|1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.3, 49.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Africanus, Julius • Cassian, Julius • God, according to Julian (the Apostate) • Iwersen, Julia • Jesus, according to Julian (the Apostate) • Julia • Julian (the Apostate) attitudes to, God • Julian (the Apostate) attitudes to, Jesus • Julian (the Apostate), generally • Julian Saba • Julian, Emperor, • Julius Africanus, • Julius Gaius Alexander • Tiberius Julius Alexander • Wellhausen, Julius
Found in books: Bay (2022) 35, 291; Boulluec (2022) 363; Dilley (2019) 250; Esler (2000) 1262; Kosman (2012) 157, 172, 173; Lampe (2003) 75; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 297; Taylor (2012) 124, 125, 126, 128
1.3. וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים יְהִי אוֹר וַיְהִי־אוֹר׃'
1.3. וּלְכָל־חַיַּת הָאָרֶץ וּלְכָל־עוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּלְכֹל רוֹמֵשׂ עַל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר־בּוֹ נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה אֶת־כָּל־יֶרֶק עֵשֶׂב לְאָכְלָה וַיְהִי־כֵן׃ '. None
|1.3. And God said: ‘Let there be light.’ And there was light. |
49.10. The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, As long as men come to Shiloh; And unto him shall the obedience of the peoples be.' '. None
|2. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Gaius Julius, as Aeneas • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Caesar, Julius, as anti-Odyssean • Julian (emperor) • Julian, Emperor, and Odysseus
Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 212; Giusti (2018) 208; Joseph (2022) 208, 211, 212, 213; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 17
|3. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1072-1177, 1255 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Beloch, Karl Julius • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar, Gaius
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 318; Bowditch (2001) 80; Mowat (2021) 45
1072. ὀτοτοτοῖ πόποι δᾶ.'1073. Ὦπολλον Ὦπολλον. Χορός 1074. τί ταῦτʼ ἀνωτότυξας ἀμφὶ Λοξίου; 1075. οὐ γὰρ τοιοῦτος ὥστε θρηνητοῦ τυχεῖν. Κασάνδρα 1076. ὀτοτοτοῖ πόποι δᾶ. 1078. ἡ δʼ αὖτε δυσφημοῦσα τὸν θεὸν καλεῖ 1079. οὐδὲν προσήκοντʼ ἐν γόοις παραστατεῖν. Κασάνδρα 1080. Ἄπολλον Ἄπολλον 1081. ἀγυιᾶτʼ, ἀπόλλων ἐμός. 1082. ἀπώλεσας γὰρ οὐ μόλις τὸ δεύτερον. Χορός 1083. χρήσειν ἔοικεν ἀμφὶ τῶν αὑτῆς κακῶν. 1084. μένει τὸ θεῖον δουλίᾳ περ ἐν φρενί. Κασάνδρα 1087. ἆ ποῖ ποτʼ ἤγαγές με; πρὸς ποίαν στέγην; Χορός 1088. πρὸς τὴν Ἀτρειδῶν· εἰ σὺ μὴ τόδʼ ἐννοεῖς, 1089. ἐγὼ λέγω σοι· καὶ τάδʼ οὐκ ἐρεῖς ψύθη. Κασάνδρα 1090. μισόθεον μὲν οὖν, πολλὰ συνίστορα 1091. αὐτόφονα κακὰ καρατόμα, 1092. ἀνδροσφαγεῖον καὶ πεδορραντήριον. Χορός 1093. ἔοικεν εὔρις ἡ ξένη κυνὸς δίκην 1094. εἶναι, ματεύει δʼ ὧν ἀνευρήσει φόνον. Κασάνδρα 1095. μαρτυρίοισι γὰρ τοῖσδʼ ἐπιπείθομαι· 1096. κλαιόμενα τάδε βρέφη σφαγάς, 1097. ὀπτάς τε σάρκας πρὸς πατρὸς βεβρωμένας. Χορός 1098. τὸ μὲν κλέος σοῦ μαντικὸν πεπυσμένοι 1099. ἦμεν· προφήτας δʼ οὔτινας ματεύομεν. Κασάνδρα 1100. ἰὼ πόποι, τί ποτε μήδεται; 1101. τί τόδε νέον ἄχος μέγα 1102. μέγʼ ἐν δόμοισι τοῖσδε μήδεται κακὸν 1103. ἄφερτον φίλοισιν, δυσίατον; ἀλκὰ δʼ 1104. ἑκὰς ἀποστατεῖ. Χορός 1105. τούτων ἄιδρίς εἰμι τῶν μαντευμάτων. 1106. ἐκεῖνα δʼ ἔγνων· πᾶσα γὰρ πόλις βοᾷ. Κασάνδρα 1107. ἰὼ τάλαινα, τόδε γὰρ τελεῖς, 1108. τὸν ὁμοδέμνιον πόσιν 1109. λουτροῖσι φαιδρύνασα—πῶς φράσω τέλος; 1110. τάχος γὰρ τόδʼ ἔσται· προτείνει δὲ χεὶρ ἐκ 1111. χερὸς ὀρέγματα. Χορός 1112. οὔπω ξυνῆκα· νῦν γὰρ ἐξ αἰνιγμάτων 1113. ἐπαργέμοισι θεσφάτοις ἀμηχανῶ. Κασάνδρα 1114. ἒ ἔ, παπαῖ παπαῖ, τί τόδε φαίνεται; 1115. ἦ δίκτυόν τί γʼ Ἅιδου; 1116. ἀλλʼ ἄρκυς ἡ ξύνευνος, ἡ ξυναιτία 1117. φόνου. στάσις δʼ ἀκόρετος γένει 1118. κατολολυξάτω θύματος λευσίμου. Χορός 1119. ποίαν Ἐρινὺν τήνδε δώμασιν κέλῃ 1120. ἐπορθιάζειν; οὔ με φαιδρύνει λόγος. 1121. ἐπὶ δὲ καρδίαν ἔδραμε κροκοβαφὴς 1122. σταγών, ἅτε καιρία πτώσιμος 1123. ξυνανύτει βίου δύντος αὐγαῖς· 1124. ταχεῖα δʼ ἄτα πέλει. Κασάνδρα 1125. ἆ ἆ, ἰδοὺ ἰδού· ἄπεχε τῆς βοὸς 1126. τὸν ταῦρον· ἐν πέπλοισι 1127. μελαγκέρῳ λαβοῦσα μηχανήματι 1128. τύπτει· πίτνει δʼ ἐν ἐνύδρῳ τεύχει. 1129. δολοφόνου λέβητος τύχαν σοι λέγω. Χορός 1130. οὐ κομπάσαιμʼ ἂν θεσφάτων γνώμων ἄκρος 1131. εἶναι, κακῷ δέ τῳ προσεικάζω τάδε. 1132. ἀπὸ δὲ θεσφάτων τίς ἀγαθὰ φάτις 1133. βροτοῖς τέλλεται; κακῶν γὰρ διαὶ 1134. πολυεπεῖς τέχναι θεσπιῳδὸν 1135. φόβον φέρουσιν μαθεῖν. Κασάνδρα 1136. ἰὼ ἰὼ ταλαίνας κακόποτμοι τύχαι· 1137. τὸ γὰρ ἐμὸν θροῶ πάθος ἐπεγχύδαν. 1138. ποῖ δή με δεῦρο τὴν τάλαιναν ἤγαγες; 1139. οὐδέν ποτʼ εἰ μὴ ξυνθανουμένην. τί γάρ; Χορός 1140. φρενομανής τις εἶ θεοφόρητος, ἀμ- 1141. φὶ δʼ αὑτᾶς θροεῖς 1142. νόμον ἄνομον, οἷά τις ξουθὰ 1143. ἀκόρετος βοᾶς, φεῦ, ταλαίναις φρεσίν 1144. Ἴτυν Ἴτυν στένουσʼ ἀμφιθαλῆ κακοῖς 1145. ἀηδὼν βίον. Κασάνδρα 1146. ἰὼ ἰὼ λιγείας μόρον ἀηδόνος· 1147. περέβαλον γάρ οἱ πτεροφόρον δέμας 1148. θεοὶ γλυκύν τʼ αἰῶνα κλαυμάτων ἄτερ· 1149. ἐμοὶ δὲ μίμνει σχισμὸς ἀμφήκει δορί. Χορός 1150. πόθεν ἐπισσύτους θεοφόρους τʼ ἔχεις 1151. ματαίους δύας, 1152. τὰ δʼ ἐπίφοβα δυσφάτῳ κλαγγᾷ 1153. μελοτυπεῖς ὁμοῦ τʼ ὀρθίοις ἐν νόμοις; 1154. πόθεν ὅρους ἔχεις θεσπεσίας ὁδοῦ 1155. κακορρήμονας; Κασάνδρα 1156. ἰὼ γάμοι γάμοι Πάριδος ὀλέθριοι φίλων. 1157. ἰὼ Σκαμάνδρου πάτριον ποτόν. 1158. τότε μὲν ἀμφὶ σὰς ἀϊόνας τάλαινʼ 1159. ἠνυτόμαν τροφαῖς· 1160. νῦν δʼ ἀμφὶ Κωκυτόν τε κἀχερουσίους 1161. ὄχθας ἔοικα θεσπιῳδήσειν τάχα. Χορός 1162. τί τόδε τορὸν ἄγαν ἔπος ἐφημίσω; 1163. νεόγονος ἂν ἀΐων μάθοι. 1164. πέπληγμαι δʼ ὑπαὶ δάκει φοινίῳ 1165. δυσαλγεῖ τύχᾳ μινυρὰ κακὰ θρεομένας, 1166. θραύματʼ ἐμοὶ κλύειν. Κασάνδρα 1167. ἰὼ πόνοι πόνοι πόλεος ὀλομένας τὸ πᾶν. 1168. ἰὼ πρόπυργοι θυσίαι πατρὸς 1169. πολυκανεῖς βοτῶν ποιονόμων· ἄκος δʼ 1170. οὐδὲν ἐπήρκεσαν 1171. τὸ μὴ πόλιν μὲν ὥσπερ οὖν ἔχει παθεῖν. 1172. ἐγὼ δὲ θερμόνους τάχʼ ἐν πέδῳ βαλῶ. Χορός 1173. ἑπόμενα προτέροισι τάδʼ ἐφημίσω. 1174. καί τίς σε κακοφρονῶν τίθη- 1175. σι δαίμων ὑπερβαρὴς ἐμπίτνων 1176. μελίζειν πάθη γοερὰ θανατοφόρα. 1177. τέρμα δʼ ἀμηχανῶ. Κασάνδρα
1255. καὶ γὰρ τὰ πυθόκραντα· δυσμαθῆ δʼ ὅμως. Κασάνδρα '. None
|1072. Otototoi, Gods, Earth, — '1073. Apollon, Apollon! CHOROS. 1074. Why didst thou |
1255. Papai: what fire this! and it comes upon me! '. None
|4. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius • Julian • Julian the Elder
Found in books: Fowler (2014) 121; Long (2006) 291; d, Hoine and Martijn (2017) 44
229b. ΦΑΙ. ἐκεῖ σκιά τʼ ἐστὶν καὶ πνεῦμα μέτριον, καὶ πόα καθίζεσθαι ἢ ἂν βουλώμεθα κατακλινῆναι. ΣΩ. προάγοις ἄν. ΦΑΙ. εἰπέ μοι, ὦ Σώκρατες, οὐκ ἐνθένδε μέντοι ποθὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰλισοῦ λέγεται ὁ Βορέας τὴν Ὠρείθυιαν ἁρπάσαι; ΣΩ. λέγεται γάρ. ΦΑΙ. ἆρʼ οὖν ἐνθένδε; χαρίεντα γοῦν καὶ καθαρὰ καὶ διαφανῆ τὰ ὑδάτια φαίνεται, καὶ ἐπιτήδεια κόραις παίζειν παρʼ αὐτά.'245a. τῶν παρόντων κακῶν εὑρομένη. ΣΩ. τρίτη δὲ ἀπὸ Μουσῶν κατοκωχή τε καὶ μανία, λαβοῦσα ἁπαλὴν καὶ ἄβατον ψυχήν, ἐγείρουσα καὶ ἐκβακχεύουσα κατά τε ᾠδὰς καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην ποίησιν, μυρία τῶν παλαιῶν ἔργα κοσμοῦσα τοὺς ἐπιγιγνομένους παιδεύει· ὃς δʼ ἂν ἄνευ μανίας Μουσῶν ἐπὶ ποιητικὰς θύρας ἀφίκηται, πεισθεὶς ὡς ἄρα ἐκ τέχνης ἱκανὸς ποιητὴς ἐσόμενος, ἀτελὴς αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ ποίησις ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν μαινομένων ἡ τοῦ σωφρονοῦντος ἠφανίσθη. '. None
|229b. Phaedrus. There is shade there and a moderate breeze and grass to sit on, or, if we like, to lie down on. Socrates. Lead the way. Phaedrus. Tell me, Socrates, is it not from some place along here by the Ilissus that Boreas is said to have carried off Oreithyia? Socrates. Yes, that is the story. Phaedrus. Well, is it from here? The streamlet looks very pretty and pure and clear and fit for girls to play by.'245a. ills is found. Socrates. And a third kind of possession and madness comes from the Muses. This takes hold upon a gentle and pure soul, arouses it and inspires it to songs and other poetry, and thus by adorning countless deeds of the ancients educates later generations. But he who without the divine madness comes to the doors of the Muses, confident that he will be a good poet by art, meets with no success, and the poetry of the sane man vanishes into nothingness before that of the inspired madmen. '. None|
|5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.23.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 288; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 107, 200
1.23.6. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεστάτην πρόφασιν, ἀφανεστάτην δὲ λόγῳ, τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡγοῦμαι μεγάλους γιγνομένους καὶ φόβον παρέχοντας τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀναγκάσαι ἐς τὸ πολεμεῖν: αἱ δ’ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν λεγόμεναι αἰτίαι αἵδ’ ἦσαν ἑκατέρων, ἀφ’ ὧν λύσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἐς τὸν πόλεμον κατέστησαν.''. None
|1.23.6. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. ''. None|
|6. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Annas, Julia • Julian
Found in books: Fowler (2014) 134; Jedan (2009) 197
|7. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Lucius Julius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 357; Verhagen (2022) 357
|8. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, Julius • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 293; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 58; Verhagen (2022) 293; Čulík-Baird (2022) 211
|9. Cicero, On Divination, 1.1, 1.8, 1.11-1.12, 1.17, 1.51, 1.56, 1.58-1.59, 1.119, 2.20, 2.26, 2.35-2.37, 2.46, 2.48, 2.52-2.53, 2.65, 2.70, 2.79, 2.148 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, Julius • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julian calendar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Cicero • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, L • Obsequens, Julius
Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 185; Green (2014) 70, 77; Long (2006) 291; Luck (2006) 310; Maso (2022) 38, 40; Mowat (2021) 44, 151, 157; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 39; Santangelo (2013) 19, 24, 26, 31, 32, 33, 53, 55, 108, 111, 237; Wynne (2019) 243
1.1. Vetus opinio est iam usque ab heroicis ducta temporibus, eaque et populi Romani et omnium gentium firmata consensu, versari quandam inter homines divinationem, quam Graeci mantikh/n appellant, id est praesensionem et scientiam rerum futurarum. Magnifica quaedam res et salutaris, si modo est ulla, quaque proxime ad deorum vim natura mortalis possit accedere. Itaque ut alia nos melius multa quam Graeci, sic huic praestantissimae rei nomen nostri a divis, Graeci, ut Plato interpretatur, a furore duxerunt.
1.8. Quibus de rebus et alias saepe et paulo accuratius nuper, cum essem cum Q. fratre in Tusculano, disputatum est. Nam cum ambulandi causa in Lyceum venissemus (id enim superiori gymnasio nomen est), Perlegi, ille inquit, tuum paulo ante tertium de natura deorum, in quo disputatio Cottae quamquam labefactavit sententiam meam, non funditus tamen sustulit. Optime vero, inquam; etenim ipse Cotta sic disputat, ut Stoicorum magis argumenta confutet quam hominum deleat religionem. Tum Quintus: Dicitur quidem istuc, inquit, a Cotta, et vero saepius, credo, ne communia iura migrare videatur; sed studio contra Stoicos disserendi deos mihi videtur funditus tollere.
1.11. Ego vero, inquam, philosophiae, Quinte, semper vaco; hoc autem tempore, cum sit nihil aliud, quod lubenter agere possim, multo magis aveo audire, de divinatione quid sentias. Nihil, inquit, equidem novi, nec quod praeter ceteros ipse sentiam; nam cum antiquissimam sententiam, tum omnium populorum et gentium consensu conprobatam sequor. Duo sunt enim dividi genera, quorum alterum artis est, alterum naturae.
1.12. Quae est autem gens aut quae civitas, quae non aut extispicum aut monstra aut fulgora interpretantium aut augurum aut astrologorum aut sortium (ea enim fere artis sunt) aut somniorum aut vaticinationum (haec enim duo naturalia putantur) praedictione moveatur? Quarum quidem rerum eventa magis arbitror quam causas quaeri oportere. Est enim vis et natura quaedam, quae tum observatis longo tempore significationibus, tum aliquo instinctu inflatuque divino futura praenuntiat. Quare omittat urguere Carneades, quod faciebat etiam Panaetius requirens, Iuppiterne cornicem a laeva, corvum ab dextera canere iussisset. Observata sunt haec tempore inmenso et in significatione eventis animadversa et notata. Nihil est autem, quod non longinquitas temporum excipiente memoria prodendisque monumentis efficere atque adsequi possit.
1.17. Sed quo potius utar aut auctore aut teste quam te? cuius edidici etiam versus, et lubenter quidem, quos in secundo de consulatu Urania Musa pronuntiat: Principio aetherio flammatus Iuppiter igni Vertitur et totum conlustrat lumine mundum Menteque divina caelum terrasque petessit, Quae penitus sensus hominum vitasque retentat Aetheris aeterni saepta atque inclusa cavernis. Et, si stellarum motus cursusque vagantis Nosse velis, quae sint signorum in sede locatae, Quae verbo et falsis Graiorum vocibus erant, Re vera certo lapsu spatioque feruntur, Omnia iam cernes divina mente notata.
1.51. At vero P. Decius ille Q. F., qui primus e Deciis consul fuit, cum esset tribunus militum M. Valerio A. Cornelio consulibus a Samnitibusque premeretur noster exercitus, cum pericula proeliorum iniret audacius monereturque, ut cautior esset, dixit, quod extat in annalibus, se sibi in somnis visum esse, cum in mediis hostibus versaretur, occidere cum maxuma gloria. Et tum quidem incolumis exercitum obsidione liberavit; post triennium autem, cum consul esset, devovit se et in aciem Latinorum inrupit armatus. Quo eius facto superati sunt et deleti Latini. Cuius mors ita gloriosa fuit, ut eandem concupisceret filius.
1.56. C. vero Gracchus multis dixit, ut scriptum apud eundem Coelium est, sibi in somnis quaesturam pete re dubita nti Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodem sibi leto, quo ipse interisset, esse pereundum. Hoc, ante quam tribunus plebi C. Gracchus factus esset, et se audisse scribit Coelius et dixisse eum multis. Quo somnio quid inveniri potest certius? Quid? illa duo somnia, quae creberrume commemorantur a Stoicis, quis tandem potest contemnere? unum de Simonide: Qui cum ignotum quendam proiectum mortuum vidisset eumque humavisset haberetque in animo navem conscendere, moneri visus est, ne id faceret, ab eo, quem sepultura adfecerat; si navigavisset, eum naufragio esse periturum; itaque Simonidem redisse, perisse ceteros, qui tum navigassent. Alterum ita traditum clarum admodum somnium:
1.58. Quid hoc somnio dici potest divinius? Sed quid aut plura aut vetera quaerimus? Saepe tibi meum narravi, saepe ex te audivi tuum somnium: me, cum Asiae pro cos. praeessem, vidisse in quiete, cum tu equo advectus ad quandam magni fluminis ripam provectus subito atque delapsus in flumen nusquam apparuisses, me contremuisse timore perterritum; tum te repente laetum exstitisse eodemque equo adversam ascendisse ripam, nosque inter nos esse conplexos. Facilis coniectura huius somnii, mihique a peritis in Asia praedictum est fore eos eventus rerum, qui acciderunt. Venio nunc ad tuum. 1.59. Audivi equidem ex te ipso, sed mihi saepius noster Sallustius narravit, cum in illa fuga nobis gloriosa, patriae calamitosa in villa quadam campi Atinatis maneres magnamque partem noctis vigilasses, ad lucem denique arte et graviter dormire te coepisse; itaque, quamquam iter instaret, tamen silentium fieri iussisse se neque esse passum te excitari; cum autem experrectus esses hora secunda fere, te sibi somnium narravisse: visum tibi esse, cum in locis solis maestus errares, C. Marium cum fascibus laureatis quaerere ex te, quid tristis esses, cumque tu te patria vi pulsum esse dixisses, prehendisse eum dextram tuam et bono animo te iussisse esse lictorique proxumo tradidisse, ut te in monumentum suum deduceret, et dixisse in eo tibi salutem fore. Tum et se exclamasse Sallustius narrat reditum tibi celerem et gloriosum paratum, et te ipsum visum somnio delectari. Nam illud mihi ipsi celeriter nuntiatum est, ut audivisses in monumento Marii de tuo reditu magnificentissumum illud senatus consultum esse factum referente optumo et clarissumo viro consule, idque frequentissimo theatro incredibili clamore et plausu comprobatum, dixisse te nihil illo Atinati somnio fieri posse divinius.
1.119. Quod ne dubitare possimus, maximo est argumento, quod paulo ante interitum Caesaris contigit. Qui cum immolaret illo die, quo primum in sella aurea sedit et cum purpurea veste processit, in extis bovis opimi cor non fuit. Num igitur censes ullum animal, quod sanguinem habeat, sine corde esse posse? †Qua ille rei novitate perculsus, cum Spurinna diceret timendum esse, ne et consilium et vita deficeret; earum enim rerum utramque a corde proficisci. Postero die caput in iecore non fuit. Quae quidem illi portendebantur a dis immortalibus, ut videret interitum, non ut caveret. Cum igitur eae partes in extis non reperiuntur, sine quibus victuma illa vivere nequisset, intellegendum est in ipso immolationis tempore eas partes, quae absint, interisse.
2.26. Sed haec fuerit nobis tamquam levis armaturae prima orationis excursio; nunc comminus agamus experiamurque, si possimus cornua commovere disputationis tuae. Duo enim genera dividi esse dicebas, unum artificiosum, alterum naturale; artificiosum constare partim ex coniectura, partim ex observatione diuturna; naturale, quod animus arriperet aut exciperet extrinsecus ex divinitate, unde omnes animos haustos aut acceptos aut libatos haberemus. Artificiosa divinationis illa fere genera ponebas: extispicum eorumque, qui ex fulgoribus ostentisque praedicerent, tum augurum eorumque, qui signis aut ominibus uterentur, omneque genus coniecturale in hoc fere genere ponebas.
2.35. sed tamen eo concesso qui evenit, ut is, qui impetrire velit, convenientem hostiam rebus suis immolet? Hoc erat, quod ego non rebar posse dissolvi. At quam festive dissolvitur! pudet me non tui quidem, cuius etiam memoriam admiror, sed Chrysippi, Antipatri, Posidonii, qui idem istuc quidem dicunt, quod est dictum a te, ad hostiam deligendam ducem esse vim quandam sentientem atque divinam, quae toto confusa mundo sit. Illud vero multo etiam melius, quod et a te usurpatum est et dicitur ab illis: cum immolare quispiam velit, tum fieri extorum mutationem, ut aut absit aliquid aut supersit; 2.36. deorum enim numini parere omnia. Haec iam, mihi crede, ne aniculae quidem existimant. An censes, eundem vitulum si alius delegerit, sine capite iecur inventurum; si alius, cum capite? Haec decessio capitis aut accessio subitone fieri potest, ut se exta ad immolatoris fortunam accommodent? non perspicitis aleam quandam esse in hostiis deligendis, praesertim cum res ipsa doceat? Cum enim tristissuma exta sine capite fuerunt, quibus nihil videtur esse dirius, proxuma hostia litatur saepe pulcherrime. Ubi igitur illae minae superiorum extorum? aut quae tam subito facta est deorum tanta placatio? Sed adfers in tauri opimi extis immolante Caesare cor non fuisse; id quia non potuerit accidere, ut sine corde victuma illa viveret, iudicandum esse tum interisse cor, cum immolaretur. 2.37. Qui fit, ut alterum intellegas, sine corde non potuisse bovem vivere, alterum non videas, cor subito non potuisse nescio quo avolare? Ego enim possum vel nescire, quae vis sit cordis ad vivendum, vel suspicari contractum aliquo morbo bovis exile et exiguum et vietum cor et dissimile cordis fuisse; tu vero quid habes, quare putes, si paulo ante cor fuerit in tauro opimo, subito id in ipsa immolatione interisse? an quod aspexit vestitu purpureo excordem Caesarem, ipse corde privatus est? Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis, dum castella defenditis; nam, dum haruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam totam pervertitis. Caput est in iecore, cor in extis; iam abscedet, simul ac molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua conficiet aut exedet. Non ergo omnium ortus atque obitus natura conficiet, et erit aliquid, quod aut ex nihilo oriatur aut in nihilum subito occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit umquam? haruspices dicunt; his igitur quam physicis credendum potius existumas?
2.46. Mirabile autem illud, quod eo ipso tempore, quo fieret indicium coniurationis in senatu, signum Iovis biennio post, quam erat locatum, in Capitolio conlocabatur.—Tu igitur animum induces (sic enim mecum agebas) causam istam et contra facta tua et contra scripta defendere?—Frater es; eo vereor. Verum quid tibi hic tandem nocet? resne, quae talis est, an ego, qui verum explicari volo? Itaque nihil contra dico, a te rationem totius haruspicinae peto. Sed te mirificam in latebram coniecisti; quod enim intellegeres fore ut premerere, cum ex te causas unius cuiusque divinationis exquirerem, multa verba fecisti te, cum res videres, rationem causamque non quaerere; quid fieret, non cur fieret, ad rem pertinere. Quasi ego aut fieri concederem aut esset philosophi causam,
2.48. Non equidem plane despero ista esse vera, sed nescio et discere a te volo. Nam cum mihi quaedam casu viderentur sic evenire, ut praedicta essent a divitibus, dixisti multa de casu, ut Venerium iaci posse casu quattuor talis iactis, sed quadringentis centum Venerios non posse casu consistere. Primum nescio, cur non possint, sed non pugno; abundas enim similibus. Habes et respersionem pigmentorum et rostrum suis et alia permulta. Idem Carneadem fingere dicis de capite Panisci; quasi non potuerit id evenire casu et non in omni marmore necesse sit inesse vel Praxitelia capita! Illa enim ipsa efficiuntur detractione, neque quicquam illuc adfertur a Praxitele; sed cum multa sunt detracta et ad liniamenta oris perventum est, tum intellegas illud, quod iam expolitum sit, intus fuisse.
