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89 results for "landed"

1. Solon, Fragments, 4 (west), 36 (west) (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 5, 213, 214

2. Xenophanes, Fragments, 2.8 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 213

3. Xenophanes, Fragments, 2.8 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 213

4. Plato, Laws, 738e, 760b, 760c, 760d, 760e, 738d (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 262

738d. νομοθέτῃ τὸ σμικρότατον ἁπάντων οὐδὲν κινητέον, τοῖς δὲ μέρεσιν ἑκάστοις θεὸν ἢ δαίμονα ἢ καί τινα ἥρωα ἀποδοτέον, ἐν δὲ τῇ τῆς γῆς διανομῇ πρώτοις ἐξαίρετα τεμένη τε καὶ πάντα τὰ προσήκοντα ἀποδοτέον, ὅπως ἂν σύλλογοι ἑκάστων τῶν μερῶν κατὰ χρόνους γιγνόμενοι τοὺς προσταχθέντας εἴς τε τὰς χρείας ἑκάστας εὐμάρειαν παρασκευάζωσι καὶ φιλοφρονῶνταί τε ἀλλήλους μετὰ θυσιῶν καὶ οἰκειῶνται

738d. hould the lawgiver alter in the slightest degree; to each section he should assign a god or daemon, or at the least a hero; and in the distribution of the land he should assign first to these divinities choice domains with all that pertains to them, so that, when assemblies of each of the sections take place at the appointed times, they may provide an ample supply of things requisite, and the people may fraternize with one another at the sacrifices and gain knowledge and intimacy,

5. Aristophanes, Knights, 243 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 11

6. Herodotus, Histories, 3.57, 6.46-6.47, 6.75, 6.90, 6.137, 8.55 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 8, 224, 225, 229, 231, 232, 262

3.57. οἱ δʼ ἐπὶ τὸν Πολυκράτεα στρατευσάμενοι Σαμίων, ἐπεὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι αὐτοὺς ἀπολιπεῖν ἔμελλον, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀπέπλεον ἐς Σίφνον, χρημάτων γὰρ ἐδέοντο, τὰ δὲ τῶν Σιφνίων πρήγματα ἤκμαζε τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, καὶ νησιωτέων μάλιστα ἐπλούτεον, ἅτε ἐόντων αὐτοῖσι ἐν τῇ νήσῳ χρυσέων καὶ ἀργυρέων μετάλλων, οὕτω ὥστε ἀπὸ τῆς δεκάτης τῶν γινομένων αὐτόθεν χρημάτων θησαυρὸς ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἀνάκειται ὅμοια τοῖσι πλουσιωτάτοισι· αὐτοὶ δὲ τὰ γινόμενα τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ ἑκάστῳ χρήματα διενέμοντο. ὅτε ὦν ἐποιεῦντο τὸν θησαυρόν, ἐχρέωντο τῷ χρηστηρίῳ εἰ αὐτοῖσι τὰ παρεόντα ἀγαθὰ οἷά τε ἐστὶ πολλὸν χρόνον παραμένειν· ἡ δὲ Πυθίη ἔχρησέ σφι τάδε. ἀλλʼ ὅταν ἐν Σίφνῳ πρυτανήια λευκὰ γένηται λεύκοφρύς τʼ ἀγορή, τότε δὴ δεῖ φράδμονος ἀνδρός φράσσασθαι ξύλινόν τε λόχον κήρυκά τʼ ἐρυθρόν. τοῖσι δὲ Σιφνίοισι ἦν τότε ἡ ἀγορὴ καὶ τὸ πρυτανήιον Παρίῳ λίθῳ ἠσκημένα. 6.46. δευτέρῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ τούτων ὁ Δαρεῖος πρῶτα μὲν Θασίους διαβληθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων ὡς ἀπόστασιν μηχανῴατο, πέμψας ἄγγελον ἐκέλευε σφέας τὸ τεῖχος περιαιρέειν καὶ τὰς νέας ἐς Ἄβδηρα κομίζειν. οἱ γὰρ δὴ Θάσιοι, οἷα ὑπὸ Ἱστιαίου τε τοῦ Μιλησίου πολιορκηθέντες καὶ προσόδων ἐουσέων μεγαλέων, ἐχρέωντο τοῖσι χρήμασι νέας τε ναυπηγεύμενοι μακρὰς καὶ τεῖχος ἰσχυρότερον περιβαλλόμενοι. ἡ δὲ πρόσοδός σφι ἐγίνετο ἔκ τε τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν μετάλλων· ἐκ μέν γε τῶν ἐκ Σκαπτησύλης τῶν χρυσέων μετάλλων τὸ ἐπίπαν ὀγδώκοντα τάλαντα προσήιε, ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ Θάσῳ ἐλάσσω μὲν τούτων, συχνὰ δὲ οὓτω ὣστε τὸ ἐπίπαν Θασίοισι ἐοῦσι καρπῶν ἀτελέσι προσήιε ἀπό τε τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ τῶν μετάλλων ἔτεος ἑκάστου διηκόσια τάλαντα, ὅτε δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον προσῆλθε, τριηκόσια. 6.47. εἶδον δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τὰ μέταλλα ταῦτα, καὶ μακρῷ ἦν αὐτῶν θωμασιώτατα τὰ οἱ Φοίνικες ἀνεῦρον οἱ μετὰ Θάσου κτίσαντες τὴν νῆσον ταύτην, ἥτις νῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ Θάσου τούτου τοῦ Φοίνικος τὸ οὔνομα ἔσχε. τὰ δὲ μέταλλα τὰ Φοινικικὰ ταῦτα ἐστὶ τῆς Θάσου μεταξὺ Αἰνύρων τε χώρου καλεομένου καὶ Κοινύρων, ἀντίον δὲ Σαμοθρηίκης, ὄρος μέγα ἀνεστραμμένον ἐν τῇ ζητήσι. τοῦτο μέν νυν ἐστὶ τοιοῦτον. οἱ δὲ Θάσιοι τῷ βασιλέι κελεύσαντι καὶ τὸ τεῖχος τὸ σφέτερον κατεῖλον καὶ τὰς νέας τὰς πάσας ἐκόμισαν ἐς Ἄβδηρα. 6.75. μαθόντες δὲ Κλεομένεα Λακεδαιμόνιοι ταῦτα πρήσσοντα, κατῆγον αὐτὸν δείσαντες ἐπὶ τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι ἐς Σπάρτην τοῖσι καὶ πρότερον ἦρχε. κατελθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα ὑπέλαβε μανίη νοῦσος, ἐόντα καὶ πρότερον ὑπομαργότερον· ὅκως γὰρ τεῷ ἐντύχοι Σπαρτιητέων, ἐνέχραυε ἐς τὸ πρόσωπον τὸ σκῆπτρον. ποιέοντα δὲ αὐτὸν ταῦτα καὶ παραφρονήσαντα ἔδησαν οἱ προσήκοντες ἐν ξύλω· ὁ δὲ δεθεὶς τὸν φύλακον μουνωθέντα ἰδὼν τῶν ἄλλων αἰτέει μάχαιραν· οὐ βουλομένου δὲ τὰ πρῶτα τοῦ φυλάκου διδόναι ἀπείλεε τά μιν αὖτις ποιήσει, ἐς ὁ δείσας τὰς ἀπειλὰς ὁ φύλακος ʽἦν γὰρ τῶν τις εἱλωτέων’ διδοῖ οἱ μάχαιραν. Κλεομένης δὲ παραλαβὼν τὸν σίδηρον ἄρχετο ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἑωυτὸν λωβώμενος· ἐπιτάμνων γὰρ κατὰ μῆκος τὰς σάρκας προέβαινε ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἐς τοὺς μηρούς, ἐκ δὲ τῶν μηρῶν ἔς τε τὰ ἰσχία καὶ τὰς λαπάρας, ἐς ὃ ἐς τὴν γαστέρα ἀπίκετο, καὶ ταύτην καταχορδεύων ἀπέθανε τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ, ὡς μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσι Ἐλλήνων, ὅτι τὴν Πυθίην ἀνέγνωσε τὰ περὶ Δημαρήτου λέγειν γενόμενα, ὡς δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι μοῦνοι λέγουσι, διότι ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα ἐσβαλὼν ἔκειρε τὸ τέμενος τῶν θεῶν, ὡς δὲ Ἀργεῖοι, ὅτι ἐξ ἱροῦ αὐτῶν τοῦ Ἄργου Ἀργείων τοὺς καταφυγόντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης καταγινέων κατέκοπτε καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄλσος ἐν ἀλογίῃ ἔχων ἐνέπρησε. 6.90. Νικόδρομος δέ, ὡς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὸν καιρὸν οὐ παρεγίνοντο, ἐς πλοῖον ἐσβὰς ἐκδιδρήσκει ἐκ τῆς Αἰγίνης· σὺν δέ οἱ καὶ ἄλλοι ἐκ τῶν Αἰγινητέων εἵποντο, τοῖσι Ἀθηναῖοι Σούνιον οἰκῆσαι ἔδοσαν. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ οὗτοι ὁρμώμενοι ἔφερόν τε καὶ ἦγον τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Αἰγινήτας. 6.137. Λῆμνον δὲ Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κίμωνος ὧδε ἔσχε. Πελασγοὶ ἐπείτε ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων ἐξεβλήθησαν, εἴτε ὦν δὴ δικαίως εἴτε ἀδίκως· τοῦτο γὰρ οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι, πλὴν τὰ λεγόμενα, ὅτι Ἑκαταῖος μὲν ὁ Ἡγησάνδρου ἔφησε ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι λέγων ἀδίκως· ἐπείτε γὰρ ἰδεῖν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὴν χώρην, τὴν σφίσι αὐτοῖσι ὑπὸ τὸν Ὑμησσὸν ἐοῦσαν ἔδοσαν Πελασγοῖσι οἰκῆσαι μισθὸν τοῦ τείχεος τοῦ περὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν κοτὲ ἐληλαμένου, ταύτην ὡς ἰδεῖν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐξεργασμένην εὖ, τὴν πρότερον εἶναι κακήν τε καὶ τοῦ μηδενὸς ἀξίην, λαβεῖν φθόνον τε καὶ ἵμερον τῆς γῆς, καὶ οὕτω ἐξελαύνειν αὐτοὺς οὐδεμίαν ἄλλην πρόφασιν προϊσχομένους τοὺς Ἀθηναίους. ὡς δὲ αὐτοὶ Ἀθηναῖοι λέγουσι, δικαίως ἐξελάσαι. κατοικημένους γὰρ τοὺς Πελασγοὺς ὑπὸ τῷ Ὑμησσῷ, ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμωμένους ἀδικέειν τάδε. φοιτᾶν γὰρ αἰεὶ τὰς σφετέρας θυγατέρας τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐπʼ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον· οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οὐδὲ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἕλλησι οἰκέτας· ὅκως δὲ ἔλθοιεν αὗται, τοὺς Πελασγοὺς ὑπὸ ὕβριός τε καὶ ὀλιγωρίης βιᾶσθαι σφέας. καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι σφι οὐκ ἀποχρᾶν ποιέειν, ἀλλὰ τέλος καὶ ἐπιβουλεύοντας ἐπιχείρησιν φανῆναι ἐπʼ αὐτοφώρῳ. ἑωυτοὺς δὲ γενέσθαι τοσούτῳ ἐκείνων ἄνδρας ἀμείνονας, ὅσῳ, παρεὸν ἑωυτοῖσι ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς Πελασγούς, ἐπεί σφεας ἔλαβον ἐπιβουλεύοντας, οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι, ἀλλά σφι προειπεῖν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐξιέναι. τοὺς δὲ οὕτω δὴ ἐκχωρήσαντας ἄλλα τε σχεῖν χωρία καὶ δὴ καὶ Λῆμνον. ἐκεῖνα μὲν δὴ Ἑκαταῖος ἔλεξε, ταῦτα δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι λέγουσι. 8.55. τοῦ δὲ εἵνεκεν τούτων ἐπεμνήσθην, φράσω. ἔστι ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλι ταύτῃ Ἐρεχθέος τοῦ γηγενέος λεγομένου εἶναι νηός, ἐν τῷ ἐλαίη τε καὶ θάλασσα ἔνι, τὰ λόγος παρὰ Ἀθηναίων Ποσειδέωνά τε καὶ Ἀθηναίην ἐρίσαντας περὶ τῆς χώρης μαρτύρια θέσθαι. ταύτην ὦν τὴν ἐλαίην ἅμα τῷ ἄλλῳ ἱρῷ κατέλαβε ἐμπρησθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων· δευτέρῃ δὲ ἡμέρῃ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐμπρήσιος Ἀθηναίων οἱ θύειν ὑπὸ βασιλέος κελευόμενοι ὡς ἀνέβησαν ἐς τὸ ἱρόν, ὥρων βλαστὸν ἐκ τοῦ στελέχεος ὅσον τε πηχυαῖον ἀναδεδραμηκότα. οὗτοι μέν νυν ταῦτα ἔφρασαν.

