1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 225-227, 229, 228 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Morrison (2020) 205 | 228. Us all and bring disgrace. The better way |
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2. Hesiod, Theogony, 96 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 90 | 96. Their undertakings and unswervingly |
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| 3. Homer, Odyssey, 10.306, 13.125-13.183 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship •kingship ideology, hellenistic Found in books: Amendola (2022) 90; Morrison (2020) 207 |
4. Homer, Iliad, 7.242-7.243 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 309 | 7.242. / and I know how to charge into the mellay of chariots drawn by swift mares; and I know how in close fight to tread the measure of furious Ares. Yet am I not minded to smite thee, being such a one as thou art, by spying thee at unawares; but rather openly, if so be I may hit thee. 7.243. / and I know how to charge into the mellay of chariots drawn by swift mares; and I know how in close fight to tread the measure of furious Ares. Yet am I not minded to smite thee, being such a one as thou art, by spying thee at unawares; but rather openly, if so be I may hit thee. |
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| 5. Isocrates, Nicocles, 0 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •kingship ideology, hellenistic Found in books: Morrison (2020) 180, 181 |
6. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.3.9-1.3.21 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •kingship ideology, hellenistic Found in books: Morrison (2020) 188| 1.3.9. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συναγαγὼν τούς θʼ ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώτας καὶ τοὺς προσελθόντας αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τὸν βουλόμενον, ἔλεξε τοιάδε. ἄνδρες στρατιῶται, τὰ μὲν δὴ Κύρου δῆλον ὅτι οὕτως ἔχει πρὸς ἡμᾶς ὥσπερ τὰ ἡμέτερα πρὸς ἐκεῖνον· οὔτε γὰρ ἡμεῖς ἐκείνου ἔτι στρατιῶται, ἐπεί γε οὐ συνεπόμεθα αὐτῷ, οὔτε ἐκεῖνος ἔτι ἡμῖν μισθοδότης. 1.3.10. ὅτι μέντοι ἀδικεῖσθαι νομίζει ὑφʼ ἡμῶν οἶδα· ὥστε καὶ μεταπεμπομένου αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἐθέλω ἐλθεῖν, τὸ μὲν μέγιστον αἰσχυνόμενος ὅτι σύνοιδα ἐμαυτῷ πάντα ἐψευσμένος αὐτόν, ἔπειτα καὶ δεδιὼς μὴ λαβών με δίκην ἐπιθῇ ὧν νομίζει ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ ἠδικῆσθαι. 1.3.11. ἐμοὶ οὖν δοκεῖ οὐχ ὥρα εἶναι ἡμῖν καθεύδειν οὐδʼ ἀμελεῖν ἡμῶν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ βουλεύεσθαι ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν ἐκ τούτων. καὶ ἕως γε μένομεν αὐτοῦ σκεπτέον μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα μενοῦμεν, εἴ τε ἤδη δοκεῖ ἀπιέναι, ὅπως ἀσφαλέστατα ἄπιμεν, καὶ ὅπως τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἕξομεν· ἄνευ γὰρ τούτων οὔτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν. 1.3.12. ὁ δʼ ἀνὴρ πολλοῦ μὲν ἄξιος ᾧ ἂν φίλος ᾖ, χαλεπώτατος δʼ ἐχθρὸς ᾧ ἂν πολέμιος ᾖ, ἔχει δὲ δύναμιν καὶ πεζὴν καὶ ἱππικὴν καὶ ναυτικὴν ἣν πάντες ὁμοίως ὁρῶμέν τε καὶ ἐπιστάμεθα· καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ πόρρω δοκοῦμέν μοι αὐτοῦ καθῆσθαι. ὥστε ὥρα λέγειν ὅ τι τις γιγνώσκει ἄριστον εἶναι. ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐπαύσατο. 1.3.13. ἐκ δὲ τούτου ἀνίσταντο οἱ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ αὐτομάτου, λέξοντες ἃ ἐγίγνωσκον, οἱ δὲ καὶ ὑπʼ ἐκείνου ἐγκέλευστοι, ἐπιδεικνύντες οἵα εἴη ἡ ἀπορία ἄνευ τῆς Κύρου γνώμης καὶ μένειν καὶ ἀπιέναι. 1.3.14. εἷς δὲ δὴ εἶπε προσποιούμενος σπεύδειν ὡς τάχιστα πορεύεσθαι εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα στρατηγοὺς μὲν ἑλέσθαι ἄλλους ὡς τάχιστα, εἰ μὴ βούλεται Κλέαρχος ἀπάγειν· τὰ δʼ ἐπιτήδειʼ ἀγοράζεσθαι (ἡ δʼ ἀγορὰ ἦν ἐν τῷ βαρβαρικῷ στρατεύματι) καὶ συσκευάζεσθαι· ἐλθόντας δὲ Κῦρον αἰτεῖν πλοῖα, ὡς ἀποπλέοιεν· ἐὰν δὲ μὴ διδῷ ταῦτα, ἡγεμόνα αἰτεῖν Κῦρον ὅστις διὰ φιλίας τῆς χώρας ἀπάξει. ἐὰν δὲ μηδὲ ἡγεμόνα διδῷ, συντάττεσθαι τὴν ταχίστην, πέμψαι δὲ καὶ προκαταληψομένους τὰ ἄκρα, ὅπως μὴ φθάσωσι μήτε Κῦρος μήτε οἱ Κίλικες καταλαβόντες, ὧν πολλοὺς καὶ πολλὰ χρήματα ἔχομεν ἀνηρπακότες. οὗτος μὲν τοιαῦτα εἶπε· μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Κλέαρχος εἶπε τοσοῦτον. 1.3.15. ὡς μὲν στρατηγήσοντα ἐμὲ ταύτην τὴν στρατηγίαν μηδεὶς ὑμῶν λεγέτω· πολλὰ γὰρ ἐνορῶ διʼ ἃ ἐμοὶ τοῦτο οὐ ποιητέον· ὡς δὲ τῷ ἀνδρὶ ὃν ἂν ἕλησθε πείσομαι ᾗ δυνατὸν μάλιστα, ἵνα εἰδῆτε ὅτι καὶ ἄρχεσθαι ἐπίσταμαι ὥς τις καὶ ἄλλος μάλιστα ἀνθρώπων. 1.3.16. μετὰ τοῦτον ἄλλος ἀνέστη, ἐπιδεικνὺς μὲν τὴν εὐήθειαν τοῦ τὰ πλοῖα αἰτεῖν κελεύοντος, ὥσπερ πάλιν τὸν στόλον Κύρου ποιουμένου, ἐπιδεικνὺς δὲ ὡς εὔηθες εἴη ἡγεμόνα αἰτεῖν παρὰ τούτου ᾧ λυμαινόμεθα τὴν πρᾶξιν. εἰ δὲ καὶ τῷ ἡγεμόνι πιστεύσομεν ὃν ἂν Κῦρος διδῷ, τί κωλύει καὶ τὰ ἄκρα ἡμῖν κελεύειν Κῦρον προκαταλαβεῖν; 1.3.17. ἐγὼ γὰρ ὀκνοίην μὲν ἂν εἰς τὰ πλοῖα ἐμβαίνειν ἃ ἡμῖν δοίη, μὴ ἡμᾶς ταῖς τριήρεσι καταδύσῃ, φοβοίμην δʼ ἂν τῷ ἡγεμόνι ὃν δοίη ἕπεσθαι, μὴ ἡμᾶς ἀγάγῃ ὅθεν οὐκ ἔσται ἐξελθεῖν· βουλοίμην δʼ ἂν ἄκοντος ἀπιὼν Κύρου λαθεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπελθών· ὃ οὐ δυνατόν ἐστιν. 1.3.18. ἀλλʼ ἐγώ φημι ταῦτα μὲν φλυαρίας εἶναι· δοκεῖ δέ μοι ἄνδρας ἐλθόντας πρὸς Κῦρον οἵτινες ἐπιτήδειοι σὺν Κλεάρχῳ ἐρωτᾶν ἐκεῖνον τί βούλεται ἡμῖν χρῆσθαι· καὶ ἐὰν μὲν ἡ πρᾶξις ᾖ παραπλησία οἵᾳπερ καὶ πρόσθεν ἐχρῆτο τοῖς ξένοις, ἕπεσθαι καὶ ἡμᾶς καὶ μὴ κακίους εἶναι τῶν πρόσθεν τούτῳ συναναβάντων· 1.3.19. ἐὰν δὲ μείζων ἡ πρᾶξις τῆς πρόσθεν φαίνηται καὶ ἐπιπονωτέρα καὶ ἐπικινδυνοτέρα, ἀξιοῦν ἢ πείσαντα ἡμᾶς ἄγειν ἢ πεισθέντα πρὸς φιλίαν ἀφιέναι· οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἑπόμενοι ἂν φίλοι αὐτῷ καὶ πρόθυμοι ἑποίμεθα καὶ ἀπιόντες ἀσφαλῶς ἂν ἀπίοιμεν· ὅ τι δʼ ἂν πρὸς ταῦτα λέγῃ ἀπαγγεῖλαι δεῦρο· ἡμᾶς δʼ ἀκούσαντας πρὸς ταῦτα βουλεύεσθαι. 1.3.20. ἔδοξε ταῦτα, καὶ ἄνδρας ἑλόμενοι σὺν Κλεάρχῳ πέμπουσιν οἳ ἠρώτων Κῦρον τὰ δόξαντα τῇ στρατιᾷ. ὁ δʼ ἀπεκρίνατο ὅτι ἀκούει Ἀβροκόμαν ἐχθρὸν ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τῷ Εὐφράτῃ ποταμῷ εἶναι, ἀπέχοντα δώδεκα σταθμούς· πρὸς τοῦτον οὖν ἔφη βούλεσθαι ἐλθεῖν· κἂν μὲν ᾖ ἐκεῖ, τὴν δίκην ἔφη χρῄζειν ἐπιθεῖναι αὐτῷ, ἦν δὲ φύγῃ, ἡμεῖς ἐκεῖ πρὸς ταῦτα βουλευσόμεθα. 1.3.21. ἀκούσαντες δὲ ταῦτα οἱ αἱρετοὶ ἀγγέλλουσι τοῖς στρατιώταις· τοῖς δὲ ὑποψία μὲν ἦν ὅτι ἄγει πρὸς βασιλέα, ὅμως δὲ ἐδόκει ἕπεσθαι. προσαιτοῦσι δὲ μισθόν· ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ὑπισχνεῖται ἡμιόλιον πᾶσι δώσειν οὗ πρότερον ἔφερον, ἀντὶ δαρεικοῦ τρία ἡμιδαρεικὰ τοῦ μηνὸς τῷ στρατιώτῃ· ὅτι δὲ ἐπὶ βασιλέα ἄγοι οὐδὲ ἐνταῦθα ἤκουσεν οὐδεὶς ἐν τῷ γε φανερῷ. | |
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7. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 309| 36d. αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι—τί οὖν εἰμι ἄξιος παθεῖν τοιοῦτος ὤν; ἀγαθόν τι, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ δεῖ γε κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ τιμᾶσθαι· καὶ ταῦτά γε ἀγαθὸν τοιοῦτον ὅτι ἂν πρέποι ἐμοί. τί οὖν πρέπει ἀνδρὶ πένητι εὐεργέτῃ δεομένῳ ἄγειν σχολὴν ἐπὶ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ παρακελεύσει; οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὅτι μᾶλλον, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, πρέπει οὕτως ὡς τὸν τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα ἐν πρυτανείῳ σιτεῖσθαι, πολύ γε μᾶλλον ἢ εἴ τις ὑμῶν ἵππῳ ἢ συνωρίδι ἢ ζεύγει νενίκηκεν Ὀλυμπίασιν· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὑμᾶς ποιεῖ εὐδαίμονας δοκεῖν εἶναι, ἐγὼ δὲ | 36d. Some good thing, men of Athens , if I must propose something truly in accordance with my deserts; and the good thing should be such as is fitting for me. Now what is fitting for a poor man who is your benefactor, and who needs leisure to exhort you? There is nothing, men of Athens , so fitting as that such a man be given his meals in the prytaneum. That is much more appropriate for me than for any of you who has won a race at the Olympic games with a pair of horses or a four-in-hand. For he makes you seem to be happy, whereas I make you happy in reality; |