2.52. Quota enim quaeque res evenit praedicta ab istis? aut, si evenit quippiam, quid adferri potest, cur non casu id evenerit? Rex Prusias, cum Hannibali apud eum exsulanti depugnari placeret, negabat se audere, quod exta prohiberent. Ain tu? inquit, carunculae vitulinae mavis quam imperatori veteri credere? Quid? ipse Caesar cum a summo haruspice moneretur, ne in Africam ante brumam transmitteret, nonne transmisit? quod ni fecisset, uno in loco omnes adversariorum copiae convenissent. Quid ego haruspicum responsa commemorem (possum equidem innumerabilia), quae aut nullos habuerint exitus aut contrarios? 2.53. Hoc civili bello, di inmortales! quam multa luserunt! quae nobis in Graeciam Roma responsa haruspicum missa sunt! quae dicta Pompeio! etenim ille admodum extis et ostentis movebatur. Non lubet commemorare, nec vero necesse est, tibi praesertim, qui interfuisti; vides tamen omnia fere contra, ac dicta sint, evenisse. Sed haec hactenus; nunc ad ostenta veniamus.
2.65. Cur autem de passerculis coniecturam facit, in quibus nullum erat monstrum, de dracone silet, qui, id quod fieri non potuit, lapideus dicitur factus? postremo quid simile habet passer annis? Nam de angue illo, qui Sullae apparuit immolanti, utrumque memini, et Sullam, cum in expeditionem educturus esset, immolavisse, et anguem ab ara extitisse, eoque die rem praeclare esse gestam non haruspicis consilio, sed imperatoris.
2.79. Aves eventus significant aut adversos aut secundos; virtutis auspiciis video esse usum Deiotarum, quae vetat spectare fortunam, dum praestetur fides. Aves vero si prosperos eventus ostenderunt, certe fefellerunt. Fugit e proelio cum Pompeio; grave tempus! Discessit ab eo; luctuosa res! Caesarem eodem tempore hostem et hospitem vidit; quid hoc tristius? Is cum ei Trocmorum tetrarchian eripuisset et adseculae suo Pergameno nescio cui dedisset eidemque detraxisset Armeniam a senatu datam, cumque ab eo magnificentissumo hospitio acceptus esset, spoliatum reliquit et hospitem et regem. Sed labor longius; ad propositum revertar. Si eventa quaerimus, quae exquiruntur avibus, nullo modo prospera Deiotaro; sin officia, a virtute ipsius, non ab auspiciis petita sunt.
2.148. Explodatur igitur haec quoque somniorum divinatio pariter cum ceteris. Nam, ut vere loquamur, superstitio fusa per gentis oppressit omnium fere animos atque hominum inbecillitatem occupavit. Quod et in iis libris dictum est, qui sunt de natura deorum, et hac disputatione id maxume egimus. Multum enim et nobismet ipsis et nostris profuturi videbamur, si eam funditus sustulissemus. Nec vero (id enim diligenter intellegi volo) superstitione tollenda religio tollitur. Nam et maiorum instituta tueri sacris caerimoniisque retinendis sapientis est, et esse praestantem aliquam aeternamque naturam, et eam suspiciendam admirandamque hominum generi pulchritudo mundi ordoque rerum caelestium cogit confiteri.' '. None
|1.1. And what do you say of the following story which we find in our annals? During the Veientian War, when Lake Albanus had overflowed its banks, a certain nobleman of Veii deserted to us and said that, according to the prophecies of the Veientian books, their city could not be taken while the lake was at flood, and that if its waters were permitted to overflow and take their own course to the sea the result would be disastrous to the Roman people; on the other hand, if the waters were drained off in such a way that they did not reach the sea the result would be to our advantage. In consequence of this announcement our forefathers dug that marvellous canal to drain off the waters from the Alban lake. Later when the Veientians had grown weary of war and had sent ambassadors to the Senate to treat for peace, one of them is reported to have said that the deserter had not dared to tell the whole of the prophecy contained in the Veientian books, for those books, he said, also foretold the early capture of Rome by the Gauls. And this, as we know, did occur six years after the fall of Veii. 45 |
1.1. Book I1 There is an ancient belief, handed down to us even from mythical times and firmly established by the general agreement of the Roman people and of all nations, that divination of some kind exists among men; this the Greeks call μαντική — that is, the foresight and knowledge of future events. A really splendid and helpful thing it is — if only such a faculty exists — since by its means men may approach very near to the power of gods. And, just as we Romans have done many other things better than the Greeks, so have we excelled them in giving to this most extraordinary gift a name, which we have derived from divi, a word meaning gods, whereas, according to Platos interpretation, they have derived it from furor, a word meaning frenzy.
1.1. Why, my dear Quintus, said I, you are defending the very citadel of the Stoics in asserting the interdependence of these two propositions: if there is divination there are gods, and, if there are gods there is divination. But neither is granted as readily as you think. For it is possible that nature gives signs of future events without the intervention of a god, and it may be that there are gods without their having conferred any power of divination upon men.To this he replied, I, at any rate, find sufficient proof to satisfy me of the existence of the gods and of their concern in human affairs in my conviction that there are some kinds of divination which are clear and manifest. With your permission I will set forth my views on this subject, provided you are at leisure and have nothing else which you think should be preferred to such a discussion.
1.8. It often happens, too, that the soul is violently stirred by the sight of some object, or by the deep tone of a voice, or by singing. Frequently anxiety or fear will have that effect, as it did in the case of Hesione, whoDid rave like one by Bacchic rites made madAnd mid the tombs her Teucer called aloud.37 And poetic inspiration also proves that there is a divine power within the human soul. Democritus says that no one can be a great poet without being in a state of frenzy, and Plato says the same thing. Let Plato call it frenzy if he will, provided he praises it as it was praised in his Phaedrus. And what about your own speeches in law suits. Can the delivery of you lawyers be impassioned, weighty, and fluent unless your soul is deeply stirred? Upon my word, many a time have I seen in you such passion of look and gesture that I thought some power was rendering you unconscious of what you did; and, if I may cite a less striking example, I have seen the same in your friend Aesopus.
1.8. This subject has been discussed by me frequently on other occasions, but with somewhat more than ordinary care when my brother Quintus and I were together recently at my Tusculan villa. For the sake of a stroll we had gone to the Lyceum which is the name of my upper gymnasium, when Quintus remarked:I have just finished a careful reading of the third book of your treatise, On the Nature of the Gods, containing Cottas discussion, which, though it has shaken my views of religion, has not overthrown them entirely.Very good, said I; for Cottas argument is intended rather to refute the arguments of the Stoics than to destroy mans faith in religion.Quintus then replied: Cotta says the very same thing, and says it repeatedly, in order, as I think, not to appear to violate the commonly accepted canons of belief; yet it seems to me that, in his zeal to confute the Stoics, he utterly demolishes the gods.
1.11. Really, my dear Quintus, said I, I always have time for philosophy. Moreover, since there is nothing else at this time that I can do with pleasure, I am all the more eager to hear what you think about divination.There is, I assure you, said he, nothing new or original in my views; for those which I adopt are not only very old, but they are endorsed by the consent of all peoples and nations. There are two kinds of divination: the first is dependent on art, the other on nature.
1.11. The second division of divination, as I said before, is the natural; and it, according to exact teaching of physics, must be ascribed to divine Nature, from which, as the wisest philosophers maintain, our souls have been drawn and poured forth. And since the universe is wholly filled with the Eternal Intelligence and the Divine Mind, it must be that human souls are influenced by their contact with divine souls. But when men are awake their souls, as a rule, are subject to the demands of everyday life and are withdrawn from divine association because they are hampered by the chains of the flesh.
1.12. Now — to mention those almost entirely dependent on art — what nation or what state disregards the prophecies of soothsayers, or of interpreters of prodigies and lightnings, or of augurs, or of astrologers, or of oracles, or — to mention the two kinds which are classed as natural means of divination — the forewarnings of dreams, or of frenzy? of these methods of divining it behoves us, I think, to examine the results rather than the causes. For there is a certain natural power, which now, through long-continued observation of signs and now, through some divine excitement and inspiration, makes prophetic announcement of the future. 7 Therefore let Carneades cease to press the question, which Panaetius also used to urge, whether Jove had ordered the crow to croak on the left side and the raven on the right. Such signs as these have been observed for an unlimited time, and the results have been checked and recorded. Moreover, there is nothing which length of time cannot accomplish and attain when aided by memory to receive and records to preserve.
1.12. The Divine Will accomplishes like results in the case of birds, and causes those known as alites, which give omens by their flight, to fly hither and thither and disappear now here and now there, and causes those known as oscines, which give omens by their cries, to sing now on the left and now on the right. For if every animal moves its body forward, sideways, or backward at will, it bends, twists, extends, and contracts its members as it pleases, and performs these various motions almost mechanically; how much easier it is for such results to be accomplished by a god, whose divine will all things obey!
1.17. But what authority or what witness can I better employ than yourself? I have even learned by heart and with great pleasure the following lines uttered by the Muse, Urania, in the second book of your poem entitled, My Consulship:First of all, Jupiter, glowing with fire from regions celestial,Turns, and the whole of creation is filled with the light of his glory;And, though the vaults of aether eternal begird and confine him,Yet he, with spirit divine, ever searching the earth and the heavens,Sounds to their innermost depths the thoughts and the actions of mortals.When one has learned the motions and variant paths of the planets,Stars that abide in the seat of the signs, in the Zodiacs girdle,(Spoken of falsely as vagrants or rovers in Greek nomenclature,Whereas in truth their distance is fixed and their speed is determined,)Then will he know that all are controlled by an Infinite Wisdom.
1.51. And yet let me cite another: the famous Publius Decius, son of Quintus, and the first of that family to become consul, was military tribune in the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius while our army was being hard pressed by the Samnites. When, because of his rushing too boldly into the dangers of battle, he was advised to be more cautious, he replied, according to the annals, I dreamed that by dying in the midst of the enemy I should win immortal fame. And though he was unharmed at that time and extricated the army from its difficulties, yet three years later, when consul, he devoted himself to death and rushed full-armed against the battle-line of the Latins. By this act of his the Latins were overcome and destroyed; and so glorious was his death that his son sought the same fate.
1.56. According to this same Coelius, Gaius Gracchus told many persons that his brother Tiberius came to him in a dream when he was a candidate for the quaestorship and said: However much you may try to defer your fate, nevertheless you must die the same death that I did. This happened before Gaius was tribune of the people, and Coelius writes that he himself heard it from Gaius who had repeated it to many others. Can you find anything better authenticated than this dream?27 And who, pray, can make light of the two following dreams which are so often recounted by Stoic writers? The first one is about Simonides, who once saw the dead body of some unknown man lying exposed and buried it. Later, when he had it in mind to go on board a ship he was warned in a vision by the person to whom he had given burial not to do so and that if he did he would perish in a shipwreck. Therefore he turned back and all the others who sailed were lost.
1.58. But why go on seeking illustrations from ancient history? I had a dream which I have often related to you, and you one which you have often told to me. When I was governor of Asia I dreamed that I saw you on horseback riding toward the bank of some large river, when you suddenly plunged forward, fell into the stream, and wholly disappeared from sight. I was greatly alarmed and trembled with fear. But in a moment you reappeared mounted on the same horse, and with a cheerful countece ascended the opposite bank where we met and embraced each other. The meaning of the dream was readily explained to me by experts in Asia who from it predicted those events which subsequent occurred. 1.59. I come now to your dream. I heard it, of course, from you, but more frequently from our Sallustius. In the course of your banishment, which was glorious for us but disastrous to the State, you stopped for the night at a certain country-house in the plain of Atina. After lying awake most of the night, finally, about daybreak, you fell into a very profound sleep. And though your journey was pressing, yet Sallustius gave instructions to maintain quiet and would not permit you to be disturbed. But you awoke about the second hour and related your dream to him. In it you seemed to be wandering sadly about in solitary places when Gaius Marius, with his fasces wreathed in laurel, asked you why you were sad, and you replied that you had been driven from your country by violence. He then bade you be of good cheer, took you by the right hand, and delivered you to the nearest lictor to be conducted to his memorial temple, saying that there you should find safety. Sallustius thereupon, as he relates, cried out, a speedy and a glorious return awaits you. He further states that you too seemed delighted at the dream. Immediately thereafter it was reported to me that as soon as you heard that it was in Marius temple that the glorious decree of the Senate for your recall had been enacted on motion of the consul, a most worthy and most eminent man, and that the decree had been greeted by unprecedented shouts of approval in a densely crowded theatre, you said that no stronger proof could be given of a divinely inspired dream than this. 29
1.119. Conclusive proof of this fact, sufficient to put it beyond the possibility of doubt, is afforded by incidents which happened just before Caesars death. While he was offering sacrifices on the day when he sat for the first time on a golden throne and first appeared in public in a purple robe, no heart was found in the vitals of the votive ox. Now do you think it possible for any animal that has blood to exist without a heart? Caesar was unmoved by this occurrence, even though Spurinna warned him to beware lest thought and life should fail him — both of which, he said, proceeded from the heart. On the following day there was no head to the liver of the sacrifice. These portents were sent by the immortal gods to Caesar that he might foresee his death, not that he might prevent it. Therefore, when those organs, without which the victim could not have lived, are found wanting in the vitals, we should understand that the absent organs disappeared at the very moment of immolation. 53
2.26. But this introductory part of my discussion has been mere skirmishing with light infantry; now let me come to close quarters and see if I cannot drive in both wings of your argument.11 You divided divination into two kinds, one artificial and the other natural. The artificial, you said, consists in part of conjecture and in part of long-continued observation; while the natural is that which the soul has seized, or, rather, has obtained, from a source outside itself — that is, from God, whence all human souls have been drawn off, received, or poured out. Under the head of artificial divination you placed predictions made from the inspection of entrails, those made from lightnings and portents, those made by augurs, and by persons who depend entirely upon premonitory signs. Under the same head you included practically every method of prophecy in which conjecture was employed.
2.35. yet, suppose the concession is made, how is it brought about that the man in search of favourable signs will find a sacrifice suitable to his purpose? I thought the question insoluble. But what a fine solution is offered! I am not ashamed of you — I am actually astonished at your memory; but I am ashamed of Chrysippus, Antipater, and Posidonius who say exactly what you said: The choice of the sacrificial victim is directed by the sentient and divine power which pervades the entire universe.But even more absurd is that other pronouncement of theirs which you adopted: At the moment of sacrifice a change in the entrails takes place; something is added or something taken away; for all things are obedient to the Divine Will. 2.36. Upon my word, no old woman is credulous enough now to believe such stuff! Do you believe that the same bullock, if chosen by one man, will have a liver without a head, and if chosen by another will have a liver with a head? And is it possible that this sudden going or coming of the livers head occurs so that the entrails may adapt themselves to the situation of the person who offers the sacrifice? Do you Stoics fail to see in choosing the victim it is almost like a throw of the dice, especially as facts prove it? For when the entrails of the first victim have been without a head, which is the most fatal of all signs, it often happens that the sacrifice of the next victim is altogether favourable. Pray what became of the warnings of the first set of entrails? And how was the favour of the gods so completely and so suddenly gained?16 But, you say, Once, when Caesar was offering a sacrifice, there was no heart in the entrails of the sacrificial bull; and, and, since it would have been impossible for the victim to live without a heart, the heart must have disappeared at the moment of immolation. 2.37. How does it happen that you understand the one fact, that the bull could not have lived without a heart and do not realize the other, that the heart could not suddenly have vanished I know not where? As for me, possibly I do not know what vital function the heart performs; if I do I suspect that the bulls heart, as the result of a disease, became much wasted and shrunken and lost its resemblance to a heart. But, assuming that only a little while before the heart was in the sacrificial bull, why do you think it suddenly disappeared at the very moment of immolation? Dont you think, rather, that the bull lost his heart when he saw that Caesar in his purple robe had lost his head?Upon my word you Stoics surrender the very city of philosophy while defending its outworks! For, by your insistence on the truth of soothsaying, you utterly overthrow physiology. There is a head to the liver and a heart in the entrails, presto! they will vanish the very second you have sprinkled them with meal and wine! Aye, some god will snatch them away! Some invisible power will destroy them or eat them up! Then the creation and destruction of all things are not due to nature, and there are some things which spring from nothing or suddenly become nothing. Was any such statement ever made by any natural philosopher? It is made, you say, by soothsayers. Then do you think that soothsayers are worthier of belief than natural philosophers? 17
2.46. Besides, you quote me as authority for the remarkable fact that, at the very time when proof of the conspiracy was being presented to the Senate, the statue of Jupiter, which had been contracted for two years before, was being erected on the Capitol.Will you then — for thus you pleaded with me — will you then persuade yourself to take sides against me in this discussion, in the face of your own writings and of your own practice? You are my brother and on that account I shrink from recrimination. But what, pray, is causing you distress in this matter? Is it the nature of the subject? Or is it my insistence on finding out the truth? And so I waive your charge of my inconsistency — I am asking you for an explanation of the entire subject of soothsaying. But you betook yourself to a strange place of refuge. You knew that you would be in straits when I asked your reason for each kind of divination, and, hence, you had much to say to this effect: Since I see what divination does I do not ask the reason or the cause why it does it. The question is, what does it do? not, why does it do it? As if I would grant either that divination accomplished anything, or that it was permissible for a philosopher not to ask why anything happened!
2.48. I am not a hopeless sceptic on the subject of such warnings really being sent by the gods; however, I do not know that they are and I want to learn the actual facts from you. Again, when certain other events occurred as they had been foretold by diviners and I attributed the coincidence to chance, you talked a long time about chance. You said, for example, For the Venus-throw to result from one cast of the four dice might be due to chance; but if a hundred Venus-throws resulted from one hundred casts this could not be due to chance. In the first place I do not know why it could not; but I do not contest the point, for you are full of the same sort of examples — like that about the scattering of the paints and that one about the hogs snout, and you had very many other examples besides. You also mentioned that myth from Carneades about the head of Pan — as if the likeness could not have been the result of chance! and as if every block of marble did not necessarily have within it heads worthy of Praxiteles! For his masterpieces were made by chipping away the marble, not by adding anything to it; and when, after much chipping, the lineaments of a face were reached, one then realized that the work now polished and complete had always been inside the block.
2.52. For how many things predicted by them really come true? If any do come true, then what reason can be advanced why the agreement of the event with the prophecy was not due to chance? While Hannibal was in exile at the court of King Prusias he advised the king to go to war, but the king replied, I do not dare, because the entrails forbid. And do you, said Hannibal, put more reliance in piece of ox‑meat than you do in a veteran commander? Again, when Caesar himself was warned by a most eminent soothsayer not to cross over to Africa before the winter solstice, did he not cross? If he had not done so all the forces opposed to him would have effected a junction. Why need I give instances — and, in fact, I could give countless ones — where the prophecies of soothsayers either were without result or the issue was directly the reverse of the prophecy? 2.53. Ye gods, how many times were they mistaken in the late civil war! What oracular messages the soothsayers sent from Rome to our Pompeian party then in Greece! What assurances they gave to Pompey! For he placed great reliance in divination by means of entrails and portents. I have no wish to call these instances to mind, and indeed it is unnecessary — especially to you, since you had personal knowledge of them. Still, you are aware that the result was nearly always contrary to the prophecy. But enough on this point: let us now come to portents. 25
2.65. But, pray, by what principle of augury does he deduce years rather than months or days from the number of sparrows? Again, why does he base his prophecy on little sparrows which are not abnormal sights and ignore the alleged fact — which is impossible — that the dragon was turned to stone? Finally, what is there about a sparrow to suggest years? In connexion with your story of the snake which appeared to Sulla when he was offering sacrifices, I recall two facts: first, that when Sulla offered sacrifices, as he was about to begin his march against the enemy, a snake came out from under the altar; and, second, that the glorious victory won by him that day was due not to the soothsayers art, but to the skill of the general. 31
2.79. Birds indicate that results will be unfavourable or favourable. In my view of the case Deiotarus employed the auspices of virtue, and virtue bids us not to look to fortune until the claims of honour are discharged. However, if the birds indicated that the issue would be favourable to Deiotarus they certainly deceived him. He fled from the battle with Pompey — a serious situation! He separated from Pompey — an occasion of sorrow! He beheld Caesar at once his enemy and his guest — what could have been more distressing than that? Caesar wrested from him the tetrarchy over the Trocmi and conferred it upon some obscure sycophant of his own from Pergamus; deprived him of Armenia, a gift from the Senate; accepted a most lavish hospitality at the hands of his royal host and left him utterly despoiled. But I wander too far: I must return to the point at issue. If we examine this matter from the standpoint of the results — and that was the question submitted to the determination of the birds — the issue was in no sense favourable to Deiotarus; but if we examine it from the standpoint of duty, he sought information on that score not from the auspices, but from his own conscience. 38
2.148. Then let dreams, as a means of divination, be rejected along with the rest. Speaking frankly, superstition, which is widespread among the nations, has taken advantage of human weakness to cast its spell over the mind of almost every man. This same view was stated in my treatise On the Nature of the Gods; and to prove the correctness of that view has been the chief aim of the present discussion. For I thought that I should be rendering a great service both to myself and to my countrymen if I could tear this superstition up by the roots. But I want it distinctly understood that the destruction of superstition does not mean the destruction of religion. For I consider it the part of wisdom to preserve the institutions of our forefathers by retaining their sacred rites and ceremonies. Furthermore, the celestial order and the beauty of the universe compel me to confess that there is some excellent and eternal Being, who deserves the respect and homage of men.' '. None
|10. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.23, 2.52, 2.92, 2.102, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 62; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 276; Long (2006) 291; Maso (2022) 29; Rutledge (2012) 65
2.23. quid ergo attinet dicere: 'Nihil haberem, quod reprehenderem, si finitas cupiditates haberent'? hoc est dicere: Non reprehenderem asotos, si non essent asoti. isto modo ne improbos quidem, si essent boni viri. hic homo severus luxuriam ipsam per se reprehendendam non putat, et hercule, Torquate, ut verum loquamur, si summum bonum voluptas est, rectissime non putat. Noli noli Se. nolui N nolim rell. codd. enim mihi fingere asotos, ut soletis, qui in mensam vomant, et qui de conviviis auferantur crudique postridie se rursus ingurgitent, qui solem, ut aiunt, nec occidentem umquam viderint nec orientem, qui consumptis patrimoniis egeant. nemo nostrum istius generis asotos iucunde putat vivere. mundos, elegantis, optimis cocis, pistoribus, piscatu, aucupio, venatione, his omnibus exquisitis, vitantes cruditatem, quibus vinum quibus vinum et q. s. cf. Lucilii carm. rell. rec. Marx. I p. 78, II p. 366 sq. defusum e pleno sit chrysizon, chrysizon Marx.; hirsizon A hrysizon vel heysizon B hrysizon E hyrsi|hon R hyrsizon N hrysiron V ut ait Lucilius, cui nihildum situlus et nihildum situlus et (situlus = situla, sitella) Se. nihil (nichil BE) dum sit vis et ABE nichil dum sit viset R nichil dempsit (e vid. corr. ex u, psit in ras. ) vis (post s ras.) et (in ras.) N nichil dempsit vis et V sacculus sacculus ABE saculos V sarculos R, N (a ex corr. m. alt., r superscr. ab alt. m. ) abstulerit, adhibentis ludos et quae sequuntur, illa, quibus detractis clamat Epicurus se nescire quid sit bonum; adsint etiam formosi pueri, qui ministrent, respondeat his vestis, argentum, Corinthium, locus ipse, aedificium—hos ergo ergo BER ego ANV asotos bene quidem vivere aut aut at BE beate numquam dixerim." "
2.52. 'Oculorum', inquit Plato, Plato in Phaedro p. 250 D est in nobis sensus acerrimus, quibus sapientiam non cernimus. quam illa ardentis amores excitaret sui! sui si videretur Cur V, (si videretur a man. poster. in marg. add. ) N Cur tandem? an quod ita callida est, ut optime possit architectari voluptates? an quod classidas ut... voluptates Non. p. 70 Cur iustitia laudatur? aut unde est hoc contritum vetustate proverbium: 'quicum in tenebris'? hoc dictum in una re latissime patet, ut in omnibus factis re, non teste moveamur." "
2.92. Verum esto; consequatur summas voluptates non modo parvo, sed per me nihilo, si potest; sit voluptas non minor in nasturcio illo, quo vesci Persas esse solitos scribit Xenophon, quam in Syracusanis mensis, quae a Platone graviter vituperantur; sit, inquam, tam facilis, quam vultis, comparatio voluptatis, quid de dolore dicemus? cuius tanta tormenta sunt, ut in iis iis Mdu. his AER hys B hijs NV beata vita, si modo dolor summum malum est, esse non possit. ipse enim Metrodorus, paene alter alter A 2 BEN aliter A 1 R alr (= aliter) quam V Epicurus, beatum esse describit his fere verbis: cum corpus bene constitutum sit et sit exploratum ita futurum. an id exploratum cuiquam potest esse, quo modo se hoc se hoc A 2 E (h'), se haec A 1 se hic B se hee R se se hec N sese V habiturum sit corpus, non dico ad annum, sed ad vesperum? vesperam R vespm V dolor ergo, go (= ergo) ARNV igitur BE id est summum malum, metuetur semper, etiamsi non aderit; iam enim adesse poterit. qui potest igitur habitare in beata vita summi mali metus?" '
2.102. haec ego non possum dicere non esse hominis quamvis et belli et humani, sapientis vero nullo modo, physici praesertim, quem se ille esse vult, putare putare edd. putari ullum esse cuiusquam diem natalem. quid? idemne potest esse dies saepius, qui semel fuit? certe non potest. an eiusdem modi? ne id quidem, nisi multa annorum intercesserint milia, ut omnium siderum eodem, unde profecta sint, sunt R fiat ad unum tempus reversio. nullus est igitur cuiusquam dies natalis. At habetur! Et ego id scilicet nesciebam! Sed ut sit, etiamne post mortem coletur? idque testamento cavebit is, qui nobis quasi oraculum ediderit nihil post mortem ad nos pertinere? ad nos pertinere post mortem A haec non erant eius, qui innumerabilis mundos infinitasque regiones, quarum nulla esset ora, nulla extremitas, mente peragravisset. num quid tale Democritus? ut alios omittam, hunc appello, quem ille unum secutus est.
