|1. Herodotus, Histories, 5.66-5.67, 5.66.2, 5.67.1, 5.69-5.78, 6.66, 6.90, 6.126, 6.128, 6.129.3-6.129.4, 6.130, 8.44 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes • Cleisthenes of Athens • Cleisthenes of Sicyon • Cleisthenes, • Cleisthenes, in Aristophanes, • Cleisthenes, of Sicyon, • Kleisthenes • tribes (Cleisthenic), Pandionis • tribes, Kleisthenic • tribes, pre-Kleisthenic • tyrants, Cleisthenes
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 275, 651; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 55; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 18; Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 260; Eisenfeld (2022), Pindar and Greek Religion Theologies of Mortality in the Victory Odes, 161; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 102; Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 254; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 451, 544, 545, 546, 561, 563, 564, 726, 733, 735, 739; Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 294, 301; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 142; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 15, 18, 19, 129, 179, 193, 214; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 239, 240; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 92; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 76, 97, 102, 103, 104, 137, 146, 147, 152, 159, 160, 162
5.66 Ἀθῆναι, ἐοῦσαι καὶ πρὶν μεγάλαι, τότε ἀπαλλαχθεῖσαι τυράννων ἐγίνοντο μέζονες· ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι δύο ἄνδρες ἐδυνάστευον, Κλεισθένης τε ἀνὴρ Ἀλκμεωνίδης, ὅς περ δὴ λόγον ἔχει τὴν Πυθίην ἀναπεῖσαι, καὶ Ἰσαγόρης Τισάνδρου οἰκίης μὲν ἐὼν δοκίμου, ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι· θύουσι δὲ οἱ συγγενέες αὐτοῦ Διὶ Καρίῳ. οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐστασίασαν περὶ δυνάμιος, ἑσσούμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρίζεται. μετὰ δὲ τετραφύλους ἐόντας Ἀθηναίους δεκαφύλους ἐποίησε, τῶν Ἴωνος παίδων Γελέοντος καὶ Αἰγικόρεος καὶ Ἀργάδεω καὶ Ὅπλητος ἀπαλλάξας τὰς ἐπωνυμίας, ἐξευρὼν δὲ ἑτέρων ἡρώων ἐπωνυμίας ἐπιχωρίων, πάρεξ Αἴαντος· τοῦτον δὲ ἅτε ἀστυγείτονα καὶ σύμμαχον, ξεῖνον ἐόντα προσέθετο.' '5.67 ταῦτα δέ, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἐμιμέετο ὁ Κλεισθένης οὗτος τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μητροπάτορα Κλεισθένεα τὸν Σικυῶνος τύραννον. Κλεισθένης γὰρ Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας τοῦτο μὲν ῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀγωνίζεσθαι τῶν Ὁμηρείων ἐπέων εἵνεκα, ὅτι Ἀργεῖοί τε καὶ Ἄργος τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ὑμνέαται· τοῦτο δέ, ἡρώιον γὰρ ἦν καὶ ἔστι ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀγορῇ τῶν Σικυωνίων Ἀδρήστου τοῦ Ταλαοῦ, τοῦτον ἐπεθύμησε ὁ Κλεισθένης ἐόντα Ἀργεῖον ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐχρηστηριάζετο εἰ ἐκβάλοι τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ φᾶσα Ἄδρηστον μὲν εἶναι Σικυωνίων βασιλέα, κεῖνον δὲ λευστῆρα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ θεὸς τοῦτό γε οὐ παρεδίδου, ἀπελθὼν ὀπίσω ἐφρόντιζε μηχανὴν τῇ αὐτὸς ὁ Ἄδρηστος ἀπαλλάξεται. ὡς δέ οἱ ἐξευρῆσθαι ἐδόκεε, πέμψας ἐς Θήβας τὰς Βοιωτίας ἔφη θέλειν ἐπαγαγέσθαι Μελάνιππον τὸν Ἀστακοῦ· οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἔδοσαν. ἐπαγαγόμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν Μελάνιππον τέμενός οἱ ἀπέδεξε ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ πρυτανηίῳ καί μιν ἵδρυσε ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἰσχυροτάτῳ. ἐπηγάγετο δὲ τὸν Μελάνιππον ὁ Κλεισθένης ʽ καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο δεῖ ἀπηγήσασθαἰ ὡς ἔχθιστον ἐόντα Ἀδρήστῳ, ὃς τόν τε ἀδελφεόν οἱ Μηκιστέα ἀπεκτόνεε καὶ τὸν γαμβρὸν Τυδέα. ἐπείτε δέ οἱ τὸ τέμενος ἀπέδεξε, θυσίας τε καὶ ὁρτὰς Ἀδρήστου ἀπελόμενος ἔδωκε τῷ Μελανίππῳ. οἱ δὲ Σικυώνιοι ἐώθεσαν μεγαλωστὶ κάρτα τιμᾶν τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ γὰρ χώρη ἦν αὕτη Πολύβου, ὁ δὲ Ἄδρηστος ἦν Πολύβου θυγατριδέος, ἄπαις δὲ Πόλυβος τελευτῶν διδοῖ Ἀδρήστῳ τὴν ἀρχήν. τά τε δὴ ἄλλα οἱ Σικυώνιοι ἐτίμων τὸν Ἄδρηστον καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὰ πάθεα αὐτοῦ τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέραιρον, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον οὐ τιμῶντες, τὸν δὲ Ἄδρηστον. Κλεισθένης δὲ χοροὺς μὲν τῷ Διονύσῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην θυσίην Μελανίππῳ.