3.57. When the Lacedaemonians were about to abandon them, the Samians who had brought an army against Polycrates sailed away too, and went to Siphnus; ,for they were in need of money; and the Siphnians were at this time very prosperous and the richest of the islanders, because of the gold and silver mines on the island. They were so wealthy that the treasure dedicated by them at Delphi, which is as rich as any there, was made from a tenth of their income; and they divided among themselves each year's income. ,Now when they were putting together the treasure they inquired of the oracle if their present prosperity was likely to last long; whereupon the priestess gave them this answer: ,

7. Xenophon, Constitution of The Athenians, 1.17-1.18, 3.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 220, 231

8. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.2.14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 230

1.2.14. And now the winter came on. During the course of it the Syracusan prisoners, who were immured in stone quarries in Piraeus, dug through the rock and made their escape by night, most of them to Decelea and the rest to Megara.

9. Lysias, Orations, 7.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 231

10. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.67.4, 1.139, 2.13.1, 2.15.2, 2.16.2, 2.17.1, 2.17.3, 3.68.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 2, 149, 217, 218, 219, 233

1.67.4. καὶ ἄλλοι τε παριόντες ἐγκλήματα ἐποιοῦντο ὡς ἕκαστοι καὶ Μεγαρῆς, δηλοῦντες μὲν καὶ ἕτερα οὐκ ὀλίγα διάφορα, μάλιστα δὲ λιμένων τε εἴργεσθαι τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀθηναίων ἀρχῇ καὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἀγορᾶς παρὰ τὰς σπονδάς. 2.13.1. ἔτι δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ξυλλεγομένων τε ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν καὶ ἐν ὁδῷ ὄντων, πρὶν ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικήν, Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου στρατηγὸς ὢν Ἀθηναίων δέκατος αὐτός, ὡς ἔγνω τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐσομένην, ὑποτοπήσας, ὅτι Ἀρχίδαμος αὐτῷ ξένος ὢν ἐτύγχανε, μὴ πολλάκις ἢ αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ βουλόμενος χαρίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀγροὺς αὐτοῦ παραλίπῃ καὶ μὴ δῃώσῃ, ἢ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων κελευσάντων ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ γένηται τοῦτο, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ ἄγη ἐλαύνειν προεῖπον ἕνεκα ἐκείνου, προηγόρευε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ὅτι Ἀρχίδαμος μέν οἱ ξένος εἴη, οὐ μέντοι ἐπὶ κακῷ γε τῆς πόλεως γένοιτο, τοὺς δὲ ἀγροὺς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ οἰκίας ἢν ἄρα μὴ δῃώσωσιν οἱ πολέμιοι ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων, ἀφίησιν αὐτὰ δημόσια εἶναι καὶ μηδεμίαν οἱ ὑποψίαν κατὰ ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι. 2.15.2. ἐπειδὴ δὲ Θησεὺς ἐβασίλευσε, γενόμενος μετὰ τοῦ ξυνετοῦ καὶ δυνατὸς τά τε ἄλλα διεκόσμησε τὴν χώραν καὶ καταλύσας τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων τά τε βουλευτήρια καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐς τὴν νῦν πόλιν οὖσαν, ἓν βουλευτήριον ἀποδείξας καὶ πρυτανεῖον, ξυνῴκισε πάντας, καὶ νεμομένους τὰ αὑτῶν ἑκάστους ἅπερ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ἠνάγκασε μιᾷ πόλει ταύτῃ χρῆσθαι, ἣ ἁπάντων ἤδη ξυντελούντων ἐς αὐτὴν μεγάλη γενομένη παρεδόθη ὑπὸ Θησέως τοῖς ἔπειτα: καὶ ξυνοίκια ἐξ ἐκείνου Ἀθηναῖοι ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῇ θεῷ ἑορτὴν δημοτελῆ ποιοῦσιν. 2.16.2. ἐβαρύνοντο δὲ καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερον οἰκίας τε καταλείποντες καὶ ἱερὰ ἃ διὰ παντὸς ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἀρχαῖον πολιτείας πάτρια δίαιτάν τε μέλλοντες μεταβάλλειν καὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ πόλιν τὴν αὑτοῦ ἀπολείπων ἕκαστος. 2.17.1. ἐπειδή τε ἀφίκοντο ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, ὀλίγοις μέν τισιν ὑπῆρχον οἰκήσεις καὶ παρὰ φίλων τινὰς ἢ οἰκείων καταφυγή, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τά τε ἐρῆμα τῆς πόλεως ᾤκησαν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ τὰ ἡρῷα πάντα πλὴν τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καὶ τοῦ Ἐλευσινίου καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο βεβαίως κλῃστὸν ἦν: τό τε Πελαργικὸν καλούμενον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, ὃ καὶ ἐπάρατόν τε ἦν μὴ οἰκεῖν καί τι καὶ Πυθικοῦ μαντείου ἀκροτελεύτιον τοιόνδε διεκώλυε, λέγον ὡς ‘τὸ Πελαργικὸν ἀργὸν ἄμεινον,’ ὅμως ὑπὸ τῆς παραχρῆμα ἀνάγκης ἐξῳκήθη. 3.68.4. σχεδὸν δέ τι καὶ τὸ ξύμπαν περὶ Πλαταιῶν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὕτως ἀποτετραμμένοι ἐγένοντο Θηβαίων ἕνεκα, νομίζοντες ἐς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοὺς ἄρτι τότε καθιστάμενον ὠφελίμους εἶναι.

1.67.4. There were many who came forward and made their several accusations; among them the Megarians, in a long list of grievances, called special attention to the fact of their exclusion from the ports of the Athenian empire and the market of Athens, in defiance of the treaty. 1.139. To return to the Lacedaemonians. The history of their first embassy, the injunctions which it conveyed, and the rejoinder which it provoked, concerning the expulsion of the accursed persons, have been related already. It was followed by a second, which ordered Athens to raise the siege of Potidaea, and to respect the independence of Aegina. Above all, it gave her most distinctly to understand that war might be prevented by the revocation of the Megarian decree, excluding the Megarians from the use of Athenian harbors and of the market of Athens. 2 But Athens was not inclined either to revoke the decree, or to entertain their other proposals; she accused the Megarians of pushing their cultivation into the consecrated ground and the unenclosed land on the border, and of harboring her runaway slaves. 3 At last an embassy arrived with the Lacedaemonian ultimatum. The ambassadors were Rhamphias, Melesippus, and Agesander. Not a word was said on any of the old subjects; there was simply this: — 'Lacedaemon wishes the peace to continue, and there is no reason why it should not, if you would leave the Hellenes independent. Upon this the Athenians held an assembly, and laid the matter before their consideration. It was resolved to deliberate once for all on all their demands, and to give them an answer. 4 There were many speakers who came forward and gave their support to one side or the other, urging the necessity of war, or the revocation of the decree and the folly of allowing it to stand in the way of peace. Among them came forward Pericles, son of Xanthippus, the first man of his time at Athens, ablest alike in counsel and in action, and gave the following advice: - 1.139. , To return to the Lacedaemonians. The history of their first embassy, the injunctions which it conveyed, and the rejoinder which it provoked, concerning the expulsion of the accursed persons, have been related already. It was followed by a second, which ordered Athens to raise the siege of Potidaea, and to respect the independence of Aegina . Above all, it gave her most distinctly to understand that war might be prevented by the revocation of the Megara decree, excluding the Megarians from the use of Athenian harbors and of the market of Athens . ,But Athens was not inclined either to revoke the decree, or to entertain their other proposals; she accused the Megarians of pushing their cultivation into the consecrated ground and the unenclosed land on the border, and of harboring her runaway slaves. ,At last an embassy arrived with the Lacedaemonian ultimatum. The ambassadors were Rhamphias, Melesippus, and Agesander. Not a word was said on any of the old subjects; there was simply this:— ‘ Lacedaemon wishes the peace to continue, and there is no reason why it should not, if you would leave the Hellenes independent. Upon this the Athenians held an assembly, and laid the matter before their consideration. It was resolved to deliberate once for all on all their demands, and to give them an answer. ,There were many speakers who came forward and gave their support to one side or the other, urging the necessity of war, or the revocation of the decree and the folly of allowing it to stand in the way of peace. Among them came forward Pericles, son of Xanthippus, the first man of his time at Athens, ablest alike in counsel and in action, and gave the following advice:— 2.13.1. While the Peloponnesians were still mustering at the Isthmus, or on the march before they invaded Attica, Pericles, son of Xanthippus, one of the ten generals of the Athenians, finding that the invasion was to take place, conceived the idea that Archidamus, who happened to be his friend, might possibly pass by his estate without ravaging it. This he might do, either from a personal wish to oblige him, or acting under instructions from Lacedaemon for the purpose of creating a prejudice against him, as had been before attempted in the demand for the expulsion of the accursed family. He accordingly took the precaution of announcing to the Athenians in the assembly that, although Archidamus was his friend, yet this friendship should not extend to the detriment of the state, and that in case the enemy should make his houses and lands an exception to the rest and not pillage them, he at once gave them up to be public property, so that they should not bring him into suspicion. 2.15.2. In Theseus, however, they had a king of equal intelligence and power; and one of the chief features in his organization of the country was to abolish the council chambers and magistrates of the petty cities, and to merge them in the single council-chamber and town-hall of the present capital. Individuals might still enjoy their private property just as before, but they were henceforth compelled to have only one political center, viz. Athens ; which thus counted all the inhabitants of Attica among her citizens, so that when Theseus died he left a great state behind him. Indeed, from him dates the Synoecia, or Feast of Union; which is paid for by the state, and which the Athenians still keep in honor of the goddess. 2.16.2. Deep was their trouble and discontent at abandoning their houses and the hereditary temples of the ancient constitution, and at having to change their habits of life and to bid farewell to what each regarded as his native city. 2.17.1. When they arrived at Athens, though a few had houses of their own to go to, or could find an asylum with friends or relatives, by far the greater number had to take up their dwelling in the parts of the city that were not built over and in the temples and chapels of the heroes, except the Acropolis and the temple of the Eleusinian Demeter and such other places as were always kept closed. The occupation of the plot of ground lying below the citadel called the Pelasgian had been forbidden by a curse; and there was also an ominous fragment of a Pythian oracle which said— Leave the Pelasgian parcel desolate, woe worth the day that men inhabit it! 3.68.4. The adverse attitude of the Lacedaemonians—in the whole Plataean affair was mainly adopted to please the Thebans, who were thought to be useful in the war at that moment raging.

