speaking to, but of, these men, and to show us that we must distinguish the music of the wise from the music of the voluptuary, he does not say, You who chant to the sound of the viol, and think that you have instruments of music like David; but he first addresses to themselves what it is right the voluptuaries should hear, You who chant to the sound of the viol; and then, turning to others, he intimates that these men have not even skill in their art: they thought that they had instruments of music like David; drinking wine in bowls, and anointing themselves with the costliest ointment. These three clauses are best pronounced when the voice is suspended on the first two members of the period, and comes to a pause on the third. 20. But now as to the sentence which follows all these: and they were not grieved for the affliction of Joseph. Whether this be pronounced continuously as one clause, or whether with more elegance we hold the words, and they were not grieved, suspended on the voice, and then add, for the affliction of Joseph, so as to make a period of two members; in any case, it is a touch of marvelous beauty not to say, and they were not grieved for the affliction of their brother; but to put Joseph for brother, so as to indicate brothers in general by the proper name of him who stands out illustrious from among his brethren, both in regard to the injuries he suffered and the good return he made. And, indeed, I do not know whether this figure of speech, by which Joseph is put for brothers in general, is one of those laid down in that art which I learned and used to teach. But how beautiful it is, and how it comes home to the intelligent reader, it is useless to tell any one who does not himself feel it. 21. And a number of other points bearing on the laws of eloquence could be found in this passage which I have chosen as an example. But an intelligent reader will not be so much instructed by carefully analysing it as kindled by reciting it with spirit. Nor was it composed by man's art and care, but it flowed forth in wisdom and eloquence from the Divine mind; wisdom not aiming at eloquence, yet eloquence not shrinking from wisdom. For if, as certain very eloquent and acute men have perceived and said, the rules which are laid down in the art of oratory could not have been observed, and noted, and reduced to system, if they had not first had their birth in the genius of orators, is it wonderful that they should be found in the messengers of Him who is the author of all genius? Therefore let us acknowledge that the canonical writers are not only wise but eloquent also, with an eloquence suited to a character and position like theirs. |
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| 18. Theodoret of Cyrus, Religious History, 3.3, 3.12, 4.5, 5.3, 6.10, 9.3, 10.3, 17.6-17.7, 22.7, 26.5, 26.7, 29.2, 29.7, 30.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history •palladius, lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 218, 229; König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 333, 335 |
| 19. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Acts, 30.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 |
| 20. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Matthew, 68.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 |
21. Cassian, Institutiones, 5.8-5.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 | 5.8. How food should be taken with regard to the aim at perfect continence. And so it is a very true and most excellent saying of the Fathers that the right method of fasting and abstinence lies in the measure of moderation and bodily chastening; and that this is the aim of perfect virtue for all alike, viz.: that though we are still forced to desire it, yet we should exercise self-restraint in the matter of the food, which we are obliged to take owing to the necessity of supporting the body. For even if one is weak in body, he can attain to a perfect virtue and one equal to that of those who are thoroughly strong and healthy, if with firmness of mind he keeps a check upon the desires and lusts which are not due to weakness of the flesh. For the Apostle says: And take not care for the flesh in its lusts. Romans 13:14 He does not forbid care for it in every respect: but says that care is not to be taken in regard to its desires and lusts. He cuts away the luxurious fondness for the flesh: he does not exclude the control necessary for life: he does the former, lest through pampering the flesh we should be involved in dangerous entanglements of the desires; the latter lest the body should be injured by our fault and unable to fulfil its spiritual and necessary duties. 5.9. of the measure of the chastisement to be undertaken, and the remedy of fasting. The perfection then of abstinence is not to be gathered from calculations of time alone, nor only from the quality of the food; but beyond everything from the judgment of conscience. For each one should impose such a sparing diet on himself as the battle of his bodily struggle may require. The canonical observance of fasts is indeed valuable and by all means to be kept. But unless this is followed by a temperate partaking of food, one will not be able to arrive at the goal of perfection. For the abstinence of prolonged fasts- where repletion of body follows - produces weariness for a time rather than purity and chastity. Perfection of mind indeed depends upon the abstinence of the belly. He has no lasting purity and chastity, who is not contented always to keep to a well-balanced and temperate diet. Fasting, although severe, yet if unnecessary relaxation follows, is rendered useless, and presently leads to the vice of gluttony. A reasonable supply of food partaken of daily with moderation, is better than a severe and long fast at intervals. Excessive fasting has been known not only to undermine the constancy of the mind, but also to weaken the power of prayers through sheer weariness of body. |
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| 22. Augustine, Contra Duas Epistolas Pelagianorum, 4.4.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 49 |
| 23. Anon., Apophthegmata Patrum, Cyrus, 185 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 |
| 24. Jerome, Vita S. Paul Primi Eremitae, 2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius), humility Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 240 |
| 25. Jerome, Letters, 22.25.2, 22.29.3, 50.1.2, 52.5.4, 52.12.1-52.12.2, 108.20.3, 125.7.1, 125.8.1, 125.9.2, 130.6.2, 147.8.3 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 218, 229 |
| 26. Augustine, Letters, 169.4, 197.5, 220.11 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 42, 229 |
| 27. Palladius of Aspuna, Lausiac History, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 |
| 28. Anon., Martyrdom of Matthew, 55 Tagged with subjects: •palladius, lausiac history Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 333 |
| 29. Severus, Dialogi Duo, 1.8.2 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 42 |
| 30. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 6.29.2 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 44 |
| 31. Julianus Pomerius, De Vita Contemplativa Libri Tres, 2.22.1 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 229 |
| 32. Stesichorus, Fragments, 119 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius), humility Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 240 |
| 33. Anon., Scholia In Lycophronem, 4.9, 4.30 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius), on manifestation of thoughts •lausiac history (palladius), humility Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 99, 240 |
| 34. Basil of Caesarea, Long Rules, 10.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 3, 76 |
| 35. Horsiesius, Reg., 20 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius) •palladius, lausiac history Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 74 |
| 36. Aurelian, Mon., 14.3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 241 |
| 37. Anon., V. Eupr., 1.11 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius), on manifestation of thoughts Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 99 |
| 38. Herodian, Περὶ Διχρόνων, 28 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius), on manifestation of thoughts Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 99 |
| 39. Bacch., Med., 18, 22, 32 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 4 |
| 41. Anon., History of The Monks In Egypt, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 129 |
| 42. Pachomius, Instr., 6.4-6.5, 6.9-6.11 Tagged with subjects: •lausiac history (palladius), hazing Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 76 |