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| 8. Isocrates, Orations, 3.26, 7.16, 7.66, 9.8-9.11, 15.234 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 89, 91, 98, 309 |
9. Herodotus, Histories, 1.137, 3.8, 3.31, 3.35, 3.50-3.53, 3.80-3.82, 5.18-5.22, 5.66.2, 7.27-7.29, 7.39, 7.237, 8.142, 9.108, 9.111 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •kingship ideology, hellenistic •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 89, 92; Morrison (2020) 192, 201, 202 | 1.137. This is a law which I praise; and it is a praiseworthy law, too, which does not allow the king himself to slay any one for a single offense, or any other Persian to do incurable harm to one of his servants for one offense. Not until an accounting shows that the offender's wrongful acts are more and greater than his services may a man give rein to his anger. ,They say that no one has ever yet killed his father or mother; when such a thing has been done, it always turns out on inquest that the doer is shown to be a changeling or the fruit of adultery; for it is not to be believed (say they) that a son should kill his true parent. 3.8. There are no men who respect pledges more than the Arabians. This is how they give them: a man stands between the two pledging parties, and with a sharp stone cuts the palms of their hands, near the thumb; then he takes a piece of wood from the cloak of each and smears with their blood seven stones that lie between them, meanwhile calling on Dionysus and the Heavenly Aphrodite; ,after this is done, the one who has given his pledge commends the stranger (or his countryman if the other be one) to his friends, and his friends hold themselves bound to honor the pledge. ,They believe in no other gods except Dionysus and the Heavenly Aphrodite; and they say that they wear their hair as Dionysus does his, cutting it round the head and shaving the temples. They call Dionysus, Orotalt; and Aphrodite, Alilat. 3.31. This, they say, was the first of Cambyses' evil acts; next, he destroyed his full sister, who had come with him to Egypt , and whom he had taken to wife. ,He married her in this way (for before this, it had by no means been customary for Persians to marry their sisters): Cambyses was infatuated with one of his sisters and when he wanted to marry her, because his intention was contrary to usage, he summoned the royal judges and inquired whether there were any law enjoining one, that so desired, to marry his sister. ,These royal judges are men chosen out from the Persians to function until they die or are detected in some injustice; it is they who decide suits in Persia and interpret the laws of the land; all matters are referred to them. ,These then replied to Cambyses with an answer which was both just and prudent, namely, that they could find no law enjoining a brother to marry his sister; but that they had found a law permitting the King of Persia to do whatever he liked. ,Thus, although they feared Cambyses they did not break the law, and, to save themselves from death for keeping it, they found another law abetting one who wished to marry sisters. ,So Cambyses married the object of his desire; yet not long afterwards he took another sister as well. It was the younger of these who had come with him to Egypt , and whom he now killed. 3.35. Remembering this, then, he said to Prexaspes in his anger: “Judge then if the Persians speak the truth, or rather are themselves out of their minds when they speak of me so. ,Yonder stands your son in the porch; now if I shoot and pierce his heart, that will prove the Persians to be wrong; if I miss, then say that they are right and that I am out of my senses.” ,So saying, he strung his bow and hit the boy, and gave orders to open the fallen body and examine the wound: and the arrow being found in the heart, Cambyses laughed in great glee and said to the boy's father: ,“It is plain, Prexaspes, that I am in my right mind and the Persians mad; now tell me: what man in the world did you ever see that shot so true to the mark?” Prexaspes, it is said, replied (for he saw that Cambyses was mad, and he feared for his own life), “Master, I think that not even the god himself could shoot so true.” ,Thus did Cambyses then; at another time he took twelve Persians, equal to the noblest in the land, convicted them of some minor offense, and buried them alive up to the neck. 3.50. For after killing his own wife Melissa , Periander suffered yet another calamity on top of what he had already suffered. He had two sons by Melissa , one seventeen and one eighteen years old. ,Their mother's father, Procles, the sovereign of Epidaurus , sent for the boys and treated them affectionately, as was natural, seeing that they were his own daughter's sons. When they left him, he said as he sent them forth: ,“Do you know, boys, who killed your mother?” The elder of them paid no attention to these words; but the younger, whose name was Lycophron, was struck with such horror when he heard them that when he came to Corinth he would not speak to his father, his mother's murderer, nor would he answer him when addressed nor reply to his questions. At last Periander was so angry that he drove the boy from his house. 3.51. Having driven this one away, he asked the elder son what their grandfather had said to them. The boy told him that Procles had treated them kindly, but did not mention what he had said at parting; for he had paid no attention. Periander said that by no means could Procles not have dropped some hint, and interrogated him persistently; ,until the boy remembered, and told him. And Periander, comprehending, and wishing to show no weakness, sent a message to those with whom his banished son was living and forbade them to keep him. ,So when the boy, driven out, would go to another house, he would be driven from this also, since Periander threatened all who received him and ordered them to shut him out; so when driven forth, he would go to some other house of his friends, and they, although he was the son of Periander, and although they were afraid, nonetheless took him in. 3.52. In the end Periander made a proclamation, that whoever sheltered the boy in his house or spoke to him, would owe a fine to Apollo, and he set the amount. ,In view of this proclamation no one wished to address or receive the boy into his house; and besides, the boy himself did not think it right to attempt what was forbidden, but accepting it slept in the open. ,On the fourth day, when Periander saw him starved and unwashed, he took pity on him, and his anger being softened, he came near and said: “My son, which is preferable—to follow your present way of life, or by being well-disposed toward your father to inherit my power and the goods which I now possess? ,Though my son and a prince of prosperous Corinth , you prefer the life of a vagrant, by opposing and being angry with me with whom you least ought to be. For if something has happened as a result of which you have a suspicion about me, it has happened to my disadvantage and I bear the brunt of it, inasmuch as I am the cause. ,But bearing in mind how much better it is to be envied than to be pitied, and at the same time what sort of thing it is to be angry with your parents and with those that are stronger than you, come back to the house.” ,With these words Periander tried to move his son, but he said nothing else to his father, only told him that