5.69 ταῦτα μέν νυν ὁ Σικυώνιος Κλεισθένης ἐπεποιήκεε· ὁ δὲ δὴ Ἀθηναῖος Κλεισθένης ἐὼν τοῦ Σικυωνίου τούτου θυγατριδέος καὶ τὸ οὔνομα ἐπὶ τούτου ἔχων, δοκέειν ἐμοὶ καὶ οὗτος ὑπεριδὼν Ἴωνας, ἵνα μὴ σφίσι αἱ αὐταὶ ἔωσι φυλαὶ καὶ Ἴωσι, τὸν ὁμώνυμον Κλεισθένεα ἐμιμήσατο. ὡς γὰρ δὴ τὸν Ἀθηναίων δῆμον πρότερον ἀπωσμένον τότε πάντων πρὸς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ μοῖραν προσεθήκατο, τὰς φυλὰς μετωνόμασε καὶ ἐποίησε πλεῦνας ἐξ ἐλασσόνων· δέκα τε δὴ φυλάρχους ἀντὶ τεσσέρων ἐποίησε, δέκαχα 1 δὲ καὶ τοὺς δήμους κατένειμε ἐς τὰς φυλάς· ἦν τε τὸν δῆμον προσθέμενος πολλῷ κατύπερθε τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων. 5.70 ἐν τῷ μέρεϊ δὲ ἑσσούμενος ὁ Ἰσαγόρης ἀντιτεχνᾶται τάδε· ἐπικαλέεται Κλεομένεα τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον γενόμενον ἑωυτῷ ξεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς Πεισιστρατιδέων πολιορκίης· τὸν δὲ Κλεομένεα εἶχε αἰτίη φοιτᾶν παρὰ τοῦ Ἰσαγόρεω τὴν γυναῖκα. τὰ μὲν δὴ πρῶτα πέμπων ὁ Κλεομένης ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας κήρυκα ἐξέβαλλε Κλεισθένεα καὶ μετʼ αὐτοῦ ἄλλους πολλοὺς Ἀθηναίων, τοὺς ἐναγέας ἐπιλέγων· ταῦτα δὲ πέμπων ἔλεγε ἐκ διδαχῆς τοῦ Ἰσαγόρεω. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἀλκμεωνίδαι καὶ οἱ συστασιῶται αὐτῶν εἶχον αἰτίην τοῦ φόνου τούτου, αὐτὸς δὲ οὐ μετεῖχε οὐδʼ οἱ φίλοι αὐτοῦ. 5.71 οἱ δʼ ἐναγέες Ἀθηναίων ὧδε ὠνομάσθησαν. ἦν Κύλων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀνὴρ Ὀλυμπιονίκης· οὗτος ἐπὶ τυραννίδι ἐκόμησε, προσποιησάμενος δὲ ἑταιρηίην τῶν ἡλικιωτέων καταλαβεῖν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπειρήθη, οὐ δυνάμενος δὲ ἐπικρατῆσαι ἱκέτης ἵζετο πρὸς τὸ ἄγαλμα. τούτους ἀνιστᾶσι μὲν οἱ πρυτάνιες τῶν ναυκράρων, οἵ περ ἔνεμον τότε τὰς Ἀθήνας, ὑπεγγύους πλὴν θανάτου· φονεῦσαι δὲ αὐτοὺς αἰτίη ἔχει Ἀλκμεωνίδας. ταῦτα πρὸ τῆς Πεισιστράτου ἡλικίης ἐγένετο. 5.72 Κλεομένης δὲ ὡς πέμπων ἐξέβαλλε Κλεισθένεα καὶ τοὺς ἐναγέας, Κλεισθένης μὲν αὐτὸς ὑπεξέσχε, μετὰ δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον παρῆν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ὁ Κλεομένης οὐ σὺν μεγάλῃ χειρί, ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἀγηλατέει ἑπτακόσια ἐπίστια Ἀθηναίων, τά οἱ ὑπέθετο ὁ Ἰσαγόρης. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας δεύτερα τὴν βουλὴν καταλύειν ἐπειρᾶτο, τριηκοσίοισι δὲ τοῖσι Ἰσαγόρεω στασιώτῃσι τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐνεχείριζε. ἀντισταθείσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ οὐ βουλομένης πείθεσθαι, ὅ τε Κλεομένης καὶ ὁ Ἰσαγόρης καὶ οἱ στασιῶται αὐτοῦ καταλαμβάνουσι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. Ἀθηναίων δὲ οἱ λοιποὶ τὰ αὐτὰ φρονήσαντες ἐπολιόρκεον αὐτοὺς ἡμέρας δύο· τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ ὑπόσπονδοι ἐξέρχονται ἐκ τῆς χώρης ὅσοι ἦσαν αὐτῶν Λακεδαιμόνιοι. ἐπετελέετο δὲ τῷ Κλεομένεϊ ἡ φήμη. ὡς γὰρ ἀνέβη ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μέλλων δὴ αὐτὴν κατασχήσειν, ἤιε ἐς τὸ ἄδυτον τῆς θεοῦ ὡς προσερέων· ἡ δὲ ἱρείη ἐξαναστᾶσα ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου, πρὶν ἢ τὰς θύρας αὐτὸν ἀμεῖψαι, εἶπε “ὦ ξεῖνε Λακεδαιμόνιε, πάλιν χώρεε μηδὲ ἔσιθι ἐς τὸ ἱρόν· οὐ γὰρ θεμιτὸν Δωριεῦσι παριέναι ἐνθαῦτα.” ὁ δὲ εἶπε “ὦ γύναι, ἀλλʼ οὐ Δωριεύς εἰμι ἀλλʼ Ἀχαιός.” ὃ μὲν δὴ τῇ κλεηδόνι οὐδὲν χρεώμενος ἐπεχείρησέ τε καὶ τότε πάλιν ἐξέπιπτε μετὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων· τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους Ἀθηναῖοι κατέδησαν τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ, ἐν δὲ αὐτοῖσι καὶ Τιμησίθεον τὸν Δελφόν, τοῦ ἔργα χειρῶν τε καὶ λήματος ἔχοιμʼ ἂν μέγιστα καταλέξαι. 5.74 Κλεομένης δὲ ἐπιστάμενος περιυβρίσθαι ἔπεσι καὶ ἔργοισι ὑπʼ Ἀθηναίων συνέλεγε ἐκ πάσης Πελοποννήσου στρατόν, οὐ φράζων ἐς τὸ συλλέγει, τίσασθαι τε ἐθέλων τὸν δῆμον τὸν Ἀθηναίων καὶ Ἰσαγόρην βουλόμενος τύραννον καταστῆσαι· συνεξῆλθε γάρ οἱ οὗτος ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλιος. Κλεομένης τε δὴ στόλῳ μεγάλῳ ἐσέβαλε ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα, καὶ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ ἀπὸ συνθήματος Οἰνόην αἱρέουσι καὶ Ὑσιὰς δήμους τοὺς ἐσχάτους τῆς Ἀττικῆς, Χαλκιδέες τε ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτερα ἐσίνοντο ἐπιόντες χώρους τῆς Ἀττικῆς. Ἀθηναῖοι δέ, καίπερ ἀμφιβολίῃ ἐχόμενοι, Βοιωτῶν μὲν καὶ Χαλκιδέων ἐς ὕστερον ἔμελλον μνήμην ποιήσεσθαι, Πελοποννησίοισι δὲ ἐοῦσι ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ἀντία ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα. 5.75 μελλόντων δὲ συνάψειν τὰ στρατόπεδα ἐς μάχην, Κορίνθιοι μὲν πρῶτοι σφίσι αὐτοῖσι δόντες λόγον ὡς οὐ ποιέοιεν δίκαια μετεβάλλοντό τε καὶ ἀπαλλάσσοντο, μετὰ δὲ Δημάρητος ὁ Ἀρίστωνος, ἐὼν καὶ οὗτος βασιλεὺς Σπαρτιητέων καὶ συνεξαγαγών τε τὴν στρατιὴν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος καὶ οὐκ ἐὼν διάφορος ἐν τῷ πρόσθε χρόνῳ Κλεομένεϊ. ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης τῆς διχοστασίης ἐτέθη νόμος ἐν Σπάρτῃ μὴ ἐξεῖναι ἕπεσθαι ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς βασιλέας ἐξιούσης στρατιῆς· τέως γὰρ ἀμφότεροι εἵποντο· παραλυομένου δὲ τούτων τοῦ ἑτέρου καταλείπεσθαι καὶ τῶν Τυνδαριδέων τὸν ἕτερον· πρὸ τοῦ γὰρ δὴ καὶ οὗτοι ἀμφότεροι ἐπίκλητοί σφι ἐόντες εἵποντο. τότε δὴ ἐν τῇ Ἐλευσῖνι ὁρῶντες οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν συμμάχων τούς τε βασιλέας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οὐκ ὁμολογέοντας καὶ Κορινθίους ἐκλιπόντας τὴν τάξιν, οἴχοντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀπαλλασσόμενοι, 5.76 τέταρτον δὴ τοῦτο ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀπικόμενοι Δωριέες, δίς τε ἐπὶ πολέμῳ ἐσβαλόντες καὶ δὶς ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ τοῦ πλήθεος τοῦ Ἀθηναίων, πρῶτον μὲν ὅτε καὶ Μέγαρα κατοίκισαν· οὗτος ὁ στόλος ἐπὶ Κόδρου βασιλεύοντος Ἀθηναίων ὀρθῶς ἂν καλέοιτο· δεύτερον δὲ καὶ τρίτον ὅτε ἐπὶ Πεισιστρατιδέων ἐξέλασιν ὁρμηθέντες ἐκ Σπάρτης ἀπίκοντο, τέταρτον δὲ τότε ὅτε ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα Κλεομένης ἄγων Πελοποννησίους ἐσέβαλε. οὕτω τέταρτον τότε Δωριέες ἐσέβαλον ἐς Ἀθήνας. 5.77 διαλυθέντος ὦν τοῦ στόλου τούτου ἀκλεῶς, ἐνθαῦτα Ἀθηναῖοι τίνυσθαι βουλόμενοι πρῶτα στρατηίην ποιεῦνται ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας. Βοιωτοὶ δὲ τοῖσι Χαλκιδεῦσι βοηθέουσι ἐπὶ τὸν Εὔριπον. Ἀθηναίοισι δὲ ἰδοῦσι τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἔδοξε πρότερον τοῖσι Βοιωτοῖσι ἢ τοῖσι Χαλκιδεῦσι ἐπιχειρέειν. συμβάλλουσί τε δὴ τοῖσι Βοιωτοῖσι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ πολλῷ ἐκράτησαν, κάρτα δὲ πολλοὺς φονεύσαντες ἑπτακοσίους αὐτῶν ἐζώγρησαν. τῆς δὲ αὐτῆς ταύτης ἡμέρης οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι διαβάντες ἐς τὴν Εὔβοιαν συμβάλλουσι καὶ τοῖσι Χαλκιδεῦσι, νικήσαντες δὲ καὶ τούτους τετρακισχιλίους κληρούχους ἐπὶ τῶν ἱπποβοτέων τῇ χώρῃ λείπουσι. οἱ δὲ ἱπποβόται ἐκαλέοντο οἱ παχέες τῶν Χαλκιδέων. ὅσους δὲ καὶ τούτων ἐζώγρησαν, ἅμα τοῖσι Βοιωτῶν ἐζωγρημένοισι εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ ἐς πέδας δήσαντες· χρόνῳ δὲ ἔλυσαν σφέας δίμνεως ἀποτιμησάμενοι. τὰς δὲ πέδας αὐτῶν, ἐν τῇσι ἐδεδέατο, ἀνεκρέμασαν ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν· αἵ περ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦσαν περιεοῦσαι, κρεμάμεναι ἐκ τειχέων περιπεφλευσμένων πυρὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ Μήδου, ἀντίον δὲ τοῦ μεγάρου τοῦ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τετραμμένου. καὶ τῶν λύτρων τὴν δεκάτην ἀνέθηκαν ποιησάμενοι τέθριππον χάλκεον· τὸ δὲ ἀριστερῆς χειρὸς ἕστηκε πρῶτον ἐσιόντι ἐς τὰ προπύλαια τὰ ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλι· ἐπιγέγραπται δέ οἱ τάδε. ἔθνεα Βοιωτῶν καὶ Χαλκιδέων δαμάσαντες παῖδες Ἀθηναίων ἔργμασιν ἐν πολέμου, δεσμῷ ἐν ἀχλυόεντι σιδηρέῳ ἔσβεσαν ὕβριν· τῶν ἵππους δεκάτην Παλλάδι τάσδʼ ἔθεσαν. 5.78 Ἀθηναῖοι μέν νυν ηὔξηντο. δηλοῖ δὲ οὐ κατʼ ἓν μοῦνον ἀλλὰ πανταχῇ ἡ ἰσηγορίη ὡς ἔστι χρῆμα σπουδαῖον, εἰ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τυραννευόμενοι μὲν οὐδαμῶν τῶν σφέας περιοικεόντων ἦσαν τὰ πολέμια ἀμείνους, ἀπαλλαχθέντες δὲ τυράννων μακρῷ πρῶτοι ἐγένοντο. δηλοῖ ὦν ταῦτα ὅτι κατεχόμενοι μὲν ἐθελοκάκεον ὡς δεσπότῃ ἐργαζόμενοι, ἐλευθερωθέντων δὲ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ἑωυτῷ προεθυμέετο κατεργάζεσθαι.
6.66 τέλος δὲ ἐόντων περὶ αὐτῶν νεικέων, ἔδοξε Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἐπειρέσθαι τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι εἰ Ἀρίστωνος εἴη παῖς ὁ Δημάρητος. ἀνοίστου δὲ γενομένου ἐκ προνοίης τῆς Κλεομένεος ἐς τὴν Πυθίην, ἐνθαῦτα προσποιέεται Κλεομένης Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον, ὁ δὲ Κόβων Περίαλλαν τὴν πρόμαντιν ἀναπείθει τὰ Κλεομένης ἐβούλετο λέγεσθαι λέγειν. οὕτω δὴ ἡ Πυθίη ἐπειρωτώντων τῶν θεοπρόπων ἔκρινε μὴ Ἀρίστωνος εἶναι Δημάρητον παῖδα. ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ ἀνάπυστα ἐγένετο ταῦτα, καὶ Κόβων τε ἔφυγε ἐκ Δελφῶν καὶ Περίαλλα ἡ πρόμαντις ἐπαύσθη τῆς τιμῆς.
6.90 Νικόδρομος δέ, ὡς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς τὸν καιρὸν οὐ παρεγίνοντο, ἐς πλοῖον ἐσβὰς ἐκδιδρήσκει ἐκ τῆς Αἰγίνης· σὺν δέ οἱ καὶ ἄλλοι ἐκ τῶν Αἰγινητέων εἵποντο, τοῖσι Ἀθηναῖοι Σούνιον οἰκῆσαι ἔδοσαν. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ οὗτοι ὁρμώμενοι ἔφερόν τε καὶ ἦγον τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Αἰγινήτας.
6.126 μετὰ δὲ γενεῇ δευτέρῃ ὕστερον Κλεισθένης αὐτὴν ὁ Σικυώνιος τύραννος ἐξήειρε, ὥστε πολλῷ ὀνομαστοτέρην γενέσθαι ἐν τοῖσι Ἕλλησι ἢ πρότερον ἦν. Κλεισθένεϊ γὰρ τῷ Ἀριστωνύμου τοῦ Μύρωνος τοῦ Ἀνδρέω γίνεται θυγάτηρ τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Ἀγαρίστη. ταύτην ἠθέλησε, Ἑλλήνων ἁπάντων ἐξευρὼν τὸν ἄριστον, τούτῳ γυναῖκα προσθεῖναι. Ὀλυμπίων ὦν ἐόντων καὶ νικῶν ἐν αὐτοῖσι τεθρίππῳ ὁ Κλεισθένης κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο, ὅστις Ἑλλήνων ἑωυτὸν ἀξιοῖ Κλεισθένεος γαμβρὸν γενέσθαι, ἥκειν ἐς ἑξηκοστὴν ἡμέρην ἢ καὶ πρότερον ἐς Σικυῶνα, ὡς κυρώσοντος Κλεισθένεος τὸν γάμον ἐν ἐνιαυτῷ, ἀπὸ τῆς ἑξηκοστῆς ἀρξαμένου ἡμέρης. ἐνθαῦτα Ἑλλήνων ὅσοι σφίσι τε αὐτοῖσι ἦσαν καὶ πάτρῃ ἐξωγκωμένοι, ἐφοίτεον μνηστῆρες· τοῖσι Κλεισθένης καὶ δρόμον καὶ παλαίστρην ποιησάμενος ἐπʼ αὐτῷ τούτῳ εἶχε.