11. Xenophon, Ways And Means, 2.6, 4.49 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 216, 217, 219, 231

12. Isocrates, Orations, 8.126 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 219

13. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 8.3, 16.4, 21.5, 47.2, 47.4-47.5, 48.1, 50.1-50.2, 60.1-60.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property •purchases, of landed property •land, confiscation and sale of wrongdoer's property •attica, percentage of sacred landed property Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 187; Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 8, 67, 153, 204, 221, 225, 228, 262, 271

14. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1374a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 220

15. Aristotle, Politics, 1267b, 1267b.30-5, 1321b, 1331b, 1320b.9-11 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 214, 215, 217

1267b. and also the baseness of human beings is a thing insatiable, and though at the first a dole of only two obols is enough, yet when this has now become an established custom, they always want more, until they get to an unlimited amount; for appetite is in its nature unlimited, and the majority of mankind live for the satisfaction of appetite. The starting-point in such matters therefore, rather than levelling estates, is to train those that are respectable by nature so that they may not wish for excessive wealth, and to contrive that the base may not be able to do so, and this is secured if they are inferior in number and not unjustly treated. And also we cannot approve what Phaleas has said about equality of property, for he makes the citizens equal in respect of landed estate only, but wealth also consists in slaves and cattle and money, and there is an abundance of property in the shape of what is called furniture; we must therefore either seek to secure equality or some moderate regulation as regards all these things, or we must permit all forms of wealth. And it is clear from Phaleas's legislation that he makes the citizen-population a small one, inasmuch as all the artisans are to be publicly owned slaves and are not to furnish any complement of the citizen-body. But if it is proper to have public slaves, the laborers employed upon the public works ought to be of that status (as is the case at Epidamnus and as Diophantus once tried to institute at Athens). These remarks may serve fairly well to indicate such merits and defects as may be contained in the constitution of Phaleas. [2.15] Hippodamus son of Euryphon, a Milesian (who invented the division of cities into blocks and cut up Piraeus, and who also became somewhat eccentric in his general mode of life owing to a desire for distinction, so that some people thought that he lived too fussily, with a quantity of hair and expensive ornaments, and also a quantity of cheap yet warm clothes not only in winter but also in the summer periods, and who wished to be a man of learning in natural science generally), was the first man not engaged in politics who attempted to speak on the subject of the best form of constitution. His system was for a city with a population of ten thousand, divided into three classes; for he made one class of artisans, one of farmers, and the third the class that fought for the state in war and was the armed class. He divided the land into three parts, one sacred, one public and one private: sacred land to supply the customary offerings to the gods, common land to provide the warrior class with food, and private land to be owned by the farmers. He thought that there are only three divisions of the law, since the matters about which lawsuits take place are three in number — outrage, damage, homicide. He also proposed to establish one supreme court of justice, to which were to be carried up all the cases at law thought to have been decided wrongly, and this court he made to consist of certain selected elders.

16. Demosthenes, Orations, 20.115, 24.8, 24.39-24.40, 24.59, 24.82-24.83, 24.96, 43.58, 43.71, 55.12-55.13, 57.63, 58.14 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 8, 67, 152, 206, 217, 218, 219, 220, 223, 225, 226, 227, 234

20.115. What is my evidence? Lysimachus, Son of Aristides the just, pensioned for his father’s merits. only one of the worthies of that day, received a hundred roods of orchard in Euboea and a hundred of arable land, besides a hundred minas of silver and a pension of four drachmas a day. And the decree in which these gifts are recorded stands in the name of Alcibiades. For then our city was rich in lands and money, though now—she will be rich some day A euphemism for she is poor. ; for I must put it in that way to avoid anything like obloquy. Yet today who, think you, would not prefer a third of that reward to mere immunity? To prove the truth of my words, please take the decree. [The decree is read] 24.8. but the man who had wickedly brought me to that pass I accounted an enemy with whom I could make no terms. When I discovered that he had defrauded the whole commonwealth in the collection of the property-tax and in the manufacture of processional utensils, and that he held and refused to restore a great deal of money belonging to the Goddess, the Heroes, and the State, I proceeded against him with the aid of Euctemon, thinking it a favorable opportunity for doing the State a service, and at the same time getting satisfaction for the wrongs I had suffered. My purpose would naturally be that I should accomplish my desire, and that he should get his deserts. 24.39. I suppose that you are all satisfied that he is amenable to the indictment, as having introduced a law that contravenes existing statutes; but, to show you the character of the laws he has contravened and of the law he has introduced, the clerk will read to you, first his new law, and then the other laws to which it is repugt. Law of Timocrates During the first presidency, namely, that of the Pandionid Tribe, and on the twelfth day of that presidency, it was moved by Timocrates that, if the additional penalty of imprisonment has been or shall hereafter be inflicted in pursuance of any law or decree upon any person in debt to the treasury, it shall be competent for him or for any other person on his behalf to nominate as sureties for the debt such persons as shall be approved by vote of the Assembly, on an undertaking to pay in full the amount in which he was indebted. The Commissioners are required to put the question whensoever any debtor wishes to nominate sureties. 24.82. Well, how does it go on? To nominate sureties on an undertaking to pay in full the amount in which he was indebted. Here again he has stolen away the right of the sacred funds to a tenfold payment, and one-half of the claim of the civil treasury, in cases where double payment is required by law. And how does he manage that? By writing the amount instead of the penalty, and in which he was indebted instead of which has accrued. 43.58. In the case of slaves he shall give notice to their masters, and in the case of freemen to those possessing their property; and if the deceased had no property, the Demarch shall give notice to the relatives of the deceased. And if, after the Demarch shall have given notice, the relatives do not take up the body, the Demarch shall contract for the taking up and burial of the body, and for the purification of the deme on the same day at the lowest possible cost. And if he shall not so contract, he shall be bound to pay a thousand drachmae into the public treasury. And whatsoever he shall expend, he shall exact double the amount from those liable; and if he does not exact it he shall himself be under obligation to repay it to the demesmen. And those who do not pay the rents due for the lands of the goddess or of the gods and the eponymous heroes shall be disenfranchised, themselves and their family and their heirs, until they shall make payment. 43.71. If now, men of the jury, it were against the dead man only that they had committed an outrage in doing this, their conduct would have been disgraceful, though in a less degree; but in reality it is against the whole city that they have committed this outrage, and they have broken your laws. You will know this, when you have heard the law. (To the clerk.) Read the law. The Law If anyone shall dig up an olive tree at Athens, except it be for a sanctuary of the Athenian state or of one of its demes, or for his own use to the number of two olive trees each year, or except it be needful to use it for the service of one who is dead, he shall be fined one hundred drachmae, to he paid into the public treasury, for each tree, and the tenth part of this sum shall belong to the goddess. Furthermore he shall be obligated to pay to the private individual who prosecutes him one hundred drachmae for each olive tree. And suits concerning these matters shall be brought before the archons, according as they severally have jurisdiction. And the prosecutor shall deposit the court fees for his share. And when a person shall have been convicted, the archon before whom the case was brought shall make a report to the collectors of the amount due to the treasury, and of the amount due to the goddess, to the treasurers of the goddess. And if they fail to make such reports, they shall themselves be liable for the amount. 57.63. If it be right for me to speak of my administration as prefect, because of which I incurred the anger of many, and in the course of which I became involved in quarrels because I required some of the demesmen to pay the rents which they owed for sacred lands and to refund other sums which they had embezzled from the public moneys, I should be very glad to have you listen to me; but perhaps you will hold that these matters are foreign to the subject before us. However, I am able to point to this as a positive proof of their conspiracy. For they struck out of the oath the clause that they would vote according to their unbiassed judgement and without favor or malice. 58.14. These are two laws, then, which this man, who indicts others for illegal acts, has himself violated. There is a third law also, which enacts that any one of the citizens who pleases may lodge criminal informations against those who owe money to the treasury, or if any man is indebted to Athena or to any one of the rest of the gods, or of the eponymous heroes. The legendary figures after whom the various tribes were named. They each had their tribal shrines. In this class the defendant will be shown to belong; for he owes, and has not paid, seven hundred drachmae, which he was condemned at the audit to pay to the eponymus of his tribe. (To the clerk.) Read that part of the law. The Law

17. Hyperides, Pro Euxenippo, 16 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 150

16. Let us consider it in this way. The tribes, formed into groups of two, shared out the mountains in Oropus awarded to them by the people. This mountain fell to the lot of Acamantis and Hippothoontis. You proposed that these tribes should restore the mountain to Amphiaraus and the price of produce from it which they had sold; your reason being that the fifty boundary officials had selected it beforehand and set it apart for the god, and that the two tribes had no right to be holding it.

18. Aristotle, De Plantis, 1425b.20-4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 222, 223, 262

19. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 67-69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 13

69. ratio constat, aurum in aerario est; furtum non reprehenditur, invidia quaeritur; a iudicibus oratio avertitur, vox in coronam turbamque effunditur. Sua cuique civitati religio, Laeli, est, nostra nobis. stantibus Hierosolymis pacatisque Iudaeis tamen istorum religio sacrorum a splendore huius imperi, gravitate nominis nostri, maiorum institutis abhorrebat; nunc vero hoc magis, quod illa gens quid de nostro imperio sentiret ostendit armis; quam cara dis immortalibus esset docuit, quod est victa, quod elocata, quod serva facta.

20. Cicero, Letters, 5.14.1, 6.1.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tributum soli (tax on landed property, fixed amount), vectigal certum •tributum soli (tax on landed property, fixed amount), vectigal certum, as stipendum Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 53

21. Cicero, On His Consulship, 3.6.12-3.6.13, 3.13.34, 3.14.35-3.14.36, 7.18-7.19, 33.77, 36.83, 40.90-40.91 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 53

22. Cicero, On Duties, 1.151 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 57

1.151. Quibus autem artibus aut prudentia maior inest aut non mediocris utilitas quaeritur, ut medicina, ut architectura, ut doctrina rerum honestarum, eae sunt iis, quorum ordini conveniunt, honestae. Mercatura autem, si tenuis est. sordida putanda est; sin magna et copiosa, multa undique apportans multisque sine vanitate impertiens, non est admodum vituperanda, atque etiam, si satiata quaestu vel contenta potius, ut saepe ex alto in portum, ex ipso portu se in agros possessionesque contulit, videtur iure optimo posse laudari. Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus aliquid acquiritur, nihil est agri cultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius; de qua quoniam in Catone Maiore satis multa diximus, illim assumes, quae ad hunc locum pertinebunt.

1.151. But the professions in which either a higher degree of intelligence is required or from which no small benefit to society is derived â medicine and architecture, for example, and teaching â these are proper for those whose social position they become. Trade, if it is on a small scale, is to be considered vulgar; but if wholesale and on a large scale, importing large quantities from all parts of the world and distributing to many without misrepresentation, it is not to be greatly disparaged. Nay, it even seems to deserve the highest respect, if those who are engaged in it, satiated, or rather, I should say, satisfied with the fortunes they have made, make their way from the port to a country estate, as they have often made it from the sea into port. But of all the occupations by which gain is secured, none is better than agriculture, none more profitable, none more delightful, none more becoming to a freeman. But since I have discussed this quite fully in my Cato Major, you will find there the material that applies to this point.