because he had conversed with him he owed the fine to Apollo. When Periander saw that his son's stubbornness could not be got around or overcome, he sent him away out of his sight in a ship to Corcyra ; for Corcyra too was subject to him. ,And when he had sent him away, he sent an army against Procles his father-in-law, since he was most to blame for his present troubles; and he took Epidaurus , captured Procles, and imprisoned him. 3.53. As time went on, Periander, now grown past his prime and aware that he could no longer oversee and direct all his affairs, sent to Corcyra inviting Lycophron to be sovereign; for he saw no hope in his eldest son, who seemed to him to be slow-witted. ,Lycophron did not dignify the invitation with a reply. Then Periander, pressing the young man, sent to him (as the next best way) his daughter, the boy's sister, thinking that he would listen to her. ,She came and said, “Child, would you want the power to fall to others, and our father's house destroyed, rather than to return and have it yourself? Come home and stop punishing yourself. ,Pride is an unhappy possession. Do not cure evil by evil. Many place the more becoming thing before the just; and many pursuing their mother's business have lost their father's. Power is a slippery thing; many want it, and our father is now old and past his prime; do not lose what is yours to others.” ,So she spoke communicating their father's inducements. But he answered that he would never come to Corinth as long as he knew his father was alive. ,When she brought this answer back, Periander sent a third messenger, through whom he proposed that he should go to Corcyra , and that the boy should return to Corinth and be the heir of his power. ,The son consented to this; Periander got ready to go to Corcyra and Lycophron to go to Corinth ; but when the Corcyraeans learned of all these matters, they put the young man to death so that Periander would not come to their country. It was for this that Periander desired vengeance on the Corcyraeans. 3.80. After the tumult quieted down, and five days passed, the rebels against the Magi held a council on the whole state of affairs, at which sentiments were uttered which to some Greeks seem incredible, but there is no doubt that they were spoken. ,Otanes was for turning the government over to the Persian people: “It seems to me,” he said, “that there can no longer be a single sovereign over us, for that is not pleasant or good. You saw the insolence of Cambyses, how far it went, and you had your share of the insolence of the Magus. ,How can monarchy be a fit thing, when the ruler can do what he wants with impunity? Give this power to the best man on earth, and it would stir him to unaccustomed thoughts. Insolence is created in him by the good things to hand, while from birth envy is rooted in man. ,Acquiring the two he possesses complete evil; for being satiated he does many reckless things, some from insolence, some from envy. And yet an absolute ruler ought to be free of envy, having all good things; but he becomes the opposite of this towards his citizens; he envies the best who thrive and live, and is pleased by the worst of his fellows; and he is the best confidant of slander. ,of all men he is the most inconsistent; for if you admire him modestly he is angry that you do not give him excessive attention, but if one gives him excessive attention he is angry because one is a flatter. But I have yet worse to say of him than that; he upsets the ancestral ways and rapes women and kills indiscriminately. ,But the rule of the multitude has in the first place the loveliest name of all, equality, and does in the second place none of the things that a monarch does. It determines offices by lot, and holds power accountable, and conducts all deliberating publicly. Therefore I give my opinion that we make an end of monarchy and exalt the multitude, for all things are possible for the majority.” 3.81. Such was the judgment of Otanes: but Megabyzus urged that they resort to an oligarchy. “I agree,” said he, “with all that Otanes says against the rule of one; but when he tells you to give the power to the multitude, his judgment strays from the best. Nothing is more foolish and violent than a useless mob; ,for men fleeing the insolence of a tyrant to fall victim to the insolence of the unguided populace is by no means to be tolerated. Whatever the one does, he does with knowledge, but for the other knowledge is impossible; how can they have knowledge who have not learned or seen for themselves what is best, but always rush headlong and drive blindly onward, like a river in flood? ,Let those like democracy who wish ill to Persia ; but let us choose a group of the best men and invest these with the power. For we ourselves shall be among them, and among the best men it is likely that there will be the best counsels.” 3.82. Such was the judgment of Megabyzus. Darius was the third to express his opinion. “It seems to me,” he said, “that Megabyzus speaks well concerning democracy but not concerning oligarchy. For if the three are proposed and all are at their best for the sake of argument, the best democracy and oligarchy and monarchy, I hold that monarchy is by far the most excellent. ,One could describe nothing better than the rule of the one best man; using the best judgment, he will govern the multitude with perfect wisdom, and best conceal plans made for the defeat of enemies. ,But in an oligarchy, the desire of many to do the state good service often produces bitter hate among them; for because each one wishes to be first and to make his opinions prevail, violent hate is the outcome, from which comes faction and from faction killing, and from killing it reverts to monarchy, and by this is shown how much better monarchy is. ,Then again, when the people rule it is impossible that wickedness will not occur; and when wickedness towards the state occurs, hatred does not result among the wicked, but strong alliances; for those that want to do the state harm conspire to do it together. This goes on until one of the people rises to stop such men. He therefore becomes the people's idol, and being their idol is made their monarch; and thus he also proves that monarchy is best. ,But (to conclude the whole matter in one word) tell me, where did freedom come from for us and who gave it, from the people or an oligarchy or a single ruler? I believe, therefore, that we who were liberated through one man should maintain such a government, and, besides this, that we should not alter our ancestral ways that are good; that would not be better.” 5.18. The Persians who had been sent as envoys came to Amyntas and demanded earth and water for Darius the king. He readily gave to them what they asked and invited them to be his guests, preparing a dinner of great splendor and receiving them hospitably. ,After dinner, the Persians said to Amyntas as they sat drinking together, “Macedonian, our host, it is our custom in Persia to bring in also the concubines and wedded wives to sit by the men after the giving of any great banquet. We ask you, then, (since you have received us heartily, are entertaining us nobly and are giving Darius our king earth and water) to follow our custom.” ,To this Amyntas replied, “ We have no such custom, Persians. Among us, men and women sit apart, but since you are our masters and are making this request, it shall be as you desire.” With that, Amyntas sent for the women. Upon being called, the women entered and sat down in a row opposite the Persians. ,Then the Persians, seeing beautiful women before them, spoke to Amyntas and said that there was no sense in what he had done. It would be better if the women had never come at all than that they should come and not sit beside the men, but sit opposite them to torment their eyes. ,Amyntas, now feeling compelled to do so, bade the women sit beside them. When the women had done as they were bidden, the Persians, flushed as they were with excess of wine, at once laid hands on the women's breasts, and one or another tried to kiss them. 5.19. This Amyntas saw, but held his peace despite his anger because he greatly feared the Persians. Amyntas' son Alexander, however, because of his youth and ignorance of ill deeds, could not bear it longer and said to Amyntas in great wrath, “My father, do as your age demands. Leave us and take your rest; do not continue drinking. I will stay here and give our guests all that is needful.” ,At this Amyntas saw that Alexander had some wild deed in mind and said, “My son, you are angered, and if I guess your meaning correctly, you are sending me away so that you may do some violent deed. I for my part, for fear that you will bring about our undoing, entreat you not to act rashly against these men, but to bear patiently the sight of what they do. If you want me to leave, to that I consent.” 