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42 results for "kaisareia"
1. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 245 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 399
245. he still had himself some sparks of the Jewish philosophy and piety, since he had long ago learnt something of it by reason of his eagerness for learning, and had studied it still more ever since he had come as governor of the countries in which there are vast numbers of Jews scattered over every city of Asia and Syria; or partly because he was so disposed in his mind from his spontaneous, and natural, and innate inclination for all things which are worthy of care and study. Moreover, God himself appears often to suggest virtuous ideas to virtuous men, by which, while benefiting others, they will likewise be benefited themselves, which now was the case with Petronius. What then was his resolution?
2. Suetonius, Tiberius, 37.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 326
3. Tacitus, Annals, 2.42.2, 6.41, 12.49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 326
6.41. Per idem tempus Clitarum natio Cappadoci Archelao subiecta, quia nostrum in modum deferre census, pati tributa adigebatur, in iuga Tauri montis abscessit locorumque ingenio sese contra imbellis regis copias tutabatur, donec M. Trebellius legatus, a Vitellio praeside Syriae cum quattuor milibus legionariorum et delectis auxiliis missus, duos collis quos barbari insederant (minori Cadra, alteri Davara nomen est) operibus circumdedit et erumpere ausos ferro, ceteros siti ad deditionem coegit. At Tiridates volentibus Parthis Nicephorium et Anthemusiada ceterasque urbes, quae Macedonibus sitae Graeca vocabula usurpant, Halumque et Artemitam Parthica oppida recepit, certantibus gaudio qui Artabanum Scythas inter eductum ob saevitiam execrati come Tiridatis ingenium Romanas per artes sperabant. 12.49. Erat Cappadociae procurator Iulius Paelignus, ignavia animi et deridiculo corporis iuxta despiciendus, sed Claudio perquam familiaris, cum privatus olim conversatione scurrarum iners otium oblectaret. is Paelignus auxiliis provincialium contractis tamquam reciperaturus Armeniam, dum socios magis quam hostis praedatur, abscessu suorum et incursantibus barbaris praesidii egens ad Radamistum venit; donisque eius evictus ultro regium insigne sumere cohortatur sumentique adest auctor et satelles. quod ubi turpi fama divulgatum, ne ceteri quoque ex Paeligno coniectarentur, Helvidius Priscus legatus cum legione mittitur rebus turbidis pro tempore ut consuleret. igitur propere montem Taurum transgressus moderatione plura quam vi composuerat, cum rediret in Syriam iubetur ne initium belli adversus Parthos existeret. 6.41.  About this date, the Cietae, a tribe subject to Archelaus of Cappadocia, pressed to conform with Roman usage by making a return of their property and submitting to a tribute, migrated to the heights of the Tauric range, and, favoured by the nature of the country, held their own against the unwarlike forces of the king; until the legate Marcus Trebellius, despatched by Vitellius from his province of Syria with four thousand legionaries and a picked force of auxiliaries, drew his lines round the two hills which the barbarians had occupied (the smaller is known as Cadra, the other as Davara) and reduced them to surrender — those who ventured to make a sally, by the sword, the others by thirst. Meanwhile, with the acquiescence of the Parthians, Tiridates took over Nicephorium, Anthemusias, and the other cities of Macedonian foundation, carrying Greek names, together with the Parthic towns of Halus and Artemita; enthusiasm running high, as Artabanus, with his Scythian training, had been execrated for his cruelty and it was hoped that Roman culture had mellowed the character of Tiridates. 12.49.  The procurator of Cappadocia was Julius Paelignus, a person made doubly contemptible by hebetude of mind and grotesqueness of body, yet on terms of the greatest intimacy with Claudius during the years of retirement when he amused his sluggish leisure with the society of buffoons. The Paelignus had mustered the provincial militia, with the avowed intention of recovering Armenia; but, while he was plundering our subjects in preference to the enemy, the secession of his troops left him defenceless against the barbarian incursions, and he made his way to Radamistus, by whose liberality he was so overpowered that he voluntarily advised him to assume the kingly emblem, and assisted at its assumption in the quality of sponsor and satellite. Ugly reports of the incident spread; and, to make it clear that not all Romans were to be judged by the standard of Paelignus, the legate Helvidius Priscus was sent with a legion to deal with the disturbed situation as the circumstances might require. Accordingly, after crossing Mount Taurus in haste, he had settled more points by moderation than by force, when he was ordered back to Syria, lest he should give occasion for a Parthian war.
4. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 6.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 326
5. New Testament, Romans, 16.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 534
16.7. ἀσπάσασθε Ἀνδρόνικον καὶ Ἰουνίαν τοὺς συγγενεῖς μου καὶ συναιχμαλώτους μου, οἵτινές εἰσιν ἐπίσημοι ἐν τοῖς ἀποστόλοις, οἳ καὶ πρὸ ἐμοῦ γέγοναν ἐν Χριστῷ. 16.7. Greet Andronicus and Junias, my relatives and my fellow prisoners, who are notable among the apostles, who also were in Christ before me.
6. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.9, 5.20.1, 10.17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 369, 421
4.9. To Cornelius Ursus. For some days past Julius Bassus has been on trial. He is a much harassed man whose misfortunes have made him famous. An accusation was lodged against him in Vespasian's reign by two private individuals; the case was referred to the senate, and for a long time he has been on tenterhooks, but at last he has been acquitted and his character cleared. He was afraid of Titus because he had been a friend of Domitian, yet he had been banished by the latter, was recalled by Nerva, and, after being appointed by lot to the governorship of Bithynia, returned from the province to stand his trial. The case against him was keenly pressed, but he was no less loyally defended. Pomponius Rufus, a ready and impetuous speaker, opened against him and was followed by Theophanes, one of the deputation from the province, who was the very life and soul of the prosecution, and indeed the originator of it. I replied on Bassus' behalf, for he had instructed me to lay the foundations of his whole defence, to give an account of his distinctions, which were very considerable - as he was a man of good family, and had faced many hazards - to dilate upon the conspiracy of the informers and the gains they counted upon, and to explain how it was that Bassus had roused the resentment of all the restless spirits of the province, and notably of Theophanes himself. He had expressed a wish that I too should controvert the charge which was damaging him most. For as to the others, though they sounded to be even more serious, he deserved not only acquittal but approbation, and the only thing that troubled him was that, in an unguarded moment and in perfect innocence, he had received certain presents from the provincials as a token of friendship, for he had served in the same province previously as quaestor. His accusers stigmatised these gifts as thefts * and plunder In such a case what was I to do, what line of defence was I to take up? If I denied them altogether, I was afraid that people would immediately regard as a theft the presents which I was afraid to confess had been received. Moreover, to deny the obvious truth would have been to aggravate and not lessen the gravity of the charge, especially as the accused himself had cut the ground away from under the feet of his counsel. For he had told many people, and even the Emperor, that he had accepted, but only on his birthday or at the feast of the Saturnalia, some few trifling presents, and had also sent similar gifts to some of his friends. Was I then to acknowledge this and plead for clemency? Had I done so, I should have put a knife to my client's throat by confessing that he had committed offences and could only be acquitted by an act of clemency. Was I to defend his conduct and justify it? That would have done him no good, and would have stamped me as an unblushing advocate. In this difficult position I resolved to take a middle course, and I think I succeeded in so doing. Night interrupted my pleading, as it so often interrupts battles. I had been speaking for three hours and a half, and I had another hour and a half still left me. The law allowed the accuser six hours and the defendant nine, and Bassus had arranged the time at his disposal by giving me five hours, and the remainder to the advocate who was to speak after me. The success of my pleading persuaded me to say no more and make an end, for it is rash not to rest content when things are going well. Besides, I was afraid I might break down physically if I went over the ground again, as it is more difficult to pick up the threads of a speech than to go straight on. There was also the risk of the remainder of my speech meeting with a chilly reception, owing to the threads being dropped, or of it boring the judges if I gathered them up anew. For, just as the flame of a torch is kept alight if you wave it continually up and down, but is difficult to resuscitate when it has been allowed to go out, so the warmth of a speaker and the attention of his audience are kept alive if he goes on speaking, but cool off at any interruption which causes interest to flag. But Bassus begged and prayed of me, almost with tears in his eyes, to take my full time. I gave way, and preferred his interests to my own. It turned out well, for I found that the senators were so attentive and so fresh that, instead of having had quite enough of my speech of the day before, it seemed to have only whetted their appetites for more. Lucceius Albinus followed me and spoke so much to the point that our speeches were considered to have all the diversity of two addresses but the cohesion of one. Herennius Pollio replied with force and dignity, and then Theophanes again rose. He showed his usual effrontery in demanding a more liberal allowance of time than is usually granted - even after two advocates of ability and consular