23. Livy, History, 38.44 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herod the great, taxes of, land and property tax (tributum soli) Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 171

24. Tosefta, Arakhin, 5.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 57

25. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 7.394, 13.357, 15.5-15.7, 15.109, 15.189, 15.198-15.200, 15.217, 15.264, 15.303, 15.305-15.306, 15.365, 16.179-16.183 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herod the great, taxes of, land and property tax (tributum soli) Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 162, 163, 164

7.394. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐτῶν πολλῶν διαγενομένων πάλιν ὁ βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης ἕτερον ἀνοίξας οἶκον ἀνείλετο χρήματα πολλά. ταῖς μέντοι γε θήκαις τῶν βασιλέων οὐδεὶς αὐτῶν ἐπέτυχεν: ἦσαν γὰρ ὑπὸ τὴν γῆν μηχανικῶς κεκηδευμέναι πρὸς τὸ μὴ φανεραὶ εἶναι τοῖς εἰς τὸ μνῆμα εἰσιοῦσιν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἡμῖν τοσοῦτον ἀπόχρη δεδηλῶσθαι. 13.357. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐ καταπλήττει τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον, ἀλλ' ἐπιστρατεύει τοῖς θαλαττίοις μέρεσιν, ̔Ραφείᾳ καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνι, ἣν ὕστερον βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης ̓Αγριππιάδα προσηγόρευσεν, καὶ κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν καὶ ταύτην. 15.5. ̓Εν δὲ τῷ τότε κρατήσας τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων πάντα συνεφόρει τὸν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ κόσμον ἔτι καὶ τοὺς εὐπόρους ἀφαιρούμενος, καὶ συναγαγὼν πλῆθος ἀργυρίου καὶ χρυσίου παντὶ τούτῳ τὸν ̓Αντώνιον ἐδωρεῖτο καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν φίλους. 15.5. Καὶ τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἐπεχούσης, ἑορτὴ δέ ἐστιν αὕτη παρ' ἡμῖν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα τηρουμένη, ταύτας τὰς ἡμέρας ὑπερεβάλλετο καὶ πρὸς εὐφροσύναις αὐτός τε καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἦν. ἐκίνησεν δ' αὐτὸν ὅμως κἀκ τῶν τοιούτων ἐπισπεῦσαι τὰ περὶ τὴν προαίρεσιν ἐμφανῶς παροξύνων ὁ φθόνος. 15.6. ἀπέκτεινε δὲ τεσσαρακονταπέντε τοὺς πρώτους ἐκ τῆς αἱρέσεως ̓Αντιγόνου φύλακας περιστήσας ταῖς πύλαις τῶν τειχῶν, ἵνα μή τις συνεκκομισθῇ τοῖς τεθνεῶσι, καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἠρεύνων, καὶ πᾶν τὸ εὑρισκόμενον ἀργύριον ἢ χρυσίον ἤ τι κειμήλιον ἀνεφέρετο τῷ βασιλεῖ, 15.6. κἀκείνη μὲν ἐγκρατῶς ἔφερε τὴν ὑποψίαν. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ πᾶσι τοῖς ἔξωθεν πιθανῶς ἀπεσκευάζετο, μὴ μετὰ προνοίας γενέσθαι τῷ παιδὶ τὸν θάνατον, οὐχ ὅσα πρὸς πένθος ἐπιτηδεύων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δάκρυσι χρώμενος καὶ σύγχυσιν τῆς ψυχῆς ἐμφαίνων ἀληθινήν, τάχα μὲν καὶ τοῦ πάθους ἀπονικῶντος αὐτὸν ἐν ὄψει τῆς τε ὥρας καὶ τοῦ κάλλους, εἰ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ὁ θάνατος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐνομίζετο, δῆλον δ' ὡς ἀπολογίαν αὐτὰ πραγματευόμενος. 15.7. πέρας τε κακῶν οὐδὲν ἦν: τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἡ πλεονεξία τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἐν χρείᾳ γεγενημένου διεφόρει, τὴν δὲ χώραν μένειν ἀγεώργητον τὸ ἑβδοματικὸν ἠνάγκαζεν ἔτος: ἐνεστήκει γὰρ τότε, καὶ σπείρειν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὴν γῆν ἀπηγορευμένον ἐστὶν ἡμῖν. 15.7. ταῦτα μὲν ̓Ιώσηπος. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες, ὡς εἰκός, οὐ τὸ φιλόστοργον τῆς περὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην διαθέσεως, τὸ δὲ χαλεπόν, εἰ μηδ' ἀποθνήσκοντος ὑστερήσειεν ἀπωλείας καὶ θανάτου τυραννικοῦ, προλαμβάνουσαι χαλεπὴν τὴν ὑπόνοιαν τοῦ ῥηθέντος εἶχον. 15.189. ἔλεγεν γὰρ τῷ Καίσαρι καὶ φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι μεγίστην πρὸς ̓Αντώνιον καὶ πάντα πρᾶξαι κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ δύναμιν, ὡς ἐπ' ἐκείνῳ γενήσεται τὰ πράγματα, στρατείας μὲν οὐ κοινωνήσας κατὰ περιολκὰς τῶν ̓Αράβων, πέμψας δὲ καὶ χρήματα καὶ σῖτον ἐκείνῳ. 15.198. ἐπανῄει δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν πλείονί τε τιμῇ καὶ παρρησίᾳ καὶ τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία προσδοκήσασιν ἔκπληξιν παρέσχεν ὡς ἀεὶ τὸ λαμπρότερον ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων κατ' εὐμένειαν τοῦ θεοῦ προσεπικτώμενος. εὐθὺς οὖν περὶ τὴν ὑποδοχὴν ἐγεγόνει Καίσαρος ἀπὸ Συρίας εἰς Αἴγυπτον εἰσβαλεῖν μέλλοντος. 15.199. κἀπειδὴ παρῆν, δέχεται μὲν αὐτὸν ἐν Πτολεμαί̈δι πάσῃ τῇ βασιλικῇ θεραπείᾳ, παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τῷ στρατεύματι ξένια καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἀφθονίαν. κἀν τοῖς εὐνουστάτοις ἐξητάζετο τάς τε δυνάμεις ἐκτάττοντος συνιππαζόμενος καὶ δεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ φίλους ἀνδρῶσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πᾶσιν εἰς πολυτέλειαν καὶ πλοῦτον ὑπηρεσίας ἠσκημένοις. 15.217. κἀκεῖνος μὲν τυγχάνει τῆς τιμῆς. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ γενόμενος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ Καίσαρί τε μετὰ πλείονος παρρησίας εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν ὡς ἤδη φίλος καὶ μεγίστων ἠξιώθη: τῶν τε γὰρ Κλεοπάτραν δορυφορούντων Γαλατῶν τετρακοσίοις αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτῷ πάλιν, ἣν δι' ἐκείνης ἀφῃρέθη. προσέθηκεν δὲ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ Γάδαρα καὶ ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σαμάρειαν ἔτι δὲ τῆς παραλίου Γάζαν καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα καὶ ̓Ιόπην καὶ Στράτωνος πύργον. 15.264. τῆς δὲ πόλεως ἁλισκομένης καὶ κρατοῦντος τῶν πραγμάτων ̔Ηρώδου Κοστόβαρος ἀποδειχθεὶς τὰς διεκβολὰς ἀναφράττειν καὶ φρουρεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ὡς μὴ διαπίπτειν ἐξ αὐτῆς τοὺς ὑπόχρεως τῶν πολιτῶν ἢ τἀναντία τῷ βασιλεῖ πολιτευομένους, εἰδὼς ἐν ὑπολήψει καὶ τιμῇ τοὺς Σάββα τῷ παντὶ πλήθει καὶ νομίζων μέγα μέρος αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν πραγμάτων τὴν ἐκείνων σωτηρίαν ὑπεξέθετο καὶ κατέκρυψεν ἐν οἰκείοις χωρίοις. 15.303. ἥ τε ἀνάγκη πολλὰ διὰ τὰς χρείας ἐκαινούργει. καὶ τὰς ἀπορίας οὐκ ἐλάττους εἶναι συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ, τῶν τε φόρων, οὓς ἐλάμβανεν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, ἀφῃρημένῳ καὶ τὰ χρήματα δεδαπανηκότι πρὸς φιλοτιμίαν ὧν τὰς πόλεις ἐπεσκεύαζεν. 15.305. ̓Εν τοιούτοις διενοεῖτο βοηθεῖν τῷ καιρῷ: χαλεπὸν δ' ἦν οὔτε τῶν πλησίον ἐχόντων ἀποδόσθαι σιτία τῷ μηδ' αὐτοὺς ἐλάττω πεπονθέναι, χρημάτων τε οὐκ ὄντων, εἰ καὶ δυνατὸν ὀλίγων ἐπὶ πολλοῖς εὐπορηθῆναι. 15.306. καλῶς μέντοι νομίζων ἔχειν πάντως εἰς τὴν βοήθειαν μὴ ἀμελεῖν, τὸν ὄντα κόσμον ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ συνέκοψεν ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ, μήτε τῆς ἐν ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ἐπιμελείας μήτ' εἴ τι τέχνῃ τίμιον ἦν τούτου φεισάμενος. 15.365. Τότε καὶ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἀφῆκε τῶν φόρων τοῖς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ, πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς ἀναλάβοιεν ἐκ τῆς ἀφορίας, τὸ δὲ πλέον ἀνακτώμενος ἔχοντας δυσμενῶς: κατὰ γὰρ τὴν ἐξεργασίαν τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὡς ἂν λυομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ μεταπιπτόντων τῶν ἐθῶν χαλεπῶς ἔφερον, καὶ λόγοι δὲ πόντων ἐγίνοντο παροξυνομένων ἀεὶ καὶ ταραττομένων. 16.179. ̔Ο γὰρ ̔Ηρώδης πολλοῖς τοῖς ἀναλώμασιν εἴς τε τὰς ἔξω καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ χρώμενος, ἀκηκοὼς ἔτι τάχιον ὡς ̔Υρκανὸς ὁ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεὺς ἀνοίξας τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀργυρίου λάβοι τρισχίλια τάλαντα κειμένων πολὺ πλειόνων ἔτι καὶ δυναμένων εἰς ἅπαν ἐπαρκέσαι ταῖς χορηγίαις, ἐκ πλείονος μὲν δι' ἐννοίας εἶχεν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν, 16.181. ἀποθέσιμα μὲν οὖν χρήματα καθάπερ ̔Υρκανὸς οὐχ εὗρεν, κόσμον δὲ χρυσοῦν καὶ κειμηλίων πολύν, ὃν ἀνείλετο πάντα. σπουδὴν δ' εἶχεν ἐπιμελεστέραν ποιούμενος τὴν ἔρευναν ἐνδοτέρω τε χωρεῖν καὶ κατὰ τὰς θήκας, ἐν αἷς ἦν τοῦ Δαυί̈δου καὶ τοῦ Σολομῶνος τὰ σώματα. 16.182. καὶ δύο μὲν αὐτῷ τῶν δορυφόρων διεφθάρησαν φλογὸς ἔνδοθεν εἰσιοῦσιν ἀπαντώσης, ὡς ἐλέγετο, περίφοβος δ' αὐτὸς ἐξῄει, καὶ τοῦ δέους ἱλαστήριον μνῆμα λευκῆς πέτρας ἐπὶ τῷ στομίῳ κατεσκευάσατο πολυτελὲς τῇ δαπάνῃ. 16.183. τούτου καὶ Νικόλαος ὁ κατ' αὐτὸν ἱστοριογράφος μέμνηται τοῦ κατασκευάσματος, οὐ μὴν ὅτι καὶ κατῆλθεν, οὐκ εὐπρεπῆ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπιστάμενος. διατελεῖ δὲ καὶ τἆλλα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον χρώμενος τῇ γραφῇ:

7.394. Nay, after him, and that many years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away a great deal of money, and yet neither of them came at the coffins of the kings themselves, for their bodies were buried under the earth so artfully, that they did not appear to even those that entered into their monuments. But so much shall suffice us to have said concerning these matters. 13.357. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. 15.5. 2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends that were about him. 15.6. He also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus’s party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon them; 15.7. and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced the country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. 15.189. for he spake thus to Caesar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him both money and corn, 15.198. And now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; 15.199. and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar’s most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends. 15.200. He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained could afford; 15.217. upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower. 15.264. but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the government into his own hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not get out of it, Costobarus, being sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect and honor by the whole multitude, and supposing that their preservation might be of great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he set them by themselves, and concealed them in his own farms; 15.303. This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king himself free from this distress any more than other men, as being deprived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the ground, and having already expended what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built; 15.305. 2. In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price. 15.306. However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers, 15.365. 4. At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure; 16.179. 1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David’s sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an intention to make the attempt; 16.181. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon; 16.182. where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly affrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also. 16.183. And even Nicolaus his historiographer makes mention of this monument built by Herod, though he does not mention his going down into the sepulcher, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in the same manner in his book;

26. Tosefta, Bava Batra, 8.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 43

27. Ammonius Grammaticus, De Adfinium Vocabulorum Differentis, a ... d\n0 15. ναύκληροι καὶ ναύκραροι ... ναύκληροι καὶ ναύκραροι\n\n[1 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 212, 213

28. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.87, 1.171, 1.358, 1.388, 1.394-1.395, 1.416 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herod the great, taxes of, land and property tax (tributum soli) Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 162, 163, 164