5.20. When Amyntas made this request and had gone his way, Alexander said to the Persians, “Sirs, you have full freedom to deal with these women, and may have intercourse with all or any of them. ,As to that, you may make your own decision, but now, since the hour of your rest is drawing near and I see that you are all completely drunk, allow these women to depart and wash, if this is your desire. When they have washed, wait for them to come to you again.” ,When he had said this and the Persians had given their consent, he sent the women out and away to their apartments. Alexander then took as many beardless men as there were women, dressed them in the women's clothes, and gave them daggers. These he brought in, and said to the Persians, ,“I believe, men of Persia, that you have feasted to your hearts' content. All that we had and all besides that we could find to give you has been set before you, and now we make you a free gift of our best and most valued possession, our own mothers and sisters. Be aware that in so doing we are giving you all the honor that you deserve, and tell your king who sent you how his Greek viceroy of Macedonia has received you hospitably, providing food and bedfellows.” ,With that, Alexander seated each of his Macedonians next to a Persian, as though they were women, and when the Persians began to lay hands on them, they were killed by the Macedonians. 5.21. This was the way in which they perished, they and all their retinue. Carriages too had come with them, and servants, and all the great train they had. The Macedonians made away with all that, as well as with all the envoys themselves. ,No long time afterwards the Persians made a great search for these men, but Alexander had cunning enough to put an end to it by the gift of a great sum and his own sister Gygaea to Bubares, a Persian and the general of those who were looking for the slain men. It was in this way, then, that the death of these Persians was kept silent. 5.22. Now that these descendants of Perdiccas are Greeks, as they themselves say, I myself chance to know and will prove it in the later part of my history. Furthermore, the Hellenodicae who manage the contest at Olympia determined that it is so, ,for when Alexander chose to contend and entered the lists for that purpose, the Greeks who were to run against him wanted to bar him from the race, saying that the contest should be for Greeks and not for foreigners. Alexander, however, proving himself to be an Argive, was judged to be a Greek. He accordingly competed in the furlong race and tied step for first place. This, then, is approximately what happened. 5.66.2. These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally. 7.27. In this city Pythius son of Atys, a Lydian, sat awaiting them; he entertained Xerxes himself and all the king's army with the greatest hospitality, and declared himself willing to provide money for the war. ,When Pythius offered the money, Xerxes asked the Persians present who this Pythius was and how much wealth he possessed in making the offer. They said, “O king, this is the one who gave your father Darius the gift of a golden plane-tree and vine; he is now the richest man we know of after you.” 7.28. Xerxes marvelled at this last saying and next himself asked Pythius how much wealth he had. “O king,” said Pythius, “I will not conceal the quantity of my property from you, nor pretend that I do not know; I know and will tell you the exact truth. ,As soon as I learned that you were coming down to the Greek sea, I wanted to give you money for the war, so I inquired into the matter, and my reckoning showed me that I had two thousand talents of silver, and four million Daric staters of gold, lacking seven thousand. ,All this I freely give to you; for myself, I have a sufficient livelihood from my slaves and my farms.” 7.29. Thus he spoke. Xerxes was pleased with what he said and replied: “My Lydian friend, since I came out of Persia I have so far met with no man who was willing to give hospitality to my army, nor who came into my presence unsummoned and offered to furnish money for the war, besides you. ,But you have entertained my army nobly and offer me great sums. In return for this I give you these privileges: I make you my friend, and out of my own wealth I give you the seven thousand staters which will complete your total of four million, so that your four million not lack the seven thousand and the even number be reached by my completing it. ,Remain in possession of what you now possess, and be mindful to be always such as you are; neither for the present nor in time will you regret what you now do.” 7.39. Xerxes became very angry and thus replied: “Villain, you see me marching against Hellas myself, and taking with me my sons and brothers and relations and friends; do you, my slave, who should have followed me with all your household and your very wife, speak to me of your son? Be well assured of this, that a man's spirit dwells in his ears; when it hears good words it fills the whole body with delight, but when it hears the opposite it swells with anger. ,When you did me good service and promised more, you will never boast that you outdid your king in the matter of benefits; and now that you have turned aside to the way of shamelessness, you will receive a lesser requital than you merit. You and four of your sons are saved by your hospitality; but you shall be punished by the life of that one you most desire to keep.” ,With that reply, he immediately ordered those who were assigned to do these things to find the eldest of Pythius sons and cut him in half, then to set one half of his body on the right side of the road and the other on the left, so that the army would pass between them. 7.237. “Achaemenes,” Xerxes answered, “I think that you speak well, and I will do as you counsel. Despite the fact that your advice is better than his, Demaratus does say what he supposes to be most serviceable to me, ,for assuredly I will never believe that he is no friend to my cause. I believe this of him because of all that he has already said and by what is the truth, namely, that if one citizen prospers, another citizen is jealous of him and shows his enmity by silence, and no one, (except if he has attained the height of excellence; and such are seldom seen) if his own townsman asks for counsel, will give him what he thinks to be the best advice. ,If one stranger prospers, however, another stranger is beyond all men his well-wisher and will, if he is asked, impart to him the best counsel he has. It is for this reason that I bid you all to refrain from maligning Demaratus, seeing that he is a stranger and a friend.” 