5.52. quid, cum fictas fabulas, e quibus utilitas nulla elici elici dett. dici BERN duci V potest, cum voluptate legimus? quid, cum volumus nomina eorum, qui quid gesserint, gesserunt R nota nobis esse, parentes, patriam, multa praeterea minime necessaria? quid, quod homines infima infirma BE fortuna, nulla spe rerum gerendarum, opifices denique delectantur delectentur RNV historia? maximeque que om. R eos videre possumus res gestas audire et legere velle, qui a spe gerendi absunt confecti senectute. quocirca intellegi necesse est in ipsis rebus, quae discuntur et cognoscuntur, invitamenta invita—menta ( lineola et ta poste- rius ab alt. m. scr., ta in ras. ) N invita mente BE invita|et mente R in vita mentem V inesse, quibus ad discendum cognoscendumque moveamur.'". None
|2.23. \xa0"What then is the point of saying \'I\xa0should have no fault to find with them if they kept their desires within bounds\'? That is tantamount to saying \'I\xa0should not blame the profligate if they were not profligate.\' He might as well say he would not blame the dishonest either, if they were upright men. Here is our rigid moralist maintaining that sensuality is not in itself blameworthy! And I\xa0profess, Torquatus, on the hypothesis that pleasure is the Chief Good he is perfectly justified in thinking so. I\xa0should be sorry to picture to myself, as you are so fond of doing, debauchees who are sick at table, have to be carried home from dinner-parties, and next day gorge themselves again before they have recovered from the effects of the night before; men who, as the saying goes, have never seen either sunset or sunrise; men who run through their inheritance and sink into penury. None of us supposes that profligates of that description live pleasantly. No, but men of taste and refinement, with first-rate chefs and confectioners, fish, birds, game and the like of the choicest; careful of their digestion; with Wine in flask Decanted from a newâ\x80\x91broach\'d cask,\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. as Lucilius has it, Wine of tang bereft, All harshness in the strainer left; with the accompaniment of dramatic performances and their usual sequel, the pleasures apart from which Epicurus, as he loudly proclaims, does not what Good is; give them also beautiful boys to wait upon them, with drapery, silver, Corinthian bronzes, and the scene of the feast, the banqueting-room, all in keeping; take profligates of this sort; that these live well or enjoy happiness I\xa0will never allow. <' "|
2.52. \xa0The sense of sight, says Plato, is the keenest sense we possess, yet our eyes cannot behold Wisdom; could we see her, what passionate love would she awaken! And why is this so? Is it because of her supreme ability and cunning in the art of contriving pleasures? Why is Justice commended? What gave rise to the old familiar saying, 'A\xa0man with whom you might play odd and even in the dark'? This proverb strictly applies to the particular case of honesty, but it has this general application, that in all our conduct we should be influenced by the character of the action, not by the presence or absence of a witness. <" "
2.92. \xa0However, let us grant his point: let him get the highest pleasures cheap, or for all I\xa0care for nothing, if he can; allow that there is as much pleasure to be found in the cress salad which according to Xenophon formed the staple diet of the Persians, as in the Syracusan banquets which Plato takes to task so severely; grant, I\xa0say, that pleasure is as easy to get as your school makes out; â\x80\x94 but what are we to say of pain? Pain can inflict such tortures as to render happiness absolutely impossible, that is, if it be true that pain is the Chief Evil. Metrodorus himself, who was almost a second Epicurus, describes happiness (I\xa0give almost his actual words) as 'sound health, and an assurance of its continuance.' Can anyone have an assurance of what his health will be, I\xa0don't say a\xa0year hence, but this evening? It follows that we can never be free from the apprehension of pain, which is the chief Evil, even when it is absent, for at any moment it may be upon us. How then can life be happy when haunted by fear of the greatest Evil? <" "
2.102. \xa0That these are the words of as amiable and kindly a man as you like, I\xa0cannot deny; but what business has a philosopher, and especially a natural philosopher, which Epicurus claims to be, to think that any day can be anybody's birthday? Why, can the identical day that has once occurred recur again and again? Assuredly it is impossible. Or can a similar day recur? This too is impossible, except after an interval of many thousands of years, when all the heavenly bodies simultaneously achieve their return to the point from which they started. It follows that there is no such thing as anybody's birthday. 'But a certain day is so regarded.' Much obliged, I\xa0am sure, for the information! But even granting birthdays, is a person's birthday to be observed when he is dead? And to provide for this by will â\x80\x94 is this appropriate for a man who told us in oracular tones that nothing can affect us after death? Such a provision ill became one whose 'intellect had roamed' over unnumbered worlds and realms of infinite space, without shores or circumference. Did Democritus do anything of the kind? (To omit others, I\xa0cite the case of the philosopher who was Epicurus's only master.) <" '
5.52. \xa0What of our eagerness to learn the names of people who have done something notable, their parentage, birthplace, and many quite unimportant details beside? What of the delight that is taken in history by men of the humblest station, who have no expectation of participating in public life, even mere artisans? Also we may notice that the persons most eager to hear and read of public affairs are those who are debarred by the infirmities of age from any prospect of taking part in them. Hence we are forced to infer that the objects of study and knowledge contain in themselves the allurements that entice us to study and to learning. <''. None
|11. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Proculus, Julius
Found in books: Green (2014) 156; Xinyue (2022) 9
|2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres\' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. ''. None|
|12. Cicero, On Duties, 1.2, 1.15, 1.57, 1.68, 2.6, 2.36, 2.56-2.64, 2.73, 2.78, 2.84, 2.86, 2.90, 3.22, 3.26, 3.32, 3.82, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Annas, Julia • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius (Iulius Caesar, C.) • Divine Iulius, Temple of • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C., as diseased limb • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., as parricide and tyrant • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., victory in civil war as salus • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, honours to • Temple of, Divine Iulius
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 62; Csapo (2022) 171; Jedan (2009) 205; Jenkyns (2013) 23, 35, 45; Keddie (2019) 87; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 276; Long (2006) 291, 318, 319, 320, 328; Maso (2022) 29; Tuori (2016) 42; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 292; Walters (2020) 101, 114
1.57. Sed cum omnia ratione animoque lustraris, omnium societatum nulla est gravior, nulla carior quam ea, quae cum re publica est uni cuique nostrum. Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiars, sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est, pro qua quis bonus dubitet mortem oppetere, si ei sit profuturus? Quo est detestabilior istorum immanitas, qui lacerarunt omni scelere patriam et in ea funditus delenda occupati et sunt et fuerunt.
1.68. Non est autem consentaneum, qui metu non frangatur, eum frangi cupiditate nec, qui invictum se a labore praestiterit, vinci a voluptate. Quam ob rem et haec vitanda et pecuniae figienda cupiditas; nihil enim est tam angusti animi tamque parvi quam amare divitias, nihil honestius magnificentiusque quam pecuniam contemnere, si non habeas, si habeas, ad beneficentiam liberalitatemque conferre. Cavenda etiam est gloriae cupiditas, ut supra dixi; eripit enim libertatem, pro qua magimis viris omnis debet esse contentio. Nee vero imperia expetenda ac potius aut non accipienda interdum aut deponenda non numquam.
2.6. Nam sive oblectatio quaeritur animi requiesque curarum, quae conferri cum eorum studiis potest, qui semper aliquid anquirunt, quod spectet et valeat ad bene beateque vivendum? sive ratio constantiae virtutisque ducitur, aut haec ars est aut nulla omnino, per quam eas assequamur. Nullam dicere maximarum rerum artem esse, cum minimarum sine arte nulla sit, hominum est parum considerate loquentium atque in maximis rebus errantium. Si autem est aliqua disciplina virtutis, ubi ea quaeretur, cum ab hoc discendi genere discesseris? Sed haec, cum ad philosophiam cohortamur, accuratius disputari solent, quod alio quodam libro fecimus; hoc autem tempore tantum nobis declarandum fuit, cur orbati rei publicae muneribus ad hoc nos studium potissimum contulissemus.
2.36. Erat igitur ex iis tribus, quae ad gloriam pertinerent, hoc tertium, ut cum admiratione hominum honore ab iis digni iudicaremur. Admirantur igitur communiter illi quidem omnia, quae magna et praeter opinionem suam animadverterunt, separatim autem, in singulis si perspiciunt necopinata quaedam bona. Itaque eos viros suspiciunt maximisque efferunt laudibus, in quibus existimant se excellentes quasdam et singulares perspicere virtutes, despiciunt autem eos et contemnunt, in quibus nihil virtutis, nihil animi, nihil nervorum putant. Non enim omnes eos contemnunt, de quibus male existimant. Nam quos improbos, maledicos, fraudulentos putant et ad faciendam iniuriam instructos, eos haud contemnunt quidem, sed de iis male existimant. Quam ob rem, ut ante dixi, contemnuntur ii, qui nec sibi nec alteri, ut dicitur, in quibus nullus labor, nulla industria, nulla cura est.
2.56. liberales autem, qui suis facultatibus aut captos a praedonibus redimunt aut aes alienum suscipiunt amicorum aut in filiarum collocatione adiuvant aut opitulantur in re vel quaerenda vel augenda. Itaque miror, quid in mentem venerit Theophrasto in eo libro, quem de divitiis scripsit; in quo multa praeclare, illud absurde: est enim multus in laudanda magnificentia et apparatione popularium munerum taliumque sumptuum facultatem fructum divitiarum putat. Mihi autem ille fructus liberalitatis, cuius pauca exempla posui, multo et maior videtur et certior. Quanto Aristoteles gravius et verius nos reprehendit! qui has pecuniarum effusiones non admiremur, quae fiunt ad multitudinem deliniendam. Ait enim, qui ab hoste obsidentur, si emere aquae sextarium cogerentur mina, hoc primo incredibile nobis videri, omnesque mirari, sed cum attenderint, veniam necessitati dare, in his immanibus iacturis infinitisque sumptibus nihil nos magnopere mirari, cum praesertim neque necessitati subveniatur nec dignitas augeatur ipsaque illa delectatio multitudinis ad breve exiguumque tempus capiatur, eaque a levissimo quoque, in quo tamen ipso una cum satietate memoria quoque moriatur voluptatis. 2.57. Bene etiam colligit, haec pueris et mulierculis et servis et servorum simillimis liberis esse grata, gravi vero homini et ea, quae fiunt, iudicio certo ponderanti probari posse nullo modo. Quamquam intellego in nostra civitate inveterasse iam bonis temporibus, ut splendor aedilitatum ab optimis viris postuletur. Itaque et P. Crassus cum cognomine dives, tum copiis functus est aedilicio maximo munere, et paulo post L. Crassus cum omnium hominum moderatissimo Q. Mucio magnificentissima aedilitate functus est, deinde C. Claudius App. f., multi post, Luculli, Hortensius, Silanus; omnes autem P. Lentulus me consule vicit superiores; hunc est Scaurus imitatus; magnificentissima vero nostri Pompei munera secundo consulatu; in quibus omnibus quid mihi placeat, vides. 2.58. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Quare et, si postulatur a populo, bonis viris si non desiderantibus, at tamen approbantibus faciundum est, modo pro facultatibus, nos ipsi ut fecimus, et, si quando aliqua res maior atque utilior populari largitione acquiritur, ut Oresti nuper prandia in semitis decumae nomine magno honori fuerunt. Ne M. quidem Seio vitio datum est, quod in caritate asse modium populo dedit; magna enim se et inveterata invidia nec turpi iactura, quando erat aedilis, nec maxima liberavit. Sed honori summo nuper nostro Miloni fuit, qui gladiatoribus emptis rei publicae causa, quae salute nostra continebatur, omnes P. Clodi conatus furoresque compressit. Causa igitur largitionis est, si aut necesse est aut utile. 2.59. In his autem ipsis mediocritatis regula optima est. L. quidem Philippus Q. f., magno vir ingenio in primisque clarus, gloriari solebat se sine ullo munere adeptum esse omnia, quae haberentur amplissima. Dicebat idem Cotta, Curio. Nobis quoque licet in hoc quodam modo gloriari; nam pro amplitudine honorum, quos cunctis suffragiis adepti sumus nostro quidem anno, quod contigit eorum nemini, quos modo nominavi, sane exiguus sumptus aedilitatis fuit.
2.60. Atque etiam illae impensae meliores, muri, navalia, portus, aquarum ductus omniaque, quae ad usum rei publicae pertinent. Quamquam, quod praesens tamquam in manum datur, iucundius est; tamen haec in posterum gratiora. Theatra, porticus, nova templa verecundius reprehendo propter Pompeium, sed doctissimi non probant, ut et hic ipse Panaetius, quem nultum in his libris secutus sum, non interpretatus, et Phalereus Demetrius, qui Periclem, principem Graeciae, vituperat, quod tantam pecuniam in praeclara illa propylaea coniecerit. Sed de hoc genere toto in iis libris, quos de re publica scripsi, diligenter est disputatum. Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria, et tum ipsum et ad facultates accommodanda et mediocritate moderanda est.
2.61. In illo autem altero genere largiendi, quod a liberalitate proficiscitur, non uno modo in disparibus causis affecti esse debemus. Alia causa est eius, qui calamitate premitur, et eius, qui res meliores quaerit nullis suis rebus adversis.
2.62. Propensior benignitas esse debebit in calamitosos, nisi forte erunt digni calamitate. In iis tamen, qui se adiuvari volent, non ne affligantur, sed ut altiorem gradum ascendant, restricti omnino esse nullo modo debemus, sed in deligendis idoneis iudicium et diligentiam adhibere. Nam praeclare Ennius: Bene fácta male locáta male facta árbitror.
2.63. Quod autem tributum est bono viro et grato, in eo cum ex ipso fructus est, tum etiam ex ceteris. Temeritate enim remota gratissima est liberalitas, eoque eam studiosius plerique laudant, quod summi cuiusque bonitas commune perfugium est omnium. Danda igitur opera est, ut iis beneficiis quam plurimos afficiamus, quorum memoria liberis posterisque prodatur, ut iis ingratis esse non liceat. Omnes enim immemorem beneficii oderunt eamque iniuriam in deterrenda liberalitate sibi etiam fieri eumque, qui faciat, communem hostem tenuiorum putant. Atque haec benignitas etiam rei publicae est utilis, redimi e servitute captos, locupletari tenuiores; quod quidem volgo solitum fieri ab ordine nostro in oratione Crassi scriptum copiose videmus. Hanc ergo consuetudinem benignitatis largitioni munerum longe antepono; haec est gravium hominum atque magnorum, illa quasi assentatorum populi multitudinis levitatem voluptate quasi titillantium.
2.64. Conveniet autem cum in dando munificum esse, tum in exigendo non acerbum in omnique re contrahenda, vendundo emendo, conducendo locando, vicinitatibus et confiniis, aequum, facilem, multa multis de suo iure cedentem, a litibus vero, quantum liceat et nescio an paulo plus etiam, quam liceat, abhorrentem. Est enim non modo liberale paulum non numquam de suo iure decedere, sed interdum etiam fructuosum. Habenda autem ratio est rei familiaris, quam quidem dilabi sinere flagitiosum est, sed ita, ut illiberalitatis avaritiaeque absit suspicio; posse enim liberalitate uti non spoliantem se patrimonio nimirum est pecuniae fructus maximus. Recte etiam a Theophrasto est laudata hospitalitas; est enim, ut mihi quidem videtur, valde decorum patere domus hominum illustrium hospitibus illustribus, idque etiam rei publicae est ornamento, homines externos hoc liberalitatis genere in urbe nostra non egere. Est autem etiam vehementer utile iis, qui honeste posse multum volunt, per hospites apud externos populos valere opibus et gratia. Theophrastus quidem scribit Cimonem Athenis etiam in suos curiales Laciadas hospitalem fuisse; ita enim instituisse et vilicis imperavisse, ut omnia praeberentur, quicumque Laciades in villam suam devertisset.
2.73. In primis autem videndum erit ei, qui rem publicam administrabit, ut suum quisque teneat neque de bonis privatorum publice deminutio fiat. Perniciose enim Philippus, in tribunatu cum legem agrariam ferret, quam tamen antiquari facile passus est et in eo vehementer se moderatum praebuit—sed cum in agendo multa populariter, tum illud male, non esse in civitate duo milia hominum, qui rem baberent. Capitalis oratio est, ad aequationem bonorum pertinens; qua peste quae potest esse maior? Hanc enim ob causam maxime, ut sua tenerentur, res publicae civitatesque constitutae sunt. Nam, etsi duce natura congregabantur hominess, tamen spe custodiae rerum suarum urbium praesidia quaerebant.
2.78. Qui vero se populares volunt ob eamque causam aut agrariam rem temptant, ut possessores pellantur suis sedibus, aut pecunias creditas debitoribus condodas putant, labefactant fundamenta rei publicae, concordiam primum, quae esse non potest, cum aliis adimuntur, aliis condotur pecuniae, deinde aequitatem, quae tollitur omnis, si habere suum cuique non licet. Id enim est proprium, ut supra dixi, civitatis atque urbis, ut sit libera et non sollicita suae rei cuiusque custodia.
2.84. Tabulae vero novae quid habent argumenti, nisi ut emas mea pecunia fundum, eum tu habeas, ego non habeam pecuniam? Quam ob rem ne sit aes alienum, quod rei publicae noceat, providendum est, quod multis rationibus caveri potest, non, si fuerit, ut locupletes suum perdant, debitores lucrentur alienum; nec enim ulla res vehementius rem publicam continet quam fides, quae esse nulla potest, nisi erit necessaria solutio rerum creditarum. Numquam vehementius actum est quam me consule, ne solveretur; armis et castris temptata res est ab omni genere hominum et ordine; quibus ita restiti, ut hoc totum malum de re publica tolleretur. Numquam nec maius aes alienum fuit nec melius nec facilius dissolutum est; fraudandi enim spe sublata solvendi necessitas consecuta est. At vero hic nunc victor, tum quidem victus, quae cogitarat, ea perfecit, cum eius iam nihil interesset. Tanta in eo peccandi libido fuit, ut hoc ipsum eum delectaret, peccare, etiamsi causa non esset.
2.86. In his autem utilitatum praeceptis Antipater Tyrius Stoicus, qui Athenis nuper est mortuus, duo praeterita censet esse a Panaetio, valetudinis curationem et pecuniae; quas res a summo philosopho praeteritas arbitror, quod essent faciles; sunt certe utiles. Sed valetudo sustentatur notitia sui corporis et observatione, quae res aut prodesse soleant aut obesse, et continentia in victu omni atque cultu corporis tuendi causa praetermittendis voluptatibus, postremo arte eorum, quorum ad scientiam haec pertinent.
3.22. Ut, si unum quodque membrum sensum hunc haberet, ut posse putaret se valere, si proximi membri valetudinem ad se traduxisset, debilitari et interire totum corpus necesse esset, sic, si unus quisque nostrum ad se rapiat commoda aliorum detrahatque, quod cuique possit, emolumenti sui gratia, societas hominum et communitas evertatur necesse est. Nam sibi ut quisque malit, quod ad usum vitae pertineat, quam alteri acquirere, concessum est non repugte natura, illud natura non patitur, ut aliorum spoliis nostras facultates, copias, opes augeamus.
3.26. Deinde, qui alterum violat, ut ipse aliquid commodi consequatur, aut nihil existimat se facere contra naturam aut magis fugiendam censet mortem, paupertatem, dolorem, amissionem etiam liberorum, propinquorum, amicorum quam facere cuiquam iniuriam. Si nihil existimat contra naturam fieri hominibus violandis, quid cum eo disseras, qui omnino hominem ex homine tollat? sin fugiendum id quidem censet, sed multo illa peiora, mortem, paupertatem, dolorem, errat in eo, quod ullum aut corporis aut fortunae vitium vitiis animi gravius existimat. Ergo unum debet esse omnibus propositum, ut eadem sit utilitas unius cuiusque et universorum; quam si ad se quisque rapiet, dissolvetur omnis humana consortio.
3.32. Nam quod ad Phalarim attinet, perfacile iudicium est. Nulla est enim societas nobis cum tyrannis, et potius summa distractio est, neque est contra naturam spoliare eum, si possis, quem est honestum necare, atque hoc omne genus pestiferum atque impium ex hominum communitate extermidum est. Etenim, ut membra quaedam amputantur, si et ipsa sanguine et tamquam spiritu carere coeperunt et nocent reliquis partibus corporis, sic ista in figura hominis feritas et immanitas beluae a communi tamquam humanitatis corpore segreganda est. Huius generis quaestiones sunt omnes eae, in quibus ex tempore officium exquiritur.