1.87. ἐπελθὼν δ' ἐξαίφνης ὁ Θεόδωρος τά τε σφέτερα καὶ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποσκευὴν αἱρεῖ, τῶν δ' ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς μυρίους κτείνει. γίνεται δ' ἐπάνω τῆς πληγῆς ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ τραπόμενος εἰς τὴν παράλιον αἱρεῖ Γάζαν τε καὶ ̔Ράφειαν καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα τὴν αὖθις ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ̓Αγριππιάδα ἐπικληθεῖσαν. 1.171. Μετ' οὐ πολύ γε μὴν αὐτοῖς ἀρχὴ γίνεται θορύβων ̓Αριστόβουλος ἀποδρὰς ἐκ ̔Ρώμης, ὃς αὖθις πολλοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπισυνίστη, τοὺς μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦντας μεταβολῆς, τοὺς δὲ ἀγαπῶντας αὐτὸν πάλαι. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον καταλαβόμενος τὸ ̓Αλεξάνδρειον ἀνατειχίζειν ἐπειρᾶτο: ὡς δὲ Γαβίνιος ὑπὸ Σισέννᾳ καὶ ̓Αντωνίῳ καὶ Σερουιανῷ στρατιὰν ἔπεμψεν ἐπ' αὐτόν. γνοὺς ἀνεχώρει ἐπὶ Μαχαιροῦντος. 1.358. βασιλεὺς δὲ ̔Ηρώδης διακρίνας τὸ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πλῆθος τοὺς μὲν τὰ αὐτοῦ φρονήσαντας εὐνουστέρους ταῖς τιμαῖς καθίστατο, τοὺς δ' ̓Αντιγονείους ἀνῄρει. καὶ κατὰ σπάνιν ἤδη χρημάτων ὅσον εἶχεν κόσμον κατανομιστεύσας ̓Αντωνίῳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἀνέπεμψεν. 1.388. “ἐγώ, Καῖσαρ, ὑπὸ ̓Αντωνίου βασιλεὺς γενόμενος ἐν πᾶσιν ὁμολογῶ γεγονέναι χρήσιμος ̓Αντωνίῳ. καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦτ' ἂν ὑποστειλαίμην εἰπεῖν, ὅτι πάντως ἄν με μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐπείρασας εὐχάριστον, εἰ μὴ διεκώλυσαν ̓́Αραβες. καὶ συμμαχίαν μέντοι γε αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν καὶ σίτου πολλὰς ἔπεμψα μυριάδας, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐν ̓Ακτίῳ πληγὴν κατέλιπον τὸν εὐεργέτην, 1.394. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πορευόμενον ἐπ' Αἴγυπτον διὰ Συρίας Καίσαρα παντὶ τῷ βασιλικῷ πλούτῳ δεξάμενος ̔Ηρώδης τότε πρῶτον καὶ συνιππάσατο ποιουμένου περὶ Πτολεμαί̈δα τῆς δυνάμεως ἐξέτασιν εἱστίασέν τε σὺν ἅπασιν τοῖς φίλοις: μεθ' οὓς καὶ τῇ λοιπῇ στρατιᾷ πρὸς εὐωχίαν πάντα διέδωκεν. 1.395. προυνόησεν δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀνύδρου πορευομένοις μέχρι Πηλουσίου παρασχεῖν ὕδωρ ἄφθονον ἐπανιοῦσί τε ὁμοίως, οὐδὲ ἔστιν ὅ τι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐνεδέησεν τῇ δυνάμει. δόξα γοῦν αὐτῷ τε Καίσαρι καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις παρέστη πολλῷ βραχυτέραν περιεῖναι ̔Ηρώδῃ βασιλείαν πρὸς ἃ παρέσχεν. 1.416. ἀνακτίσας δὲ καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα τὴν παράλιον καταρριφθεῖσαν ἐν πολέμῳ ̓Αγρίππειον προσηγόρευσε: τοῦ δ' αὐτοῦ φίλου δι' ὑπερβολὴν εὐνοίας καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς πύλης ἐχάραξεν τὸ ὄνομα, ἣν αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ κατεσκεύασεν.

1.87. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king’s baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod. 1.171. 6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances. He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Sisenna, Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Macherus. 1.358. 4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus’s party, he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. 1.388. “O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the blow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, 1.394. After this, Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. 1.395. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod’s kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; 1.416. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple.

29. New Testament, Matthew, 18.23-18.35 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tributum soli (tax on landed property, fixed amount), viewed as oppressive Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 279

18.23. Διὰ τοῦτο ὡμοιώθη ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν ἀνθρώπῳ βασιλεῖ ὃς ἠθέλησεν συνᾶραι λόγον μετὰ τῶν δούλων αὐτοῦ· 18.24. ἀρξαμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ συναίρειν προσήχθη εἷς αὐτῷ ὀφειλέτης μυρίων ταλάντων. 18.25. μὴ ἔχοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἀποδοῦναι ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ὁ κύριος πραθῆναι καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ πάντα ὅσα ἔχει καὶ ἀποδοθῆναι. 18.26. πεσὼν οὖν ὁ δοῦλος προσεκύνει αὐτῷ λέγων Μακροθύμησον ἐπʼ ἐμοί, καὶ πάντα ἀποδώσω σοι. 18.27. σπλαγχνισθεὶς δὲ ὁ κύριος τοῦ δούλου [ἐκείνου] ἀπέλυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ τὸ δάνιον ἀφῆκεν αὐτῷ. 18.28. ἐξελθὼν δὲ ὁ δοῦλος ἐκεῖνος εὗρεν ἕνα τῶν συνδούλων αὐτοῦ ὃς ὤφειλεν αὐτῷ ἑκατὸν δηνάρια, καὶ κρατήσας αὐτὸν ἔπνιγεν λέγων Ἀπόδος εἴ τι ὀφείλεις. 18.29. πεσὼν οὖν ὁ σύνδουλος αὐτοῦ παρεκάλει αὐτὸν λέγων Μακροθύμησον ἐπʼ ἐμοί, καὶ ἀποδώσω σοι. 18.30. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἤθελεν, ἀλλὰ ἀπελθὼν ἔβαλεν αὐτὸν εἰς φυλακὴν ἕως ἀποδῷ τὸ ὀφειλόμενον. 18.31. ἰδόντες οὖν οἱ σύνδουλοι αὐτοῦ τὰ γενόμενα ἐλυπήθησαν σφόδρα, καὶ ἐλθόντες διεσάφησαν τῷ κυρίῳ ἑαυτῶν πάντα τὰ γενόμενα. 18.32. τότε προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτὸν ὁ κύριος αὐτοῦ λέγει αὐτῷ Δοῦλε πονηρέ, πᾶσαν τὴν ὀφειλὴν ἐκείνην ἀφῆκά σοι, ἐπεὶ παρεκάλεσάς με· 18.33. οὐκ ἔδει καὶ σὲ ἐλεῆσαι τὸν σύνδουλόν σου, ὡς κἀγὼ σὲ ἠλέησα; 18.34. καὶ ὀργισθεὶς ὁ κύριος αὐτοῦ παρέδωκεν αὐτὸν τοῖς βασανισταῖς ἕως [οὗ] ἀποδῷ πᾶν τὸ ὀφειλόμενον. 18.35. Οὕτως καὶ ὁ πατήρ μου ὁ οὐράνιος ποιήσει ὑμῖν ἐὰν μὴ ἀφῆτε ἕκαστος τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν καρδιῶν ὑμῶν.

18.23. Therefore the Kingdom of Heaven is like a certain king, who wanted to reconcile accounts with his servants. 18.24. When he had begun to reconcile, one was brought to him who owed him ten thousand talents. 18.25. But because he couldn't pay, his lord commanded him to be sold, with his wife, his children, and all that he had, and payment to be made. 18.26. The servant therefore fell down and kneeled before him, saying, 'Lord, have patience with me, and I will repay you all.' 18.27. The lord of that servant, being moved with compassion, released him, and forgave him the debt. 18.28. "But that servant went out, and found one of his fellow servants, who owed him one hundred denarii, and he grabbed him, and took him by the throat, saying, 'Pay me what you owe!' 18.29. "So his fellow servant fell down at his feet and begged him, saying, 'Have patience with me, and I will repay you.' 18.30. He would not, but went and cast him into prison, until he should pay back that which was due. 18.31. So when his fellow servants saw what was done, they were exceedingly sorry, and came and told to their lord all that was done. 18.32. Then his lord called him in, and said to him, 'You wicked servant! I forgave you all that debt, because you begged me. 18.33. Shouldn't you also have had mercy on your fellow servant, even as I had mercy on you?' 18.34. His lord was angry, and delivered him to the tormentors, until he should pay all that was due to him. 18.35. So my heavenly Father will also do to you, if you don't each forgive your brother from your hearts for his misdeeds."

30. New Testament, Luke, 12.22, 15.8-15.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tributum soli (tax on landed property, fixed amount), viewed as oppressive Found in books: Udoh, To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E (2006) 279

12.22. Εἶπεν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς μαθητὰς [αὐτοῦ] Διὰ τοῦτο λέγω ὑμῖν, μὴ μεριμνᾶτε τῇ ψυχῇ τί φάγητε, μηδὲ τῷ σώματι [ὑμῶν] τί ἐνδύσησθε. 15.8. Ἣ τίς γυνὴ δραχμὰς ἔχουσα δέκα, ἐὰν ἀπολέσῃ δραχμὴν μίαν, οὐχὶ ἅπτει λύχνον καὶ σαροῖ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ ζητεῖ ἐπιμελῶς ἕως οὗ εὕρῃ; 15.9. καὶ εὑροῦσα συνκαλεῖ τὰς φίλας καὶ γείτονας λέγουσα Συνχάρητέ μοι ὅτι εὗρον τὴν δραχμὴν ἣν ἀπώλεσα. 15.10. οὕτως, λέγω ὑμῖν, γίνεται χαρὰ ἐνώπιον τῶν ἀγγέλων τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπὶ ἑνὶ ἁμαρτωλῷ μετανοοῦντι.

12.22. He said to his disciples, "Therefore I tell you, don't be anxious for your life, what you will eat, nor yet for your body, what you will wear. 15.8. Or what woman, if she had ten drachma coins, if she lost one drachma, wouldn't light a lamp, sweep the house, and seek diligently until she found it? 15.9. When she has found it, she calls together her friends and neighbors, saying, 'Rejoice with me, for I have found the drachma which I had lost.' 15.10. Even so, I tell you, there is joy in the presence of the angels of God over one sinner repenting."

31. Mishnah, Bava Batra, 8.7, 9.6a (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 43

8.7. הַכּוֹתֵב נְכָסָיו לְבָנָיו, צָרִיךְ שֶׁיִּכְתֹּב מֵהַיּוֹם וּלְאַחַר מִיתָה, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי יְהוּדָה. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, אֵינוֹ צָרִיךְ. הַכּוֹתֵב נְכָסָיו לִבְנוֹ לְאַחַר מוֹתוֹ, הָאָב אֵינוֹ יָכוֹל לִמְכֹּר, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהֵן כְּתוּבִין לַבֵּן, וְהַבֵּן אֵינוֹ יָכוֹל לִמְכֹּר, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהֵן בִּרְשׁוּת הָאָב. מָכַר הָאָב, מְכוּרִין עַד שֶׁיָּמוּת. מָכַר הַבֵּן, אֵין לַלּוֹקֵחַ בָּהֶן כְּלוּם עַד שֶׁיָּמוּת הָאָב. הָאָב תּוֹלֵשׁ וּמַאֲכִיל לְכָל מִי שֶׁיִּרְצֶה. וּמַה שֶּׁהִנִּיחַ תָּלוּשׁ, הֲרֵי הוּא שֶׁל יוֹרְשִׁין. הִנִּיחַ בָּנִים גְּדוֹלִים וּקְטַנִּים, אֵין הַגְּדוֹלִים מִתְפַּרְנְסִים עַל הַקְּטַנִּים וְלֹא הַקְּטַנִּים נִזּוֹנִין עַל הַגְּדוֹלִים, אֶלָּא חוֹלְקִין בְּשָׁוֶה. נָשְׂאוּ הַגְּדוֹלִים, יִשְׂאוּ הַקְּטַנִּים. וְאִם אָמְרוּ קְטַנִּים הֲרֵי אָנוּ נוֹשְׂאִים כְּדֶרֶךְ שֶׁנְּשָׂאתֶם אַתֶּם, אֵין שׁוֹמְעִין לָהֶם, אֶלָּא מַה שֶּׁנָּתַן לָהֶם אֲבִיהֶם נָתָן.