8.142. So when Alexander had made an end of speaking, the envoys from Sparta said, “We on our part have been sent by the Lacedaemonians to entreat you to do nothing harmful to Hellas and accept no offer from the barbarian. ,That would be unjust and dishonorable for any Greek, but for you most of all, on many counts; it was you who stirred up this war, by no desire of ours, and your territory was first the stake of that battle in which all Hellas is now engaged. ,Apart from that, it is unbearable that not all this alone but slavery too should be brought upon the Greeks by you Athenians, who have always been known as givers of freedom to many. Nevertheless, we grieve with you in your afflictions, seeing that you have lost two harvests and your substance has been for a long time wasted. ,In requital for this the Lacedaemonians and their allies declare that they will nourish your women and all of your household members who are unserviceable for war, so long as this war will last. Let not Alexander the Macedonian win you with his smooth-tongued praise of Mardonius' counsel. It is his business to follow that counsel, ,for as he is a tyrant so must he be the tyrant's fellow-worker; it is not your business, if you are men rightly minded, for you know that in foreigners there is no faith nor truth.” These are the words of the envoys. 9.108. Now it happened that the king had been at Sardis ever since he came there in flight from Athens after his overthrow in the sea-fight. Being then at Sardis he became enamored of Masistes' wife, who was also there. But as all his messages could not bring her to yield to him, and he would not force her to his will, out of regard for his brother Masistes (which indeed counted with the woman also, for she knew well that no force would be used against her), Xerxes found no other way to accomplish his purpose than that he should make a marriage between his own son Darius and the daughter of this woman and Masistes, for he thought that by doing so he would be most likely to win her. ,So he betrothed them with all due ceremony and rode away to Susa. But when he had come and had taken Darius' bride into his house, he thought no more of Masistes' wife, but changed his mind and wooed and won this girl Artaynte, Darius' wife and Masistes' daughter. 9.111. Nevertheless, since Amestris was insistent and the law compelled him (for at this royal banquet in Persia every request must of necessity be granted), he unwillingly consented, and delivered the woman to Amestris. Then, bidding her do what she wanted, he sent for his brother and spoke as follows: ,“Masistes, you are Darius' son and my brother, and a good man; hear me then. You must no longer live with her who is now your wife. I give you my daughter in her place. Take her for your own, but do away with the wife that you have, for it is not my will that you should have her.” ,At that Masistes was amazed; “Sire,” he said, “what is this evil command that you lay upon me, telling me to deal with my wife in this way? I have by her young sons and daughters, of whom you have taken a wife for your own son, and I am very content with her herself. Yet you are asking me to get rid of my wife and wed your daughter? ,Truly, O king, I consider it a great honor to be accounted worthy of your daughter, but I will do neither the one nor the other. No, rather, do not force me to consent to such a desire. You will find another husband for your daughter as good as I, but permit me to keep my own wife.” ,This was Masistes' response, but Xerxes was very angry and said: “You have come to this pass, Masistes. I will give you no daughter of mine as a wife, nor will you any longer live with her whom you now have. In this way you will learn to accept that which is offered you.” Hearing that, Masistes said “No, sire, you have not destroyed me yet!” and so departed. |
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| 10. Dicaearchus Messenius, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 89 |
| 11. Callimachus, Hymn To Jove Or Zeus, 3, 74, 79-80, 73 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022) 90 |
| 12. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 21.6 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 92 |
| 13. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022) 90 |
14. Aratus Solensis, Phaenomena, 100-103, 105-136, 96-99, 104 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Morrison (2020) 184| 104. ἀλλʼ ἀναμὶξ ἐκάθητο, καὶ ἀθανάτη περ ἐοῦσα. | |
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| 15. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 |
| 16. Dicaearchus Messenius, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 89 |
17. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.332-1.350, 1.620-1.623, 1.627-1.630, 1.638, 1.667-1.668, 1.719, 1.739-1.841, 1.1030-1.1039, 1.1063-1.1071, 2.1026-2.1029, 4.11, 4.1043-4.1044, 4.1102-4.1105 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •kingship ideology, hellenistic Found in books: Morrison (2020) 184, 186, 188, 192, 202, 205, 207| 1.332. ‘ἄλλα μὲν ὅσσα τε νηὶ ἐφοπλίσσασθαι ἔοικεν 1.333. --πάντα γὰρ εὖ κατὰ κόσμον--ἐπαρτέα κεῖται ἰοῦσιν. 1.334. τῶ οὐκ ἂν δηναιὸν ἐχοίμεθα τοῖο ἕκητι 1.335. ναυτιλίης, ὅτε μοῦνον ἐπιπνεύσουσιν ἀῆται. 1.336. ἀλλά, φίλοι,--ξυνὸς γὰρ ἐς Ἑλλάδα νόστος ὀπίσσω, 1.337. ξυναὶ δʼ ἄμμι πέλονται ἐς Αἰήταο κέλευθοι-- 1.338. τούνεκα νῦν τὸν ἄριστον ἀφειδήσαντες ἕλεσθε 1.339. ὄρχαμον ἡμείων, ᾧ κεν τὰ ἕκαστα μέλοιτο, 1.340. νείκεα συνθεσίας τε μετὰ ξείνοισι βαλέσθαι.’ 1.341. ὧς φάτο· πάπτηναν δὲ νέοι θρασὺν Ἡρακλῆα 1.342. ἥμενον ἐν μέσσοισι· μιῇ δέ ἑ πάντες ἀυτῇ 1.343. σημαίνειν ἐπέτελλον· ὁ δʼ αὐτόθεν, ἔνθα περ ἧστο, 1.344. δεξιτερὴν ἀνὰ χεῖρα τανύσσατο φώνησέν τε· 1.345. ‘μήτις ἐμοὶ τόδε κῦδος ὀπαζέτω. οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγε 1.346. πείσομαι· ὥστε καὶ ἄλλον ἀναστήσεσθαι ἐρύξω. 1.347. αὐτός, ὅτις ξυνάγειρε, καὶ ἀρχεύοι ὁμάδοιο.’ 1.348. ἦ ῥα μέγα φρονέων, ἐπὶ δʼ ᾔνεον, ὡς ἐκέλευεν 1.349. Ἡρακλέης· ἀνὰ δʼ αὐτὸς ἀρήιος ὤρνυτʼ Ἰήσων 1.350. γηθόσυνος, καὶ τοῖα λιλαιομένοις ἀγόρευεν· 1.620. οἴη δʼ ἐκ πασέων γεραροῦ περιφείσατο πατρὸς 1.621. Ὑψιπύλεια Θόαντος, ὃ δὴ κατὰ δῆμον ἄνασσεν· 1.622. λάρνακι δʼ ἐν κοίλῃ μιν ὕπερθʼ ἁλὸς ἧκε φέρεσθαι, 1.623. αἴ κε φύγῃ. καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐς Οἰνοίην ἐρύσαντο 1.627. τῇσι δὲ βουκόλιαί τε βοῶν χάλκειά τε δύνειν 1.628. τεύχεα, πυροφόρους τε διατμήξασθαι ἀροὔρας 1.629. ῥηίτερον πάσῃσιν Ἀθηναίης πέλεν ἔργων, 1.630. οἷς αἰεὶ τὸ πάροιθεν ὁμίλεον. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἔμπης 1.638. δῦνʼ ἐνὶ τεύχεσι πατρός. ἀμηχανίῃ δʼ ἐχέοντο 1.667. ὧς ἄρʼ ἔφη, καὶ θῶκον ἐφίζανε πατρὸς ἑοῖο 1.668. λάινον· αὐτὰρ ἔπειτα φίλη τροφὸς ὦρτο Πολυξώ, 1.719. τηλυγέτην γεγαυῖαν ἀνασσέμεν· ὦκα δὲ τόνγε 1.739. οὔρεος ἠλιβάτοιο κάρη, μογέοντι ἐοικώς· 1.740. Ἀμφίων δʼ ἐπί οἱ χρυσέῃ φόρμιγγι λιγαίνων 1.741. ἤιε, δὶς τόσση δὲ μετʼ ἴχνια νίσσετο πέτρη 1.742. ἑξείης δʼ ἤσκητο βαθυπλόκαμος Κυθέρεια 1.743. Ἄρεος ὀχμάζουσα θοὸν σάκος· ἐκ δέ οἱ ὤμου 1.744. πῆχυν ἔπι σκαιὸν ξυνοχὴ κεχάλαστο χιτῶνος 1.745. νέρθεν ὑπὲκ μαζοῖο· τὸ δʼ ἀντίον ἀτρεκὲς αὔτως 1.746. χαλκείῃ δείκηλον ἐν ἀσπίδι φαίνετʼ ἰδέσθαι. 1.747. ἐν δὲ βοῶν ἔσκεν λάσιος νομός· ἀμφὶ δὲ βουσὶν 1.748. Τηλεβόαι μάρναντο καὶ υἱέες Ἠλεκτρύωνος· 1.749. οἱ μὲν ἀμυνόμενοι, ἀτὰρ οἵγʼ ἐθέλοντες ἀμέρσαι, 1.750. ληισταὶ Τάφιοι· τῶν δʼ αἵματι δεύετο λειμὼν 1.751. ἑρσήεις, πολέες δʼ ὀλίγους βιόωντο νομῆας. 1.752. ἐν δὲ δύω δίφροι πεπονήατο δηριόωντες. 1.753. καὶ τὸν μὲν προπάροιθε Πέλοψ ἴθυνε, τινάσσων 1.754. ἡνία, σὺν δέ οἱ ἔσκε παραιβάτις Ἱπποδάμεια· 1.755. τὸν δὲ μεταδρομάδην ἐπὶ Μυρτίλος ἤλασεν ἵππους, 1.756. σὺν τῷ δʼ Οἰνόμαος προτενὲς δόρυ χειρὶ μεμαρπὼς 1.757. ἄξονος ἐν πλήμνῃσι παρακλιδὸν ἀγνυμένοιο 1.758. πῖπτεν, ἐπεσσύμενος Πελοπήια νῶτα δαΐξαι. 