6.128 τοσοῦτοι μὲν ἐγένοντο οἱ μνηστῆρες. ἀπικομένων δὲ τούτων ἐς τὴν προειρημένην ἡμέρην, ὁ Κλεισθένης πρῶτα μὲν τὰς πάτρας τε αὐτῶν ἀνεπύθετο καὶ γένος ἑκάστου, μετὰ δὲ κατέχων ἐνιαυτὸν διεπειρᾶτο αὐτῶν τῆς τε ἀνδραγαθίης καὶ τῆς ὀργῆς καὶ παιδεύσιός τε καὶ τρόπου, καὶ ἑνὶ ἑκάστῳ ἰὼν ἐς συνουσίην καὶ συνάπασι, καὶ ἐς γυμνάσιά τε ἐξαγινέων ὅσοι ἦσαν αὐτῶν νεώτεροι, καὶ τό γε μέγιστον, ἐν τῇ συνεστίῃ διεπειρᾶτο· ὅσον γὰρ κατεῖχε χρόνον αὐτούς, τοῦτον πάντα ἐποίεε καὶ ἅμα ἐξείνιζε μεγαλοπρεπέως. καὶ δή κου μάλιστα τῶν μνηστήρων ἠρέσκοντο οἱ ἀπʼ Ἀθηνέων ἀπιγμένοι, καὶ τούτων μᾶλλον Ἱπποκλείδης ὁ Τισάνδρου καὶ κατʼ ἀνδραγαθίην ἐκρίνετο καὶ ὅτι τὸ ἀνέκαθεν τοῖσι ἐν Κορίνθῳ Κυψελίδῃσι ἦν προσήκων.
6.130 Κλεισθένης δὲ σιγὴν ποιησάμενος ἔλεξε ἐς μέσον τάδε. “ἄνδρες παιδὸς τῆς ἐμῆς μνηστῆρες, ἐγὼ καὶ πάντας ὑμέας ἐπαινέω καὶ πᾶσι ὑμῖν, εἰ οἷόν τε εἴη, χαριζοίμην ἄν, μήτʼ ἕνα ὑμέων ἐξαίρετον ἀποκρίνων μήτε τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀποδοκιμάζων. ἀλλʼ οὐ γὰρ οἷά τε ἐστὶ μιῆς πέρι παρθένου βουλεύοντα πᾶσι κατὰ νόον ποιέειν, τοῖσι μὲν ὑμέων ἀπελαυνομένοισι τοῦδε τοῦ γάμου τάλαντον ἀργυρίου ἑκάστῳ δωρεὴν δίδωμι τῆς ἀξιώσιος εἵνεκα τῆς ἐξ ἐμεῦ γῆμαι καὶ τῆς ἐξ οἴκου ἀποδημίης, τῷ δὲ Ἀλκμέωνος Μεγακλέι ἐγγυῶ παῖδα τὴν ἐμὴν Ἀγαρίστην νόμοισι τοῖσι Ἀθηναίων.” φαμένου δὲ ἐγγυᾶσθαι Μεγακλέος ἐκεκύρωτο ὁ γάμος Κλεισθένεϊ.
8.44 οὗτοι μέν νυν Πελοποννησίων ἐστρατεύοντο, οἱ δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἔξω ἠπείρου, Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν πρὸς πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους παρεχόμενοι νέας ὀγδώκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν, μοῦνοι· ἐν Σαλαμῖνι γὰρ οὐ συνεναυμάχησαν Πλαταιέες Ἀθηναίοισι διὰ τοιόνδε τι πρῆγμα· ἀπαλλασσομένων τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀρτεμισίου, ὡς ἐγίνοντο κατὰ Χαλκίδα, οἱ Πλαταιέες ἀποβάντες ἐς τὴν περαίην τῆς Βοιωτίης χώρης πρὸς ἐκκομιδὴν ἐτράποντο τῶν οἰκετέων. οὗτοι μέν νυν τούτους σώζοντες ἐλείφθησαν. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν Πελασγῶν ἐχόντων τὴν νῦν Ἑλλάδα καλεομένην ἦσαν Πελασγοί, ὀνομαζόμενοι Κραναοί, ἐπὶ δὲ Κέκροπος βασιλέος ἐκλήθησαν Κεκροπίδαι, ἐκδεξαμένου δὲ Ἐρεχθέος τὴν ἀρχὴν Ἀθηναῖοι μετωνομάσθησαν, Ἴωνος δὲ τοῦ Ξούθου στρατάρχεω γενομένου Ἀθηναίοισι ἐκλήθησαν ἀπὸ τούτου Ἴωνες.'' None
5.66.2 These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally. ' "
5.66 Athens, which had been great before, now grew even greater when her tyrants had been removed. The two principal holders of power were Cleisthenes an Alcmaeonid, who was reputed to have bribed the Pythian priestess, and Isagoras son of Tisandrus, a man of a notable house but his lineage I cannot say. His kinsfolk, at any rate, sacrifice to Zeus of Caria. ,These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally.
5.67.1 In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. " '5.67 In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. ,He went then to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he should cast Adrastus out, but the priestess said in response: “Adrastus is king of Sicyon, and you but a stone thrower.” When the god would not permit him to do as he wished in this matter, he returned home and attempted to devise some plan which might rid him of Adrastus. When he thought he had found one, he sent to Boeotian Thebes saying that he would gladly bring Melanippus son of Astacus into his country, and the Thebans handed him over. ,When Cleisthenes had brought him in, he consecrated a sanctuary for him in the government house itself, where he was established in the greatest possible security. Now the reason why Cleisthenes brought in Melanippus, a thing which I must relate, was that Melanippus was Adrastus' deadliest enemy, for Adrastus had slain his brother Mecisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus. ,Having then designated the precinct for him, Cleisthenes took away all Adrastus' sacrifices and festivals and gave them to Melanippus. The Sicyonians had been accustomed to pay very great honor to Adrastus because the country had once belonged to Polybus, his maternal grandfather, who died without an heir and bequeathed the kingship to him. ,Besides other honors paid to Adrastus by the Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with tragic choruses in honor not of Dionysus but of Adrastus. Cleisthenes, however, gave the choruses back to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to Melanippus. " "
5.69 This is what the Sicyonian Cleisthenes had done, and the Athenian Cleisthenes, following the lead of his grandfather and namesake, decided out of contempt, I imagine, for the Ionians, that his tribes should not be the same as theirs. ,When he had drawn into his own party the Athenian people, which was then debarred from all rights, he gave the tribes new names and increased their number, making ten tribe-wardens in place of four, and assigning ten districts to each tribe. When he had won over the people, he was stronger by far than the rival faction. ' "5.70 Isagoras, who was on the losing side, devised a counter-plot, and invited the aid of Cleomenes, who had been his friend since the besieging of the Pisistratidae. It was even said of Cleomenes that he regularly went to see Isagoras' wife. ,Then Cleomenes first sent a herald to Athens demanding the banishment of Cleisthenes and many other Athenians with him, the Accursed, as he called them. This he said in his message by Isagoras' instruction, for the Alcmeonidae and their faction were held to be guilty of that bloody deed while Isagoras and his friends had no part in it. " "5.71 How the Accursed at Athens had received their name, I will now relate. There was an Athenian named Cylon, who had been a winner at Olympia. This man put on the air of one who aimed at tyranny, and gathering a company of men of like age, he attempted to seize the citadel. When he could not win it, he took sanctuary by the goddess' statue. ,He and his men were then removed from their position by the presidents of the naval boards, the rulers of Athens at that time. Although they were subject to any penalty save death, they were slain, and their death was attributed to the Alcmaeonidae. All this took place before the time of Pisistratus." "5.72 When Cleomenes had sent for and demanded the banishment of Cleisthenes and the Accursed, Cleisthenes himself secretly departed. Afterwards, however, Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no great force. Upon his arrival, he, in order to take away the curse, banished seven hundred Athenian families named for him by Isagoras. Having so done he next attempted to dissolve the Council, entrusting the offices of government to Isagoras' faction. ,The Council, however, resisted him, whereupon Cleomenes and Isagoras and his partisans seized the acropolis. The rest of the Athenians united and besieged them for two days. On the third day as many of them as were Lacedaemonians left the country under truce. ,The prophetic voice that Cleomenes heard accordingly had its fulfillment, for when he went up to the acropolis with the intention of taking possession of it, he approached the shrine of the goddess to address himself to her. The priestess rose up from her seat, and before he had passed through the door-way, she said, “Go back, Lacedaemonian stranger, and do not enter the holy place since it is not lawful that Dorians should pass in here. “My lady,” he answered, “I am not a Dorian, but an Achaean.” ,So without taking heed of the omen, he tried to do as he pleased and was, as I have said, then again cast out together with his Lacedaemonians. As for the rest, the Athenians imprisoned them under sentence of death. Among the prisoners was Timesitheus the Delphian, whose achievements of strength and courage were quite formidable. " '5.74 Cleomenes, however, fully aware that the Athenians had done him wrong in word and deed, mustered an army from the whole of the Peloponnesus. He did not declare the purpose for which he mustered it, namely to avenge himself on the Athenian people and set up Isagoras, who had come with him out of the acropolis, as tyrant. ,Cleomenes broke in as far as Eleusis with a great host, and the Boeotians, by a concerted plan, took Oenoe and Hysiae, districts on the borders of Attica, while the Chalcidians attacked on another side and raided lands in Attica. The Athenians, who were now caught in a ring of foes, decided to oppose the Spartans at Eleusis and to deal with the Boeotians and Chalcidians later. 