3.82. Est ergo ulla res tanti aut commodum ullum tam expetendum, ut viri boni et splendorem et nomen amittas? Quid est, quod afferre tantum utilitas ista, quae dicitur, possit, quantum auferre, si boni viri nomen eripuerit, fidem iustitiamque detraxerit? Quid enim interest, utrum ex homine se convertat quis in beluam an hominis figura immanitatem gerat beluae? Quid? qui omnia recta et honesta neglegunt, dum modo potentiam consequantur, nonne idem faciunt, quod is, qui etiam socerum habere voluit eum, cuius ipse audacia potens esset? Utile ei videbatur plurimum posse alterius invidia; id quam iniustum in patriam et quam turpe esset, non videbat. Ipse autem socer in ore semper Graecos versus de Phoenissis habebat, quos dicam, ut potero, incondite fortasse, sed tamen, ut res possit intellegi: Nam sí violandum est Iús, regdi grátia Violándum est; aliis rébus pietatém colas. Capitalis Eteocles vel potius Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnum sceleratissimum fuerit, exceperit!' '. None
|1.57. \xa0But when with a rational spirit you have surveyed the whole field, there is no social relation among them all more close, none more close, none more dear than that which links each one of us with our country. Parents are dear; dear are children, relatives, friends; one native land embraces all our loves; and who that is true would hesitate to give his life for her, if by his death he could render her a service? So much the more execrable are those monsters who have torn their fatherland to pieces with every form of outrage and who are and have been engaged in compassing her utter destruction. < |
1.68. \xa0Moreover, it would be inconsistent for the man who is not overcome by fear to be overcome by desire, or for the man who has shown himself invincible to toil to be conquered by pleasure. We must, therefore, not only avoid the latter, but also beware of ambition for wealth; for there is nothing so characteristic of narrowness and littleness of soul as the love of riches; and there is nothing more honourable and noble than to be indifferent to money, if one does not possess it, and to devote it to beneficence and liberality, if one does possess it. As I\xa0said before, we must also beware of ambition for glory; for it robs us of liberty, and in defence of liberty a high-souled man should stake everything. And one ought not to seek military authority; nay, rather it ought sometimes to be declined, sometimes to be resigned. <
2.6. \xa0For if we are looking for mental enjoyment and relaxation, what pleasure can be compared with the pursuits of those who are always studying out something that will tend toward and effectively promote a good and happy life? Or, if regard is had for strength of character and virtue, then this is the method by which we can attain to those qualities, or there is none at all. And to say that there is no "method" for securing the highest blessings, when none even of the least important concerns is without its method, is the language of people who talk without due reflection and blunder in matters of the utmost importance. Furthermore, if there is really a way to learn virtue, where shall one look for it, when one has turned aside from this field of learning? Now, when I\xa0am advocating the study of philosophy, I\xa0usually discuss this subject at greater length, as I\xa0have done in another of my books. For the present I\xa0meant only to explain why, deprived of the tasks of public service, I\xa0have devoted myself to this particular pursuit. <
2.36. \xa0The third, then, of the three conditions I\xa0name as essential to glory is that we be accounted worthy of the esteem and admiration of our fellow-men. While people admire in general everything that is great or better than they expect, they admire in particular the good qualities that they find unexpectedly in individuals. And so they reverence and extol with the highest praises those men in whom they see certain pre-eminent and extraordinary talents; and they look down with contempt upon those who they think have no ability, no spirit, no energy. For they do not despise all those of whom they think ill. For some men they consider unscrupulous, slanderous, fraudulent, and dangerous; they do not despise them, it may be; but they do think ill of them. And therefore, as I\xa0said before, those are despised who are "of no use to themselves or their neighbours," as the saying is, who are idle, lazy, and indifferent. <' "
2.56. \xa0The generous, on the other hand, are those who employ their own means to ransom captives from brigands, or who assume their friends' debts or help in providing dowries for their daughters, or assist them in acquiring property or increasing what they have. <" '2.57. \xa0His conclusion, too, is excellent: "This sort of amusement pleases children, silly women, slaves, and the servile free; but a serious-minded man who weighs such matters with sound judgment cannot possibly approve of them." And yet I\xa0realize that in our country, even in the good old times, it had become a settled custom to expect magnificent entertainments from the very best men in their year of aedileship. So both Publius Crassus, who was not merely surnamed "The Rich" but was rich in fact, gave splendid games in his aedileship; and a little later Lucius Crassus (with Quintus Mucius, the most unpretentious man in the world, as his colleague) gave most magnificent entertainments in his aedileship. Then came Gaius Claudius, the son of Appius, and, after him, many others â\x80\x94 the Luculli, Hortensius, and Silanus. Publius Lentulus, however, in the year of my consulship, eclipsed all that had gone before him, and Scaurus emulated him. And my friend Pompey\'s exhibitions in his second consulship were the most magnificent of all. And so you see what I\xa0think about all this sort of thing. < 2.58. \xa0Still we should avoid any suspicion of penuriousness. Mamercus was a very wealthy man, and his refusal of the aedileship was the cause of his defeat for the consulship. If, therefore, such entertainment is demanded by the people, men of right judgment must at least consent to furnish it, even if they do not like the idea. But in so doing they should keep within their means, as I\xa0myself did. They should likewise afford such entertainment, if gifts of money to the people are to be the means of securing on some occasion some more important or more useful object. Thus Orestes recently won great honour by his public dinners given in the streets, on the pretext of their being a tithe-offering. Neither did anybody find fault with Marcus Seius for supplying grain to the people at an as the peck at a time when the market-price was prohibitive; for he thus succeeded in disarming the bitter and deep-seated prejudice of the people against him at an outlay neither very great nor discreditable to him in view of the fact that he was aedile at the time. But the highest honour recently fell to my friend Milo, who bought a band of gladiators for the sake of the country, whose preservation then depended upon my recall from exile, and with them put down the desperate schemes, the reign of terror, of Publius Clodius. The justification for gifts of money, therefore, is either necessity or expediency. < 2.59. \xa0And, in making them even in such cases, the rule of the golden mean is best. To be sure, Lucius Philippus, the son of Quintus, a man of great ability and unusual renown, used to make it his boast that without giving any entertainments he had risen to all the positions looked upon as the highest within the gift of the state. Cotta could say the same, and Curio. I, too, may make this boast my own â\x80\x94 to a certain extent; for in comparison with the eminence of the offices to which I\xa0was uimously elected at the earliest legal age â\x80\x94 and this was not the good fortune of any one of those just mentioned â\x80\x94 the outlay in my aedileship was very inconsiderable. <
2.60. \xa0Again, the expenditure of money is better justified when it is made for walls, docks, harbours, aqueducts, and all those works which are of service to the community. There is, to be sure, more of present satisfaction in what is handed out, like cash down; nevertheless public improvements win us greater gratitude with posterity. Out of respect for Pompey\'s memory I\xa0am rather diffident about expressing any criticism of theatres, colonnades, and new temples; and yet the greatest philosophers do not approve of them â\x80\x94 our Panaetius himself, for example, whom I\xa0am following, not slavishly translating, in these books; so, too, Demetrius of Phalerum, who denounces Pericles, the foremost man of Greece, for throwing away so much money on the magnificent, far-famed Propylaea. But this whole theme is discussed at length in my books on "The Republic." To conclude, the whole system of public bounties in such extravagant amount is intrinsically wrong; but it may under certain circumstances be necessary to make them; even then they must be proportioned to our ability and regulated by the golden mean. <
2.61. \xa0Now, as touching that second division of gifts of money, those which are prompted by a spirit of generosity, we ought to look at different cases differently. The case of the man who is overwhelmed by misfortune is different from that of the one who is seeking to better his condition, though he suffers from no actual distress. <
2.62. \xa0It will be the duty of charity to incline more to the unfortunate, unless, perchance, they deserve their misfortune. But of course we ought by no means to withhold our assistance altogether from those who wish for aid, not to save them from utter ruin but to enable them to reach a higher degree of fortune. But, in selecting worthy cases, we ought to use judgment and discretion. For, as Ennius says so admirably, "Good deeds misplaced, methinks, are evil deeds." <' "
2.63. \xa0Furthermore, the favour conferred upon a man who is good and grateful finds its reward, in such a case, not only in his own good-will but in that of others. For, when generosity is not indiscriminate giving, it wins most gratitude and people praise it with more enthusiasm, because goodness of heart in a man of high station becomes the common refuge of everybody. Pains must, therefore, be taken to benefit as many as possible with such kindnesses that the memory of them shall be handed down to children and to children's children, so that they too may not be ungrateful. For all men detest ingratitude and look upon the sin of it as a wrong committed against themselves also, because it discourages generosity; and they regard the ingrate as the common foe of all the poor. Ransoming prisoners from servitude and relieving the poor is a form of charity that is a service to the state as well as to the individual. And we find in one of Crassus's orations the full proof given that such beneficence used to be the common practice of our order. This form of charity, then, I\xa0much prefer to the lavish expenditure of money for public exhibitions. The former is suited to men of worth and dignity, the latter to those shallow flatterers, if I\xa0may call them so, who tickle with idle pleasure, so to speak, the fickle fancy of the rabble. <" "
2.64. \xa0It will, moreover, befit a gentleman to be at the same time liberal in giving and not inconsiderate in exacting his dues, but in every business relation â\x80\x94 in buying or selling, in hiring or letting, in relations arising out of adjoining houses and lands â\x80\x94 to be fair, reasonable, often freely yielding much of his own right, and keeping out of litigation as far as his interests will permit and perhaps even a little farther. For it is not only generous occasionally to abate a little of one's rightful claims, but it is sometimes even advantageous. We should, however, have a care for our personal property, for it is discreditable to let it run through our fingers; but we must guard it in such a way that there shall be no suspicion of meanness or avarice. For the greatest privilege of wealth is, beyond all peradventure, the opportunity it affords for doing good, without sacrificing one's fortune. Hospitality also is a theme of Theophrastus's praise, and rightly so. For, as it seems to me at least, it is most proper that the homes of distinguished men should be open to distinguished guests. And it is to the credit of our country also that men from abroad do not fail to find hospitable entertainment of this kind in our city. It is, moreover, a very great advantage, too, for those who wish to obtain a powerful political influence by honourable means to be able through their social relations with their guests to enjoy popularity and to exert influence abroad. For an instance of extraordinary hospitality, Theophrastus writes that at Athens Cimon was hospitable even to the Laciads, the people of his own deme; for he instructed his bailiffs to that end and gave them orders that every attention should be shown to any Laciad who should ever call at his country home. <" '
2.73. \xa0The man in an administrative office, however, must make it his first care that everyone shall have what belongs to him and that private citizens suffer no invasion of their property rights by act of the state. It was a ruinous policy that Philippus proposed when in his tribuneship he introduced his agrarian bill. However, when his law was rejected, he took his defeat with good grace and displayed extraordinary moderation. But in his public speeches on the measure he often played the demagogue, and that time viciously, when he said that "there were not in the state two thousand people who owned any property." That speech deserves unqualified condemnation, for it favoured an equal distribution of property; and what more ruinous policy than that could be conceived? For the chief purpose in the establishment of constitutional state and municipal governments was that individual property rights might be secured. For, although it was by Nature\'s guidance that men were drawn together into communities, it was in the hope of safeguarding their possessions that they sought the protection of cities. <
2.78. \xa0But they who pose as friends of the people, and who for that reason either attempt to have agrarian laws passed, in order that the occupants may be driven out of their homes, or propose that money loaned should be remitted to the borrowers, are undermining the foundations of the commonwealth: first of all, they are destroying harmony, which cannot exist when money is taken away from one party and bestowed upon another; and second, they do away with equity, which is utterly subverted, if the rights of property are not respected. For, as I\xa0said above, it is the peculiar function of the state and the city to guarantee to every man the free and undisturbed control of his own particular property. <' "
2.84. \xa0And what is the meaning of an abolition of debts, except that you buy a farm with my money; that you have the farm, and I\xa0have not my money? We must, therefore, take measures that there shall be no indebtedness of a nature to endanger the public safety. It is a menace that can be averted in many ways; but should a serious debt be incurred, we are not to allow the rich to lose their property, while the debtors profit by what is their neighbour's. For there is nothing that upholds a government more powerfully than its credit; and it can have no credit, unless the payment of debts is enforced by law. Never were measures for the repudiation of debts more strenuously agitated than in my consulship. Men of every sort and rank attempted with arms and armies to force the project through. But I\xa0opposed them with such energy that this plague was wholly eradicated from the body politic. Indebtedness was never greater; debts were never liquidated more easily or more fully; for the hope of defrauding the creditor was cut off and payment was enforced by law. But the present victor, though vanquished then, still carried out his old design, when it was no longer of any personal advantage to him. So great was his passion for wrongdoing that the very doing of wrong was a joy to him for its own sake even when there was no motive for it. <" "
2.86. \xa0Now, in this list of rules touching expediency, Antipater of Tyre, a Stoic philosopher who recently died at Athens, claims that two points were overlooked by Panaetius â\x80\x94 the care of health and of property. I\xa0presume that the eminent philosopher overlooked these two items because they present no difficulty. At all events they are expedient. Although they are a matter of course, I\xa0will still say a\xa0few words on the subject. Individual health is preserved by studying one's own constitution, by observing what is good or bad for one, by constant self-control in supplying physical wants and comforts (but only to the extent necessary to self-preservation), by forgoing sensual pleasures, and finally, by the professional skill of those to whose science these matters belong. <" "
3.22. \xa0Suppose, by way of comparison, that each one of our bodily members should conceive this idea and imagine that it could be strong and well if it should draw off to itself the health and strength of its neighbouring member, the whole body would necessarily be enfeebled and die; so, if each one of us should seize upon the property of his neighbours and take from each whatever he could appropriate to his own use, the bonds of human society must inevitably be annihilated. For, without any conflict with Nature's laws, it is granted that everybody may prefer to secure for himself rather than for his neighbour what is essential for the conduct of life; but Nature's laws do forbid us to increase our means, wealth, and resources by despoiling others. <" '
3.26. \xa0Finally, if a man wrongs his neighbour to gain some advantage for himself he must either imagine that he is not acting in defiance of Nature or he must believe that death, poverty, pain, or even the loss of children, kinsmen, or friends, is more to be shunned than an act of injustice against another. If he thinks he is not violating the laws of Nature, when he wrongs his fellow-men, how is one to argue with the individual who takes away from man all that makes him man? But if he believes that, while such a course should be avoided, the other alternatives are much worse â\x80\x94 namely, death, poverty, pain â\x80\x94 he is mistaken in thinking that any ills affecting either his person or his property are more serious than those affecting his soul. This, then, ought to be the chief end of all men, to make the interest of each individual and of the whole body politic identical. For, if the individual appropriates to selfish ends what should be devoted to the common good, all human fellowship will be destroyed. <
3.32. \xa0As for the case of Phalaris, a decision is quite simple: we have no ties of fellowship with a tyrant, but rather the bitterest feud; and it is not opposed to Nature to rob, if one can, a man whom it is morally right to kill; â\x80\x94 nay, all that pestilent and abominable race should be exterminated from human society. And this may be done by proper measures; for, as certain members are amputated, if they show signs themselves of being bloodless and virtually lifeless and thus jeopardize the health of the other parts of the body, so those fierce and savage monsters in human form should be cut off from what may be called the common body of humanity. of this sort are all those problems in which we have to determine what moral duty is, as it varies with varying circumstances. <
3.82. \xa0Is there, then, any object of such value or any advantage so worth the winning that, to gain it, one should sacrifice the name of a "good man" and the lustre of his reputation? What is there that your soâ\x80\x91called expediency can bring to you that will compensate for what it can take away, if it steals from you the name of a "good man" and causes you to lose your sense of honour and justice? For what difference does it make whether a man is actually transformed into a beast or whether, keeping the outward appearance of a man, he has the savage nature of a beast within? Again, when people disregard everything that is morally right and true, if only they may secure power thereby, are they not pursuing the same course as he who wished to have as a father-inâ\x80\x91law the man by whose effrontery he might gain power for himself? He thought it advantageous to secure supreme power while the odium of it fell upon another; and he failed to see how unjust to his country this was, and how wrong morally. But the father-inâ\x80\x91law himself used to have continually upon his lips the Greek verses from the Phoenissae, which I\xa0will reproduce as well as I\xa0can â\x80\x94 awkwardly, it may be, but still so that the meaning can be understood: "If wrong may e\'er be right, for a throne\'s sake Were wrong most right:â\x80\x94 be God in all else feared!" Our tyrant deserved his death for having made an exception of the one thing that was the blackest crime of all. <' '. None
|13. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 9.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julian, emperor • Julius
Found in books: Grabbe (2010) 101; Klein and Wienand (2022) 19
9.26. וְאַחֲרֵי הַשָּׁבֻעִים שִׁשִּׁים וּשְׁנַיִם יִכָּרֵת מָשִׁיחַ וְאֵין לוֹ וְהָעִיר וְהַקֹּדֶשׁ יַשְׁחִית עַם נָגִיד הַבָּא וְקִצּוֹ בַשֶּׁטֶף וְעַד קֵץ מִלְחָמָה נֶחֱרֶצֶת שֹׁמֵמוֹת׃''. None
|9.26. And after the threescore and two weeks shall an anointed one be cut off, and be no more; and the people of a prince that shall come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary; but his end shall be with a flood; and unto the end of the war desolations are determined.''. None|
|14. Polybius, Histories, 6.53 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 49; Rutledge (2012) 106
|6.53. 1. \xa0Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâ\x80\x91called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. \xa0Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. \xa0As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. \xa0Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. \xa0This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. \xa0On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. \xa0These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. \xa0They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. \xa0and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. \xa0For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this?''. None|
|15. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Caesar, C., lictors, restores alternation of • July (Iulius)
Found in books: Konrad (2022) 77; Rüpke (2011) 48
|16. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 15; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 272, 274, 290
|17. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral • Julius Caesar, C., image on the Capitoline • Julius Caesar, C., imagined as saving the res publica • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, house of
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 36, 184; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 75; Rutledge (2012) 89, 153; Santangelo (2013) 40; Walters (2020) 81, 91, 108
|18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy
Found in books: Green (2014) 77; Santangelo (2013) 112
|19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar, and Cato • Julius Caesar, assassination
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 269; Green (2014) 77; Jenkyns (2013) 37; Mackey (2022) 369; Verhagen (2022) 269
|20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar Strabo Vopiscus, C. • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., image in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Scaliger, Julius Caesar
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 15, 53; Green (2014) 156; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 108, 109; Rohland (2022) 118; Rutledge (2012) 18; Walters (2020) 95
|21. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius (Iulius Caesar, C.) • Firmicus Maternus, Julius • Julian (Emperor), Hymn to King Helios • Julian (emperor) • Julian’s centrality in Ammianus’ narrative • Proculus Julius • Proculus, Julius
Found in books: Bowen and Rochberg (2020) 299; Gee (2013) 23; Green (2014) 156, 164; Long (2006) 291; Pandey (2018) 41; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 118; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 287; Xinyue (2022) 9
|22. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus,builds and adorns Temple of Divus Julius • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (Gaius Iulius Caesar) • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Gaius Julius, dictator • Iulius Caesar, C., and Cicero in civil war • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Quirinus • Julius Caesar, C., and Romulus • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., as parricide and tyrant • Julius Caesar, C., aspires to kingship • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., his sella curulis • Julius Caesar, C., mortality of • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, C., refuses crown • Julius Caesar, C., tomb inside the pomerium • Julius Caesar, C., victory in civil war as salus • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 42; Gorain (2019) 22, 172, 173; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 343; Konrad (2022) 69; Marek (2019) 258; Maso (2022) 114; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 246; Rutledge (2012) 39, 233; Tuori (2016) 41; Udoh (2006) 77; Walters (2020) 98, 101, 115
|23. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Mark, and Julius Caesar • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (Gaius Iulius Caesar) • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Julius • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Iulius Caesar, C., and Cicero in civil war • Iulius Caesar, C., augural law, ignored by • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator in • Iulius Caesar, C., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation • Iulius Caesar, L. • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar Octavianus, C. (Octavian, later Augustus) • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, and Cicero • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, references Alexander the Great • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 15; Gorain (2019) 22; Green (2014) 69; Jenkyns (2013) 46, 146, 173, 244; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 291; Konrad (2022) 69, 70, 142; Maso (2022) 11; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 241; Rutledge (2012) 58; Santangelo (2013) 50, 175; Tuori (2016) 59; Walters (2020) 89, 94, 109, 110; Čulík-Baird (2022) 146
|24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of
Found in books: Tuori (2016) 43; Walters (2020) 89
|25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Caesar, C., praetor, suspended as • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Konrad (2022) 72; Santangelo (2013) 60
|26. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar, birthday • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Iulius Modestus • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 273; Rohland (2022) 98; Rüpke (2011) 124; Udoh (2006) 77
|27. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., imagined as saving the res publica • Julius Caesar, festival honoring Julia
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 253; Edmondson (2008) 91; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 35; Walters (2020) 81
|28. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar, reform • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Julius Caesar, C., image in Jupiter Capitolinus’ temple • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture
Found in books: Green (2014) 69; Jenkyns (2013) 47; Rutledge (2012) 108; Rüpke (2011) 112
|29. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar, dictatorship • C. Iulius Caesar, reform • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Julius • Iulius Caesar, C., augural law, ignored by • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator in • Iulius Caesar, C., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation • Iulius Caesar, L. • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, C., image on the Capitoline • Julius Caesar, C., private tastes • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, and Brutus • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, honours to
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 269; Green (2014) 92; Jenkyns (2013) 23, 50, 124, 184; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 337, 343; Konrad (2022) 142; Mackey (2022) 347, 369; Mowat (2021) 141; Oksanish (2019) 168; Rutledge (2012) 70, 153, 163; Rüpke (2011) 121, 122; Santangelo (2013) 2, 273, 275; Tuori (2016) 65; Verhagen (2022) 269
|30. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius, ending Republican institutions • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar Strabo Vopsicus • Julius Caesar, C., and Quirinus
Found in books: Joseph (2022) 132, 135; Oksanish (2019) 44, 52; Rutledge (2012) 39
|31. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Epikrates, C. Iulius • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Jews legal right to live according to customs • Julius Caesar, and Jews, certain exactions from Jews banned by C. • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of
Found in books: Hallmannsecker (2022) 71; Santangelo (2013) 40; Udoh (2006) 91, 96, 98
|32. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C • dictatorships of Sulla and Julius Caesar
Found in books: Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 107; Xinyue (2022) 11
|33. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., victory in civil war as salus
Found in books: Tuori (2016) 59; Walters (2020) 90, 102
|34. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar • Marcellus, Julius Caesar’s enemy defended by Cicero
Found in books: Green (2014) 156; Manolaraki (2012) 60; Xinyue (2022) 13, 14, 15, 16
|35. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, and Cicero
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 34; Rutledge (2012) 163
|36. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., as parricide and tyrant • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., his triumph
Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 93; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 35; Rutledge (2012) 155; Walters (2020) 115
|37. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Annas, Julia • Caesar, C. Julius • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of
Found in books: Agri (2022) 30; Long (2006) 291; Nasrallah (2019) 148; Sorabji (2000) 223; Walters (2020) 93; Čulík-Baird (2022) 190
|38. Catullus, Poems, 39.4-39.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, funeral of • Lucius Julius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 357; Jenkyns (2013) 88; Verhagen (2022) 357; Walters (2020) 92
|39.4. He grins. When pious son at funeral pile 39.5. Mourns, or lone mother sobs for sole lost son,' '. None|
|39. Ovid, Fasti, 1.641-1.644, 3.155-3.160, 3.697-3.702, 5.551-5.568, 6.436 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency • Caesar, Julius • Divine Iulius, Temple of • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, C., his sword • Julius Caesar, and Brutus • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, religiosity of • July (Iulius) • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Temple of, Divine Iulius
Found in books: Bierl (2017) 304, 305, 311; Green (2014) 168, 169, 171; Jenkyns (2013) 29, 50; Rutledge (2012) 111, 163, 256; Rüpke (2011) 98; Santangelo (2013) 126
1.641. Furius antiquam populi superator Etrusci 1.642. voverat et voti solverat ille fidem, 1.643. causa, quod a patribus sumptis secesserat armis 1.644. volgus, et ipsa suas Roma timebat opes.
3.155. sed tamen errabant etiam nunc tempora, donec 3.156. Caesaris in multis haec quoque cura fuit. 3.157. non haec ille deus tantaeque propaginis auctor 3.158. credidit officiis esse minora suis, 3.159. promissumque sibi voluit praenoscere caelum 3.160. nec deus ignotas hospes inire domos,
3.697. praeteriturus eram gladios in principe fixos, 3.698. cum sic a castis Vesta locuta focis: 3.699. ‘ne dubita meminisse: meus fuit ille sacerdos, 3.700. sacrilegae telis me petiere manus. 3.701. ipsa virum rapui simulacraque nuda reliqui: 3.702. quae cecidit ferro, Caesaris umbra fuit.’
5.551. Ultor ad ipse suos caelo descendit honores 5.552. templaque in Augusto conspicienda foro. 5.553. et deus est ingens et opus: debebat in urbe 5.554. non aliter nati Mars habitare sui. 5.555. digna Giganteis haec sunt delubra tropaeis: 5.556. hinc fera Gradivum bella movere decet, 5.557. seu quis ab Eoo nos impius orbe lacesset, 5.558. seu quis ab occiduo sole domandus erit. 5.559. prospicit armipotens operis fastigia summi 5.560. et probat invictos summa tenere deos. 5.561. prospicit in foribus diversae tela figurae 5.562. armaque terrarum milite victa suo. 5.563. hinc videt Aenean oneratum pondere caro 5.564. et tot Iuleae nobilitatis avos: 5.565. hinc videt Iliaden humeris ducis arma ferentem, 5.566. claraque dispositis acta subesse viris, 5.567. spectat et Augusto praetextum nomine templum, 5.568. et visum lecto Caesare maius opus.
6.436. Vesta, quod assiduo lumine cuncta videt,''. None
|1.641. Vowed your ancient temple and kept his vow. 1.642. His reason was that the commoners had armed themselves, 1.643. Seceding from the nobles, and Rome feared their power. 1.644. This latest reason was a better one: revered Leader, Germany |
3.155. But the calendar was still erratic down to the time 3.156. When Caesar took it, and many other things, in hand. 3.157. That god, the founder of a mighty house, did not 3.158. Regard the matter as beneath his attention, 3.159. And wished to have prescience of those heaven 3.160. Promised him, not be an unknown god entering a strange house.
3.697. Our leader, when Vesta spoke from her pure hearth: 3.698. Don’t hesitate to recall them: he was my priest, 3.699. And those sacrilegious hands sought me with their blades. 3.700. I snatched him away, and left a naked semblance: 3.701. What died by the steel, was Caesar’s shadow.’ 3.702. Raised to the heavens he found Jupiter’s halls,
5.551. Am I wrong, or did weapons clash? I’m not: they clashed, 5.552. Mars comes, giving the sign for war as he comes. 5.553. The Avenger himself descends from the sky 5.554. To view his shrine and honours in Augustus’ forum. 5.555. The god and the work are mighty: Mar 5.556. Could not be housed otherwise in his son’s city. 5.557. The shrine is worthy of trophies won from Giants: 5.558. From it the Marching God initiates fell war, 5.559. When impious men attack us from the East, 5.560. Or those from the setting sun must be conquered. 5.561. The God of Arms sees the summits of the work, 5.562. And approves of unbeaten gods holding the heights. 5.563. He sees the various weapons studding the doors, 5.564. Weapons from lands conquered by his armies. 5.565. Here he views Aeneas bowed by his dear burden, 5.566. And many an ancestor of the great Julian line: 5.567. There he views Romulus carrying Acron’s weapon 5.568. And famous heroes’ deeds below their ranked statues.
6.436. Vesta guards it: who sees all things by her unfailing light.''. None
|40. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 14.814, 14.818-14.828, 15.626-15.640, 15.642-15.655, 15.657-15.673, 15.675-15.688, 15.690-15.698, 15.700-15.703, 15.705-15.744, 15.746-15.774, 15.776-15.799, 15.801-15.810, 15.812-15.827, 15.829-15.835, 15.837-15.851, 15.871-15.879 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), praised for superiority of son (Augustus) • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), stellar imagery of • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Caesar, Julius, anger of • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Divine Iulius, Temple of • Julian • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, religiosity of • Proculus, Julius • Temple of, Divine Iulius • dictatorships of Sulla and Julius Caesar
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 293; Bierl (2017) 305; Braund and Most (2004) 249; Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 197; Green (2014) 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 159, 160, 163, 164, 166, 167, 169, 171, 172; Jenkyns (2013) 29; Joseph (2022) 26, 28; Manolaraki (2012) 60, 208, 214; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 174; Renberg (2017) 182; Santangelo (2013) 126; Verhagen (2022) 293; Xinyue (2022) 9, 10, 184, 185
14.814. “unus erit, quem tu tolles in caerula caeli”
14.818. quae sibi promissae sensit rata signa rapinae 14.819. innixusque hastae pressos temone cruento 14.820. impavidus conscendit equos Gradivus et ictu 14.821. verberis increpuit pronusque per aera lapsus 14.822. constitit in summo nemorosi colle Palati 14.823. reddentemque suo non regia iura Quiriti 14.825. dilapsum tenues, ceu lata plumbea funda 14.826. missa solet medio glans intabescere caelo. 14.827. Pulchra subit facies et pulvinaribus altis 14.828. dignior, est qualis trabeati forma Quirini.
15.626. Dira lues quondam Latias vitiaverat auras, 15.627. pallidaque exsangui squalebant corpora morbo. 15.628. Funeribus fessi postquam mortalia cernunt 15.629. temptamenta nihil, nihil artes posse medentum, 15.630. auxilium caeleste petunt mediamque tenentes 15.631. orbis humum Delphos adeunt, oracula Phoebi, 15.632. utque salutifera miseris succurrere rebus 15.633. sorte velit tantaeque urbis mala finiat, orant: 15.634. et locus et laurus et, quas habet ipse, pharetras 15.636. hanc adyto vocem pavefactaque pectora movit: 15.637. “Quod petis hinc, propiore loco, Romane, petisses, 15.638. et pete nunc propiore loco! nec Apolline vobis, 15.639. qui minuat luctus, opus est, sed Apolline nato. 15.640. Ite bonis avibus prolemque accersite nostram!”