1.759. ἐν καὶ Ἀπόλλων Φοῖβος ὀιστεύων ἐτέτυκτο, 1.760. βούπαις οὔπω πολλός, ἑὴν ἐρύοντα καλύπτρης 1.761. μητέρα θαρσαλέως Τιτυὸν μέγαν, ὅν ῥʼ ἔτεκέν γε 1.762. δῖʼ Ἐλάρη, θρέψεν δὲ καὶ ἂψ ἐλοχεύσατο Γαῖα. 1.763. ἐν καὶ Φρίξος ἔην Μινυήιος ὡς ἐτεόν περ 1.764. εἰσαΐων κριοῦ, ὁ δʼ ἄρʼ ἐξενέποντι ἐοικώς. 1.765. κείνους κʼ εἰσορόων ἀκέοις, ψεύδοιό τε θυμόν, 1.766. ἐλπόμενος πυκινήν τινʼ ἀπὸ σφείων ἐσακοῦσαι 1.767. βάξιν, ὃ καὶ δηρόν περ ἐπʼ ἐλπίδι θηήσαιο. 1.768. τοῖʼ ἄρα δῶρα θεᾶς Τριτωνίδος ἦεν Ἀθήνης. 1.769. δεξιτερῇ δʼ ἕλεν ἔγχος ἑκηβόλον, ὅ ῥʼ Ἀταλάντη 1.770. Μαινάλῳ ἔν ποτέ οἱ ξεινήιον ἐγγυάλιξεν, 1.771. πρόφρων ἀντομένη· περὶ γὰρ μενέαινεν ἕπεσθαι 1.772. τὴν ὁδόν· ἀλλὰ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἑκὼν ἀπερήτυε κούρην, 1.773. δεῖσεν δʼ ἀργαλέας ἔριδας φιλότητος ἕκητι. 1.774. βῆ δʼ ἴμεναι προτὶ ἄστυ, φαεινῷ ἀστέρι ἶσος, 1.775. ὅν ῥά τε νηγατέῃσιν ἐεργόμεναι καλύβῃσιν 1.776. νύμφαι θηήσαντο δόμων ὕπερ ἀντέλλοντα, 1.777. καί σφισι κυανέοιο διʼ ἠέρος ὄμματα θέλγει 1.778. καλὸν ἐρευθόμενος, γάνυται δέ τε ἠιθέοιο 1.779. παρθένος ἱμείρουσα μετʼ ἀλλοδαποῖσιν ἐόντος 1.780. ἀνδράσιν, ᾧ καί μιν μνηστὴν κομέουσι τοκῆες· 1.781. τῷ ἴκελος πρὸ πόληος ἀνὰ στίβον ἤιεν ἥρως. 1.782. καί ῥʼ ὅτε δὴ πυλέων τε καὶ ἄστεος ἐντὸς ἔβησαν, 1.783. δημότεραι μὲν ὄπισθεν ἐπεκλονέοντο γυναῖκες, 1.784. γηθόσυναι ξείνῳ· ὁ δʼ ἐπὶ χθονὸς ὄμματʼ ἐρείσας 1.785. νίσσετʼ ἀπηλεγέως, ὄφρʼ ἀγλαὰ δώμαθʼ ἵκανεν 1.786. Ὑψιπύλης· ἄνεσαν δὲ πύλας προφανέντι θεράπναι 1.787. δικλίδας, εὐτύκτοισιν ἀρηρεμένας σανίδεσσιν. 1.788. ἔνθα μιν Ἰφινόη κλισμῷ ἔνι παμφανόωντι 1.789. ἐσσυμένως καλῆς διὰ παστάδος εἷσεν ἄγουσα 1.790. ἀντία δεσποίνης· ἡ δʼ ἐγκλιδὸν ὄσσε βαλοῦσα 1.791. παρθενικὰς ἐρύθηνε παρηίδας· ἔμπα δὲ τόνγε 1.792. αἰδομένη μύθοισι προσέννεπεν αἱμυλίοισιν· 1.793. ‘ξεῖνε, τίη μίμνοντες ἐπὶ χρόνον ἔκτοθι πύργων 1.794. ἧσθʼ αὔτως; ἐπεὶ οὐ μὲν ὑπʼ ἀνδράσι ναίεται ἄστυ, 1.795. ἀλλὰ Θρηικίης ἐπινάστιοι ἠπείροιο 1.796. πυροφόρους ἀρόωσι γύας. κακότητα δὲ πᾶσαν 1.797. ἐξερέω νημερτές, ἵνʼ εὖ γνοίητε καὶ αὐτοί. 1.798. εὖτε Θόας ἀστοῖσι πατὴρ ἐμὸς ἐμβασίλευεν, 1.799. τηνίκα Θρηικίην, οἵ τʼ ἀντία ναιετάουσιν, 1.800. δήμου ἀπορνύμενοι λαοὶ πέρθεσκον ἐπαύλους 1.801. ἐκ νηῶν, αὐτῇσι δʼ ἀπείρονα ληίδα κούραις 1.802. δεῦρʼ ἄγον· οὐλομένης δὲ θεᾶς πορσύνετο μῆτις 1.803. Κύπριδος, ἥ τέ σφιν θυμοφθόρον ἔμβαλεν ἄτην. 1.804. δὴ γὰρ κουριδίας μὲν ἀπέστυγον, ἐκ δὲ μελάθρων, 1.805. ᾗ ματίῃ εἴξαντες, ἀπεσσεύοντο γυναῖκας· 1.806. αὐτὰρ ληιάδεσσι δορικτήταις παρίαυον, 1.807. σχέτλιοι. ἦ μὲν δηρὸν ἐτέτλαμεν, εἴ κέ ποτʼ αὖτις 1.808. ὀψὲ μεταστρέψωσι νόον· τὸ δὲ διπλόον αἰεὶ 1.809. πῆμα κακὸν προύβαινεν. ἀτιμάζοντο δὲ τέκνα 1.810. γνήσιʼ ἐνὶ μεγάροις, σκοτίη δʼ ἀνέτελλε γενέθλη. 1.811. αὔτως δʼ ἀδμῆτές τε κόραι, χῆραί τʼ ἐπὶ τῇσιν 1.812. μητέρες ἂμ πτολίεθρον ἀτημελέες ἀλάληντο. 1.813. οὐδὲ πατὴρ ὀλίγον περ ἑῆς ἀλέγιζε θυγατρός, 1.814. εἰ καὶ ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖσι δαϊζομένην ὁρόῳτο 1.815. μητρυιῆς ὑπὸ χερσὶν ἀτασθάλου· οὐδʼ ἀπὸ μητρὸς 1.816. λώβην, ὡς τὸ πάροιθεν, ἀεικέα παῖδες ἄμυνον· 1.817. οὐδὲ κασιγνήτοισι κασιγνήτη μελε θυμῷ. 1.818. ἀλλʼ οἶαι κοῦραι ληίτιδες ἔν τε δόμοισιν 1.819. ἔν τε χοροῖς ἀγορῇ τε καὶ εἰλαπίνῃσι μέλοντο· 1.820. εἰσόκε τις θεὸς ἄμμιν ὑπέρβιον ἔμβαλε θάρσος, 1.821. ἂψ ἀναερχομένους Θρῃκῶν ἄπο μηκέτι πύργοις 1.822. δέχθαι, ἵνʼ ἢ φρονέοιεν ἅπερ θέμις, ἠέ πῃ ἄλλῃ 1.823. αὐταῖς ληιάδεσσιν ἀφορμηθέντες ἵκοιντο. 1.824. οἱ δʼ ἄρα θεσσάμενοι παίδων γένος, ὅσσον ἔλειπτο 1.825. ἄρσεν ἀνὰ πτολίεθρον, ἔβαν πάλιν, ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν περ 1.826. Θρηικίης ἄροσιν χιονώδεα ναιετάουσιν. 1.827. τῶ ὑμεῖς στρωφᾶσθʼ ἐπιδήμιοι· εἰ δέ κεν αὖθι 1.828. ναιετάειν ἐθέλοις, καί τοι ἅδοι, ἦ τʼ ἂν ἔπειτα 1.829. πατρὸς ἐμεῖο Θόαντος ἔχοις γέρας· οὐδέ τί σʼ οἴω 1.830. γαῖαν ὀνόσσεσθαι· περὶ γὰρ βαθυλήιος ἄλλων 1.831. νήσων, Αἰγαίῃ ὅσαι εἰν ἁλὶ ναιετάουσιν. 1.832. ἀλλʼ ἄγε νῦν ἐπὶ νῆα κιὼν ἑτάροισιν ἐνίσπες 1.833. μύθους ἡμετέρους, μηδʼ ἔκτοθι μίμνε πόληος.’ 1.834. Ἴσκεν, ἀμαλδύνουσα φόνου τέλος, οἷον ἐτύχθη 1.835. ἀνδράσιν· αὐτὰρ ὁ τήνγε παραβλήδην προσέειπεν 1.836. ‘Ὑψιπύλη, μάλα κεν θυμηδέος ἀντιάσαιμεν 1.837. χρησμοσύνης, ἣν ἄμμι σέθεν χατέουσιν ὀπάζεις. 1.838. εἶμι δʼ ὑπότροπος αὖτις ἀνὰ πτόλιν, εὖτʼ ἂν ἕκαστα 1.839. ἐξείπω κατὰ κόσμον. ἀνακτορίη δὲ μελέσθω 1.840. σοίγʼ αὐτῇ καὶ νῆσος· ἔγωγε μὲν οὐκ ἀθερίζων 1.841. χάζομαι, ἀλλά με λυγροὶ ἐπισπέρχουσιν ἄεθλοι.’ 1.1030. οὐδʼ ὅγε δηιοτῆτος ὑπὲρ μόρον αὖτις ἔμελλεν 1.1031. οἴκαδε νυμφιδίους θαλάμους καὶ λέκτρον ἱκέσθαι. 1.1032. ἀλλά μιν Λἰσονίδης τετραμμένον ἰθὺς ἑοῖο 1.1033. πλῆξεν ἐπαΐξας στῆθος μέσον, ἀμφὶ δὲ δουρὶ 1.1034. ὀστέον ἐρραίσθη· ὁ δʼ ἐνὶ ψαμάθοισιν ἐλυσθεὶς 1.1035. μοῖραν ἀνέπλησεν. τὴν γὰρ θέμις οὔποτʼ ἀλύξαι 1.1036. θνητοῖσιν· πάντῃ δὲ περὶ μέγα πέπταται ἕρκος. 1.1037. ὧς τὸν ὀιόμενόν που ἀδευκέος ἔκτοθεν ἄτης 1.1038. εἶναι ἀριστήων αὐτῇ ὑπὸ νυκτὶ πέδησεν 1.1039. μαρνάμενον κείνοισι· πολεῖς δʼ ἐπαρηγόνες ἄλλοι 1.1063. οὐδὲ μὲν οὐδʼ ἄλοχος Κλείτη φθιμένοιο λέλειπτο 1.1064. οὗ πόσιος μετόπισθε· κακῷ δʼ ἐπὶ κύντερον ἄλλο 1.1065. ἤνυσεν, ἁψαμένη βρόχον αὐχένι. τὴν δὲ καὶ αὐταὶ 1.1066. νύμφαι ἀποφθιμένην ἀλσηίδες ὠδύραντο· 1.1067. καί οἱ ἀπὸ βλεφάρων ὅσα δάκρυα χεῦαν ἔραζε, 1.1068. πάντα τάγε κρήνην τεῦξαν θεαί, ἣν καλέουσιν 1.1069. Κλείτην, δυστήνοιο περικλεὲς οὔνομα νύμφης. 1.1070. αἰνότατον δὴ κεῖνο Δολιονίῃσι γυναιξὶν 1.1071. ἀνδράσι τʼ ἐκ Διὸς ἦμαρ ἐπήλυθεν· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτῶν 2.1026. αὐτὰρ ἐν ὑψίστῳ βασιλεὺς μόσσυνι θαάσσων 2.1027. ἰθείας πολέεσσι δίκας λαοῖσι δικάζει, 2.1028. σχέτλιος. ἢν γάρ πού τί θεμιστεύων ἀλίτηται, 2.1029. λιμῷ μιν κεῖνʼ ἦμαρ ἐνικλείσαντες ἔχουσιν. 4.11. τῇ δʼ ἀλεγεινότατον κραδίῃ φόβον ἔμβαλεν Ἥρη· 4.1043. Ἱκεσίην, νέμεσίν τε θεῶν, ἐς χεῖρας ἰοῦσαν 4.1044. Αἰήτεω λώβῃ πολυπήμονι δῃωθῆναι. 4.1102. λώιον· οὐ γάρ τις βασιλεύτερος Αἰήταο. 4.1103. καί κʼ ἐθέλων, ἕκαθέν περ, ἐφʼ Ἑλλάδι νεῖκος ἄγοιτο. 4.1104. τῶ μʼ ἐπέοικε δίκην, ἥτις μετὰ πᾶσιν ἀρίστη 4.1105. ἔσσεται ἀνθρώποισι, δικαζέμεν· οὐδέ σε κεύσω. | |
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18. Polybius, Histories, 6.3.5-6.3.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 89| 6.3.5. συμβαίνει δὴ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν βουλομένων διδασκαλικῶς ἡμῖν ὑποδεικνύειν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων τρία γένη λέγειν πολιτειῶν, ὧν τὸ μὲν καλοῦσι βασιλείαν, τὸ δʼ ἀριστοκρατίαν, τὸ δὲ τρίτον δημοκρατίαν. 6.3.6. δοκεῖ δέ μοι πάνυ τις εἰκότως ἂν ἐπαπορῆσαι πρὸς αὐτούς, πότερον ὡς μόνας ταύτας ἢ καὶ νὴ Δίʼ ὡς ἀρίστας ἡμῖν εἰσηγοῦνται τῶν πολιτειῶν. 6.3.7. κατʼ ἀμφότερα γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν μοι δοκοῦσι. δῆλον γὰρ ὡς ἀρίστην μὲν ἡγητέον πολιτείαν τὴν ἐκ πάντων τῶν προειρημένων ἰδιωμάτων συνεστῶσαν· 6.3.8. τούτου γὰρ τοῦ μέρους οὐ λόγῳ μόνον, ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ πεῖραν εἰλήφαμεν, Λυκούργου συστήσαντος πρώτου κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα. 6.3.9. καὶ μὴν οὐδʼ ὡς μόνας ταύτας προσδεκτέον· καὶ γὰρ μοναρχικὰς καὶ τυραννικὰς ἤδη τινὰς τεθεάμεθα πολιτείας, αἳ πλεῖστον διαφέρουσαι βασιλείας παραπλήσιον ἔχειν τι ταύτῃ δοκοῦσιν· 6.3.10. ᾗ καὶ συμψεύδονται καὶ συγχρῶνται πάντες οἱ μόναρχοι καθʼ ὅσον οἷοί τʼ εἰσὶ τῷ τῆς βασιλείας ὀνόματι. 6.3.11. καὶ μὴν ὀλιγαρχικὰ πολιτεύματα καὶ πλείω γέγονε, δοκοῦντα παρόμοιον ἔχειν τι τοῖς ἀριστοκρατικοῖς, ἃ πλεῖστον ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν διεστᾶσιν. 6.3.12. ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς λόγος καὶ περὶ | 6.3.5. Most of those whose object it has been to instruct us methodically concerning such matters, distinguish three kinds of constitutions, which they call kingship, aristocracy, and democracy. 6.3.6. Now we should, I think, be quite justified in asking them to enlighten us as to whether they represent these three to be the sole varieties or rather to be the best; 6.3.7. for in either case my opinion is that they are wrong. For it is evident that we must regard as the best constitution a combination of all these three varieties, since we have had proof of this not only theoretically but by actual experience, Lycurgus having been the first to draw up a constitution â that of Sparta â on this principle. 6.3.9. Nor on the other hand can we admit that these are the only three varieties; for we have witnessed monarchical and tyrannical governments, which while they differ very widely from kingship, yet bear a certain resemblance to it, 6.3.10. this being the reason why monarchs in general falsely assume and use, as far as they can, the regal title. 6.3.11. There have also been several oligarchical constitutions which seem to bear some likeness to aristocratic ones, though the divergence is, generally, as wide as possible. 6.3.12. The same holds good about democracies. |