5.75 When the armies were about to join battle, the Corinthians, coming to the conclusion that they were acting wrongly, changed their minds and departed. Later Demaratus son of Ariston, the other king of Sparta, did likewise, despite the fact that he had come with Cleomenes from Lacedaemon in joint command of the army and had not till now been at variance with him. ,As a result of this dissension, a law was made at Sparta that when an army was despatched, both kings would not be permitted to go with it. Until that time they had both gone together, but now one of the kings was released from service and one of the sons of Tyndarus too could be left at home. Before that time, both of these also were asked to give aid and went with the army. ,So now at Eleusis, when the rest of the allies saw that the Lacedaemonian kings were not of one mind and that the Corinthians had left their host, they too went off. 5.76 This was the fourth time that Dorians had come into Attica. They had come twice as invaders in war and twice as helpers of the Athenian people. The first time was when they planted a settlement at Megara (this expedition may rightly be said to have been in the reign of Codrus), the second and third when they set out from Sparta to drive out the sons of Pisistratus, and the fourth was now, when Cleomenes broke in as far as Eleusis with his following of Peloponnesians. This was accordingly the fourth Dorian invasion of Athens. 5.77 When this force then had been ingloriously scattered, the Athenians first marched against the Chalcidians to punish them. The Boeotians came to the Euripus to help the Chalcidians and as soon as the Athenians saw these allies, they resolved to attack the Boeotians before the Chalcidians. ,When they met the Boeotians in battle, they won a great victory, slaying very many and taking seven hundred of them prisoner. On that same day the Athenians crossed to Euboea where they met the Chalcidians too in battle, and after overcoming them as well, they left four thousand tet farmers on the lands of the horse-breeders. ,Horse-breeders was the name given to the men of substance among the Chalcidians. They fettered as many of these as they took alive and kept them imprisoned with the captive Boeotians. In time, however, they set them free, each for an assessed ransom of two minae. The fetters in which the prisoners had been bound they hung up in the acropolis, where they could still be seen in my time hanging from walls which the Persians\' fire had charred, opposite the temple which faces west. ,Moreover, they made a dedication of a tenth part of the ransom, and this money was used for the making of a four-horse chariot which stands on the left hand of the entrance into the outer porch of the acropolis and bears this inscription:
5.78 So the Athenians grew in power and proved, not in one respect only but in all, that equality is a good thing. Evidence for this is the fact that while they were under tyrannical rulers, the Athenians were no better in war than any of their neighbors, yet once they got rid of their tyrants, they were by far the best of all. This, then, shows that while they were oppressed, they were, as men working for a master, cowardly, but when they were freed, each one was eager to achieve for himself. ' "
6.66 Disputes arose over it, so the Spartans resolved to ask the oracle at Delphi if Demaratus was the son of Ariston. ,At Cleomenes' instigation this was revealed to the Pythia. He had won over a man of great influence among the Delphians, Cobon son of Aristophantus, and Cobon persuaded the priestess, Periallus, to say what Cleomenes wanted her to. ,When the ambassadors asked if Demaratus was the son of Ariston, the Pythia gave judgment that he was not. All this came to light later; Cobon was exiled from Delphi, and Periallus was deposed from her position. " 6.90 When the Athenians did not show up at the right time, Nicodromus took ship and escaped from Aegina. Other Aeginetans followed him, and the Athenians gave them Sunium to dwell in; setting out from there they harried the Aeginetans of the island.
6.126 In the next generation Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon raised that house still higher, so that it grew much more famous in Hellas than it had formerly been. Cleisthenes son of Aristonymus son of Myron son of Andreas had one daughter, whose name was Agariste. He desired to wed her to the best man he could find in Hellas. ,It was the time of the Olympian games, and when he was victor there with a four-horse chariot, Cleisthenes made a proclamation that whichever Greek thought himself worthy to be his son-in-law should come on the sixtieth day from then or earlier to Sicyon, and Cleisthenes would make good his promise of marriage in a year from that sixtieth day. ,Then all the Greeks who were proud of themselves and their country came as suitors, and to that end Cleisthenes had them compete in running and wrestling contests.
6.128 These were the suitors. When they arrived on the appointed day, Cleisthenes first inquired the country and lineage of each; then he kept them with him for a year, testing their manliness and temper and upbringing and manner of life; this he did by consorting with them alone and in company, putting the younger of them to contests of strength, but especially watching their demeanor at the common meal; for as long as he kept them with him, he did everything for them and entertained them with magnificence. ,The suitors that most pleased him were the ones who had come from Athens, and of these Hippocleides son of Tisandrus was judged foremost, both for his manliness and because in ancestry he was related to the Cypselids of Corinth.
6.129.3 Hippocleides then stopped for a while and ordered a table to be brought in; when the table arrived, he danced Laconian figures on it first, and then Attic; last of all he rested his head on the table and made gestures with his legs in the air. 6.129.4 Now Cleisthenes at the first and the second bout of dancing could no more bear to think of Hippocleides as his son-in-law, because of his dancing and his shamelessness, but he had held himself in check, not wanting to explode at Hippocleides; but when he saw him making gestures with his legs, he could no longer keep silence and said, “son of Tisandrus, you have danced away your marriage.” Hippocleides said in answer, “It does not matter to Hippocleides!” Since then this is proverbial. ' "
6.130 Then Cleisthenes bade them all be silent and spoke to the company at large: “Suitors for my daughter's hand, I thank you one and all; if it were possible I would grant each of you his wish, neither choosing out one to set him above another nor disparaging the rest. ,But since I have but one maiden to plan for and so cannot please all of you, to those of you whose suit is rejected I make a gift of a talent of silver to each, for his desire to take a wife from my house and for his sojourn away from his home; and to Megacles son of Alcmeon do I betroth my daughter Agariste, by the laws of the Athenians.” Megacles accepted the betrothal, and Cleisthenes brought the marriage to pass. " 8.44 These, then, were the Peloponnesians who took part in the war. From the mainland outside the Peloponnese came the following: the Athenians provided more than all the rest, one hundred and eighty ships. They provided these alone, since the Plataeans did not fight with the Athenians at Salamis for this reason: when the Hellenes departed from Artemisium and were off Chalcis, the Plataeans landed on the opposite shore of Boeotia and attended to the removal of their households. In bringing these to safety they were left behind. ,The Athenians, while the Pelasgians ruled what is now called Hellas, were Pelasgians, bearing the name of Cranai. When Cecrops was their king they were called Cecropidae, and when Erechtheus succeeded to the rule, they changed their name and became Athenians. When, however, Ion son of Xuthus was commander of the Athenian army, they were called after him Ionians. ' ' None
|2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.15, 3.104.1-3.104.2, 6.54.6-6.54.7, 7.69.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes • Kleisthenes (statesman) • Kleisthenes, Athenian statesman • tribes (Cleisthenic), Erechtheis • tribes, Kleisthenic • tribes, pre-Kleisthenic
Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 77; Edmunds (2021), Greek Myth, 10; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 180; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 100; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 558, 736; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 190; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 104; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 45, 76
3.104.1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ Δῆλον ἐκάθηραν Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ χρησμὸν δή τινα. ἐκάθηρε μὲν γὰρ καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ τύραννος πρότερον αὐτήν, οὐχ ἅπασαν, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐφεωρᾶτο τῆς νήσου: τότε δὲ πᾶσα ἐκαθάρθη τοιῷδε τρόπῳ. 3.104.2 θῆκαι ὅσαι ἦσαν τῶν τεθνεώτων ἐν Δήλῳ, πάσας ἀνεῖλον, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν προεῖπον μήτε ἐναποθνῄσκειν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ μήτε ἐντίκτειν, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὴν Ῥήνειαν διακομίζεσθαι. ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Ῥήνεια τῆς Δήλου οὕτως ὀλίγον ὥστε Πολυκράτης ὁ Σαμίων τύραννος ἰσχύσας τινὰ χρόνον ναυτικῷ καὶ τῶν τε ἄλλων νήσων ἄρξας καὶ τὴν Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ ἁλύσει δήσας πρὸς τὴν Δῆλον. καὶ τὴν πεντετηρίδα τότε πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν κάθαρσιν ἐποίησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ Δήλια.