8.7. If a man writes over his property to his son, he must write, “From today and after my death”, according to Rabbi Judah. Rabbi Yose says, “He need not do so.” If a man writes over his property to his son to be his after his death, the father cannot sell it since it is written over to the son, and the son cannot sell it since it is in the possession of the father. If his father sold the property, it is sold [only] until he dies; if the son sold the property, the buyer has no claim until the father dies. The father harvests the crops and gives them to whomever he wishes, and what he has left harvested belongs to [all] his heirs. If he left elder sons and younger sons, the elder sons may not take care of themselves [from the estate] at the expense of the younger sons, nor may the younger sons claim maintece at the cost of the elder sons, rather they all share alike. If the elder sons married [at the expense of the estate] so too the younger sons may marry [at the expense of the estate]. If the younger sons said, “We will marry in the way you married”, they do not listen to them, for what their father gave them, he has given.

32. Mishnah, Ketuvot, 4.7, 4.12, 6.1, 8.7, 9.1, 9.3, 11.2-11.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 56, 57, 58, 61, 62

4.7. לֹא כָתַב לָהּ כְּתֻבָּה, בְּתוּלָה גּוֹבָה מָאתַיִם, וְאַלְמָנָה מָנֶה, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהוּא תְנַאי בֵּית דִּין. כָּתַב לָהּ, שָׂדֶה שָׁוֶה מָנֶה תַּחַת מָאתַיִם זוּז, וְלֹא כָתַב לָהּ, כָּל נְכָסִים דְּאִית לִי אַחֲרָאִין לִכְתֻבְּתִיךְ, חַיָּב, שֶׁהוּא תְנַאי בֵּית דִּין: 4.12. אַתְּ תְּהֵא יָתְבָא בְּבֵיתִי וּמִתְּזָנָא מִנִּכְסַי, כָּל יְמֵי מִגַּד אַלְמְנוּתִיךְ בְּבֵיתִי, חַיָּב, שֶׁהוּא תְנַאי בֵּית דִּין. כָּךְ הָיוּ אַנְשֵׁי יְרוּשָׁלַיִם כּוֹתְבִין. אַנְשֵׁי גָלִיל הָיוּ כוֹתְבִין כְּאַנְשֵׁי יְרוּשָׁלָיִם. אַנְשֵׁי יְהוּדָה הָיוּ כוֹתְבִין, עַד שֶׁיִּרְצוּ הַיּוֹרְשִׁים לִתֵּן לִיךְ כְּתֻבְּתִיךְ. לְפִיכָךְ אִם רָצוּ הַיּוֹרְשִׁין, נוֹתְנִין לָהּ כְּתֻבָּתָהּ וּפוֹטְרִין אוֹתָהּ:

4.7. If he did not write a kethubah for her, a virgin still collects two hundred zuz and a widow one mane, because it is a condition laid down by court. If he assigned to her in writing a field that was worth one mane instead of the two hundred zuz and did not write for her, “All property that I possess is a lien for your ketubah”, he is liable [for the full amount] because it is a condition laid down by the court. 4.12. If he did not write for her, “You shall live in my house and be maintained from my estate throughout the duration of your widowhood”, he is nevertheless liable, because [this clause] is a condition laid down by the court. Thus did the men of Jerusalem write. The men of Galilee wrote as did the men of Jerusalem. The men of Judea used to write: “Until the heirs wish to pay you your ketubah”. Therefore if the heirs wish to, they may pay her her ketubah and dismiss her.

33. Mishnah, Nedarim, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 58

9.5. פּוֹתְחִין לָאָדָם בִּכְתֻבַּת אִשְׁתּוֹ. וּמַעֲשֶׂה בְאֶחָד שֶׁנָּדַר מֵאִשְׁתּוֹ הֲנָאָה וְהָיְתָה כְתֻבָּתָהּ אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת דִּינָרִין, וּבָא לִפְנֵי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא וְחִיְּבוֹ לִתֵּן לָהּ כְּתֻבָּתָהּ. אָמַר לוֹ, רַבִּי, שְׁמֹנֶה מֵאוֹת דִּינָרִין הִנִּיחַ אַבָּא, וְנָטַל אָחִי אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת וַאֲנִי אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת, לֹא דַיָּהּ שֶׁתִּטֹּל הִיא מָאתַיִם, וַאֲנִי מָאתָיִם. אָמַר לוֹ רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא, אֲפִלּוּ אַתָּה מוֹכֵר שְׂעַר רֹאשְׁךָ, אַתָּה נוֹתֵן לָהּ כְּתֻבָּתָהּ. אָמַר לוֹ, אִלּוּ הָיִיתִי יוֹדֵעַ שֶׁהוּא כֵן, לֹא הָיִיתִי נוֹדֵר, וְהִתִּירָהּ רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא:

9.5. They release a vow by reference to a wife’s kethubah. And it once happened that a man vowed not to benefit from his wife and her ketubah amounted to four hundred denarii. He went before Rabbi Akiva, who ordered him to pay her the ketubah [in full]. He said to him, “Rabbi! My father left eight hundred denarii, of which my brother took four hundred and I took four hundred. Isn’t it enough that she should receive two hundred and I two hundred?” Rabbi Akiva replied: even if you have to sell the hair of your head you must pay her her ketubah. He said to him, “Had I known that it is so, I would not have vowed.” And Rabbi Akiva released his vow.

34. Mishnah, Peah, 3.7 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 57

3.7. הַכּוֹתֵב נְכָסָיו שְׁכִיב מְרַע, שִׁיֵּר קַרְקַע כָּל שֶׁהוּא, מַתְּנָתוֹ מַתָּנָה. לֹא שִׁיֵּר קַרְקַע כָּל שֶׁהוּא, אֵין מַתְּנָתוֹ מַתָּנָה. הַכּוֹתֵב נְכָסָיו לְבָנָיו, וְכָתַב לְאִשְׁתּוֹ קַרְקַע כָּל שֶׁהוּא, אִבְּדָה כְתֻבָּתָהּ. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, אִם קִבְּלָה עָלֶיהָ, אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁלֹּא כָתַב לָהּ, אִבְּדָה כְתֻבָּתָהּ:

3.7. One who is about to die who assigns his property in writing [to another]: If he retains any land [for himself] however small, he renders his gift valid. But if he retains no land whatsoever, his gift is not valid. One who assigns in writing his property to his children, and he assigns to his wife in writing any plot of land, however small, she lost her ketubah. Rabbi Yose says: if she accepted [such an assignment] even though he did not assign it to her in writing she lost her ketubah.

35. Mishnah, Shevuot, 6.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 64

36. Plutarch, Pericles, 30.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 2

37. Plutarch, Aristides, 27.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 67, 226

27.2. Ἀλκιβιάδου τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος. ἔτι δὲ Λυσιμάχου θυγατέρα Πολυκρίτην ἀπολιπόντος, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησί, καὶ ταύτῃ σίτησιν ὅσην καὶ τοῖς Ὀλυμπιονίκαις ὁ δῆμος ἐψηφίσατο. Δημήτριος δʼ ὁ Φαληρεὺς καὶ Ἱερώνυμος ὁ Ῥόδιος καὶ Ἀριστόξενος ὁ μουσικὸς καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης (εἰ δὴ τό γε τό γε Hercher and Blass with F a S: τὸ . Περὶ εὐγενείας βιβλίον ἐν τοῖς γνησίοις Ἀριστοτέλους θετέον) ἱστοροῦσι Μυρτὼ θυγατριδῆν Ἀριστείδου Σωκράτει τῷ σοφῷ συνοικῆσαι, γυναῖκα μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχοντι, ταύτην δʼ ἀναλαβόντι χηρεύουσαν διὰ πενίαν καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐνδεομένην.

27.2. all in a bill which was brought in by Alcibiades. And further, Lysimachus left a daughter, PolycritÃ©, according to Callisthenes, and the people voted for her a public maintece, in the style of their Olympic victors. Again, Demetrius the Phalerean, Hieronymus the Rhodian, Aristoxenus the Musician, and Aristotle (provided the book "On Nobility of Birth" is to be ranked among the genuine works of Aristotle) relate that Myrto, the granddaughter of Aristides, lived in wedlock with Socrates the Sage. He had another woman to wife, but took this one up because her poverty kept her a widow, and she lacked the necessaries of life.

38. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 17.241 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 262

39. Tosefta, Ketuvot, 4.18, 9.2, 12.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 57, 58

12.1. בראשונה כשהיתה כתובתה אצל אביה היתה קלה בעיניו להוציאה התקין שמעון בן שטח שתהא כתובתה אצל בעלה וכותב לה כל נכסים דאית לי אחראין וערבאין לכתובתיך דא. אין עושין כתובת אשה מן המטלטלין מפני תיקון העולם אמר ר' יוסי וכי מה תקון העולם יש בזו אלא לפי שאין לה קצבה. 12.1. אמר ר' יוסי ב\"ר יהודה לא נחלקו אדמון וחכמים על מה שפסק לה אביה שהיא יכולה לומר אבא פסק עלי מה אני יכולה לעשות או כנוס או פטור על מה נחלקו על שפסקה היא לעצמה שאדמון אומר יכולה היא שתאמר סבורה הייתי שאבא נותן לי עכשיו שאין אבא נותן לי מה אני יכולה לעשות או כנוס או פטור אר\"ג רואה אני את דברי אדמון הפוסק מעות לבתו [קטנה] ופשט את הרגל כופין אותו ליתן שזכין [לקטן ואין חבין לו].

12.1. Originally, when her ketubah was with her father, it was light in [her husband's] eyes to divorce her. Shimon ben Shatah decreed that her ketubah should be with her husband and that he should write for her \"All of my property will be mortgaged or pledged for your ketubah\". They do not make a wife's ketubah from moveable items [i.e. they don't make moveable items the thing that she can collect from it, but rather real estate] because of tikkun ha-olam. Said Rabbi Yose: What tikkun ha-olam is there in this!? It is because they [the moveable items] have no fixed value.

40. Plutarch, Solon, 12.12, 23.6, 24.1-24.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 2, 214, 262

24.1. τῶν δὲ γινομένων διάθεσιν πρὸς ξένους ἐλαίου μόνον ἔδωκεν, ἄλλα δʼ ἐξάγειν ἐκώλυσε· καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἐξαγόντων ἀρὰς τὸν ἄρχοντα ποιεῖσθαι προσέταξεν, ἢ ἐκτίνειν αὐτὸν ἑκατὸν δραχμὰς εἰς τὸ δημόσιον. καὶ πρῶτος ἄξων ἐστὶν ὁ τοῦτον περιέχων τὸν νόμον. οὐκ ἂν οὖν τις ἡγήσαιτο παντελῶς ἀπιθάνους τοὺς λέγοντας ὅτι καὶ σύκων ἐξαγωγὴ τὸ παλαιὸν ἀπείρητο, καὶ τὸ φαίνειν ἐνδεικνύμενον τοὺς ἐξάγοντας κληθῆναι συκοφαντεῖν. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ βλάβης τετραπόδων νόμον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ κύνα δακόντα παραδοῦναι κελεύει κλοιῷ τριπήχει δεδεμένον· τὸ μὲν ἐνθύμημα χάριεν πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν.

24.1. of the products of the soil, he allowed oil only to be sold abroad, but forbade the exportation of others; and if any did so export, the archon was to pronounce curses upon them, or else himself pay a hundred drachmas into the public treasury. His first table is the one which contains this law. One cannot, therefore, wholly disbelieve those who say that the exportation of figs also was anciently forbidden, and that the one who showed up, or pointed out such exporters, was called a sycophant, or fig-shower. He also enacted a law concerning injuries received from beasts, according to which a dog that had bitten anybody must be delivered up with a wooden collar three cubits long fastened to it; a happy device this for promoting safety.