15.642. quam colat, explorant, iuvenis Phoebeius urbem, 15.643. quique petant ventis Epidauria litora mittunt. 15.644. Quae simul incurva missi tetigere carina, 15.645. concilium Graiosque patres adiere, darentque, 15.646. oravere, deum, qui praesens funera gentis 15.647. finiat Ausoniae: certas ita dicere sortes. 15.648. Dissidet et variat sententia, parsque negandum 15.649. non putat auxilium, multi retinere suamque 15.650. non emittere opem nec numina tradere suadent: 15.651. dum dubitant, seram pepulere crepuscula lucem, 15.652. umbraque telluris tenebras induxerat orbi, 15.653. cum deus in somnis opifer consistere visus 15.654. ante tuum, Romane, torum, sed qualis in aede 15.655. esse solet, baculumque tenens agreste sinistra
15.657. et placido tales emittere pectore voces: 15.658. “Pone metus! Veniam simulacraque nostra relinquam. 15.659. Hunc modo serpentem, baculum qui nexibus ambit, 15.660. perspice et usque nota visu, ut cognoscere possis! 15.661. Vertar in hunc, sed maior ero tantusque videbor, 15.662. in quantum verti caelestia corpora debent.” 15.663. Extemplo cum voce deus, cum voce deoque 15.664. somnus abit, somnique fugam lux alma secuta est. 15.665. Postera sidereos aurora fugaverat ignes: 15.666. incerti, quid agant, proceres ad templa petiti 15.667. perveniunt operosa dei, quaque ipse morari 15.668. sede velit, signis caelestibus indicet, orant. 15.669. Vix bene desierant, cum cristis aureus altis 15.670. in serpente deus praenuntia sibila misit 15.671. adventuque suo signumque arasque foresque 15.672. marmoreumque solum fastigiaque aurea movit 15.673. pectoribusque tenus media sublimis in aede
15.675. Territa turba pavet. Cognovit numina castos 15.676. evinctus vitta crines albente sacerdos: 15.677. “En deus est deus est! Animis linguisque favete, 15.678. quisquis ades!” dixit. “Sis, o pulcherrime, visus 15.679. utiliter populosque iuves tua sacra colentes !” 15.680. Quisquis adest, visum venerantur numen, et omnes 15.681. verba sacerdotis referunt geminata piumque 15.682. Aeneadae praestant et mente et voce favorem. 15.683. Adnuit his motisque deus rata pignora cristis 15.684. et repetita dedit vibrata sibila lingua. 15.685. Tum gradibus nitidis delabitur oraque retro 15.686. flectit et antiquas abiturus respicit aras 15.687. adsuetasque domos habitataque templa salutat. 15.688. Inde per iniectis adopertam floribus ingens
15.690. tendit ad incurvo munitos aggere portus. 15.691. Restitit hic agmenque suum turbaeque sequentis 15.692. officium placido visus dimittere vultu 15.693. corpus in Ausonia posuit rate: numinis illa 15.694. sensit onus, pressa estque dei gravitate carina; 15.695. Aeneadae gaudent caesoque in litore tauro 15.696. torta coronatae solvunt retinacula navis. 15.697. Impulerat levis aura ratem: deus eminet alte, 15.698. impositaque premens puppim cervice recurvam
15.700. Ionium zephyris sextae Pallantidos ortu 15.701. Italiam tenuit praeterque Lacinia templo 15.702. nobilitata deae Scylaceaque litora fertur; 15.703. linquit Iapygiam laevisque Amphrisia remis
15.705. Romethiumque legit Caulonaque Naryciamque, 15.706. evincitque fretum Siculique angusta Pelori 15.707. Hippotadaeque domos regis Temesesque metalla, 15.708. Leucosiamque petit tepidique rosaria Paesti. 15.709. Inde legit Capreas promunturiumque Minervae 15.710. et Surrentino generosos palmite colles 15.711. Herculeamque urbem Stabiasque et in otia natam 15.712. Parthenopen et ab hac Cumaeae templa Sibyllae. 15.713. Hinc calidi fontes lentisciferumque tenetur 15.714. Liternum multamque trahens sub gurgite harenam 15.715. Volturnus niveisque frequens Sinuessa columbis 15.716. Minturnaeque graves et quam tumulavit alumnus 15.717. Antiphataeque domus Trachasque obsessa palude 15.718. et tellus Circaea et spissi litoris Antium. 15.719. Huc ubi veliferam nautae advertere carinam 15.720. (asper enim iam pontus erat), deus explicat orbes 15.721. perque sinus crebros et magna volumina labens 15.722. templa parentis init flavum tangentia litus. 15.723. Aequore placato patrias Epidaurius aras 15.724. linquit et hospitio iuncti sibi numinis usus 15.725. litoream tractu squamae crepitantis harenam 15.726. sulcat et innixus moderamine navis in alta 15.727. puppe caput posuit, donec Castrumque sacrasque 15.728. Lavini sedes Tiberinaque ad ostia venit. 15.729. Huc omnis populi passim matrumque patrumque 15.730. obvia turba ruit, quaeque ignes, Troica, servant, 15.731. Vesta, tuos, laetoque deum clamore salutant. 15.732. Quaque per adversas navis cita ducitur undas, 15.733. tura super ripas aris ex ordine factis 15.734. parte ab utraque sot et odorant aera fumis, 15.735. ictaque coniectos incalfacit hostia cultros. 15.736. Iamque caput rerum, Romanam intraverat urbem: 15.737. erigitur serpens summoque acclinia malo 15.738. colla movet sedesque sibi circumspicit aptas. 15.739. Scinditur in geminas partes circumfluus amnis 15.740. (Insula nomen habet), laterumque a parte duorum 15.741. porrigit aequales media tellure lacertos. 15.742. Huc se de Latia pinu Phoebeius anguis 15.743. contulit et finem, specie caeleste resumpta, 15.744. luctibus imposuit venitque salutifer urbi.
15.746. Caesar in urbe sua deus est; quem Marte togaque 15.747. praecipuum non bella magis finita triumphis 15.748. resque domi gestae properataque gloria rerum 15.749. in sidus vertere novum stellamque comantem, 15.751. ullum maius opus, quam quod pater exstitit huius: 15.752. scilicet aequoreos plus est domuisse Britannos 15.753. perque papyriferi septemflua flumina Nili 15.754. victrices egisse rates Numidasque rebelles 15.755. Cinyphiumque Iubam Mithridateisque tumentem 15.756. nominibus Pontum populo adiecisse Quirini 15.757. et multos meruisse, aliquos egisse triumphos, 15.758. quam tantum genuisse virum? Quo praeside rerum 15.759. humano generi, superi, favistis abunde! 15.760. Ne foret hic igitur mortali semine cretus, 15.761. ille deus faciendus erat. Quod ut aurea vidit 15.762. Aeneae genetrix, vidit quoque triste parari 15.763. pontifici letum et coniurata arma moveri, 15.764. palluit et cunctis, ut cuique erat obvia, divis 15.765. “adspice” dicebat, “quanta mihi mole parentur 15.766. insidiae quantaque caput cum fraude petatur, 15.767. quod de Dardanio solum mihi restat Iulo. 15.768. Solane semper ero iustis exercita curis, 15.769. quam modo Tydidae Calydonia vulneret hasta, 15.770. nunc male defensae confundant moenia Troiae, 15.771. quae videam natum longis erroribus actum 15.772. iactarique freto sedesque intrare silentum 15.773. bellaque cum Turno gerere, aut, si vera fatemur, 15.774. cum Iunone magis? Quid nunc antiqua recordor
15.776. non sinit: en acui sceleratos cernitis enses? 15.777. Quos prohibete, precor, facinusque repellite, neve 15.778. caede sacerdotis flammas exstinguite Vestae!” 15.779. Talia nequiquam toto Venus anxia caelo 15.780. verba iacit superosque movet, qui rumpere quamquam 15.781. ferrea non possunt veterum decreta sororum, 15.782. signa tamen luctus dant haud incerta futuri. 15.783. Arma ferunt inter nigras crepitantia nubes 15.784. terribilesque tubas auditaque cornua caelo 15.785. praemonuisse nefas; solis quoque tristis imago 15.786. lurida sollicitis praebebat lumina terris. 15.788. saepe inter nimbos guttae cecidere cruentae. 15.789. Caerulus et vultum ferrugine Lucifer atra 15.790. sparsus erat, sparsi Lunares sanguine currus. 15.791. Tristia mille locis Stygius dedit omina bubo, 15.792. mille locis lacrimavit ebur, cantusque feruntur 15.793. auditi sanctis et verba mitia lucis. 15.794. Victima nulla litat magnosque instare tumultus 15.795. fibra monet, caesumque caput reperitur in extis. 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum 15.797. nocturnos ululasse canes umbrasque silentum 15.798. erravisse ferunt motamque tremoribus urbem. 15.799. Non tamen insidias venturaque vincere fata
15.801. in templum gladii; neque enim locus ullus in urbe 15.802. ad facinus diramque placet nisi curia, caedem. 15.803. Tum vero Cytherea manu percussit utraque 15.804. pectus et Aeneaden molitur condere nube, 15.805. qua prius infesto Paris est ereptus Atridae 15.806. et Diomedeos Aeneas fugerat enses. 15.807. Talibus hanc genitor: “Sola insuperabile fatum, 15.808. nata, movere paras? Intres licet ipsa sororum 15.809. tecta trium: cernes illic molimine vasto 15.810. ex aere et solido rerum tabularia ferro,
15.812. nec metuunt ullas tuta atque aeterna ruinas. 15.813. Invenies illic incisa adamante perenni 15.814. fata tui generis: legi ipse animoque notavi 15.815. et referam, ne sis etiamnum ignara futuri. 15.816. Hic sua complevit, pro quo, Cytherea, laboras, 15.817. tempora, perfectis, quos terrae debuit, annis. 15.818. Ut deus accedat caelo templisque colatur, 15.819. tu facies natusque suus, qui nominis heres 15.820. impositum feret unus onus caesique parentis 15.821. nos in bella suos fortissimus ultor habebit. 15.822. Illius auspiciis obsessae moenia pacem 15.823. victa petent Mutinae, Pharsalia sentiet illum. 15.824. Emathiique iterum madefient caede Philippi, 15.825. et magnum Siculis nomen superabitur undis, 15.826. Romanique ducis coniunx Aegyptia taedae 15.827. non bene fisa cadet, frustraque erit illa minata,
15.829. Quid tibi barbariem, gentesque ab utroque iacentes 15.830. oceano numerem? Quodcumque habitabile tellus 15.831. sustinet, huius erit: pontus quoque serviet illi! 15.832. Pace data terris animum ad civilia vertet 15.833. iura suum legesque feret iustissimus auctor 15.834. exemploque suo mores reget inque futuri 15.835. temporis aetatem venturorumque nepotum
15.837. ferre simul nomenque suum curasque iubebit, 15.838. nec nisi cum senior Pylios aequaverit annos, 15.839. aetherias sedes cognataque sidera tanget. 15.840. Hanc animam interea caeso de corpore raptam 15.841. fac iubar, ut semper Capitolia nostra forumque 15.842. divus ab excelsa prospectet Iulius aede.” 15.843. Vix ea fatus erat, media cum sede senatus 15.844. constitit alma Venus, nulli cernenda, suique 15.845. Caesaris eripuit membris neque in aera solvi 15.846. passa recentem animam caelestibus intulit astris. 15.847. Dumque tulit, lumen capere atque ignescere sensit 15.848. emisitque sinu: luna volat altius illa, 15.849. flammiferumque trahens spatioso limite crinem 15.851. esse suis maiora et vinci gaudet ab illo.
15.871. Iamque opus exegi, quod nec Iovis ira nec ignis 15.872. nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas. 15.874. ius habet, incerti spatium mihi finiat aevi: 15.875. parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis 15.876. astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum, 15.877. quaque patet domitis Romana potentia terris, 15.878. ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama, 15.879. siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam.' '. None
|14.814. and were delighted when they saw the ship |
14.818. received life strangely in the forms of nymph 14.819. would cause the chieftain of the Rutuli 14.820. to feel such awe that he would end their strife. 14.821. But he continued fighting, and each side 14.822. had its own gods, and each had courage too, 14.823. which often can be as potent as the gods. 14.825. forgot the scepter of a father-in-law, 14.826. and even forgot the pure Lavinia: 14.827. their one thought was to conquer, and they waged 14.828. war to prevent the shame of a defeat.
15.626. but ancient ruins and, instead of wealth, 15.627. ancestral tombs. Sparta was famous once 15.628. and great Mycenae was most flourishing.' "15.629. And Cecrops' citadel and Amphion's shone" '15.630. in ancient power. Sparta is nothing now 15.631. ave barren ground, the proud Mycenae fell, 15.632. what is the Thebes of storied Oedipu' "15.633. except a name? And of Pandion's Athen" '15.634. what now remains beyond the name?' "15.636. is rising, and beside the Tiber 's waves," '15.637. whose springs are high in the Apennines , is laying 15.638. her deep foundations. So in her growth 15.639. her form is changing, and one day she will 15.640. be the sole mistress of the boundless world.
15.642. revealers of our destiny, declare 15.643. this fate, and, if I recollect it right, 15.644. Helenus, son of Priam, prophesied 15.645. unto Aeneas, when he was in doubt 15.646. of safety and lamenting for the state 15.647. of Troy , about to fall, ‘O, son of a goddess, 15.648. if you yourself, will fully understand 15.649. this prophecy now surging in my mind 15.650. Troy shall not, while you are preserved to life 15.651. fall utterly. Flames and the sword shall give 15.652. you passage. You shall go and bear away 15.653. Pergama, ruined; till a foreign soil, 15.654. more friendly to you than your native land, 15.655. hall be the lot of Troy and of yourself.
15.657. that our posterity, born far from Troy , 15.658. will build a city greater than exists, 15.659. or ever will exist, or ever ha 15.660. been seen in former times. Through a long lapse 15.661. of ages other noted men shall make 15.662. it strong, but one of the race of Iulus; 15.663. hall make it the great mistress of the world. 15.664. After the earth has thoroughly enjoyed 15.665. his glorious life, aetherial abode 15.666. hall gain him, and immortal heaven shall be 15.667. his destiny.’ 15.668. Such was the prophesy 15.669. of Helenus, when great Aeneas took 15.670. away his guardian deities, and I 15.671. rejoice to see my kindred walls rise high 15.672. and realize how much the Trojans won 15.673. by that resounding victory of the Greeks!
15.675. forgetful of the goal, the heavens and all 15.676. beneath them and the earth and everything 15.677. upon it change in form. We likewise change, 15.678. who are a portion of the universe, 15.679. and, since we are not only things of flesh 15.680. but winged souls as well, we may be doomed 15.681. to enter into beasts as our abode; 15.682. and even to be hidden in the breast 15.683. of cattle. Therefore, should we not allow 15.684. these bodies to be safe which may contain 15.685. the souls of parents, brothers, or of those 15.686. allied to us by kinship or of men 15.687. at least, who should be saved from every harm? 15.688. Let us not gorge down a Thyestean feast!
15.690. how impiously does he prepare himself 15.691. for shedding human blood, who with u knife' "15.692. cuts the calf's throat and offers a deaf ear" '15.693. to its death-longings! who can kill the kid 15.694. while it is sending forth heart rending crie 15.695. like those of a dear child; or who can feed 15.696. upon the bird which he has given food. 15.697. How little do such deeds as these fall short 15.698. of actual murder? Yes, where will they lead?
15.700. to weight of years; and let the sheep give u 15.701. defence against the cold of Boreas; 15.702. and let the well-fed she-goats give to man 15.703. their udders for the pressure of kind hands.
15.705. and fraudulent contrivances: deceive 15.706. not birds with bird-limed twigs: do not deceive 15.707. the trusting deer with dreaded feather foils: 15.708. do not conceal barbed hooks with treacherous bait: 15.709. if any beast is harmful, take his life, 15.710. but, even so, let killing be enough. 15.711. Taste not his flesh, but look for harmless food!” 15.712. They say that Numa with a mind well taught 15.713. by these and other precepts traveled back 15.714. to his own land and, being urged again, 15.715. assumed the guidance of the Latin state. 15.716. Blest with a nymph as consort, blest also with 15.717. the Muses for his guides, he taught the rite 15.718. of sacrifice and trained in arts of peace 15.719. a race accustomed long to savage war. 15.720. When, ripe in years, he ended reign and life, 15.721. the Latin matrons, the fathers of the state,' "15.722. and all the people wept for Numa's death." '15.723. For the nymph, his widow, had withdrawn from Rome , 15.724. concealed within the thick groves of the vale 15.725. Aricia , where with groans and wailing she 15.726. disturbed the holy rites of Cynthia, 15.727. established by Orestes. Ah! how often 15.728. nymphs of the grove and lake entreated her 15.729. to cease and offered her consoling words. 15.730. How often the son of Theseus said to her 15.731. “Control your sorrow; surely your sad lot 15.732. is not the only one; consider now 15.733. the like calamities by others borne, 15.734. and you can bear your sorrow. To my grief 15.735. my own disaster was far worse than yours. 15.736. At least it can afford you comfort now. 15.737. “Is it not true, discourse has reached yours ear 15.738. that one Hippolytus met with his death 15.739. through the credulity of his loved sire,' "15.740. deceived by a stepmother's wicked art?" '15.741. It will amaze you much, and I may fail 15.742. to prove what I declare, but I am he! 15.743. Long since the daughter of Pasiphae' "15.744. tempted me to defile my father's bed" '
15.746. what she herself had wished. Perverting truth— 15.747. either through fear of some discovery 15.748. or else through spite at her deserved repulse— 15.749. he charged me with attempting the foul crime. 15.751. my father banished me and, while I wa 15.752. departing, laid on me a mortal curse. 15.753. Towards Pittheus and Troezen I fled aghast, 15.754. guiding the swift chariot near the shore 15.755. of the Corinthian Gulf, when all at once 15.756. the sea rose up and seemed to arch itself 15.757. and lift high as a white topped mountain height, 15.758. make bellowings, and open at the crest. 15.759. Then through the parting waves a horned bull 15.760. emerged with head and breast into the wind, 15.761. pouting white foam from his nostrils and his mouth. 15.762. “The hearts of my attendants quailed with fear, 15.763. yet I unfrightened thought but of my exile. 15.764. Then my fierce horses turned their necks to face 15.765. the waters, and with ears erect they quaked 15.766. before the monster shape, they dashed in flight 15.767. along the rock strewn ground below the cliff. 15.768. I struggled, but with unavailing hand, 15.769. to use the reins now covered with white foam; 15.770. and throwing myself back, pulled on the thong 15.771. with weight and strength. Such effort might have checked 15.772. the madness of my steeds, had not a wheel, 15.773. triking the hub on a projecting stump, 15.774. been shattered and hurled in fragments from the axle.
15.776. and with the reins entwined about my legs. 15.777. My palpitating entrails could be seen 15.778. dragged on, my sinews fastened on a stump. 15.779. My torn legs followed, but a part 15.780. remained behind me, caught by various snags. 15.781. The breaking bones gave out a crackling noise, 15.782. my tortured spirit soon had fled away, 15.783. no part of the torn body could be known— 15.784. all that was left was only one crushed wound— 15.785. how can, how dare you, nymph, compare your ill 15.786. to my disaster? 15.788. deprived of light: and I have bathed my flesh, 15.789. o tortured, in the waves of Phlegethon. 15.790. Life could not have been given again to me,' "15.791. but through the remedies Apollo's son" '15.792. applied to me. After my life returned— 15.793. by potent herbs and the Paeonian aid, 15.794. despite the will of Pluto—Cynthia then 15.795. threw heavy clouds around that I might not 15.796. be seen and cause men envy by new life: 15.797. and that she might be sure my life was safe 15.798. he made me seem an old man; and she changed 15.799. me so that I could not be recognized.
15.801. would give me Crete or Delos for my home. 15.802. Delos and Crete abandoned, she then brought 15.803. me here, and at the same time ordered me 15.804. to lay aside my former name—one which 15.805. when mentioned would remind me of my steeds. 15.806. She said to me, ‘You were Hippolytus, 15.807. but now instead you shall be Virbius.’ 15.808. And from that time I have inhabited 15.809. this grove; and, as one of the lesser gods, 15.810. I live concealed and numbered in her train.”
15.812. of sad Egeria, and she laid herself' "15.813. down at a mountain's foot, dissolved in tears," '15.814. till moved by pity for her faithful sorrow, 15.815. Diana changed her body to a spring, 15.816. her limbs into a clear continual stream. 15.817. This wonderful event surprised the nymphs, 15.818. and filled Hippolytus with wonder, just 15.819. as great as when the Etrurian ploughman saw 15.820. a fate-revealing clod move of its own 15.821. accord among the fields, while not a hand 15.822. was touching it, till finally it took 15.823. a human form, without the quality 15.824. of clodded earth, and opened its new mouth 15.825. and spoke, revealing future destinies. 15.826. The natives called him Tages. He was the first 15.827. who taught Etrurians to foretell events.
15.829. when he observed the spear, which once had grown 15.830. high on the Palatine , put out new leave 15.831. and stand with roots—not with the iron point 15.832. which he had driven in. Not as a spear 15.833. it then stood there, but as a rooted tree 15.834. with limber twigs for many to admire 15.835. while resting under that surprising shade.