rank had concluded - and he went on speaking until nightfall, and actually continued after that, when lights had been brought into court. On the following day Titius Homullus and Fronto made a splendid effort on behalf of Bassus, and the hearing of the evidence took up the fourth day. Baebius Macer, the consul-designate, proposed that Bassus should be dealt with under the law relating to extortion, while Caepio Hispo was in favour of appointing judges to hear the case, ** but urged that Bassus should retain his place in the senate. Both were in the right. How can that be? you may ask. For this reason, because Macer, looking at the letter of the law, was justified in condemning a man who had broken the law by receiving presents; while Caepio, acting on the assumption that the senate has the right - which it certainly has - both to mitigate the severity of the laws and to rigorously put them in force, was not unreasonably desirous of excusing an offence which, though illegal, is very often committed. Caepio's proposal carried the day; indeed, when he rose to speak he was greeted with the applause which is usually reserved for speakers upon resuming their seats. This will enable you to judge how uimously the motion was received while he was speaking, when it met with such a reception on his rising to put it. However, just as there was difference of opinion in the senate, so there is the same with the general public. Those who approved the proposal of Caepio find fault with that of Macer as being vindictive and severe; those who agree with Macer condemn Caepio's motion as lax and even inconsistent, for they say it is incongruous to allow a man to keep his place in the senate when judges have been allotted to try him. There was also a third proposal. Valerius Paulinus, who agreed in the main with Caepio, proposed that an inquiry should be instituted into the case of Theophanes, as soon as he had concluded his work on the deputation. It was urged that during his conduct of the prosecution he had committed a number of offences which came within the scope of the law under which he had accused Bassus. However, the consuls did not approve this proposal, though it found great favour with a large proportion of the senate. Nonetheless, Paulinus gained a reputation thereby for justice and consistency. When the senate rose, Bassus came in for an ovation; crowds gathered round him and greeted him with a remarkable demonstration of their joy. † Public sympathy had been aroused in his favour by the old story of the hazards he had gone through being told over again, by the association of his name with grave perils, by his tall physique and the sadness and poverty of his old age. You must consider this letter as the forerunner of another
7. Tertullian, To Scapula, 3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 534
3. However, as we have already remarked, it cannot but distress us that no state shall bear unpunished the guilt of shedding Christian blood; as you see, indeed, in what took place during the presidency of Hilarian, for when there had been some agitation about places of sepulture for our dead, and the cry arose, No are - no burial-grounds for the Christians, it came that their own are , their threshing-floors, were a-wanting, for they gathered in no harvests. As to the rains of the bygone year, it is abundantly plain of what they were intended to remind men - of the deluge, no doubt, which in ancient times overtook human unbelief and wickedness; and as to the fires which lately hung all night over the walls of Carthage, they who saw them know what they threatened; and what the preceding thunders pealed, they who were hardened by them can tell. All these things are signs of God's impending wrath, which we must needs publish and proclaim in every possible way; and in the meanwhile we must pray it may be only local. Sure are they to experience it one day in its universal and final form, who interpret otherwise these samples of it. That sun, too, in the metropolis of Utica, with light all but extinguished, was a portent which could not have occurred from an ordinary eclipse, situated as the lord of day was in his height and house. You have the astrologers, consult them about it. We can point you also to the deaths of some provincial rulers, who in their last hours had painful memories of their sin in persecuting the followers of Christ. Vigellius Saturninus, who first here used the sword against us, lost his eyesight. Claudius Lucius Herminianus in Cappadocia, enraged that his wife had become a Christian, had treated the Christians with great cruelty: well, left alone in his palace, suffering under a contagious malady, he boiled out in living worms, and was heard exclaiming, Let nobody know of it, lest the Christians rejoice, and Christian wives take encouragement. Afterwards he came to see his error in having tempted so many from their steadfastness by the tortures he inflicted, and died almost a Christian himself. In that doom which overtook Byzantium, C cilius Capella could not help crying out, Christians, rejoice! Yes, and the persecutors who seem to themselves to have acted with impunity shall not escape the day of judgment. For you we sincerely wish it may prove to have been a warning only, that, immediately after you had condemned Mavilus of Adrumetum to the wild beasts, you were overtaken by those troubles, and that even now for the same reason you are called to a blood-reckoning. But do not forget the future.