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| 19. Cicero, On Laws, 2.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 91 |
| 20. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.19.53-5.19.54 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 |
| 21. Cicero, On Duties, 5.19.53-5.19.54 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 |
22. Cicero, Republic, 2.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 91| 2.2. Is dicere solebat ob hanc causam praestare nostrae civitatis statum ceteris civitatibus, quod in illis singuli fuissent fere, qui suam quisque rem publicam constituissent legibus atque institutis suis, ut Cretum Minos, Lacedaemoniorum Lycurgus, Atheniensium, quae persaepe commutata esset, tum Theseus, tum Draco, tum Solo, tum Clisthenes, tum multi alii, postremo exsanguem iam et iacentem doctus vir Phalereus sustentasset Demetrius, nostra autem res publica non unius esset ingenio, sed multorum, nec una hominis vita, sed aliquot constituta saeculis et aetatibus. Nam neque ullum ingenium tantum extitisse dicebat, ut, quem res nulla fugeret, quisquam aliquando fuisset, neque cuncta ingenia conlata in unum tantum posse uno tempore providere, ut omnia complecterentur sine rerum usu ac vetustate. | |
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| 23. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.31.6, 12.11.3-12.11.21, 18.18.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Morrison (2020) 180, 181 |
| 24. Theon Aelius, Exercises, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 |
25. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 3.45-3.50, 80.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 89, 91 | 3.45. The three most conspicuous forms of government â governments based on law and justice and enjoying the favour of heaven and fortune â are expressly named. One is the first to come into existence and the most practicable â that which forms the subject of the present address â where we have a city, or a number of peoples, or the whole world, well ordered by one good man's judgment and virtue; second, the soâcalled "aristocracy," 3.46. where not one man, nor a considerable number of men, but a few, and they the best, are in control â a form of government, at length, far from being either practicable or expedient. It seems to me that Homer too had this in mind when he said: "The rule of the many is not well. One must be chief In war, and one the king, to whom the son of Cronus, crafty in counsel, the sceptre doth give." 3.47. Third, possibly the most impracticable one of all, the one that expects by the self-control and virtue of the common people some day to find an equitable constitution based on law. Men call it "democracy" â a specious and inoffensive name, if the thing were but practicable. 3.48. To these forms of government â three in number, as I have said â are opposed three degenerate forms not based on law: The first is "tyranny," where one man's high-handed use of force is the ruin of others. Next comes oligarchy, harsh and unjust, arising from the aggrandizement of a certain few wealthy rascals at the expense of the needy masses. 3.49. The next in order is a motley impulsive mob of all sorts and conditions of men who know absolutely nothing but are always kept in a state of confusion and anger by unscrupulous demagogues, just as a wild rough sea is whipped this way and that by the fierce blasts. These degenerate forms I have merely touched on in passing, though I could point to many mischances and disasters that each of them has suffered in the past, 3.50. but it is my duty to discuss more carefully the happy and god-given polity at present in force. Now there are many close parallels and striking analogies to this form of government to be found in nature, where herds of cattle and swarms of bees indicate clearly that it is natural for the stronger to govern and care for the weaker. However, there could be no more striking or beautiful illustration than that government of the universe which is under the control of the first and best god. 80.3. As for myself, however, I regard it as a splendid and blessed state of being, if in the midst of slaves one can be a free man and in the midst of subjects be independent. To attain this state many wars were waged by the Lydians against the Phrygians and by the Phrygians against the Lydians, and many, too, by both Ionians and Dorians and, in fact, by all peoples, yet no one has ever, because he was enamoured of independence in the spiritual sense, undertaken to use his own personal laws; instead they all wrangle over the laws of Solon and Draco and Numa and Zaleucus, bent on following the one code but not the other, though, on the other hand, not even one of these law-givers had framed the sort of laws he should. Why, Solon himself, according to report, declared that he was proposing for the Athenians, not what satisfied himself, but rather what he assumed they would accept. |
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| 26. Plutarch, On Exilio, 601 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 |
| 27. Aelian, Varia Historia, 3.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 |
28. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.5.1, 1.6.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 91, 92| 1.5.1. τοῦ βουλευτηρίου τῶν πεντακοσίων πλησίον Θόλος ἐστὶ καλουμένη, καὶ θύουσί τε ἐνταῦθα οἱ πρυτάνεις καί τινα καὶ ἀργύρου πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ἀγάλματα οὐ μεγάλα. ἀνωτέρω δὲ ἀνδριάντες ἑστήκασιν ἡρώων, ἀφʼ ὧν Ἀθηναίοις ὕστερον τὰ ὀνόματα ἔσχον αἱ φυλαί· ὅστις δὲ κατεστήσατο δέκα ἀντὶ τεσσάρων φυλὰς εἶναι καὶ μετέθετό σφισι τὰ ὀνόματα ἀντὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων, Ἡροδότῳ καὶ ταῦτά ἐστιν εἰρημένα. 