6.54.6 τὰ δὲ ἄλλα αὐτὴ ἡ πόλις τοῖς πρὶν κειμένοις νόμοις ἐχρῆτο, πλὴν καθ’ ὅσον αἰεί τινα ἐπεμέλοντο σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἶναι. καὶ ἄλλοι τε αὐτῶν ἦρξαν τὴν ἐνιαύσιον Ἀθηναίοις ἀρχὴν καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ Ἱππίου τοῦ τυραννεύσαντος υἱός, τοῦ πάππου ἔχων τοὔνομα, ὃς τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν βωμὸν τὸν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ἄρχων ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Πυθίου. 6.54.7 καὶ τῷ μὲν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ προσοικοδομήσας ὕστερον ὁ δῆμος Ἀθηναίων μεῖζον μῆκος τοῦ βωμοῦ ἠφάνισε τοὐπίγραμμα: τοῦ δ’ ἐν Πυθίου ἔτι καὶ νῦν δῆλόν ἐστιν ἀμυδροῖς γράμμασι λέγον τάδε:
7.69.2 Meanwhile Nicias, appalled by the position of affairs, realizing the greatness and the nearness of the danger now that they were on the point of putting out from shore, and thinking, as men are apt to think in great crises, that when all has been done they have still something left to do, and when all has been said that they have not yet said enough, again called on the captains one by one, addressing each by his father's name and by his own, and by that of his tribe, and adjured them not to belie their own personal renown, or to obscure the hereditary virtues for which their ancestors were illustrious; he reminded them of their country, the freest of the free, and of the unfettered discretion allowed in it to all to live as they pleased; and added other arguments such as men would use at such a crisis, and which, with little alteration, are made to serve on all occasions alike—appeals to wives, children, and national gods,—without caring whether they are thought common-place, but loudly invoking them in the belief that they will be of use in the consternation of the moment. " ' None
|3. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes of Sicyon • Cleisthenes,
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 597, 599; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 18
|4. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes • Cleisthenes, constitution of • Cleisthenes, reforms • Kleisthenes, Athenian statesman • tribes, pre-Kleisthenic
Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 549, 551, 563; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 190; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 148; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 53, 76, 102, 103, 153; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 149
|5. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes • tribes, pre-Kleisthenic
Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 546; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 53
|6. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.53 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes
Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 82; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 65
1.53 I am not the only man who has aimed at a tyranny in Greece, nor am I, a descendant of Codrus, unfitted for the part. That is, I resume the privileges which the Athenians swore to confer upon Codrus and his family, although later they took them away. In everything else I commit no offence against God or man; but I leave to the Athenians the management of their affairs according to the ordices established by you. And they are better governed than they would be under a democracy; for I allow no one to extend his rights, and though I am tyrant I arrogate to myself no undue share of reputation and honour, but merely such stated privileges as belonged to the kings in former times. Every citizen pays a tithe of his property, not to me but to a fund for defraying the cost of the public sacrifices or any other charges on the State or the expenditure on any war which may come upon us.'' None
|7. Demosthenes, Orations, 43.71, 58.14
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes, reforms • Kleisthenes • tribes (Cleisthenic), Aiantis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Aigeis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Akamantis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Antiochis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Erechtheis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Oineis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Pandionis • tribes, Kleisthenic
Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 122; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 747, 764, 768; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 101, 109, 189
43.71 If now, men of the jury, it were against the dead man only that they had committed an outrage in doing this, their conduct would have been disgraceful, though in a less degree; but in reality it is against the whole city that they have committed this outrage, and they have broken your laws. You will know this, when you have heard the law. (To the clerk.) Read the law. The Law If anyone shall dig up an olive tree at Athens, except it be for a sanctuary of the Athenian state or of one of its demes, or for his own use to the number of two olive trees each year, or except it be needful to use it for the service of one who is dead, he shall be fined one hundred drachmae, to he paid into the public treasury, for each tree, and the tenth part of this sum shall belong to the goddess. Furthermore he shall be obligated to pay to the private individual who prosecutes him one hundred drachmae for each olive tree. And suits concerning these matters shall be brought before the archons, according as they severally have jurisdiction. And the prosecutor shall deposit the court fees for his share. And when a person shall have been convicted, the archon before whom the case was brought shall make a report to the collectors of the amount due to the treasury, and of the amount due to the goddess, to the treasurers of the goddess. And if they fail to make such reports, they shall themselves be liable for the amount.