8. Tertullian, On The Soul, 9.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 534
9. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 369
10. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 326
57.17.7.  So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius.
11. Lucian, The Mistaken Critic, 14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 399
12. Cyprian, Letters, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 547
13. Cyprian, Letters, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 547
14. Cyprian, Letters, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 547
15. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 1.13, 5.23, 6.30, 7.7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 547, 548
16. Cyprian, Letters To Jovian, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 547
17. Cyprian, Letters, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 547
18. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 23.5.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 358
23.5.3. For once upon a time at Antioch, amid deep silence, Or perhaps, in a time of profound peace. an actor of mimes, who with his wife had been presented in stage-plays, was presenting some scenes from everyday life. And while all the people were amazed at the charm of the performance, the wife suddenly cried: Is it a dream, or are the Persians here? Whereupon all the people turned their heads about and then fled in all directions, to avoid the arrows that were showered upon them from the citadel. Thus the city was set on fire, and many people who were carelessly wandering about, as in time of peace, were butchered; neighbouring places were burned and devastated, and the enemy, laden with plunder, returned home without the loss of a single man. Mareades, who had inconsiderately brought the Persians there to the destruction of his own people, was burned alive. This took place in the time of Gallienus. 260-268; according to others, it was in the time of his father Valerian.
19. Epiphanius, Panarion, 49.1.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 534
20. Justinian, Digest, 1.16.7 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 369, 417
21. Jerome, Commentary On Galatians, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 399
22. Procopius, On Buildings, 3-4, 18 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 382
23. Epigraphy, Ivperge, 321, 294  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417
24. Zonaras, Epitome, 12.21, 12.23  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 396, 548
25. Epigraphy, Ig, 3.132, 3.883, 3.912, 4.352, 4.618  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 412, 417, 421
26. Epigraphy, Ae, 1975.809  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 382
27. Recueil, Waddington, Babelon, And Reinach 1925, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 421
28. Augustus, Sng Levante, 480, 583, 844, 847, 482  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 421
29. Epigraphy, I. Sardeis, 8  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 421
30. Galen, Vol., None  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 396
31. Epigraphy, Iag, None  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417
32. Epigraphy, Moretti, Iag, None  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417
33. Augustus, Tam, 5.1.47  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 421
34. Epigraphy, Bmc, 89, 4  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 421
35. Epigraphy, Head, Hn2, 733  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417
36. Nt, Acts, 14.11, 18.18  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 399, 534
37. Ignatius, Ep., 8.3, 13.2  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 534
38. Türsteine, Waelkens, Türsteine, 1986, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 534
39. Epigraphy, Johnson, 3.2-3.7, 3.4, 3.5  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 534
40. Memnon Fr., Fr., Fgrh 434, 1.40.2  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 396
41. Epigraphy, Stratonikeia, 15  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 421
42. Strabo, Geography, 7.3.4, 12.3.25, 12.3.41  Tagged with subjects: •kaisareia below mt. argaios (mazaka) Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 399, 534