15.837. in the clear stream (he truly saw them there). 15.838. Believing he had seen a falsity, 15.839. he often touched his forehead with his hand 15.840. and, so returning, touched the thing he saw. 15.841. Assured at last that he could trust his eyes, 15.842. he stood entranced, as if he had returned 15.843. victorious from the conquest of his foes: 15.844. and, raising eyes and hands toward heaven, he cried, 15.845. “You gods above! Whatever is foretold 15.846. by this great prodigy, if it means good, 15.847. then let it be auspicious to my land 15.848. and to the inhabitants of Quirinus,— 15.849. if ill, let that misfortune fall on me.” 15.851. of grassy thick green turf, with fragrant fires,
15.871. that I should pass my life in exile than 15.872. be seen a king throned in the capitol.” 15.874. the people and the grave and honored Senate. 15.875. But first he veiled his horns with laurel, which 15.876. betokens peace. Then, standing on a mound 15.877. raised by the valiant troops, he made a prayer 15.878. after the ancient mode, and then he said, 15.879. “There is one here who will be king, if you' '. None
|41. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.27 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Tiberius Julius Alexander
Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020) 401; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007) 219
|2.27. but when, from the daily and uninterrupted respect shown to them by those to whom they had been given, and from their ceaseless observance of their ordices, other nations also obtained an understanding of them, their reputation spread over all lands; for what was really good, even though it may through envy be overshadowed for a short time, still in time shines again through the intrinsic excellence of its nature. Some persons, thinking it a scandalous thing that these laws should only be known among one half portion of the human race, namely, among the barbarians, and that the Greek nation should be wholly and entirely ignorant of them, turned their attention to their translation. ''. None|
|42. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 151, 155-157 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, his policy towards the Jews • Tiberius Julius Alexander
Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020) 401; Isaac (2004) 448; Taylor and Hay (2020) 2; Udoh (2006) 91, 94
|151. For there is no sacred precinct of such magnitude as that which is called the Grove of Augustus, and the temple erected in honour of the disembarkation of Caesar, which is raised to a great height, of great size, and of the most conspicuous beauty, opposite the best harbour; being such an one as is not to be seen in any other city, and full of offerings, in pictures, and statues; and decorated all around with silver and gold; being a very extensive space, ornamented in the most magnificent and sumptuous manner with porticoes, and libraries, and men's chambers, and groves, and propylaea, and wide, open terraces, and court-yards in the open air, and with everything that could contribute to use or beauty; being a hope and beacon of safety to all who set sail, or who came into harbour. XXIII. "|
155. How then did he look upon the great division of Rome which is on the other side of the river Tiber, which he was well aware was occupied and inhabited by the Jews? And they were mostly Roman citizens, having been emancipated; for, having been brought as captives into Italy, they were manumitted by those who had bought them for slaves, without ever having been compelled to alter any of their hereditary or national observances. 156. Therefore, he knew that they had synagogues, and that they were in the habit of visiting them, and most especially on the sacred sabbath days, when they publicly cultivate their national philosophy. He knew also that they were in the habit of contributing sacred sums of money from their first fruits and sending them to Jerusalem by the hands of those who were to conduct the sacrifices. 157. But he never removed them from Rome, nor did he ever deprive them of their rights as Roman citizens, because he had a regard for Judaea, nor did he never meditate any new steps of innovation or rigour with respect to their synagogues, nor did he forbid their assembling for the interpretation of the law, nor did he make any opposition to their offerings of first fruits; but he behaved with such piety towards our countrymen, and with respect to all our customs, that he, I may almost say, with all his house, adorned our temple with many costly and magnificent offerings, commanding that continued sacrifices of whole burnt offerings should be offered up for ever and ever every day from his own revenues, as a first fruit of his own to the most high God, which sacrifices are performed to this very day, and will be performed for ever, as a proof and specimen of a truly imperial disposition. ' "'. None
|43. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 6.5.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar
Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 58; Tuori (2016) 49
|6.5.2. 2. Those, however, who have to lay up stores that are the produce of the country, should have stalls and shops in their vestibules: under their houses they should have vaults (cryptÃ¦), granaries (horrea), store rooms (apothecÃ¦), and other apartments, suited rather to preserve such produce, than to exhibit a magnificent appearance.''. None|
|44. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Julius, as a ‘Roman’ Hannibal • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Agri (2022) 161; Tuori (2016) 56
|45. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 25; Rutledge (2012) 106
|46. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Mark, and Julius Caesar • Augustus,builds and adorns Temple of Divus Julius • C. Iulius Caesar, birthday • Curia Julia • Iulius, Gnaeus • Julia, the elder • Julian (emperor) • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., and Cleopatra • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, C., tomb inside the pomerium • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius, adorned with rostra from Actium • coinage, Julian Star (sidus Iulium) on • sidus Iulium (Julian Star) • temples, of Divus Julius
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 22, 48, 49, 95, 97; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 31; Rutledge (2012) 161, 235, 284, 292; Rüpke (2011) 126; Tuori (2016) 101; Xinyue (2022) 3, 4, 155
|47. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, Alexandrian campaign of • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar exempting Antipater from taxation • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar favorable to Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Roman citizenship to Antipater and naming him procurator • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, and Jews, publicani removed from Judea by • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, titles of • publicani (tax companies), abolished from Judea by Julius Caesar
Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 168; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 284, 287, 288; Manolaraki (2012) 59, 60; Santangelo (2013) 113; Udoh (2006) 41, 56, 80
|48. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Julius • Gauls, Julius Caesar on • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C., and the Gallic war • Julius Caesar, generally respectful on the Gauls • Julius Caesar, on the Belgae • Julius Caesar, on the Gauls • Julius Caesar, on the Nervii • Julius Caesar, religiosity of
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 40; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 350; Czajkowski et al (2020) 476; Isaac (2004) 415; Jenkyns (2013) 248; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 277, 281, 283, 286, 287, 288; Mackey (2022) 382; Manolaraki (2012) 60; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 13; Rutledge (2012) 193, 203
|49. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, his plans for a Parthian campaign • Proculus, Julius • sidus Iulium (Julian Star)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 263, 293; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 98; Green (2014) 167; Isaac (2004) 372; Manolaraki (2012) 209; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 195; Verhagen (2022) 263, 293; Xinyue (2022) 9, 127
|50. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • C. Iulius Caesar, dictatorship • C. Iulius Caesar, reform • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Julius) • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Iulius Caesar, C. • Iulius, Gnaeus • Julia • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., victory in civil war as salus • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture • July (Iulius) • Proculus Julius • Proculus, Julius • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • dictatorships of Sulla and Julius Caesar
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 310; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 40; Bay (2022) 235; Edmondson (2008) 93; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 189; Jenkyns (2013) 48; Konrad (2022) 128; Manolaraki (2012) 207; Pandey (2018) 41; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 229, 271; Rutledge (2012) 66, 111; Rüpke (2011) 98, 114, 115; Santangelo (2013) 109; Verhagen (2022) 310; Walters (2020) 101; Xinyue (2022) 9, 10
|51. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of
Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 93; Walters (2020) 108
|52. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 293; Verhagen (2022) 293
|53. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator • Julia (daughter of Augustus)
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 186; Fertik (2019) 40
|54. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Julius) • Civil War, Divus Julius • Curia Julia,, development • Curia Julia,, location • Iulius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C., display of bloody robes of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 293; Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 109; Giusti (2018) 45; Luck (2006) 373; Manolaraki (2012) 209; Talbert (1984) 114; Verhagen (2022) 293; Walters (2020) 66
|55. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.116, 45.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Iulius • Iulius Nicanor • Iulius Quintilianus, Ti., local magistrate
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 226; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 231; Stanton (2021) 46; Verhagen (2022) 226
|31.116. \xa0Well, I\xa0once heard a man make an off-hand remark to the effect that there are other peoples also where one can see this practice being carried on; and again, another man, who said that even in Athens many things are done now which any one, not without justice, could censure, these being not confined to ordinary matters, but having to do even with the conferring of honours. "Why, they have conferred the title of \'Olympian,\'\xa0" he alleged, upon a certain person he named, "though he was not an Athenian by birth, but a Phoenician fellow who came, not from Tyre or Sidon, but from some obscure village or from the interior, a man, what is more, who has his arms depilated and wears stays"; and he added that another, whom he also named, that very slovenly poet, who once gave a recital here in Rhodes too, they not only have set up in bronze, but even placed his statue next to that of Meder. Those who disparage their city and the inscription on the statue of Nicanor are accustomed to say that it actually bought Salamis for them. < |
45.3. \xa0For what we have now obtained we might have had then, and we might have employed the present opportunity toward obtaining further grants. However that may be, when I\xa0had experienced at the hands of the present Emperor a benevolence and an interest in me whose magnitude those who were there know full well, though if I\xa0speak of it now I\xa0shall greatly annoy certain persons â\x80\x94 and possibly the statement will not even seem credible, that one who met with such esteem and intimacy and friendship should have neglected all these things and have given them scant attention, having formed a longing for the confusion and bustle here at home, to put it mildly â\x80\x94 for all that, I\xa0did not employ that opportunity or the goodwill of the Emperor for any selfish purpose, not even to a limited degree, for example toward restoring my ruined fortunes or securing some office or emolument, but anything that it was possible to obtain I\xa0turned in your direction and I\xa0had eyes only for the welfare of the city. <''. None
|56. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.74-14.75, 14.91, 14.98-14.99, 14.127-14.137, 14.146-14.147, 14.166, 14.185, 14.188, 14.190-14.210, 14.213-14.229, 14.231-14.239, 14.241-14.264, 14.266, 14.268-14.269, 14.271-14.276, 14.280, 14.312-14.313, 15.39, 15.294, 16.160, 16.162-16.165, 17.340, 18.18, 18.27-18.28, 18.31, 18.159-18.160, 18.257-18.260, 19.275-19.278, 19.280-19.289, 19.291, 19.299-19.305, 20.49-20.53, 20.100-20.103, 20.200-20.202 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Acmonia, Julia Severa inscription • Africanus, Julius • Agrippa I (Julius Herod) • Agrippa, M. Iulius (Elder) • Alexander, Gaius Julius (‘the alabarch’) • Alexander, Gaius Julius Philo (?) (Philo of Alexandria) • Alexander, Marcus Julius • Alexander, Tiberius Julius • Bethsaida (Julias) • Caesar, Gaius Julius, dictator • Caesar, Julius • Capito (C. Herennius), imperial procurator of Julia, Tiberius, and Gaius • Jerusalem, Gaius Julius Alexander and • Julia (wife of Augustus) • Julia Augusta • Julian • Julias • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, Alexandrian campaign of • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar and Hyrcanus II • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar confirming Hyrcanus as high priest and ethnarch • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar exempting Antipater from taxation • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar favorable to Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Jews legal right to live according to customs • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Roman citizenship to Antipater and naming him procurator • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar imposing tribute on Hyrcanus II • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar recognizing John Hyrcanus II as ethnarch and protector of Jews • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar referring to Hyrcanus and sons as allies and friends • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar requiring Jews to pay tithes to Hyrcanus and sons • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, and Jews, publicani removed from Judea by • Julius Caesar, and Jews, reorganization of Jewish state by C. • Julius Caesar, demands of • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, his policy towards the Jews • Julius Caesar, letter of, to Sidonians • Julius Caesar, titles of • Livia Julia Augusta • Solinus, Julius • Solinus, Julius,and relationship to Pliny • Syria, Julius Caesar in • Tiberius Julius Alexander • debt-slavery, edict of Tiberius Julius Alexander • publicani (tax companies), abolished from Judea by Julius Caesar
Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020) 19, 316, 406; Bloch (2022) 22; Brodd and Reed (2011) 174; Czajkowski et al (2020) 89, 271; Dignas (2002) 119; Goodman (2006) 24, 28, 214; Isaac (2004) 448; Janowitz (2002) 77; Keddie (2019) 28, 29, 39, 50, 51, 87, 108, 116, 117, 118, 119, 133, 182; Levine (2005) 136, 397; Marek (2019) 303; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 151; Rutledge (2012) 148; Salvesen et al (2020) 259, 260, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 275, 276, 286, 289; Talbert (1984) 429; Taylor (2012) 128, 159, 227; Taylor and Hay (2020) 2, 3, 4, 5; Udoh (2006) 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 97, 99, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 150, 172, 240, 267, 269; van Maaren (2022) 170, 171, 173, 180
14.74. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ὑποτελῆ φόρου ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ ἔνοικοι πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ τῷ σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξεν καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων ὅρων συνέστειλεν. 14.75. καὶ Γάδαρα μὲν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν καταστραφεῖσαν ἀνέκτισεν Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος τῷ Γαδαρεῖ ἀπελευθέρῳ αὐτοῦ: τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σκυθόπολιν καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Δῖον καὶ Σαμάρειαν ἔτι τε Μάρισαν καὶ ̓́Αζωτον καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν ἀπέδωκεν.' "
14.91. πέντε δὲ συνέδρια καταστήσας εἰς ἴσας μοίρας διένειμε τὸ ἔθνος, καὶ ἐπολιτεύοντο οἱ μὲν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις οἱ δὲ ἐν Γαδάροις οἱ δὲ ἐν ̓Αμαθοῦντι, τέταρτοι δ' ἦσαν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι, καὶ τὸ πέμπτον ἐν Σαπφώροις τῆς Γαλιλαίας. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένοι δυναστείας ἐν ἀριστοκρατίᾳ διῆγον." '
14.98. Γαβινίῳ δὲ ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατεύοντι καὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἤδη πεπεραιωμένῳ μετέδοξεν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑποστρέψαντι καταστῆσαι Πτολεμαῖον εἰς αὐτήν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.' "14.99. Γαβινίῳ μέντοι κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν ἣν ἐφ' ̔Υρκανὸν ἐστείλατο ̓Αντίπατρος ὑπηρέτησεν σῖτον καὶ ὅπλα καὶ χρήματα, καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ Πηλούσιον τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οὗτος αὐτῷ προσηγάγετο καὶ συμμάχους ἐποίησεν φύλακας ὄντας τῶν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐμβολῶν." "
14.127. Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Πομπηίου θάνατον καὶ τὴν νίκην τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ Καίσαρι πολεμοῦντι κατ' Αἴγυπτον πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ̓Αντίπατρος ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπιμελητὴς ἐξ ἐντολῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ." '14.128. Μιθριδάτῃ τε γὰρ τῷ Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ Πηλουσίου ποιήσασθαι τὴν πορείαν, περὶ δὲ ̓Ασκάλωνα διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ̓Αντίπατρος ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων ὁπλίτας τρισχιλίους ἐξ ̓Αραβίας τε συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ἐν τέλει:' "14.129. καὶ δι' αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπαντες ἐπεκούρουν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος προθυμίας οὐ θέλοντες, ̓Ιάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Σοαίμου Λίβανον ὄρος οἰκῶν αἵ τε πόλεις σχεδὸν ἅπασαι." '14.131. καὶ τὸ μὲν Πηλούσιον οὕτως εἶχεν. τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπιόντας πρὸς Καίσαρα διεκώλυον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου χώραν λεγομένην κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ μάλιστα ἐπιδείξας αὐτοῖς τὰς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς φίλους εἶναι Καίσαρος παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ. 14.132. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἑώρων ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα συνθέλοντας ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ Μέμφιν ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην πρὸς ἑαυτούς: κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει.' "14.133. ̓Επεὶ δὲ τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα ἤδη περιεληλύθει, συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὸ καλούμενον ̓Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας Μιθριδάτης, τὸ δ' εὐώνυμον ̓Αντίπατρος." "14.134. συμπεσόντων δὲ εἰς μάχην κλίνεται τὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου κέρας καὶ παθεῖν ἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν τὰ δεινότατα, εἰ μὴ παρὰ τὴν ᾐόνα τοῦ ποταμοῦ σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις στρατιώταις ̓Αντίπατρος παραθέων νενικηκὼς ἤδη τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ῥύεται, προτρέπει δ' εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς νενικηκότας Αἰγυπτίους." "14.135. αἱρεῖ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπιμείνας τῇ διώξει, τόν τε Μιθριδάτην ἐκάλει πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ διασχόντα. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν περὶ τοῦτον ὀκτακόσιοι, τῶν δ' ̓Αντιπάτρου πεντήκοντα." '14.136. Μιθριδάτης δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστέλλει Καίσαρι τῆς τε νίκης αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιον τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ἀποφαίνων, ὥστε τὸν Καίσαρα τότε μὲν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτόν, κεχρῆσθαι δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὰ κινδυνωδέστατα τῷ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ δὴ καὶ τρωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας αὐτῷ. 14.137. Καταλύσας μέντοι Καῖσαρ μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς Συρίαν ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησεν μεγάλως, ̔Υρκανῷ μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ δοὺς καὶ ἀτέλειαν πανταχοῦ.
14.146. περὶ ὧν ̓Αλέξανδρος ̓Ιάσονος καὶ Νουμήνιος ̓Αντιόχου καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος Δωροθέου ̓Ιουδαίων πρεσβευταί, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ σύμμαχοι διελέχθησαν ἀνανεούμενοι τὰς προϋπηργμένας πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους χάριτας καὶ τὴν φιλίαν,' "14.147. καὶ ἀσπίδα χρυσῆν σύμβολον τῆς συμμαχίας γενομένην ἀνήνεγκαν ἀπὸ χρυσῶν μυριάδων πέντε, καὶ γράμματ' αὐτοῖς ἠξίωσαν δοθῆναι πρός τε τὰς αὐτονομουμένας πόλεις καὶ πρὸς βασιλεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς λιμένας ἀδείας τυγχάνειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι," '
14.166. ἀλλὰ μὴ λανθανέτω σε ταῦτα μηδὲ ἀκίνδυνος εἶναι νόμιζε ῥαθυμῶν περί τε σαυτῷ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ: οὐ γὰρ ἐπίτροποί σοι τῶν πραγμάτων ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ νῦν εἰσιν, μηδὲ ἀπάτα σαυτὸν τοῦτο οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ δεσπόται φανερῶς ἀνωμολόγηνται:' "
14.185. Καῖσαρ δ' ἐλθὼν εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἕτοιμος ἦν πλεῖν ἐπ' ̓Αφρικῆς πολεμήσων Σκιπίωνι καὶ Κάτωνι, πέμψας δ' ̔Υρκανὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν παρεκάλει βεβαιώσασθαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν." '
14.188. πρὸς δὲ τὰ ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων δόγματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἀντειπεῖν: ἔν τε γὰρ δημοσίοις ἀνάκειται τόποις τῶν πόλεων καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ χαλκαῖς στήλαις ἐγγέγραπται, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Καῖσαρ ̓Ιούλιος τοῖς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίοις ποιήσας χαλκῆν στήλην ἐδήλωσεν, ὅτι ̓Αλεξανδρέων πολῖταί εἰσιν, ἐκ τούτων ποιήσομαι καὶ τὴν ἀπόδειξιν.' "14.191. τῆς γενομένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν υἱὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην ̓Ιουδαίων πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν' ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαϊστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο ἀνατεθῆναι." '14.192. ἔστιν δὴ τοῦτο: ̓Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ συμβουλίου γνώμης ἐπέκρινα. ἐπεὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ̓Αλεξάνδρου ̓Ιουδαῖος καὶ νῦν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἔν τε εἰρήνῃ καὶ πολέμῳ πίστιν τε καὶ σπουδὴν περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα πράγματα ἐπεδείξατο, ὡς αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μεμαρτυρήκασιν αὐτοκράτορες,' "14.193. καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔγγιστα ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ πολέμῳ μετὰ χιλίων πεντακοσίων στρατιωτῶν ἧκεν σύμμαχος καὶ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ πάντας ἀνδρείᾳ τοὺς ἐν τάξει ὑπερέβαλεν," "14.194. διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἐθνάρχας ̓Ιουδαίων εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ' ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι," "14.195. ὅσα τε κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους ἐστὶν ἀρχιερατικὰ φιλάνθρωπα, ταῦτα κελεύω κατέχειν αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ: ἄν τε μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς. παραχειμασίαν δὲ ἢ χρήματα πράσσεσθαι οὐ δοκιμάζω." '14.196. Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος αὐτοκράτορος ὑπάτου δεδομένα συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν οὕτως ἔχοντα. ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζωνται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων. 14.197. πέμψαι δὲ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας διαλεξομένους: ἀνατεθῆναι δὲ καὶ χαλκῆν δέλτον ταῦτα περιέχουσαν ἔν τε τῷ Καπετωλίῳ καὶ Σιδῶνι καὶ Τύρῳ καὶ ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς ἐγκεχαραγμένην γράμμασιν ̔Ρωμαϊκοῖς καὶ ̔Ελληνικοῖς. 14.198. ὅπως τε τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ταμίαις καὶ τοῖς τούτων ἡγουμένοις * εἴς τε τοὺς φίλους ἀνενέγκωσιν καὶ ξένια τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὰ διατάγματα διαπέμψαι πανταχοῦ. 14.199. Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ ὕπατος τιμῆς καὶ ἀρετῆς καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἕνεκεν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι καὶ τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμων καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις, οἷς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτῶν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διακατέσχον. 14.201. ὅπως τε ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς μισθώσεως ἔτει τῆς προσόδου κόρον ὑπεξέλωνται καὶ μήτε ἐργολαβῶσί τινες μήτε φόρους τοὺς αὐτοὺς τελῶσιν.' "14.202. Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον ἔστησεν κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν ὅπως τελῶσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλεως ̓Ιόππης ὑπεξαιρουμένης χωρὶς τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν σαββατικὸν ἐνιαυτὸν προσαγορεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ μήτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν μήτε σπείρουσιν." '14.203. καὶ ἵνα ἐν Σιδῶνι τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει τὸν φόρον ἀποδιδῶσιν τὸ τέταρτον τῶν σπειρομένων, πρὸς τούτοις ἔτι καὶ ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις αὐτοῦ τὰς δεκάτας τελῶσιν, ἃς ἐτέλουν καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις αὐτῶν.' "14.204. καὶ ὅπως μηδεὶς μήτε ἄρχων μήτε ἀντάρχων μήτε στρατηγὸς ἢ πρεσβευτὴς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀνιστὰς συμμαχίαν καὶ στρατιώτας ἐξῇ τούτῳ χρήματα εἰσπράττεσθαι ἢ εἰς παραχειμασίαν ἢ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ὀνόματι, ἀλλ' εἶναι πανταχόθεν ἀνεπηρεάστους." "14.205. ὅσα τε μετὰ ταῦτα ἔσχον ἢ ἐπρίαντο καὶ διακατέσχον καὶ ἐνεμήθησαν, ταῦτα πάντα αὐτοὺς ἔχειν. ̓Ιόππην τε πόλιν, ἣν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ἔσχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ποιούμενοι τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους φιλίαν αὐτῶν εἶναι, καθὼς καὶ τὸ πρῶτον, ἡμῖν ἀρέσκει," "14.206. φόρους τε ὑπὲρ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ παῖδας αὐτοῦ παρὰ τῶν τὴν γῆν νεμομένων χώρας λιμένος ἐξαγωγίου κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν Σιδῶνι μοδίους δισμυρίους χοε ὑπεξαιρουμένου τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν σαββατικὸν καλοῦσιν, καθ' ὃν οὔτε ἀροῦσιν οὔτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν." '14.207. τάς τε κώμας τὰς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ, ἃς ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι πρότερον αὐτοῦ διακατέσχον, ἀρέσκει τῇ συγκλήτῳ ταῦτα ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις οἷς καὶ πρότερον εἶχον.' "14.208. μένειν δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀπ' ἀρχῆς δίκαια, ὅσα πρὸς ἀλλήλους ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ ἱερεῦσιν ἦν τά τε φιλάνθρωπα ὅσα τε τοῦ δήμου ψηφισαμένου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου ἔσχον. ἐπὶ τούτοις τε τοῖς δικαίοις χρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς ἐξεῖναι ἐν Λύδδοις." '14.209. τούς τε τόπους καὶ χώραν καὶ ἐποίκια, ὅσα βασιλεῦσι Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης συμμάχοις οὖσι ̔Ρωμαίων κατὰ δωρεὰν ὑπῆρχε καρποῦσθαι, ταῦτα δοκιμάζει ἡ σύγκλητος ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ἐθνάρχην καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχειν.