58.14 These are two laws, then, which this man, who indicts others for illegal acts, has himself violated. There is a third law also, which enacts that any one of the citizens who pleases may lodge criminal informations against those who owe money to the treasury, or if any man is indebted to Athena or to any one of the rest of the gods, or of the eponymous heroes. The legendary figures after whom the various tribes were named. They each had their tribal shrines. In this class the defendant will be shown to belong; for he owes, and has not paid, seven hundred drachmae, which he was condemned at the audit to pay to the eponymus of his tribe. (To the clerk.) Read that part of the law. The Law ' ' None
|8. Epigraphy, Ig I , 252, 258
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes • Cleisthenes, reforms • Council, pre-Kleisthenic, quota • demes, foundation by Cleisthenes • tribes (Cleisthenic), Akamantis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Erechtheis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Hippothontis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Kekropis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Oineis • tribes, Kleisthenic • tribes, creation by Cleisthenes
Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 746, 751, 754, 767, 768, 793; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 57, 99, 100, 113
258 Capital totals (kephalaia): for the demarch, 1,000 dr. for the two treasurers for the sacred rites through the year, 5,000 dr. to the Herakleion, 7,000 dr. (5) to the Aphrodisia, 1,200 dr. to the Anakia, 1,200 dr. to exemption from contributions (ateleian), 5,000 dr. to the Apollonia, 1,100 dr. to the Pandia, 600 dr. (10) from rents, 134 dr. 2½ ob.. The Plotheians decided. Aristotimos proposed: to allot (kuameuen) the officials worthily of the money that each office controls; and these are to provide the money securely (15) for the Plotheians. Concerning whatever loan there is a decree or setting of interest, they are to lend and exact interest according to the decree, lending as much as is lent annually to whoever (20) offers the greatest interest, whoever persuades the lending officials by their wealth (timēmati) or guarantor; and from the interest, and the rents on whatever rent-bearing purchases may have been made from capital (kephalaiōn), (25) they shall sacrifice the rites (hiera), both the common rites for the Plotheians, and for the Athenians on behalf of the community (koino) of the Plotheians, and for the quadrennial festivals; and for the other rites, for which all the Plotheians have to contribute money for (30) rites, whether to the Plotheians or to the Epakrians or to the Athenians, the officials from the community who are in charge of the money for the exemption from contributions (ateleian) shall pay on behalf of the demesmen; and for all the common rites in which (35) the Plotheians feast, they shall provide sweet wine at the community’s expense, for other rites up to half a chous for each Plotheian present, but for the trainer (didaskalōi) at or of the - a jar (kadon) . . . burning . . . (40) . . . practitioner (?) (dēmiourg-) . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3
258 - Decree of the deme Plotheia ' ' None
|9. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 204, 1140, 1164-1165, 1168, 1180, 1443, 1496, 2362, 2490, 2670
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes, reforms • Council, pre-Kleisthenic, lists • Council, pre-Kleisthenic, quota • Epakreis (pre-Cleisthenic trittys) • Kleisthenes • Kleisthenes (statesman) • demes, foundation by Cleisthenes • tribes (Cleisthenic), Aiantis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Aigeis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Akamantis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Antiochis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Erechtheis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Kekropis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Pandionis • tribes, Kleisthenic • tribes, pre-Kleisthenic • trittyes (Cleisthenic) • trittyes (pre-Cleisthenic)
Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 120; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 479; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 552, 565, 731, 745, 746, 748, 749, 751, 752, 753, 754, 755, 756, 767, 768, 952; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 81, 104, 105, 109, 110, 132, 149, 157, 182, 207, 221, 273
204 . . . . . . . . . . . . of the . . . (5) . . . the People shall elect straightaway ten men from all the Athenians and five from the Council; and those elected shall - in the Eleusinion in the city . . . of the sacred tract (hieras orgados) . . . from neither favour nor (10) enmity . . . but as justly and piously as possible . . . from the sixteenth of Posideon . . . in the archonship of Aristodemos (352/1); and there shall be present the king (basilea) and the hierophant and the torchbearer (daidouchon) and the Kerykes and the Eumolpidai and any other Athenian who (15) wishes, so that they may place the markers (horous) as piously and justly as possible; and there shall have oversight of the sacred tract (hieras orgados) and the other sacred precincts (hierōn temenōn) at Athens from this day for all time those whom the law requires for each of them and the Council of the Areopagos and the general (20) elected for the protection (phulakēn) of the countryside (chōras) and the patrol commanders (peripolarchous) and the demarchs and the Council in office at any time and any other Athenian who wishes, in whatever way they know how; and the secretary of the Council shall write on two pieces of tin, equal and alike, on the one, if it is preferable and better (25) for the Athenian People that the king (basilea) lets out the area of the sacred tract (hieras orgados) which is now being worked out or inside the markers (horōn) for building (oikodomian) the portico (prostōiou) and repair (episkeuēn) of the sanctuary (hierou) of the two goddesses; and on the other piece of tin, if it is preferable and better for the Athenian People to leave the area of the sacred tract (hieras orgados) which is now being worked out or inside the markers (horōn) (30) fallow for the two goddesses; and when the secretary has written, the chairman of the presiding committee (epistatēs ho ek tōn proedrōn) shall take each of the two pieces of tin and roll them up and tie them with wool and put them into a bronze water jug in the presence of the People; and the prytany (prutaneis) shall prepare these things; and the treasurers of the goddess (35) shall bring down a gold and a silver water-jug straightaway to the People; and the chairman (epistatēs) shall shake the bronze water-jug and take out each piece of tin in turn, and shall put the first piece of tin into the gold water-jug and the second into the silver one and bind them fast; and the prytany chairman (epistatēs tōm prutaneōn) shall seal them (40) with the public seal and any other Athenian who wishes shall counterseal them; and when they have been sealed, the treasurers shall take the water-jugs up to the acropolis; and the People shall elect three men, one from the Council, two from all the other Athenians, to go to Delphi and enquire of the god, (45) according to which of the writings the Athenians are to act concerning the sacred tract (hieras orgados), whether those from the gold water-jug or those from the silver one; and when they have come back from the god, they shall break open the water jugs, and the oracle and the writings on the pieces of tin shall be read to the People; and according to whichever of the writings the (50) god ordains it to be preferable and best for the Athenian People, according to those they are to act, so that matters relating to the two goddesses shall be handled as piously as possible and never in future shall anything impious happen concerning the sacred tract (hieras orgados) or the other sacred places (hierōn) at Athens; and the secretary of the Council shall now inscribe this decree (55) and the previous one of Philokrates about the sacred places (hierōn) on two stone stelai and stand one at Eleusis by the gateway (propulōi) of the sanctuary (hierou), the other in the Eleusinion in the city; and the hierophant and the priestess of Demeter shall also sacrifice a propitiatory sacrifice (arestērion) to the two goddesses . . . the treasurer of the People . . . (60) drachmas; and give for inscribing . . . drachmas for each of the two from the People’s fund for expenditure on decrees; and give for each of those elected to go to Delphi - drachmas for travelling expenses; and give to those elected on the sacred tract (hieran orgada) 5 drachmas each (65) from the People’s fund for expenditure on decrees; and the official sellers (pōlētas) shall supply as many stone markers (horous) as may be needed . . . the contract (misthōma) . . . the Council . . . the presiding committee (proedros) . . . draw up specifications for their manufacture . . . and placement on the sacred (70) tract (hieras orgados) . . . those who have been elected; and the treasurer of the People shall give the money . . . stone . . . the markers (horous) from the People’s fund for expenditure on decrees. The following were elected on the sacred tract (hieran orgada) (75) to put new markers (horous) in place of the dilapidated or missing or obsolete ones (anti tōn ekpeptōkotōn). From the Council: Arkephon of Halai, . . . of Thria, . . . of Hagnous. From private individuals: ... Hippokrates of Kerameis, . . . of Kedoi, Emmenides of Koile or Hekale (80) . . . of Sounion, Aristeides of Oe, . . . Glaukon of Perithoidai, Phaidros . . . for the oracle at Delphi. From private individuals: . . . Eudidaktos of Lamptrai. From the Council: . . . of Lamptrai. The following correction is made: (85) if this decree lacks anything, the Council shall be empowered to vote whatever seems to it to be best. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