1.6.8. ἀποθανόντος δὲ Ἀντιγόνου Πτολεμαῖος Σύρους τε αὖθις καὶ Κύπρον εἷλε, κατήγαγε δὲ καὶ Πύρρον ἐς τὴν Θεσπρωτίδα ἤπειρον· Κυρήνης δὲ ἀποστάσης Μάγας Βερενίκης υἱὸς Πτολεμαίῳ τότε συνοικούσης ἔτει πέμπτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν εἷλε Κυρήνην. —εἰ δὲ ὁ Πτολεμαῖος οὗτος ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ Φιλίππου τοῦ Ἀμύντου παῖς ἦν, ἴστω τὸ ἐπιμανὲς ἐς τὰς γυναῖκας κατὰ τὸν πατέρα κεκτημένος, ὃς Εὐρυδίκῃ τῇ Ἀντιπάτρου συνοικῶν ὄντων οἱ παίδων Βερενίκης ἐς ἔρωτα ἦλθεν, ἣν Ἀντίπατρος Εὐρυδίκῃ συνέπεμψεν ἐς Αἴγυπτον. ταύτης τῆς γυναικὸς ἐρασθεὶς παῖδας ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐποιήσατο, καὶ ὡς ἦν οἱ πλησίον ἡ τελευτή, Πτολεμαῖον ἀπέλιπεν Αἰγύπτου βασιλεύειν, ἀφʼ οὗ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἡ φυλή, γεγονότα ἐκ Βερενίκης ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιπάτρου θυγατρός. | 1.5.1. Near to the Council Chamber of the Five Hundred is what is called Tholos (Round House); here the presidents sacrifice, and there are a few small statues made of silver. Farther up stand statues of heroes, from whom afterwards the Athenian tribes received their names. Who the man was who established ten tribes instead of four, and changed their old names to new ones—all this is told by Herodotus. See v. 66 and 69. The reform took place in 508 B.C. 1.6.8. After the death of Antigonus, Ptolemy again reduced the Syrians and Cyprus , and also restored Pyrrhus to Thesprotia on the mainland. Cyrene rebelled; but Magas, the son of Berenice (who was at this time married to Ptolemy) captured Cyrene in the fifth year of the rebellion. If this Ptolemy really was the son of Philip, son of Amyntas, he must have inherited from his father his passion for women, for, while wedded to Eurydice, the daughter of Antipater, although he had children he took a fancy to Berenice, whom Antipater had sent to Egypt with Eurydice. He fell in love with this woman and had children by her, and when his end drew near he left the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolemy (from whom the Athenians name their tribe) being the son of Berenice and not of the daughter of Antipater. |
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29. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 5.78-5.81 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 | 5.78. And in the official list the year in which he was archon was styled the year of lawlessness, according to this same Favorinus.Hermippus tells us that upon the death of Casander, being in fear of Antigonus, he fled to Ptolemy Soter. There he spent a considerable time and advised Ptolemy, among other things, to invest with sovereign power his children by Eurydice. To this Ptolemy would not agree, but bestowed the diadem on his son by Berenice, who, after Ptolemy's death, thought fit to detain Demetrius as a prisoner in the country until some decision should be taken concerning him. There he lived in great dejection, and somehow, in his sleep, received an asp-bite on the hand which proved fatal. He is buried in the district of Busiris near Diospolis. 5.79. Here are my lines upon him:A venomous asp was the death of the wise Demetrius, an asp withal of sticky venom, darting, not light from its eyes, but black death.Heraclides in his epitome of Sotion's Successions of Philosophers says that Ptolemy himself wished to transmit the kingdom to Philadelphus, but that Demetrius tried to dissuade him, saying, If you give it to another, you will not have it yourself. At the time when he was being continually attacked in Athens, Meder, the Comic poet, as I have also learnt, was very nearly brought to trial for no other cause than that he was a friend of Demetrius. However, Telesphorus, the nephew of Demetrius, begged him off.In the number of his works and their total length in lines he has surpassed almost all contemporary Peripatetics. For in learning and versatility he ha 5.80. no equal. Some of these works are historical and others political; there are some dealing with poets, others with rhetoric. Then there are public speeches and reports of embassies, besides collections of Aesop's fables and much else. He wrote:of Legislation at Athens, five books.of the Constitutions of Athens, two books.of Statesmanship, two books.On Politics, two books.of Laws, one book.On Rhetoric, two books.On Military Matters, two books. 5.81. On the Iliad, two books.On the Odyssey, four books.And the following works, each in one book:Ptolemy.Concerning Love.Phaedondas.Maedon.Cleon.Socrates.Artaxerxes.Concerning Homer.Aristides.Aristomachus.An Exhortation to Philosophy.of the Constitution.On the ten years of his own Supremacy.of the Ionians.Concerning Embassies.of Belief.of Favour.of Fortune.of Magimity.of Marriage.of the Beam in the Sky.of Peace.On Laws.On Customs.of Opportunity.Dionysius.Concerning Chalcis.A Denunciation of the Athenians.On Antiphanes.Historical Introduction.Letters.A Sworn Assembly.of Old Age.Rights.Aesop's Fables.Anecdotes. |
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| 30. Hermippus of Smyrnafgrh Cont 1026 F 47, Fgrh Cont 1026 F 47 347, 75 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 |
| 31. Papyri, P.Schub., 35 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 309 |
| 32. Papyri, P.Oxy., 2.217, 13.1611 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 87 |
| 33. Papyri, P.Michael., 4 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 309 |
| 34. Papyri, P.Bingen, 3 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 87 |
| 35. Nicephorus Gregoras, Hist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022) 91 |
| 36. Theocritus, Or., 14.61-14.64, 17.11-17.12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022) 89, 98 |
37. Strabo, Geography, 9.1.16 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 92 | 9.1.16. The city itself is a rock situated in a plain and surrounded by dwellings. On the rock is the sacred precinct of Athena, comprising both the old temple of Athena Polias, in which is the lamp that is never quenched, and the Parthenon built by Ictinus, in which is the work in ivory by Pheidias, the Athena. However, if I once began to describe the multitude of things in this city that are lauded and proclaimed far and wide, I fear that I should go too far, and that my work would depart from the purpose I have in view. For the words of Hegesias occur to me: I see the Acropolis, and the mark of the huge trident there. I see Eleusis, and I have become an initiate into its sacred mysteries; yonder is the Leocorium, here is the Theseium; I am unable to point them all out one by one; for Attica is the possession of the gods, who seized it as a sanctuary for themselves, and of the ancestral heroes. So this writer mentioned only one of the significant things on the Acropolis; but Polemon the Periegete wrote four books on the dedicatory offerings on the Acropolis alone. Hegesias is proportionately brief in referring to the other parts of the city and to the country; and though he mentions Eleusis, one of the one hundred and seventy demes (or one hundred and seventy-four, as the number is given), he names none of the others. |
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| 38. Demetrius of Phalerum, Demetrius of Phalerum, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022) 88 |
| 39. Hegesias of Magnesia, Fr., 24 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 92 |
| 40. Xenophon And Corpus Xenophonteum, Cyr., 8.7.22 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 90 |
| 41. Papyri, P.Berol. Inv., 13044 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 91 |
| 42. Demosthenes And Corpus Demosthenicum, Or., 18.289, 60.27-60.31 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 90, 92 |
| 43. Theodoret, Affect., 9.12 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 91 |
| 44. Epigraphy, Igur, 3.1191 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 309 |
| 45. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), None Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 89 |
46. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 292, 291 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Morrison (2020) 181, 207 | 291. The king spent some time in praising this man and then asked the last of all, What is the greatest achievement in ruling an empire? And he replied, 'That the subjects should continually dwell in a state of peace, and that justice should be speedily administered in cases of dispute. |
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| 47. Marcus Antonius, Med., 3.11 Tagged with subjects: •hellenistic ideology of kingship Found in books: Amendola (2022) 309 |