14.213. ̓Ιούλιος Γάιος ὑιοσο στρατηγὸς ὕπατος ̔Ρωμαίων Παριανῶν ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐνέτυχόν μοι οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ἐν Δήλῳ καί τινες τῶν παροίκων ̓Ιουδαίων παρόντων καὶ τῶν ὑμετέρων πρέσβεων καὶ ἐνεφάνισαν, ὡς ὑμεῖς ψηφίσματι κωλύετε αὐτοὺς τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσι καὶ ἱεροῖς χρῆσθαι.' "14.214. ἐμοὶ τοίνυν οὐκ ἀρέσκει κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι ψηφίσματα καὶ κωλύεσθαι αὐτοὺς ζῆν κατὰ τὰ αὐτῶν ἔθη καὶ χρήματα εἰς σύνδειπνα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ εἰσφέρειν, τοῦτο ποιεῖν αὐτῶν μηδ' ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ κεκωλυμένων." '14.215. καὶ γὰρ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὁ ἡμέτερος στρατηγὸς καὶ ὕπατος ἐν τῷ διατάγματι κωλύων θιάσους συνάγεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν μόνους τούτους οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν οὔτε χρήματα συνεισφέρειν οὔτε σύνδειπνα ποιεῖν. 14.216. ὁμοίως δὲ κἀγὼ τοὺς ἄλλους θιάσους κωλύων τούτοις μόνοις ἐπιτρέπω κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα συνάγεσθαί τε καὶ ἑστιᾶσθαι. καὶ ὑμᾶς οὖν καλῶς ἔχει, εἴ τι κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων ψήφισμα ἐποιήσατε, τοῦτο ἀκυρῶσαι διὰ τὴν περὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτῶν ἀρετὴν καὶ εὔνοιαν.' "14.217. Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Γαί̈ου θάνατον Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος καὶ Πόπλιος Δολαβέλλας ὕπατοι ὄντες τήν τε σύγκλητον συνήγαγον καὶ τοὺς παρ' ̔Υρκανοῦ πρέσβεις παραγαγόντες διελέχθησαν περὶ ὧν ἠξίουν καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐποίησαν, καὶ πάντα συγχωρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐψηφίσατο ὅσων τυγχάνειν ἐβούλοντο." '14.218. παρατέθειμαι δὲ καὶ τὸ δόγμα, ὅπως τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῶν λεγομένων ἐγγύθεν ἔχωσιν οἱ ἀναγινώσκοντες τὴν πραγματείαν. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον: 14.219. Δόγμα συγκλήτου ἐκ τοῦ ταμιείου ἀντιγεγραμμένον ἐκ τῶν δέλτων τῶν δημοσίων τῶν ταμιευτικῶν Κοί̈ντω ̔Ρουτιλίω Κοί̈ντω Κορνηλίω ταμίαις κατὰ πόλιν, δέλτῳ δευτέρᾳ καὶ ἐκ τῶν πρώτων πρώτῃ. πρὸ τριῶν εἰδῶν ̓Απριλλίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς ̔Ομονοίας. γραφομένῳ παρῆσαν Λούκιος Καλπούρνιος Μενηνία Πείσων, 14.221. Πούπλιος Σέρριος * Πόπλιος Δολοβέλλας Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος ὕπατοι λόγους ἐποιήσαντο περὶ ὧν δόγματι συγκλήτου Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὑπὲρ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔκρινεν καὶ εἰς τὸ ταμιεῖον οὐκ ἔφθασεν ἀνενεχθῆναι, περὶ τούτων ἀρέσκει ἡμῖν γενέσθαι, ὡς καὶ Ποπλίῳ Δολαβέλλᾳ καὶ Μάρκῳ ̓Αντωνίῳ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἔδοξεν, ἀνενεγκεῖν τε ταῦτα εἰς δέλτους καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν ταμίας, ὅπως φροντίσωσιν καὶ αὐτοὶ εἰς δέλτους ἀναθεῖναι διπτύχους. 14.222. ἐγένετο πρὸ πέντε εἰδῶν Φεβρουαρίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς ̔Ομονοίας. οἱ δὲ πρεσβεύοντες παρὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἦσαν οὗτοι: Λυσίμαχος Παυσανίου ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου Πάτροκλος Χαιρέου ̓Ιωάννης ̓Ονείου. 14.223. ̓́Επεμψεν δὲ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ̓Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν: 14.224. οὗ τυχεῖν αὐτῷ ῥᾳδίως ἐγένετο: λαβὼν γὰρ ὁ Δολοβέλλας τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ̔Υρκανοῦ γράμματα, μηδὲ βουλευσάμενος ἐπιστέλλει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἅπασιν γράψας τῇ ̓Εφεσίων πόλει πρωτευούσῃ τῆς ̓Ασίας περὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων. ἡ δὲ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦτον περιεῖχεν τὸν τρόπον: 14.225. ̓Επὶ πρυτάνεως ̓Αρτέμωνος μηνὸς Ληναιῶνος προτέρᾳ. Δολοβέλλας αὐτοκράτωρ ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. 14.226. ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν. 14.227. ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίοις συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις. 14.228. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Δολαβέλλας ̔Υρκανοῦ πρεσβευσαμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχαρίσατο τοῖς ἡμετέροις. Λεύκιος δὲ Λέντλος ὕπατος εἶπεν: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ἔχοντας καὶ ποιοῦντας ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα στρατείας ἀπέλυσα πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν ̓Οκτωβρίων Λευκίω Λέντλω Γαί̈ω Μαρκέλλω ὑπάτοις. 14.229. παρῆσαν Τίτος ̓́Αμπιος Τίτου υἱὸς Βάλβος ̔Ορατία πρεσβευτής, Τίτος Τόνγιος Τίτου υἱὸς Κροστομίνα, Κόιντος Καίσιος Κοί̈ντου, Τίτος Πομπήιος Τίτου Λογγῖνος, Γάιος Σερουίλιος Γαί̈ου υἱὸς Τηρητίνα Βράκκος χιλίαρχος, Πόπλιος Κλούσιος Ποπλίου ̓Ετωρία Γάλλος, Γάιος Σέντιος Γαί̈ου * υἱὸς Σαβατίνα.' "
14.231. Ψήφισμα Δηλίων. ἐπ' ἄρχοντος Βοιωτοῦ μηνὸς Θαργηλιῶνος εἰκοστῇ χρηματισμὸς στρατηγῶν. Μᾶρκος Πείσων πρεσβευτὴς ἐνδημῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἡμῶν ὁ καὶ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς στρατολογίας προσκαλεσάμενος ἡμᾶς καὶ ἱκανοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν προσέταξεν," '14.232. ἵνα εἴ τινές εἰσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται ̔Ρωμαίων τούτοις μηδεὶς ἐνοχλῇ περὶ στρατείας, διὰ τὸ τὸν ὕπατον Λούκιον Κορνήλιον Λέντλον δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολελυκέναι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας. διὸ πείθεσθαι ἡμᾶς δεῖ τῷ στρατηγῷ. ὅμοια δὲ τούτοις καὶ Σαρδιανοὶ περὶ ἡμῶν ἐψηφίσαντο. 14.233. Γάιος Φάννιος Γαί̈ου υἱὸς στρατηγὸς ὕπατος Κῴων ἄρχουσι χαίρειν. βούλομαι ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι πρέσβεις ̓Ιουδαίων μοι προσῆλθον ἀξιοῦντες λαβεῖν τὰ συγκλήτου δόγματα τὰ περὶ αὐτῶν γεγονότα. ὑποτέτακται δὲ τὰ δεδογμένα. ὑμᾶς οὖν θέλω φροντίσαι καὶ προνοῆσαι τῶν ἀνθρώπων κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, ὅπως διὰ τῆς ὑμετέρας χώρας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀσφαλῶς ἀνακομισθῶσιν. 14.234. Λεύκιος Λέντλος ὕπατος λέγει: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους, οἵτινές μοι ἱερὰ ἔχειν καὶ ποιεῖν ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ἐδόκουν, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα. τοῦτο ἐγένετο πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν Κουιντιλίων.' "14.235. Λούκιος ̓Αντώνιος Μάρκου υἱὸς ἀντιταμίας καὶ ἀντιστράτηγος Σαρδιανῶν ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ̓Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται ἡμέτεροι προσελθόντες μοι ἐπέδειξαν αὐτοὺς σύνοδον ἔχειν ἰδίαν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἀπ' ἀρχῆς καὶ τόπον ἴδιον, ἐν ᾧ τά τε πράγματα καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀντιλογίας κρίνουσιν, τοῦτό τε αἰτησαμένοις ἵν' ἐξῇ ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς τηρῆσαι καὶ ἐπιτρέψαι ἔκρινα." '14.236. Μᾶρκος Πόπλιος σπιρίου υἱὸς καὶ Μᾶρκος Μάρκου Ποπλίου υἱὸς Λουκίου λέγουσιν. Λέντλῳ τἀνθυπάτῳ προσελθόντες ἐδιδάξαμεν αὐτὸν περὶ ὧν Δοσίθεος Κλεοπατρίδου ̓Αλεξανδρεὺς λόγους ἐποιήσατο, 14.237. ὅπως πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ποιεῖν εἰωθότας, ἂν αὐτῷ φανῇ, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολύσῃ: καὶ ἀπέλυσε πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν Κουιντιλίων Λευκίω Λέντλω Γαί̈ω Μαρκέλλω ὑπάτοις. 14.238. παρῆσαν Τίτος ̓́Αμπιος Τίτου υἱὸς Βάλβος ̔Ορατία πρεσβευτής, Τίτος Τόνγιος Κροστομίνα, Κόιντος Καίσιος Κοί̈ντου, Τίτος Πήιος Τίτου υἱὸς Κορνηλία Λογγῖνος, Γάιος Σερουίλιος Γαί̈ου Τηρητείνα Βρόκχος χιλίαρχος, Πόπλιος Κλούσιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς ̓Ετωρία Γάλλος, 14.239. Γάιος Τεύτιος Γαί̈ου Αἰμιλία χιλίαρχος, Σέξστος ̓Ατίλιος Σέξστου υἱὸς Αἰμιλία Σέσρανος, Γάιος Πομπήιος Γαί̈ου υἱὸς Σαβατίνα, Τίτος ̓́Αμπιος Τίτου Μένανδρος, Πόπλιος Σερουίλιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς Στράβων, Λεύκιος Πάκκιος Λευκίου Κολλίνα Καπίτων, Αὖλος Φούριος Αὔλου υἱὸς Τέρτιος, ̓́Αππιος Μηνᾶς.' "
14.241. Λαοδικέων ἄρχοντες Γαί̈ῳ ̔Ραβελλίῳ Γαί̈ου υἱῷ ὑπάτῳ χαίρειν. Σώπατρος ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως πρεσβευτὴς ἀπέδωκεν ἡμῖν τὴν παρὰ σοῦ ἐπιστολήν, δι' ἧς ἐδήλου ἡμῖν παρὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέως ἐληλυθότας τινὰς γράμματα κομίσαι περὶ τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτῶν γεγραμμένα," '14.242. ἵνα τά τε σάββατα αὐτοῖς ἐξῇ ἄγειν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἱερὰ ἐπιτελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ὅπως τε μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάσσῃ διὰ τὸ φίλους αὐτοὺς ἡμετέρους εἶναι καὶ συμμάχους, ἀδικήσῃ τε μηδὲ εἷς αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἐπαρχίᾳ, ὡς Τραλλιανῶν τε ἀντειπόντων κατὰ πρόσωπον μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν δεδογμένοις ἐπέταξας ταῦτα οὕτως γίνεσθαι: παρακεκλῆσθαι δέ σε, ὥστε καὶ ἡμῖν γράψαι περὶ αὐτῶν. 14.243. ἡμεῖς οὖν κατακολουθοῦντες τοῖς ἐπεσταλμένοις ὑπὸ σοῦ τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν τὴν ἀποδοθεῖσαν ἐδεξάμεθα καὶ κατεχωρίσαμεν εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν γράμματα καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν ἐπέσταλκας προνοήσομεν, ὥστε μηδὲν μεμφθῆναι. 14.244. Πόπλιος Σερουίλιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς Γάλβας ἀνθύπατος Μιλησίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. 14.245. Πρύτανις ̔Ερμοῦ υἱὸς πολίτης ὑμέτερος προσελθών μοι ἐν Τράλλεσιν ἄγοντι τὴν ἀγόραιον ἐδήλου παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν γνώμην ̓Ιουδαίοις ὑμᾶς προσφέρεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ πάτρια τελεῖν καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς μεταχειρίζεσθαι, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, αὐτόν τε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους εὐθυνκέναι τὸ δίκαιον ψήφισμα. 14.246. βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι διακούσας ἐγὼ λόγων ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως γενομένων ἐπέκρινα μὴ κωλύεσθαι ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι. 14.247. Ψήφισμα Περγαμηνῶν. ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Κρατίππου μηνὸς Δαισίου πρώτῃ γνώμη στρατηγῶν. ἐπεὶ ̔Ρωμαῖοι κατακολουθοῦντες τῇ τῶν προγόνων ἀγωγῇ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀσφαλείας κινδύνους ἀναδέχονται καὶ φιλοτιμοῦνται τοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ καὶ βεβαίᾳ καταστῆσαι εἰρήνῃ, 14.248. πέμψαντος πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἔθνους τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως αὐτῶν πρέσβεις Στράτωνα Θεοδότου ̓Απολλώνιον ̓Αλεξάνδρου Αἰνείαν ̓Αντιπάτρου ̓Αριστόβουλον ̓Αμύντου Σωσίπατρον Φιλίππου ἄνδρας καλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθούς,' "14.249. καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρη ἐμφανισάντων ἐδογμάτισεν ἡ σύγκλητος περὶ ὧν ἐποιήσαντο τοὺς λόγους, ὅπως μηδὲν ἀδικῇ ̓Αντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αντιόχου υἱὸς ̓Ιουδαίους συμμάχους ̔Ρωμαίων, ὅπως τε φρούρια καὶ λιμένας καὶ χώραν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀφείλετο αὐτῶν ἀποδοθῇ καὶ ἐξῇ αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν λιμένων μηδ' ἐξαγαγεῖν," '14.251. τῆς βουλῆς ἡμῶν Λούκιος Πέττιος ἀνὴρ καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθὸς προσέταξεν, ἵνα φροντίσωμεν ταῦτα οὕτως γενέσθαι, καθὼς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐδογμάτισεν, προνοῆσαί τε τῆς ἀσφαλοῦς εἰς οἶκον τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἀνακομιδῆς.' "14.252. ἀπεδεξάμεθα δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τὸν Θεόδωρον, ἀπολαβόντες δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν παρ' αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, καὶ ποιησαμένου μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς τοὺς λόγους καὶ τὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ ἐμφανίσαντος ἀρετὴν καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν," "14.253. καὶ ὅτι κοινῇ πάντας εὐεργετεῖ καὶ κατ' ἰδίαν τοὺς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικομένους, τά τε γράμματα εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν ἀπεθέμεθα καὶ αὐτοὶ πάντα ποιεῖν ὑπὲρ ̓Ιουδαίων σύμμαχοι ὄντες ̔Ρωμαίων κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἐψηφισάμεθα." '14.254. ἐδεήθη δὲ καὶ Θεόδωρος τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἡμῖν ἀποδοὺς τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν, ἵνα πέμψωσι πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ ψηφίσματος καὶ πρέσβεις δηλώσοντας τὴν τοῦ ἡμετέρου δήμου σπουδὴν καὶ παρακαλέσοντας συντηρεῖν τε καὶ αὔξειν αὐτὸν τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν καὶ ἀγαθοῦ τινος αἴτιον γίνεσθαι, 14.255. ὡς ἀμοιβάς τε τὰς προσηκούσας ἀποληψόμενον μεμνημένον τε ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ ̓́Αβραμον καιροῖς, ὃς ἦν πάντων ̔Εβραίων πατήρ, οἱ πρόγονοι ἡμῶν ἦσαν αὐτοῖς φίλοι, καθὼς καὶ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις εὑρίσκομεν γράμμασιν. 14.256. Ψήφισμα ̔Αλικαρνασέων. ἐπὶ ἱερέως Μέμνονος τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου, κατὰ δὲ ποίησιν Εὐωνύμου, ̓Ανθεστηριῶνος * ἔδοξε τῷ δήμῳ εἰσηγησαμένου Μάρκου ̓Αλεξάνδρου. 14.257. ἐπεὶ τὸ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβές τε καὶ ὅσιον ἐν ἅπαντι καιρῷ διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχομεν κατακολουθοῦντες τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων πάντων ἀνθρώπων ὄντι εὐεργέτῃ καὶ οἷς περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔγραψεν, ὅπως συντελῶνται αὐτοῖς αἱ εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἱεροποιίαι καὶ ἑορταὶ αἱ εἰθισμέναι καὶ σύνοδοι, 14.258. δεδόχθαι καὶ ἡμῖν ̓Ιουδαίων τοὺς βουλομένους ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ συντελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμους καὶ τὰς προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος. ἂν δέ τις κωλύσῃ ἢ ἄρχων ἢ ἰδιώτης, τῷδε τῷ ζημιώματι ὑπεύθυνος ἔστω καὶ ὀφειλέτω τῇ πόλει.' "14.259. Ψήφισμα Σαρδιανῶν. ἔδοξε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ στρατηγῶν εἰσηγησαμένων. ἐπεὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ̓Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα φιλάνθρωπα ἐσχηκότες διὰ παντὸς παρὰ τοῦ δήμου καὶ νῦν εἰσελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον παρεκάλεσαν," "14.261. δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς συνερχομένοις ἐν ταῖς ἀποδεδειγμέναις ἡμέραις πράσσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτῶν νόμους, ἀφορισθῆναι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰς οἰκοδομίαν καὶ οἴκησιν αὐτῶν, ὃν ἂν ὑπολάβωσιν πρὸς τοῦτ' ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι, ὅπως τε τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγορανόμοις ἐπιμελὲς ᾖ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνοις πρὸς τροφὴν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν εἰσάγεσθαι." '14.262. Ψήφισμα ̓Εφεσίων. ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Μηνοφίλου μηνὸς ̓Αρτεμισίου τῇ προτέρᾳ ἔδοξε τῷ δήμῳ, Νικάνωρ Εὐφήμου εἶπεν εἰσηγησαμένων τῶν στρατηγῶν. 14.263. ἐπεὶ ἐντυχόντων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ̓Ιουδαίων Μάρκῳ ̓Ιουλίῳ Ποντίου υἱῷ Βρούτῳ ἀνθυπάτῳ, ὅπως ἄγωσι τὰ σάββατα καὶ πάντα ποιῶσιν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια αὐτῶν ἔθη μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἐμποδὼν γινομένου,' "14.264. ὁ στρατηγὸς συνεχώρησεν, δεδόχθαι τῷ δήμῳ, τοῦ πράγματος ̔Ρωμαίοις ἀνήκοντος, μηδένα κωλύεσθαι παρατηρεῖν τὴν τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν μηδὲ πράττεσθαι ἐπιτίμιον, ἐπιτετράφθαι δ' αὐτοῖς πάντα ποιεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους." '
14.266. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐναργῆ καὶ βλεπόμενα τεκμήρια παρεχόμεθα τῆς πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἡμῖν φιλίας γενομένης ἐπιδεικνύντες αὐτὰ χαλκαῖς στήλαις καὶ δέλτοις ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ μέχρι νῦν διαμένοντα καὶ διαμενοῦντα, τὴν μὲν πάντων παράθεσιν ὡς περιττήν τε ἅμα καὶ ἀτερπῆ παρῃτησάμην,' "
14.268. Συνέβη δ' ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ταραχθῆναι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης: Βάσσος Καικίλιος εἷς τῶν τὰ Πομπηίου φρονούντων ἐπιβουλὴν συνθεὶς ἐπὶ Σέξστον Καίσαρα κτείνει μὲν ἐκεῖνον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ στράτευμα αὐτοῦ παραλαβὼν ἐκράτει τῶν πραγμάτων, πόλεμός τε μέγας περὶ τὴν ̓Απάμειαν συνέστη τῶν Καίσαρος στρατηγῶν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἐλθόντων μετά τε ἱππέων καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως." '14.269. τούτοις δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίπατρος συμμαχίαν ἔπεμψεν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων κατὰ μνήμην ὧν εὐεργετήθησαν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τιμωρεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ δίκην παρὰ τοῦ πεφονευκότος εἰσπράξασθαι δίκαιον ἡγούμενος.' "
14.271. Τοῦ δ' ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρος θανάτῳ πολέμου συνερρωγότος καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει πάντων ἐπὶ στρατιᾶς συλλογὴν ἄλλου ἄλλῃ διεσπαρμένων, ἀφικνεῖται Κάσσιος εἰς Συρίαν παραληψόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν ̓Απάμειαν στρατόπεδα:" '14.272. καὶ λύσας τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀμφοτέρους προσάγεται τόν τε Βάσσον καὶ τὸν Μοῦρκον τάς τε πόλεις ἐπερχόμενος ὅπλα τε καὶ στρατιώτας συνήθροιζεν καὶ φόρους αὐταῖς μεγάλους ἐπετίθει: μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐκάκωσεν ἑπτακόσια τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πραττόμενος.' "14.273. ̓Αντίπατρος δ' ὁρῶν ἐν μεγάλῳ φόβῳ καὶ ταραχῇ τὰ πράγματα μερίζει τὴν τῶν χρημάτων εἴσπραξιν καὶ ἑκατέρῳ τῶν υἱῶν συνάγειν δίδωσιν τὰ μὲν Μαλίχῳ κακοήθως πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένῳ, τὰ δὲ ἄλλοις προσέταξεν εἰσπράττεσθαι." "14.274. καὶ πρῶτος ̔Ηρώδης ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας εἰσπραξάμενος ὅσα ἦν αὐτῷ προστεταγμένα φίλος ἦν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα Κασσίῳ: σῶφρον γὰρ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ̔Ρωμαίους ἤδη θεραπεύειν καὶ τὴν παρ' αὐτῶν κατασκευάζειν εὔνοιαν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων πόνων." "14.275. ἐπιπράσκοντο δ' αὔτανδροι οἱ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἐπιμεληταί, καὶ τέσσαρας πόλεις ἐξηνδραπόδισε τότε Κάσσιος, ὧν ἦσαν αἱ δυνατώταται Γόφνα τε καὶ ̓Αμμαοῦς, πρὸς ταύταις δὲ Λύδδα καὶ Θάμνα." "14.276. ἐπεξῆλθε δ' ἂν ὑπ' ὀργῆς Κάσσιος ὥστε καὶ Μάλιχον ἀνελεῖν, ὥρμητο γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ ̔Υρκανὸς δι' ̓Αντιπάτρου ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων αὐτῷ πέμψας ἐπέσχε τῆς ὁρμῆς." '
14.312. κοινὴν οὖν ποιούμεθα καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις τὴν ὑπὸ θεοῦ δοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν εἰρήνην: ὥσπερ οὖν ἐκ νόσου μεγάλης τὸ τῆς ̓Ασίας σῶμα νῦν διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν νίκην ἀναφέρειν. ἔχων τοίνυν καὶ σὲ διὰ μνήμης καὶ τὸ ἔθνος αὔξειν φροντίσω τῶν ὑμῖν συμφερόντων.' "14.313. ἐξέθηκα δὲ καὶ γράμματα κατὰ πόλεις, ὅπως εἴ τινες ἐλεύθεροι ἢ δοῦλοι ὑπὸ δόρυ ἐπράθησαν ὑπὸ Γαί̈ου Κασσίου ἢ τῶν ὑπ' αὐτῷ τεταγμένων ἀπολυθῶσιν οὗτοι, τοῖς τε ὑπ' ἐμοῦ δοθεῖσιν καὶ Δολαβέλλα φιλανθρώποις χρῆσθαι ὑμᾶς βούλομαι. Τυρίους τε κωλύω βιαίους εἶναι περὶ ὑμᾶς καὶ ὅσα κατέχουσιν ̓Ιουδαίων ταῦτα ἀποκαταστῆσαι κελεύω. τὸν δὲ στέφανον ὃν ἔπεμψας ἐδεξάμην." '
15.39. ̔Ο δὲ βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης εὐθὺς μὲν ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ανάνηλον ὄντα μέν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν, οὐκ ἐπιχώριον, ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἀπῳκισμένων ̓Ιουδαίων: οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες τοῦδε τοῦ λαοῦ περὶ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν ἀπῳκίσθησαν.
15.39. χιλίας γὰρ εὐτρεπίσας ἁμάξας, αἳ βαστάσουσι τοὺς λίθους, ἐργάτας δὲ μυρίους τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους ἐπιλεξάμενος καὶ ἱερεῦσιν τὸν ἀριθμὸν χιλίοις ἱερατικὰς ὠνησάμενος στολάς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν διδάξας οἰκοδόμους, ἑτέρους δὲ τέκτονας, ἥπτετο τῆς κατασκευῆς ἁπάντων αὐτῷ προθύμως προευτρεπισμένων.
15.294. ἔν τε τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποκληρώσας χωρίον συνέκτισεν ἐπί τε τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ Γάβα καλούμενον καὶ τῇ Περαίᾳ τὴν ̓Εσεβωνῖτιν.
16.162. “Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας λέγει. ἐπειδὴ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων εὐχάριστον εὑρέθη οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ προγεγενημένῳ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐμοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τὸν ̔Ρωμαίων ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτῶν ̔Υρκανός, 16.163. ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον, καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου, τά τε ἱερὰ * εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν ̔Ιεροσολύμων, ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης. 16.164. ἐὰν δέ τις φωραθῇ κλέπτων τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους αὐτῶν ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα ἔκ τε σαββατείου ἔκ τε ἀνδρῶνος, εἶναι αὐτὸν ἱερόσυλον καὶ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐνεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων.' "16.165. τό τε ψήφισμα τὸ δοθέν μοι ὑπ' αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς εὐσεβείας ἧς ἔχω πρὸς πάντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ ὑπὲρ Γαί̈ου Μαρκίου Κηνσωρίνου καὶ τοῦτο τὸ διάταγμα κελεύω ἀνατεθῆναι ἐν ἐπισημοτάτῳ τόπῳ τῷ γενηθέντι μοι ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς ̓Ασίας ἐν ̓Αγκύρῃ. ἐὰν δέ τις παραβῇ τι τῶν προειρημένων, δώσει δίκην οὐ μετρίαν. ἐστηλογραφήθη ἐν τῷ Καίσαρος ναῷ.”" '
18.18. ̓Εσσηνοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν θεῷ καταλείπειν φιλεῖ τὰ πάντα ὁ λόγος, ἀθανατίζουσιν δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δικαίου τὴν πρόσοδον.
18.18. τιμία δὲ ἦν ̓Αντωνία Τιβερίῳ εἰς τὰ πάντα συγγενείας τε ἀξιώματι, Δρούσου γὰρ ἦν ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ γυνή, καὶ ἀρετῇ τοῦ σώφρονος: νέα γὰρ χηρεύειν παρέμεινεν γάμῳ τε ἀπεῖπεν τῷ πρὸς ἕτερον καίπερ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ κελεύοντός τινι γαμεῖσθαι, καὶ λοιδοριῶν ἀπηλλαγμένον διεσώσατο αὐτῆς τὸν βίον.
18.27. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος τετραρχίαν ἑκάτερος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παρειληφότες καθίσταντο. καὶ ̔Ηρώδης Σέπφωριν τειχίσας πρόσχημα τοῦ Γαλιλαίου παντὸς ἠγόρευεν αὐτὴν Αὐτοκρατορίδα: Βηθαραμφθᾶ δέ, πόλις καὶ αὐτὴ τυγχάνει, τείχει περιλαβὼν ̓Ιουλιάδα ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος προσαγορεύει τῆς γυναικός.
18.27. καὶ ̓Ιουδαῖοι μέγαν ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πολέμου κίνδυνον, πολὺ μείζονα δὲ κρίνοντες τὸν ἐκ τοῦ παρανομεῖν, αὖθις πολλαὶ μυριάδες ὑπηντίαζον Πετρώνιον εἰς τὴν Τιβεριάδα γενόμενον, 18.28. Φίλιππος δὲ Πανεάδα τὴν πρὸς ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου κατασκευάσας ὀνομάζει Καισάρειαν, κώμην δὲ Βηθσαϊδὰ πρὸς λίμνῃ τῇ Γεννησαρίτιδι πόλεως παρασχὼν ἀξίωμα πλήθει τε οἰκητόρων καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει ̓Ιουλίᾳ θυγατρὶ τῇ Καίσαρος ὁμώνυμον ἐκάλεσεν. 18.28. “οὐ μὴν δίκαιον ἡγοῦμαι ἀσφάλειάν τε καὶ τιμὴν τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ μὴ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὑμετέρου μὴ ἀπολουμένου τοσούτων ὄντων ἀναλοῦν διακονούμενον τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦ νόμου, ὃν πάτριον ὄντα περιμάχητον ἡγεῖσθε, καὶ τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀξιώσει καὶ δυνάμει τοῦ θεοῦ, οὗ τὸν ναὸν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τολμήσαιμι ὕβρει πεσεῖν τῆς τῶν ἡγεμονευόντων ἐξουσίας.' "
18.31. Γίνεται δὲ καὶ περὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν οἰκοῦντας ̓Ιουδαίους συμφορὰ δεινὴ καὶ οὐδεμιᾶς ἧστινος ἐλάσσων φόνος τε αὐτῶν πολὺς καὶ ὁπόσος οὐχ ἱστορημένος πρότερον. περὶ ὧν δὴ τὰ πάντα ἐπ' ἀκριβὲς διηγησάμενος ἐκθήσομαι καὶ τὰς αἰτίας, ἀφ' ὧν αὐτοῖς τὸ πάθος συνέτυχεν." "
18.31. καὶ Κωπώνιος μετ' οὐ πολὺ εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἐπαναχωρεῖ, διάδοχος δ' αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς παραγίνεται Μᾶρκος ̓Αμβιβουχος, ἐφ' οὗ καὶ Σαλώμη ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ̔Ηρώδου ἀδελφὴ μεταστᾶσα ̓Ιουλίᾳ μὲν ̓Ιάμνειάν τε καταλείπει καὶ τὴν τοπαρχίαν πᾶσαν, τήν τ' ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ Φασαηλίδα καὶ ̓Αρχελαί̈δα, ἔνθα φοινίκων πλείστη φύτευσις καὶ καρπὸς αὐτῶν ἄριστος." "
18.159. καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' ̓Αλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα ̓Αλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν." "
18.257. Καὶ δὴ στάσεως ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ γενομένης ̓Ιουδαίων τε οἳ ἐνοικοῦσι καὶ ̔Ελλήνων τρεῖς ἀφ' ἑκατέρας τῆς στάσεως πρεσβευταὶ αἱρεθέντες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν Γάιον. καὶ ἦν γὰρ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων πρέσβεων εἷς ̓Απίων, ὃς πολλὰ εἰς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἐβλασφήμησεν ἄλλα τε λέγων καὶ ὡς τῶν Καίσαρος τιμῶν περιορῷεν:" '18.258. πάντων γοῦν ὁπόσοι τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀρχῇ ὑποτελεῖς εἶεν βωμοὺς τῷ Γαί̈ῳ καὶ νεὼς ἱδρυμένων τά τε ἄλλα πᾶσιν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ τοὺς θεοὺς δεχομένων, μόνους τούσδε ἄδοξον ἡγεῖσθαι ἀνδριᾶσι τιμᾶν καὶ ὅρκιον αὐτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα ποιεῖσθαι.' "18.259. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ χαλεπὰ ̓Απίωνος εἰρηκότος, ὑφ' ὧν ἀρθῆναι ἤλπιζεν τὸν Γάιον καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν, Φίλων ὁ προεστὼς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα ἔνδοξος ̓Αλεξάνδρου τε τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου ἀδελφὸς ὢν καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἄπειρος, οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ' ἀπολογίᾳ χωρεῖν τῶν κατηγορημένων. διακλείει δ' αὐτὸν Γάιος κελεύσας ἐκποδὼν ἀπελθεῖν," '
19.275. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὡς ὀφειλόμενα τῇ οἰκειότητι τοῦ γένους ἀπεδίδου: ̓́Αβιλαν δὲ τὴν Λυσανίου καὶ ὁπόσα ἐν τῷ Λιβάνῳ ὄρει ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ προσετίθει, ὅρκιά τε αὐτῷ τέμνεται πρὸς τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς μέσης ἐν τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων πόλει. 19.276. ̓Αντίοχον δὲ ἣν εἶχεν βασιλείαν ἀφελόμενος Κιλικίας μέρει τινὶ καὶ Κομμαγηνῇ δωρεῖται. λύει δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρον τὸν ἀλαβάρχην φίλον ἀρχαῖον αὐτῷ γεγονότα καὶ ̓Αντωνίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτροπεύσαντα τὴν μητέρα ὀργῇ τῇ Γαί̈ου δεδεμένον, καὶ αὐτοῦ υἱὸς Βερενίκην τὴν ̓Αγρίππου γαμεῖ θυγατέρα. 19.277. καὶ ταύτην μέν, τελευτᾷ γὰρ Μᾶρκος ὁ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸς παρθένον λαβών, ἀδελφῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ ̓Αγρίππας ̔Ηρώδῃ δίδωσιν Χαλκίδος αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν εἶναι αἰτησάμενος παρὰ Κλαυδίου.' "19.278. Στασιάζεται δὲ κατ' αὐτὸν τὸν χρόνον ̓Ιουδαίων τὰ πρὸς ̔́Ελληνας ἐπὶ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρέων πόλεως. τελευτήσαντος γὰρ τοῦ Γαί̈ου τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος ἐπὶ ἀρχῆς τῆς ἐκείνου τεταπεινωμένον καὶ δεινῶς ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων ὑβρισμένον ἀνεθάρσησέ τε καὶ ἐν ὅπλοις εὐθέως ἦν." "19.281. ἐπιγνοὺς ἀνέκαθεν τοὺς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους ̓Αλεξανδρεῖς λεγομένους συγκατοικισθέντας τοῖς πρώτοις εὐθὺ καιροῖς ̓Αλεξανδρεῦσι καὶ ἴσης πολιτείας παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων τετευχότας, καθὼς φανερὸν ἐγένετο ἐκ τῶν γραμμάτων τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν διαταγμάτων," '19.282. καὶ μετὰ τὸ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἡγεμονίᾳ ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ ὑποταχθῆναι πεφυλάχθαι αὐτοῖς τὰ δίκαια ὑπὸ τῶν πεμφθέντων ἐπάρχων κατὰ διαφόρους χρόνους μηδεμίαν τε ἀμφισβήτησιν περὶ τούτων γενομένην τῶν δικαίων αὐτοῖς,' "19.283. ἅμα καὶ καθ' ὃν καιρὸν ̓Ακύλας ἦν ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐθνάρχου τὸν Σεβαστὸν μὴ κεκωλυκέναι ἐθνάρχας γίγνεσθαι βουλόμενον ὑποτετάχθαι ἑκάστους ἐμμένοντας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἔθεσιν καὶ μὴ παραβαίνειν ἀναγκαζομένους τὴν πάτριον θρησκείαν," "19.284. ̓Αλεξανδρεῖς δὲ ἐπαρθῆναι κατὰ τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπὶ τῶν Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος χρόνων τοῦ διὰ τὴν πολλὴν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ παραφροσύνην, ὅτι μὴ παραβῆναι ἠθέλησεν τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος τὴν πάτριον θρησκείαν καὶ θεὸν προσαγορεύειν αὐτόν, ταπεινώσαντος αὐτούς:" "19.285. βούλομαι μηδὲν διὰ τὴν Γαί̈ου παραφροσύνην τῶν δικαίων τῷ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνει παραπεπτωκέναι, φυλάσσεσθαι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ πρότερον δικαιώματα ἐμμένουσι τοῖς ἰδίοις ἔθεσιν, ἀμφοτέροις τε διακελεύομαι τοῖς μέρεσι πλείστην ποιήσασθαι πρόνοιαν, ὅπως μηδεμία ταραχὴ γένηται μετὰ τὸ προτεθῆναί μου τὸ διάταγμα.”" "19.286. Τὸ μὲν οὖν εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ὑπὲρ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διάταγμα τοῦτον ἦν τὸν τρόπον γεγραμμένον: τὸ δ' εἰς τὴν ἄλλην οἰκουμένην εἶχεν οὕτως:" '19.287. “Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Γερμανικὸς ἀρχιερεὺς μέγιστος δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας ὕπατος χειροτονηθεὶς τὸ δεύτερον λέγει. 19.288. αἰτησαμένων με βασιλέως ̓Αγρίππα καὶ ̔Ηρώδου τῶν φιλτάτων μοι, ὅπως συγχωρήσαιμι τὰ αὐτὰ δίκαια καὶ τοῖς ἐν πάσῃ τῇ ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις ἡγεμονίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίοις φυλάσσεσθαι, καθὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ, ἥδιστα συνεχώρησα οὐ μόνον τοῦτο τοῖς αἰτησαμένοις με χαριζόμενος, 19.289. ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ ὧν παρεκλήθην ἀξίους κρίνας διὰ τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πίστιν καὶ φιλίαν, μάλιστα δὲ δίκαιον κρίνων μηδεμίαν μηδὲ ̔Ελληνίδα πόλιν τῶν δικαίων τούτων ἀποτυγχάνειν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ θείου Σεβαστοῦ αὐταῖς ἦν τετηρημένα.