204 - On the boundaries of the sacred tract '
1180 Gods. Theodelos proposed: that the Sounians shall resolve, for good fortune, since Leukios (5) makes a donation for the creation of an agora for the demesmen, to choose immediately three men, who will mark the boundaries of the agora with (10) Leukios, not less than two plethra by one plethron, so that there may be a broad space (euruchōria) for the Sounians to gather in (agorazēn), and anyone (15) else that wishes, since the present agora is congested with buildings (sunoikodomētai); and it shall not be permitted for the demarch or anyone else (20) to build within the boundary markers; and the demarch together with Leukios shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele and stand (25) it in the agora. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
1180 - Decree of deme Sounion providing for creation of a new agora, donated by Leukios ' None
|10. Epigraphy, Seg, 3.117, 23.78, 50.168, 52.48
Tagged with subjects: • Epakreis (pre-Cleisthenic trittys) • tribes (Cleisthenic), Aiantis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Aigeis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Akamantis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Antiochis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Erechtheis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Pandionis • tribes, Kleisthenic • tribes, pre-Kleisthenic • trittyes (pre-Cleisthenic)
Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 552, 553, 554, 555, 558, 559, 747, 749, 750; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 81, 103, 109, 146
23.78 Decree 1 . . . . . . and he and his descendants shall be exempt from the recurrent? liturgies under the laws?; . . . nor any of the managers (5) . . . any . . . nor . . . put to the vote contrary to this decree; otherwise he shall owe a thousand drachmas sacred to Akamas: and the managers (epimelētas) of the archonship of Nikophemos (361/0) shall inscribe this (10) decree and stand it in the sanctuary of Akamas: name + demotic, Aristokrates of Thorikos, name + demotic. Decree 2 In the archonship of –. - son of – of Eiresidai proposed: (15) since the superintendent (kosmētēs) of ephebes Autolykos has managed the young men (neaniskōn) well and with love of honour (philotimōs), the tribe Akamantis shall decide to praise Autolykos son of – of Thorikos for his love of honour and management of the ephebes (20) and crown him with a foliage crown, when he has rendered an account of his management?, for his excellence and orderliness; and the . . . shall inscribe this decree on the stele in the sanctuary of Akamas on which is written the (25) decree . . . of the archonship of -. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, SEG
23.78 - Decrees of Akamantis awarding exemption from liturgies and honouring superintendent of ephebes
50.168 Face A col. 1 . . . fourth quarter, (5) Mounichion, for - Prakterios, a ram, 12 dr.; Thargelion, . . . by the tower, a sheep, 12 dr.; Skirophorion, (10) . . . in the agora, a ram, 12 dr., on the eleventh or twelfth?, for Zeus Horios, a sheep, 12 dr., for . . . , a sheep, 11 dr., ...? the following . . . . . . in the year of the - in (?) . . . each (15) . . . in order as is written . . . the one on the . . . by the Eleusinion . . . in Kynosoura . . . by the Herakleion;11 (20) ...? fourth quarter, Mounichion, . . . a sheep, 12 dr.; ...? first quarter, Hekatombaion, (25) on the date, for Apollo? Apotropaios, a goat, 12 dr.; second quarter, Pyanopsion, . . . a pregt sheep, 17 dr.; fourth quarter, Mounichion, (30) . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . 12 dr.; ...? fourth quarter, Mounichion, . . . -aios, a goat, 12 dr., (35) . . . , a sheep, 12 dr., . . . , a sheep, 12 dr., . . . , a sheep, 12 dr.; . . . prior? sequence (dramosunē), (40) second quarter, Pyanopsion, . . . , a bovine, 90 dr.; third quarter, Gamelion, . . . -idai, a pregt sow, 70 (?) dr.; fourth quarter, Mounichion, (45) . . . Nymphagetes, a goat, 12 dr.; Thargelion? . . . river (?), a ram, 12 dr., . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . a ram, 12 dr., (50) . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . a sheep, 12 dr., . . . a sheep, 11 dr.; Skirophorion?, . . . a sheep, 12 dr., (55) for Athena Hellotis,10 a piglet, 3 dr., . . . col. 2 . . . these the demarch of Marathon sacrifices . . . within ten days, for the hero . . . a piglet, 3 dr., table for the hero, 1 dr.?; (5) Boedromion, before the Mysteries . . . a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos a sheep, 11 dr.?; second quarter, Posideon . . . a bovine, 150 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for the heroine a sheep, 11 dr.?, priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr., for Earth in the fields (Gēi eg guais), a pregt bovine, 90 (?) dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 4 dr.?, (10) at the rite (teletēi), baskets (?) (spuridia??), 40 dr.; third quarter, Gamelion . . . for Daira, a pregt sheep, 16 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Earth at the oracle (Gēi epi tōi manteiōi), a sheep, 11 dr., for Zeus Hypatos? . . . for Ioleus, a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, 3 dr., a table, (15) 1 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr. 1½ ob., for the hero Pheraios a sheep, 12 dr. ?, for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 3 dr.; Elaphebolion, on the tenth, for Earth at the oracle (Gēi epi tōi manteiōi), a completely black he-goat, 15 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna) . . . ; fourth quarter, Mounichion, for Aristomachos, (20) a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr., for the Youth (Neaniai), a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., a piglet 3 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr. 1½ ob.; these the demarch of Marathon sacrifices, for the hero in Drasileia, a sheep, 12 dr., a table, 1 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., (25) for the hero by the marsh sanctuary (Hellōtion), a sheep, 12 dr., a table, 1 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr.; Thargelion, for Achaia, a ram, 12 dr., a female (i.e. a ewe), 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 3 dr., for the Fates (Moirais), a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1½ ob.; (30) Skirophorion, before Skira, for Hyttenios, the annual offerings (hōraia), a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr. 1½ ob., for the Tritopatreis, a sheep, 12 dr.?, priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr., for the Akamantes, a sheep, 12 dr., priestly dues (hiereōsuna), 2 dr.; these every other year, prior sequence (protera dramosunē), (35) Hekatombaion, for Athena Hellotis,10 a bovine, 90 dr., three sheep, 33 dr., a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr. 1½ ob., for Kourotrophos, a sheep, 11 dr., a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr. 1½ ob., for the laurel-bearers (daphnēphorois), 7 dr.; these are sacrificed every other year, after the archonship of Euboulos (40) for the Tetrapoleis, posterior sequence (hustera dramosunē), Hekatombaion, for Athena Hellotis,10 a sheep, 11 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr. 1½ ob.; Metageitnion, for Eleusinia, a bovine, 90 dr., for the Girl (Korēi), a ram, 12 dr., 3 piglets, 9 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), (45) 6 dr. 4½ ob., a sixth (hekteus) of barley, 4 ob., a chous of wine 1 dr., for Kourotrophos, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Zeus Anthaleus, a sheep, 12 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr.; Anthesterion, for Eleusinia, a pregt sow, 70 (?) dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Chloe by the property of Meidylos, a pregt sow, 70 dr.?, (50) priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., a sixth (hekteus) of barley, 4 ob., a chous of wine 1 dr.; Skirophorion, before Skira, for Galios, a ram, 12 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr., for the well (?) (phreatos), 6 dr., for the Tritopatreis, a table, 1 dr.. At Trikorynthos these every year, first quarter, (55) Metageitnion, for Hera,12 a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 11 dr. . . . for Kourotrophos . . . Face B . . . -sistratos of Marathon . . . of Marathon, 20 dr., Archenautes of Marathon, 22 (?) dr., . . . (≥) 10 dr., Hegesistratos of Marathon, . . . -doros . . . Isodikos of Oinoe, (≥) 10 dr., (5) . . . -gonos, Hagnostratos of Marathon, . . . , Patrokles of Oinoe, (≥) 10 dr., . . . 612 dr. 3 ob. (?), . . . of Marathon, . . . of Oinoe, . . . . . . -chos . . . of Marathon . . . . . . (≥) 30 dr. (?) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) (10) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) . . . . . . of Marathon . . . . . . (≥) 11 dr. (?) . . . (15) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) . . . . . . . . . (≥) 3 dr. (?) . . . of Marathon, 60 dr. (?) . . . of Marathon, 12 dr. (?) (20) . . . . . . About 28 lines illegible (50) . . . Hagetor of Probalinthos (?) . . . . . . (≥) 70 dr. . . . . . . . of Marathon, 11 dr. (?), . . . About 8 lines illegible (61) . . . (≥) 2 dr. (?) . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, SEG
50.168 - The sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis ' ' None
|11. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cleisthenes • Cleisthenes, reforms • Council, pre-Kleisthenic, quota • demes, foundation by Cleisthenes • tribes (Cleisthenic), Akamantis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Erechtheis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Hippothontis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Kekropis • tribes (Cleisthenic), Oineis • tribes, Kleisthenic • tribes, creation by Cleisthenes
Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 746, 751, 754, 767, 768, 793; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 57, 99, 100, 113