7.3.4. However, it is perhaps superfluous to disturb the reading that has had approval for so many years; for it is much more credible that the people were called Mysi at first and that later their name was changed to what it is now. And as for the term Abii, one might interpret it as meaning those who are without hearth: and live on wagons quite as well as those who are bereft; for since, in general, injustices arise only in connection with contracts and a too high regard for property, so it is reasonable that those who, like the Abii, live cheaply, on slight resources, should have been called most just. In fact, the philosophers who put justice next to self-restraint strive above all things for frugality and personal independence; and consequently extreme self-restraint diverts some of them to the Cynical mode of life. But as for the statement that they live bereft of women, the poet suggests nothing of the sort, and particularly in the country of the Thracians and of those of their number who are Getae. And see the statement of Meder about them, which, as one may reasonably suppose, was not invented by him but taken from history: All the Thracians, and most of all we Getae (for I too boast that I am of this stock) are not very continent; and a little below he sets down the proofs of their incontinence in their relations with women: For every man of us marries ten or eleven women, and some, twelve or more; but if anyone meets death before he has married more than four or five, he is lamented among the people there as a wretch without bride and nuptial song. Indeed, these facts are confirmed by the other writers as well. Further, it is not reasonable to suppose that the same people regard as wretched a life without many women, and yet at the same time regard as pious and just a life that is wholly bereft of women. And of course to regard as both god-fearing and capnobatae those who are without women is very much opposed to the common notions on that subject; for all agree in regarding the women as the chief founders of religion, and it is the women who provoke the men to the more attentive worship of the gods, to festivals, and to supplications, and it is a rare thing for a man who lives by himself to be found addicted to these things. See again what the same poet says when he introduces as speaker the man who is vexed by the money spent by the women in connection with the sacrifices: The gods are the undoing of us, especially us married men, for we must always be celebrating some festival; and again when he introduces the Woman-hater, who complains about these very things: we used to sacrifice five times a day, and seven female attendants would beat the cymbals all round us, while others would cry out to the gods. So, then, the interpretation that the wifeless men of the Getae are in a special way reverential towards the gods is clearly contrary to reason, whereas the interpretation that zeal for religion is strong in this tribe, and that because of their reverence for the gods the people abstain from eating any living thing, is one which, both from what Poseidonius and from what the histories in general tell us, should not be disbelieved. 12.3.25. Neither can Apollodorus impute such an opinion to the early writers, as though they, one and all, voiced the opinion that no peoples from the far side of the Halys River took part in the Trojan war. One might rather find evidence to the contrary; at any rate, Maeandrius says that the Eneti first set forth from the country of the White Syrians and allied themselves with the Trojans, and that they sailed away from Troy with the Thracians and took up their abode round the recess of the Adrias, but that the Eneti who did not have a part in the expedition had become Cappadocians. The following might seem to agree with this account, I mean the fact that the whole of that part of Cappadocia near the Halys River which extends along Paphlagonia uses two languages which abound in Paphlagonian names, as Bagas, Biasas, Aeniates, Rhatotes, Zardoces, Tibius, Gasys, Oligasys, and Manes, for these names are prevalent in Bamonitis, Pimolitis, Gazelonitis, Gazacene and most of the other districts. Apollodorus himself quotes the Homeric verse as written by Zenodotus, stating that he writes it as follows: from Enete, whence the breed of the wild mules; and he says that Hecataeus takes Enete to be Amisus. But, as I have already stated, Amisus belongs to the White Syrians and is outside the Halys River. 12.3.41. After Pompeiupolis comes the remainder of the interior of Paphlagonia, extending westwards as far as Bithynia. This country, small though it is, was governed by several rulers a little before my time, but, the family of kings having died out, it is now in possession of the Romans. At any rate, they give to the country that borders on Bithynia the names Timonitis, the country of Gezatorix, and also Marmolitis, Sanisene, and Potamia. There was also a Cimiatene, in which was Cimiata, a strong fortress situated at the foot of the mountainous country of the Olgassys. This was used by Mithridates, surnamed Ctistes, as a base of operations when he established himself as lord of Pontus; and his descendants preserved the succession down to Eupator. The last to reign over Paphlagonia was Deiotarus, the son of Castor, surnamed Philadelphus, who possessed Gangra, the royal residence of Morzeus, which was at the same time a small town and a fortress.