41. Palestinian Talmud, Gittin, 5.3 46d (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 56

42. Pollux, Onomasticon, 8.90, 8.99 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •attica, percentage of sacred landed property •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 155, 271

43. Tosefta, Kelim Baba Qamma, 9.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 57

44. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, 65b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 56

45. Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin, 65b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 56

46. Babylonian Talmud, Ketuvot, 51a, 67a, 81b, 82b, 84a, 96a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 61

96a. תא שמע אמר רבי זירא אמר שמואל מציאת אלמנה לעצמה אי אמרת בשלמא הניזונת תנן שפיר אלא אי אמרת ניזונת תנן ניהוו כבעל מה בעל מציאת אשה לבעלה הכא נמי מציאת אשה ליורשים,לעולם אימא לך ניזונת תנן טעמא מאי אמור רבנן מציאת אשה לבעלה דלא תיהוי לה איבה הני תיהוי להו איבה,אמר רבי יוסי בר חנינא כל מלאכות שהאשה עושה לבעלה אלמנה עושה ליורשים חוץ ממזיגת הכוס והצעת המטה והרחצת פניו ידיו ורגליו,אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי כל מלאכות שהעבד עושה לרבו תלמיד עושה לרבו חוץ מהתרת (לו) מנעל,אמר רבא לא אמרן אלא במקום שאין מכירין אותו אבל במקום שמכירין אותו לית לן בה אמר רב אשי ובמקום שאין מכירין אותו נמי לא אמרן אלא דלא מנח תפלין אבל מנח תפלין ל"ל בה,אמר ר' חייא בר אבא אמר רבי יוחנן כל המונע תלמידו מלשמשו כאילו מונע ממנו חסד שנא' (איוב ו, יד) למס מרעהו חסד רב נחמן בר יצחק אומר אף פורק ממנו יראת שמים שנאמר (איוב ו, יד) ויראת שדי יעזוב,אמר רבי אלעזר אלמנה שתפסה מטלטלין במזונותיה מה שתפסה תפסה תניא נמי הכי אלמנה שתפסה מטלטלין במזונותיה מה שתפסה תפסה,וכן כי אתא רב דימי אמר מעשה בכלתו של ר' שבתי שתפסה דסקיא מלאה מעות ולא היה כח ביד חכמים להוציא מידה,אמר רבינא ולא אמרן אלא למזוני אבל לכתובה מפקינן מינה,מתקיף לה מר בר רב אשי מ"ש לכתובה דממקרקעי ולא ממטלטלי מזונות נמי ממקרקעי ולא ממטלטלי אלא למזוני מאי דתפסה תפסה הכי נמי לכתובה,אמר ליה רב יצחק בר נפתלי לרבינא הכי אמרינן משמיה דרבא כוותיך,אמר ר' יוחנן משמיה דרבי יוסי בן זימרא אלמנה ששהתה שתים ושלש שנים ולא תבעה מזונות איבדה מזונות,השתא שתים איבדה שלש מיבעיא לא קשיא כאן בעניה כאן בעשירה,אי נמי כאן בפרוצה כאן בצנועה,אמר רבא לא אמרן אלא למפרע אבל להבא יש לה,בעי ר' יוחנן יתומים אומרים נתננו והיא אומרת לא נטלתי על מי להביא ראיה

96a. The Gemara suggests: Come and hear a proof from that which Rabbi Zeira said that Shmuel said: Any lost article found by the widow she acquires for herself. Granted, if you say that we learned in the mishna: A widow who is sustained, Shmuel’s principle is well understood. Then, according to the mishna, there are cases where a widow is supported by her husband’s heirs and other cases where she is not. Shmuel is referring to a case where the heirs do not sustain her, and therefore any earnings and articles that she may find belong to her. However, if you say that we learned in the mishna: A widow is sustained by the heirs in place of her husband, then let the heirs be like the husband in every sense. Just as in the case of the husband, any lost article found by the wife belongs to the husband, here too, any lost article found by the widowed wife should belong to the heirs.,The Gemara rejects this proof: Actually, I will say to you that we learned in the mishna: A widow is sustained, and this does not contradict Shmuel’s statement. What is the reason that the Sages said that any lost article found by the wife belongs to her husband? It is so that she should not be subject to her husband’s enmity. The Sages were concerned that if the husband saw that his wife had come into possession of money and did not know the source of that money, they would quarrel. However, these heirs, let them have enmity toward the widow.,Rabbi Yosei bar Ḥanina said: All tasks that a wife performs for her husband, a widow performs for the husband’s heirs, except for filling his cup; and making his bed; and washing his face, hands, and feet, which are expressions of affection that a woman performs specifically for her husband.,Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: All tasks that a Canaanite slave performs for his master, a student performs for his teacher, except for untying his shoe, a demeaning act that was typically performed by slaves and would not be appropriate for a student to do.,Rava said: We said this only if the teacher and the student are in a place where people are not familiar with the student and he could be mistaken for a slave. However, in a place where people are familiar with the student, we have no problem with it as everyone knows that he is not a slave. Rav Ashi said: And in a place where people are not familiar with the student, we said this halakha only if he is not donning phylacteries, but if he is donning phylacteries, we have no problem with it. A slave does not don phylacteries, and since this student is donning phylacteries, even if he unties his teacher’s shoes he will not be mistaken for a slave.,Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: Anyone who prevents his student from serving him, it is as if he withheld from him kindness, as it is stated: “To him that is ready to faint [lamas], from his friend kindness is due” (Job 6:14). Rabbi Yoḥa interprets this to mean that one who prevents [memis] another from performing acts on his behalf, prevents him from performing the mitzva of kindness. Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: He even removes from the student the fear of Heaven, as it is stated in the continuation of the verse: “Even to one who forsakes the fear of the Almighty.”,Rabbi Elazar said: In the case of a widow who seized movable property for her sustece, that which she seized, she seized and it remains in her possession. That halakha is also taught in a baraita: A widow who seized movable property to provide for her sustece, that which she seized, she seized.,And likewise, when Rav Dimi came from Eretz Yisrael he said: There was an incident involving Rabbi Shabbtai’s daughter-in-law, who seized a saddlebag [diskayya] full of coins for her sustece, and the Sages did not have the authority to remove it from her possession.,Ravina said: We said the halakha that we do not remove from her possession that which she seized only in a case where she seized the assets for her sustece. However, if she seized the assets as payment of her marriage contract, we remove it from her.,Mar bar Rav Ashi objects to this: What is different about seizing assets as payment of her marriage contract, that they are removed from her possession? If it is that a marriage contract is paid only from real estate and not from movable property, there is a rabbinic enactment that sustece is also paid only from real estate and not from movable property. Rather, just as you say that if she seizes assets for her sustece, that which she seized, she seized, so too, her seizure is effective if she does so as payment of her marriage contract.,Rav Yitzḥak bar Naftali said to Ravina: We say this halakha in the name of Rava, in accordance with your teaching that if she seized movable property as payment of her marriage contract, it is removed from her possession.,Rabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabbi Yosei ben Zimra: A widow who waited two or three years after her husband’s death and did not demand sustece from the heirs has forfeited the right to receive sustece from them. Since she did not demand her sustece, it is assumed that she must have forgone this right.,The Gemara discusses the language of Rabbi Yosei ben Zimra’s statement: Now that it was stated that after two years she forfeited her rights to receive sustece, is it necessary to state that she also forfeited her rights after three years? The Gemara answers: This is not difficult. Here, the first statement is referring to a poor woman for which two years is a long time. If she does not demand sustece for two years, it is clear that she has forgiven the heirs this obligation. There, the second statement is referring to a rich woman who can support herself for two years. It is only clear after three years that she forgave the obligation.,Alternatively, here it is referring to an unabashed woman, who is not ashamed to demand her rights from the heirs. If she does not demand sustece within two years, it is assumed that she has forgone this right. There, it is referring to a modest woman, who is embarrassed to demand sustece from the heirs and who waits until the third year to claim this right.,Rava said: We said this halakha only retroactively; the widow cannot demand to be reimbursed for the past years in which she paid for her own sustece. However, from here onward, once she demands sustece she has the right to receive it from the heirs.,Rabbi Yoḥa raises a dilemma: If the orphans say: We gave her sustece, and she says: I took none, upon whom is it incumbent to bring proof to support his argument?

47. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, 50b, 51a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 56

48. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, 149b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 58

49. Babylonian Talmud, Shevuot, 43a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 64

50. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, 99a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 56

51. Babylonian Talmud, Nedarim, 65b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 58

52. Andocides, Orations, 1.77 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 222

53. Andocides, Orations, 1.77 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 222

54. Ketubbot, Nedarim, 9.5 41c 56 Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 62

55. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 188, 277, 292, 290 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 5

56. Ketubbot, Yevamot, 15.3 15a Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 64

57. Epigraphy, Ml, 13, 84, 73 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 67

58. Papyri, P.Murabba'T, 20, 19 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 61

59. Papyri, P.Yadin, 10, 19-23, 18 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 13

60. Epigraphy, Ig 2.2, 1928, 1930-1932, 1929 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 187

61. [Plutarch], Mor., 843d Tagged with subjects: •land, confiscation and sale of wrongdoer's property Found in books: Liddel, Civic Obligation and Individual Liberty in Ancient Athens (2007) 105

62. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 27, 3, 36, 63, 81, 22 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 225

63. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), 15. ναύκραροι, 15. ἱπποδάμου νέμησις ἐν πειραιεῖ, 15. δημοτελῆ καὶ δημοτικὰ ἱερά, 489a14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 212

64. Numismatics, Rib, 707 Tagged with subjects: •landed property and land ownership Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 244

65. Ketubbot, Shabbat, 6.1 7d Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 58

66. Ketubbot, Sota, 9.14(16) 24c Tagged with subjects: •landed property Found in books: Katzoff, On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies (2019) 58

67. Anon., Anecd. Bekk., 1.240.28-1.240.30 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 234

68. Harpocration, Lex., s.v. ὀργάς, s.v. σηκός Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 11

69. Epigraphy, I.Cret., 2.10.1 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 91, 231

70. Epigraphy, Cil, 9.1455, 10.846, 11.1147 Tagged with subjects: •landed property and land ownership Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 244

71. Epigraphy, Ig I , 1, 1057, 1082, 1097, 1102-1103, 1105-1111, 1113, 243, 256, 258, 375, 418, 46, 462-463, 466, 84 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 149, 150, 218, 219, 231

84. Gods. Decree 1 The Council and the People decided. Pandionis was in prytany, Aristoxenos was secretary, Antiochides was chairman, Antiphon was archon (418/7); Adosios proposed: to fence in the sanctuary (hieron) of Kodros and Neleus and Basile and (5) to lease (misthōsai) the sacred precinct (temenos) according to the specifications (suggraphas). Let the official sellers (pōlētai) make the contract (apomisthōsantōn) for the fencing in. Let the king (basileus) lease (apomisthōsatō) the sacred precinct according to the specifications, and let him despatch the boundary-commissioners (horistas) to demarcate these sanctuaries (hiera) so that they may be in the best and most pious condition. The money for the fencing in shall come from the sacred precinct. They shall carry out these provisions before the end of this Council's term of office, (10) otherwise each shall be liable to a fine of one thousand drachmas according to what has been proposed (eiremena). Decree 2 Adosios proposed: in other respects in accordance with the Council’s proposal, but let the king (basileus) and the official sellers (pōlētai) lease (misthōsatō) the sacred precinct of Neleus and Basile for twenty years according to the specifications. The lessee (misthōsamenos) shall fence in the sanctuary (hieron) of Kodros and Neleus and Basile at his own expense. Whatever (15) rent the sacred precinct may produce in each year, let him deposit the money in the ninth prytany (prutaneias) with the receivers (apodektai), and let the receivers (apodektais) hand it over to the treasurers of the Other Gods according to the law. If the king (basileus) or anyone else of those instructed about these matters does not carry out what has been decreed in the prytany (prutaneias) of Aigeis, (20) let him be liable to a fine of 10,000 drachmas. The purchaser of the mud (ilun) shall remove it from the ditch (taphro) during this very Council after paying to Neleus the price at which he made the purchase. Let the king (basileus) erase the name of the purchaser of the mud (ilun) once he has paid the fee (misthōsin). Let the king (basileus) write up instead (anteggraphsato) on the wall the name of the lessee (misthōsamenos) of the sacred precinct and for how much he has rented (misthōsētai) it (25) and the names of the guarantors in accordance with the law that concerns the sacred precincts (temenōn). So that anyone who wishes may be able to know, let the secretary (grammateus) of the Council inscribe this decree on a stone stele and place it in the Neleion next to the railings (ikria).[10] Let the payment officers (kolakretai) give the money to this end. The king (basileus) shall lease (misthoun) the sacred precinct of Neleus and of Basile on the following terms: (30) that the lessee (misthōsamenos) fence in the sanctuary (hieron) of Kodros and Neleus and Basile according to the specifications (suggraphas) during the term of the Council that is about to enter office, and that he work the sacred precinct of Neleus and Basile on the following terms: that he plant young sprouts of olive trees, no fewer than 200, and more if he wishes; that the lessee (misthōsamenos) have control of the ditch (taphro) and the water from Zeus,[11] (35) as much as flows in between the Dionysion and the gates whence the initiates march out to the sea, and as much as flows in between the public building (oikias tes demosias)[12] and the gates leading out to the bath of Isthmonikos; lease (misthoun) it for twenty years. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I³ 84 - Decree on the administration of the property of Kodros, Neleus and Basile

72. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1035, 1180, 1186, 1194, 1196, 1198, 1206, 1211, 1215, 1241, 1245, 1247, 1248, 1289, 1358, 1455, 1463, 1524, 1590a, 1593, 1622, 1678, 1955, 204, 2329, 242, 244, 2491, 2492, 2494, 2496, 2497, 2499, 2500, 2502, 2503, 2670, 2723, 2761b, 2845, 411, 4628, 47, 4973, 4974, 4975, 598, 6522, 788, 1672 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 271

73. Epigraphy, Ig Iv, 1007 Tagged with subjects: •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 310

74. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,3, 86 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 217

75. Epigraphy, Ils, 6367, 6675, 6509 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson, The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy (2015) 244

76. Epigraphy, Seg, 21.642, 21.644, 21.849, 24.151-24.152, 24.203, 26.121, 28.103, 37.124, 41.282, 43.310, 45.206, 45.1162, 48.155, 48.1140, 50.168, 51.77, 51.153, 51.164, 52.142, 54.244, 54.246 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property •purchases, of landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 2, 11, 12, 147, 150, 151, 153, 154, 165, 206, 217, 218, 219, 223, 224, 226, 229, 230, 232, 235, 241, 285, 305

37.124. Across the top of both plaques [The arbitrators] of the archonship of Aristophon (330/29) [dedicated (this), having been adjudged by the People to have arbitrated well and justly?] Plaque A (LEFT) col. 1 Erechtheis [Theox]enos of Euonymon (5) Charinos of Kephisia Charikleides of - Unknown number of lines missing (9-21) 12 lines traces col. 2 Aigeis Aristomedes of Kollytos (25) Hypereides of Kollytos Charidemos of Halai Unknown number of lines missing Nikeratos (30) of Philaidai Chairippos of Halai Thoukydides of Ikarion (35) Alkimachos of Myrrhinoutta Nikeratos of Kydantidai Amphiktyon (40) of Diomeia Pythodelos of Kollytos col. 3 Pandionis Charidemos (45) of Paiania Sosigenes Unknown number of lines missing Lysand- of P[rasiai] or P[aiania] Cha- (50) of Paiania Archias of Paiania Phokides of Steiria (55) Ktesiphon of Paiania Telesias of Probalinthos Menites (60) of Kydathenaion col. 4 Leontis Nikias son of Ni[k-] of Phrearrhioi Unknown number of lines missing (65) Theokrines of Hybadai -ilochos of Skambonidai Epikrates (70) of Aithalidai Dieuches of Phrearrhioi Glauketes of Oion (75) Chairephanes of Deiradiotai col. 5 [Akamantis] Unknown number of lines missing of Sphettos Demonikos (80) of Hagnous Xenokles of Cholargos Phokos of Iphistiadai (85) Prokleides of Kerameis Philon of Prospalta Kephisophon (90) of Cholargos Mnesitheos of Sphettos Plaque B (RIGHT) col. 6 [Oineis] missing col. 7 [Kekropis] Unknown number of lines missing of Melite Lykourgos of Melite Kephisodoros (100) of Phlya Agathokles of Xypete Kephisodoros of - . . . col. 8 (105) [Hippothontis] Unknown number of lines missing of Oion Arist- of Azenia Moirokles (110) of Eleusis Metagenes of Koile Nikodemos of Elaious . . . col. 9 [Aiantis] missing col. 10 [Antiochis] missing text from Attic Inscriptions Online, SEG 37.124 - Dedication by [arbitrators], 330/29 BC 50.168. Face A col. 1 . . . [fourth] quarter, (5) [Mounichion], for - Prakterios, a ram, 12 dr.; [Thargelion], . . . by the tower, a sheep, 12 dr.; [Skirophorion], (10) . . . in the agora, a ram, 12 dr., [on the eleventh or twelfth?], for Zeus Horios, a sheep, 12 dr., for . . . , a sheep, 11 dr., [...?] the following . . . . . . in the year of the - in (?) . . . each (15) . . . in order as is written . . . the one on the . . . by the Eleusinion . . . in Kynosoura . . . by the Herakleion;[11] (20) [...?] fourth [quarter], Mounichion, . . . a sheep, 12 dr.; [...?] first [quarter], Hekatombaion, (25) on the [date], [for Apollo?] Apotropaios, a goat, 12 dr.; [second] quarter, Pyanopsion, . . . a pregt sheep, 17 dr.; [fourth] quarter, Mounichion, (30) . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . 12 dr.; [...?] fourth [quarter], Mounichion, . . . -aios, a goat, 12 dr., (35) . . . , a sheep, 12 dr., . . . , a sheep, 12 dr., . . . , a sheep, 12 dr.; . . . [prior?] sequence (dramosunē), (40) [second] quarter, Pyanopsion, . . . , a bovine, 90 dr.; [third] quarter, Gamelion, . . . -idai, a pregt sow, 70 (?) dr.; [fourth quarter], Mounichion, (45) . . . Nymphagetes, a goat, 12 dr.; [Thargelion?] . . . river (?), a ram, 12 dr., . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . a ram, 12 dr., (50) . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . a sheep, 12 dr., . . . a sheep, 11 dr.; [Skirophorion?], . . . a sheep, 12 dr., (55) for Athena Hellotis,[10] a piglet, 3 dr., . . . col. 2 . . . [these the demarch] of Marathon sacrifices . . . within ten days, for the hero . . . a piglet, 3 dr., table for the hero, [1 dr.?]; (5) Boedromion, before the Mysteries . . . a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos [a sheep, 11 dr.?]; second quarter, Posideon . . . a bovine, 150 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for the heroine [a sheep, 11 dr.?, priestly dues (hierōsuna)], 7 dr., for Earth in the fields (Gēi eg guais), a pregt bovine, 90 (?) dr., [priestly dues (hierōsuna), 4 dr.?], (10) at the rite (teletēi), baskets (?) (spuridia??), 40 dr.; third quarter, Gamelion . . . for Daira, a pregt sheep, 16 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Earth at the oracle (Gēi epi tōi manteiōi), a sheep, 11 dr., for Zeus Hyp[atos?] . . . for Ioleus, a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, [3 dr., a table], (15) 1 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr. 1½ ob., for the hero Pheraios [a sheep, 12 dr. ?], for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 3 dr.; Elaphebolion, on the tenth, [for] [Earth at the] oracle (Gēi epi tōi manteiōi), a completely black he-goat, 15 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna) . . . ; fourth quarter, Mounichion, for Aristomachos, (20) a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr., for the Youth (Neaniai), a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., a piglet [3 dr.], for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr. 1½ ob.; these the demarch of Marathon sacrifices, for the hero in [D]rasileia, a sheep, 12 dr., a table, 1 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., (25) for the hero by the marsh sanctuary (Hellōtion), a sheep, 12 dr., a table, 1 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr.; Thargelion, for Achaia, a ram, 12 dr., a female (i.e. a ewe), 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 3 dr., for the Fates (Moirais), a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1½ ob.; (30) Skirophorion, before Skira, for Hyttenios, the annual offerings (hōraia), a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr. 1½ ob., for the Tritopatreis, a sheep, 12 dr.?, priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr., for the Akamantes, a sheep, 12 dr., priestly dues (hiereōsuna), 2 dr.; these every other year, prior sequence (protera dramosunē), (35) Hekatombaion, for Athena Hellotis,[10] a bovine, 90 dr., three sheep, 33 dr., a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr. 1½ ob., for Kourotrophos, a sheep, 11 dr., a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr. 1½ ob., for the laurel-bearers (daphnēphorois), 7 dr.; these are sacrificed every other year, after the archonship of Euboulos (40) for the Tetrapoleis, posterior sequence (hustera dramosunē), Hekatombaion, for Athena Hellotis,[10] a sheep, 11 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr. 1½ ob.; Metageitnion, for Eleusinia, a bovine, 90 dr., for the Girl (Korēi), a ram, 12 dr., 3 piglets, 9 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), (45) 6 dr. 4½ ob., a sixth (hekteus) of barley, 4 ob., a chous of wine [1 dr.], for Kourotrophos, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Zeus Anthaleus, a sheep, 12 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr.; Anthesterion, for Eleusinia, a pregt sow, 70 (?) dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Chloe by the property of Meidylos, a pregt sow, [70 dr.?], (50) priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., a sixth (hekteus) of barley, 4 ob., a chous of wine [1 dr.]; Skirophorion, before Skira, for Galios, a ram, 12 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr., for the well (?) (phreatos), 6 dr., for the Tritopatreis, a table, 1 dr.. At Trikorynthos these every year, first quarter, (55) Metageitnion, for Hera,[12] a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 11 dr. . . . for Kourotrophos . . . Face B . . . -sistratos of Marathon . . . of Marathon, 20 dr., Archenautes of Marathon, 22 (?) dr., . . . (≥) 10 dr., Hegesistratos of Marathon, . . . -doros . . . Isodikos of Oinoe, (≥) 10 dr., (5) . . . -gonos, Hagnostratos of Marathon, . . . , Patrokles of Oinoe, (≥) 10 dr., . . . 612 dr. 3 ob. (?), . . . of Marathon, . . . of Oinoe, . . . . . . -chos . . . of Marathon . . . . . . (≥) 30 dr. (?) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) (10) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) . . . . . . of Marathon . . . . . . (≥) 11 dr. (?) . . . (15) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) . . . . . . . . . (≥) 3 dr. (?) . . . of Marathon, 60 dr. (?) . . . of Marathon, 12 dr. (?) (20) . . . . . . About 28 lines illegible (50) . . . Hagetor of Probalinthos (?) . . . . . . (≥) 70 dr. . . . . . . . of Marathon, 11 dr. (?), . . . About 8 lines illegible (61) . . . (≥) 2 dr. (?) . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, SEG 50.168 - The sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis

77. Epigraphy, Syll. , 964, 987 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 8

78. Etymologicum Magnum Auctum, Etymologicum Magnum, 629.28-629.37 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 11

79. Epigraphy, Agora Xvi, 329, 84, 160 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 147, 223

80. Epigraphy, Agora Xv, 61, 78, 14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 8

81. Epigraphy, Lscg, 118 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 8

82. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, h70, h9, h93, h99, l11, l13, l14, l16, l4b, l9, p17, p26, p5, l6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 67, 98, 305, 310

83. Epigraphy, Lambert 1997A (Rationes Centesimarum), f11, f14, f2, f6, f7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 155, 222, 285, 293

84. Epigraphy, Lambert 1993, t11, t13, t21, t25, t6, t5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 5, 165

85. Istros, Fgrh 334, f16 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 219

86. Hesychius, Histories, s.v. πύρρακος, s.v. ἱπποδάμου νέμησις Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 5

87. Didymus, Or., 14.31-14.35 Tagged with subjects: •public, landed property Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 11

88. Epigraphy, Demos Rhamnountos Ii, 133, 15, 171, 186-187, 22, 26, 270-283, 59, 180 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 147

89. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, 101, 138, 176, 191, 70, 177 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens (2011) 271, 305

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database