19.291. τοῦτό μου τὸ διάταγμα τοὺς ἄρχοντας τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῶν κολωνιῶν καὶ μουνικιπίων τῶν ἐν τῇ ̓Ιταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν ἐκτός, βασιλεῖς τε καὶ δυνάστας διὰ τῶν ἰδίων πρεσβευτῶν ἐγγράψασθαι βούλομαι ἐκκείμενόν τε ἔχειν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἡμερῶν τριάκοντα ὅθεν ἐξ ἐπιπέδου καλῶς ἀναγνωσθῆναι δύναται.”
19.299. Καταστησάμενος δὲ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς οὕτως ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς ̔Ιεροσολυμίτας ἠμείψατο τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας: ἀνῆκε γοῦν αὐτοῖς τὰ ὑπὲρ ἑκάστης οἰκίας, ἐν καλῷ τιθέμενος ἀντιδοῦναι τοῖς ἠγαπηκόσιν στοργήν. ἔπαρχον δὲ ἀπέδειξεν παντὸς τοῦ στρατεύματος Σίλαν ἄνδρα πολλῶν αὐτῷ πόνων συμμετασχόντα. 19.301. σφόδρα τοῦτο ̓Αγρίππαν παρώξυνεν: κατάλυσιν γὰρ τῶν πατρίων αὐτοῦ νόμων ἐδύνατο. ἀμελλητὶ δὲ πρὸς Πούπλιον Πετρώνιον, ἡγεμὼν δὲ τῆς Συρίας οὗτος ἦν, παραγίνεται καὶ καταλέγει τῶν Δωριτῶν.' "19.302. ὁ δ' οὐχ ἧττον ἐπὶ τῷ πραχθέντι χαλεπήνας, καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἔκρινεν ἀσέβειαν τὴν τῶν ἐννόμων παράβασιν, τοῖς ἀποστᾶσι τῶν Δωριτῶν σὺν ὀργῇ ταῦτ' ἔγραψεν:" '19.303. “Πούπλιος Πετρώνιος πρεσβευτὴς Τιβερίου Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Δωριέων τοῖς πρώτοις λέγει. 19.304. ἐπειδὴ τοσαύτῃ τόλμῃ ἀπονοίας τινὲς ἐχρήσαντο ἐξ ὑμῶν, ὥστε μηδὲ διὰ τὸ προτεθῆναι διάταγμα Κλαυδίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ περὶ τοῦ ἐφίεσθαι ̓Ιουδαίους φυλάσσειν τὰ πάτρια πεισθῆναι ὑμᾶς αὐτῷ, 19.305. τἀναντία δὲ πάντα πρᾶξαι, συναγωγὴν ̓Ιουδαίων κωλύοντας εἶναι διὰ τὸ μεταθεῖναι ἐν αὐτῇ τὸν Καίσαρος ἀνδριάντα, παρανομοῦντας οὐκ εἰς μόνους ̓Ιουδαίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, οὗ ὁ ἀνδριὰς βέλτιον ἐν τῷ ἰδίῳ ναῷ ἢ ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ ἐτίθετο καὶ ταῦτα ἐν τῷ τῆς συναγωγῆς τόπῳ, τοῦ φύσει δικαιοῦντος ἕνα ἕκαστον τῶν ἰδίων τόπων κυριεύειν κατὰ τὸ Καίσαρος ἐπίκριμα:
20.49. ̔Ελένη δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ ὁρῶσα τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν εἰρηνευόμενα, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτῆς μακάριον καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι ζηλωτὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοεθνέσι διὰ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν, ἐπιθυμίαν ἔσχεν εἰς τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀφικομένη τὸ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις περιβόητον ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνῆσαι καὶ χαριστηρίους θυσίας προσενεγκεῖν, ἐδεῖτό τε τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιτρέψαι.' "20.51. γίνεται δὲ αὐτῆς ἡ ἄφιξις πάνυ συμφέρουσα τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις: λιμοῦ γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον πιεζοῦντος καὶ πολλῶν ὑπ' ἐνδείας ἀναλωμάτων φθειρομένων ἡ βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη πέμπει τινὰς τῶν ἑαυτῆς, τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πολλῶν σῖτον ὠνησομένους χρημάτων, τοὺς δ' εἰς Κύπρον ἰσχάδων φόρτον οἴσοντας." "20.52. ὡς δ' ἐπανῆλθον ταχέως κομίζοντες τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις διένειμε τροφὴν καὶ μεγίστην αὐτῆς μνήμην τῆς εὐποιίας ταύτης εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἡμῶν ἔθνος καταλέλοιπε." '20.53. πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης τὰ περὶ τὸν λιμὸν ἔπεμψε πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ πέπρακται μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσομεν.' "20.101. ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ καὶ τὸν μέγαν λιμὸν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν συνέβη γενέσθαι, καθ' ὃν καὶ ἡ βασίλισσα ̔Ελένη πολλῶν χρημάτων ὠνησαμένη σῖτον ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου διένειμεν τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις, ὡς προεῖπον." '20.102. πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ οἱ παῖδες ̓Ιούδα τοῦ Γαλιλαίου ἀνήχθησαν τοῦ τὸν λαὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων ἀποστήσαντος Κυρινίου τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τιμητεύοντος, ὡς ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων δεδηλώκαμεν, ̓Ιάκωβος καὶ Σίμων, οὓς ἀνασταυρῶσαι προσέταξεν ̓Αλέξανδρος. 20.103. ὁ δὲ τῆς Χαλκίδος βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης μεταστήσας τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ̓Ιώσηπον τὸν τοῦ Καμοιδὶ τὴν διαδοχὴν τῆς τιμῆς ̓Ανανίᾳ τῷ τοῦ Νεβεδαίου δίδωσιν. Τιβερίῳ δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ Κουμανὸς ἀφίκετο διάδοχος. 20.201. ὅσοι δὲ ἐδόκουν ἐπιεικέστατοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν εἶναι καὶ περὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβεῖς βαρέως ἤνεγκαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ πέμπουσιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα κρύφα παρακαλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐπιστεῖλαι τῷ ̓Ανάνῳ μηκέτι τοιαῦτα πράσσειν: μηδὲ γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν πεποιηκέναι.' "20.202. τινὲς δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸν ̓Αλβῖνον ὑπαντιάζουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρείας ὁδοιποροῦντα καὶ διδάσκουσιν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξὸν ἦν ̓Ανάνῳ χωρὶς τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης καθίσαι συνέδριον." '. None
|14.74. and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.75. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: |
14.91. and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.
14.98. 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. This hath also been related elsewhere. 14.99. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt.
14.127. 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128. for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129. and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132. and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.133. 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; 14.134. and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. 14.135. He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s fifty. 14.136. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements. 14.137. 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where;
14.146. concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. 14.147. They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury.
14.166. But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords;
14.185. 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them,
14.188. while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198. that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.” 14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.201. and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let in the Sabbatic period, a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202. 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 14.203. and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year of that sabbatical period, the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205. and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206. and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208. and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts.
14.213. 8. “Julius Caius, praetor consul of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. 14.214. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215. for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216. Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.” 14.217. 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. 14.218. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this: 14.219. 10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. 14.221. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. 14.222. This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224. And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225. 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227. I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.228. 13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: “I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, 14.229. in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutet of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe;
14.231. 14. The decree of the Delians. “The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutet lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order, 14.232. that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.” And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also. 14.233. 15. “Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.” 14.234. 16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” 14.235. 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.236. 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: “We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, 14.237. he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.”14.241. 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, 14.242. wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.243. We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.” 14.244. 21. “Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting. 14.245. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246. I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.” 14.247. 22. The decree of those of Pergamus. “When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace, 14.248. and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, 14.249. and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; 14.251. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate’s decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. 14.252. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity, 14.253. and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree. 14.254. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, 14.255. as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have also found it set down in our public records.” 14.256. 23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. “When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the —— day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: 14.257. Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; 14.258. we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.” 14.259. 24. The decree of the Sardians. “This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellowcitizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate, 14.261. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.” 14.262. 25. The decree of the Ephesians. “When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. 14.263. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.264. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.”
14.266. for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable;
14.268. 1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; 14.269. to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him.
14.271. 2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the army that lay in the camp at Apamia; 14.272. and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: 14.273. but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. 14.274. And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; 14.275. whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. 14.276. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him.
14.312. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. 14.313. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.”
15.39. 1. So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Aelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia,
15.39. but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work.
15.294. Moreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built for them a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in Perea.
16.162. 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, 16.163. it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.165. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.
18.18. 5. The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for;
18.18. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach.
18.27. and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence,
18.27. while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor’s wife. 18.28. When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Caesarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar’s daughter. 18.28. “yet,” said he, “I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial authority.
18.31. 1. A very sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had gone before, and came together with a great slaughter of them, and that greater than any upon record before; concerning all which I shall speak more accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these miseries came upon them.
18.31. A little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia Caesar’s wife Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind.
18.159. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue;
18.257. 1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar; 18.258. for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name. 18.259. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations;
19.275. and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: 19.276. he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son Marcus married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. 19.277. But when Marcus, Alexander’s son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis. 19.278. 2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. 19.281. Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; 19.282. and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges, 19.283. even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject to the Romans as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; 19.284. but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: 19.285. I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict.” 19.286. 3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: 19.287. “Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: 19.288. Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, 19.289. but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus.
19.291. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read from the ground.”
19.299. 3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. 19.301. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. 19.302. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: 19.303. “Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: 19.304. Since some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same, 19.305. but have acted in entire opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Caesar’s statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar,—
20.49. 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.51. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter. 20.101. Under these procurators that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have related already. 20.102. And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. 20.103. But now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made Aias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; 20.201. but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king Agrippa, desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; 20.202. nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Aus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent.' '. None
|57. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.19, 1.153-1.154, 1.157, 1.166, 1.175, 1.180, 1.187, 1.199, 1.537, 2.167, 2.175, 2.220, 2.252, 2.286-2.287, 2.487-2.488, 2.492-2.498, 2.509, 3.48, 4.455-4.469, 4.471-4.475, 5.45-5.46, 5.205, 5.381-5.382, 6.237-6.238, 7.368, 7.417-7.419 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Acmonia, Julia Severa inscription • Agrippa I (Julius Herod) • Alexander, Gaius Julius (‘the alabarch’) • Alexander, Marcus Julius • Alexander, Tiberius Julius • Caesar, Julius • Capito (C. Herennius), imperial procurator of Julia, Tiberius, and Gaius • Jerusalem, Gaius Julius Alexander and • Julia (wife of Augustus) • Julian the Apostate • Julias • Julius Africanus, • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, Alexandrian campaign of • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar confirming Hyrcanus as high priest and ethnarch • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar exempting Antipater from taxation • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar favorable to Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Jews legal right to live according to customs • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Roman citizenship to Antipater and naming him procurator • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar imposing tribute on Hyrcanus II • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar recognizing John Hyrcanus II as ethnarch and protector of Jews • Julius Caesar, and Jews, certain exactions from Jews banned by C. • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, and Jews, publicani removed from Judea by • Julius Caesar, and Jews, reorganization of Jewish state by C. • Julius Caesar, demands of • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, letter of, to Sidonians • Julius Caesar, titles of • Syria, Julius Caesar in • Tiberius Julius Alexander • publicani (tax companies), abolished from Judea by Julius Caesar
Found in books: Augoustakis et al (2021) 47; Bay (2022) 99, 291; Brodd and Reed (2011) 174; Czajkowski et al (2020) 89; Keddie (2019) 29, 116; Levine (2005) 127, 136, 397; Salvesen et al (2020) 259, 260, 264, 270, 272, 275; Taylor (2012) 135, 177, 226; Taylor and Hay (2020) 2, 3, 5; Udoh (2006) 31, 34, 37, 38, 43, 56, 61, 63, 64, 66, 68, 80, 88, 98, 99, 130, 131, 133, 172, 240; van Maaren (2022) 171, 176
1.19. Καὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον μὲν ἑάλω, πρόσω δ' αὐτὸν ἰόντα εἶργον αὖθις οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου προσαγορευομένην χώραν κατέχοντες: ἦσαν δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι Αἰγύπτιοι. τούτους ̓Αντίπατρος οὐ μόνον μὴ κωλύειν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ δυνάμει παρασχεῖν: ὅθεν οὐδὲ οἱ κατὰ Μέμφιν ἔτι εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἑκούσιοι δὲ προσέθεντο Μιθριδάτῃ." "
1.19. ὡς ̓Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Επιφανὴς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ κατασχὼν ἔτεσι τρισὶ καὶ μησὶν ἓξ ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων ἐκβάλλεται τῆς χώρας, ἔπειθ' ὡς οἱ τούτων ἔγγονοι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας διαστασιάσαντες εἵλκυσαν εἰς τὰ πράγματα ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον. καὶ ὡς ̔Ηρώδης ὁ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατέλυσε τὴν δυναστείαν αὐτῶν ἐπαγαγὼν Σόσσιον," "
1.153. οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶραι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ' ἀποδείξας ̔Υρκανὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίᾳ πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο." "1.154. ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἐλήφθη καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πενθερός, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἦν καὶ θεῖος αὐτῷ. καὶ τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους μὲν τοῦ πολέμου πελέκει κολάζει, Φαῦστον δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένους λαμπροῖς ἀριστείοις δωρησάμενος τῇ τε χώρᾳ καὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπιτάσσει φόρον." '
1.157. ἃς πάσας τοῖς γνησίοις ἀποδοὺς πολίταις κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν Συριακὴν ἐπαρχίαν. παραδοὺς δὲ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ μέχρις Αἰγύπτου καὶ Εὐφράτου Σκαύρῳ διέπειν καὶ δύο τῶν ταγμάτων, αὐτὸς διὰ Κιλικίας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἠπείγετο τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἄγων μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς αἰχμάλωτον.' "
1.166. συνεπολίσθησαν γοῦν τούτου κελεύσαντος Σκυθόπολίς τε καὶ Σαμάρεια καὶ ̓Ανθηδὼν καὶ ̓Απολλωνία καὶ ̓Ιάμνεια καὶ ̔Ράφεια Μάρισά τε καὶ ̓Αδώρεος καὶ Γάβαλα καὶ ̓́Αζωτος καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαί, τῶν οἰκητόρων ἀσμένως ἐφ' ἑκάστην συνθεόντων." "
1.175. Γαβινίῳ δ' ἐπὶ Πάρθους ὡρμημένῳ στρατεύειν γίνεται Πτολεμαῖος ἐμπόδιον: ὃς ὑποστρέψας ἀπ' Εὐφράτου κατῆγεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐπιτηδείοις εἰς ἅπαντα χρώμενος κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ γὰρ χρήματα καὶ ὅπλα καὶ σῖτον καὶ ἐπικούρους ̓Αντίπατρος προσῆγεν, καὶ τοὺς ταύτῃ ̓Ιουδαίους φρουροῦντας τὰς κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐμβολὰς παρεῖναι Γαβίνιον ἔπεισεν." "
1.187. ̓Αντίπατρος δὲ μετὰ τὴν Πομπηίου τελευτὴν μεταβὰς ἐθεράπευεν Καίσαρα, κἀπειδὴ Μιθριδάτης ὁ Περγαμηνὸς μεθ' ἧς ἦγεν ἐπ' Αἴγυπτον δυνάμεως εἰργόμενος τῶν κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐμβολῶν ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι κατείχετο, τούς τε ̓́Αραβας ξένος ὢν ἔπεισεν ἐπικουρῆσαι καὶ αὐτὸς ἧκεν ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τρισχιλίους ὁπλίτας." "
1.199. Τούτων Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ̔Υρκανὸν μὲν ἀξιώτερον τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἀπεφήνατο, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ δυναστείας αἵρεσιν ἔδωκεν. ὁ δ' ἐπὶ τῷ τιμήσαντι τὸ μέτρον τῆς τιμῆς θέμενος πάσης ἐπίτροπος ̓Ιουδαίας ἀποδείκνυται καὶ προσεπιτυγχάνει τὰ τείχη τῆς πατρίδος ἀνακτίσαι κατεστραμμένα." '
1.537. ἀντιγράφει γοῦν κύριον μὲν αὐτὸν καθιστάς, εὖ μέντοι ποιήσειν λέγων, εἰ μετὰ κοινοῦ συνεδρίου τῶν τε ἰδίων συγγενῶν καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἡγεμόνων ἐξετάσειεν τὴν ἐπιβουλήν: κἂν μὲν ἐνέχωνται, κτείνειν, ἐὰν δὲ μόνον ὦσιν δρασμὸν βεβουλευμένοι, κολάζειν μετριώτερον.' "
2.167. Τῆς ̓Αρχελάου δ' ἐθναρχίας μεταπεσούσης εἰς ἐπαρχίαν οἱ λοιποί, Φίλιππος καὶ ̔Ηρώδης ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Αντίπας, διῴκουν τὰς ἑαυτῶν τετραρχίας: Σαλώμη γὰρ τελευτῶσα ̓Ιουλίᾳ τῇ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ γυναικὶ τήν τε αὐτῆς τοπαρχίαν καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν Φασαηλίδι φοινικῶνας κατέλιπεν." '
2.175. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ταραχὴν ἑτέραν ἐκίνει τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρόν, καλεῖται δὲ κορβωνᾶς, εἰς καταγωγὴν ὑδάτων ἐξαναλίσκων: κατῆγεν δὲ ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων σταδίων. πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦ πλήθους ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, καὶ τοῦ Πιλάτου παρόντος εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα περιστάντες τὸ βῆμα κατεβόων.' "
2.252. Τὴν μὲν οὖν μικρὰν ̓Αρμενίαν δίδωσιν βασιλεύειν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ τῷ ̔Ηρώδου, τῇ δ' ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείᾳ τέσσαρας πόλεις προστίθησιν σὺν ταῖς τοπαρχίαις, ̓́Αβελα μὲν καὶ ̓Ιουλιάδα κατὰ τὴν Περαίαν, Ταριχέας δὲ καὶ Τιβεριάδα τῆς Γαλιλαίας, εἰς δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν Φήλικα κατέστησεν ἐπίτροπον." "
2.286. ὡς δ' ὑπερορῶν τὰς δεήσεις πρὸς ἐπήρειαν ἔτι καὶ παρῳκοδόμει τὸ χωρίον ἐκεῖνος ἐργαστήρια κατασκευαζόμενος στενήν τε καὶ παντάπασιν βιαίαν πάροδον ἀπέλειπεν αὐτοῖς, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ θερμότεροι τῶν νέων προπηδῶντες οἰκοδομεῖν ἐκώλυον." '2.287. ὡς δὲ τούτους εἶργεν τῆς βίας Φλῶρος, ἀμηχανοῦντες οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, σὺν οἷς ̓Ιωάννης ὁ τελώνης. πείθουσι τὸν Φλῶρον ἀργυρίου ταλάντοις ὀκτὼ διακωλῦσαι τὸ ἔργον.' "
2.487. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν ἀεὶ μὲν ἦν στάσις πρὸς τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἀφ' οὗ χρησάμενος προθυμοτάτοις κατὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ̓Ιουδαίοις ̓Αλέξανδρος γέρας τῆς συμμαχίας ἔδωκεν τὸ μετοικεῖν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐξ ἴσου † μοίρας πρὸς τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας." "2.488. διέμεινεν δ' αὐτοῖς ἡ τιμὴ καὶ παρὰ τῶν διαδόχων, οἳ καὶ τόπον ἴδιον αὐτοῖς ἀφώρισαν, ὅπως καθαρωτέραν ἔχοιεν τὴν δίαιταν ἧττον ἐπιμισγομένων τῶν ἀλλοφύλων, καὶ χρηματίζειν ἐπέτρεψαν Μακεδόνας, ἐπεί τε ̔Ρωμαῖοι κατεκτήσαντο τὴν Αἴγυπτον, οὔτε Καῖσαρ ὁ πρῶτος οὔτε τῶν μετ' αὐτόν τις ὑπέμεινεν τὰς ἀπ' ̓Αλεξάνδρου τιμὰς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐλαττῶσαι." '
2.492. ἤρθη δὲ πᾶν τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἄμυναν, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λίθοις τοὺς ̔́Ελληνας ἔβαλλον, αὖθις δὲ λαμπάδας ἁρπασάμενοι πρὸς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον ὥρμησαν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐν αὐτῷ καταφλέξειν τὸν δῆμον αὔτανδρον. κἂν ἔφθησαν τοῦτο δράσαντες, εἰ μὴ τοὺς θυμοὺς αὐτῶν ἀνέκοψεν Τιβέριος ̓Αλέξανδρος ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἡγεμών.' "2.493. οὐ μὴν οὗτός γε ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων ἤρξατο σωφρονίζειν, ἀλλ' ὑποπέμψας τοὺς γνωρίμους αὐτοῖς παύσασθαι παρεκάλει καὶ μὴ καθ' ἑαυτῶν ἐρεθίζειν τὸ ̔Ρωμαίων στράτευμα. καταχλευάζοντες δὲ τῆς παρακλήσεως οἱ στασιώδεις ἐβλασφήμουν τὸν Τιβέριον." '2.494. Κἀκεῖνος συνιδὼν ὡς χωρὶς μεγάλης συμφορᾶς οὐκ ἂν παύσαιντο νεωτερίζοντες, ἐπαφίησιν αὐτοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ̔Ρωμαίων δύο τάγματα καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς δισχιλίους στρατιώτας κατὰ τύχην παρόντας εἰς τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων ὄλεθρον ἐκ Λιβύης: ἐπέτρεψεν δὲ οὐ μόνον ἀναιρεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κτήσεις αὐτῶν διαρπάζειν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας καταφλέγειν.' "2.495. οἱ δ' ὁρμήσαντες εἰς τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα, συνῴκιστο γὰρ ἐκεῖ τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκόν, ἐτέλουν τὰς ἐντολάς, οὐ μὴν ἀναιμωτί: συστραφέντες γὰρ οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι καὶ τοὺς ἄμεινον ὡπλισμένους ἑαυτῶν προταξάμενοι μέχρι πλείστου μὲν ἀντέσχον, ἅπαξ δ' ἐγκλίναντες ἀνέδην διεφθείροντο." "2.496. καὶ παντοῖος ἦν αὐτῶν ὄλεθρος, τῶν μὲν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ καταλαμβανομένων, τῶν δ' εἰς τὰς οἰκίας συνωθουμένων. ὑπεπίμπρασαν δὲ καὶ ταύτας οἱ ̔Ρωμαῖοι προδιαρπάζοντες τὰ ἔνδον, καὶ οὔτε νηπίων ἔλεος αὐτοὺς οὔτε αἰδὼς εἰσῄει γερόντων," "2.497. ἀλλὰ διὰ πάσης ἡλικίας ἐχώρουν κτείνοντες, ὡς ἐπικλυσθῆναι μὲν αἵματι πάντα τὸν χῶρον, πέντε δὲ μυριάδες ἐσωρεύθησαν νεκρῶν, περιελείφθη δ' ἂν οὐδὲ τὸ λοιπόν, εἰ μὴ πρὸς ἱκετηρίας ἐτράποντο. κατοικτείρας δ' αὐτοὺς ̓Αλέξανδρος ἀναχωρεῖν τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐκέλευσεν." "2.498. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἔθους τὸ πειθήνιον ἔχοντες ἅμα νεύματι τοῦ φονεύειν ἐπαύσαντο, τὸ δημοτικὸν δὲ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων δι' ὑπερβολὴν μίσους δυσανάκλητον ἦν καὶ μόλις ἀπεσπᾶτο τῶν σωμάτων." '
2.509. ὁ δὲ ἀριθμὸς τῶν φονευθέντων τετρακόσιοι πρὸς ὀκτακισχιλίοις. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ὅμορον τῆς Καισαρείας Ναρβατηνὴν τοπαρχίαν ἔπεμψεν συχνοὺς τῶν ἱππέων, οἳ τήν τε γῆν ἔτεμον καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος διέφθειραν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων τάς τε κτήσεις διήρπασαν καὶ τὰς κώμας κατέφλεξαν.' "
3.48. ̔Η δὲ Σαμαρεῖτις χώρα μέση μὲν τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐστὶ καὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας: ἀρχομένη γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ κειμένης Γηνεὼς ὄνομα κώμης ἐπιλήγει τῆς ̓Ακραβετηνῶν τοπαρχίας: φύσιν δὲ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας κατ' οὐδὲν διάφορος." '
3.48. καὶ ὑπὲρ μειζόνων δὲ ἢ ̓Ιουδαῖοι διαγωνιεῖσθε: καὶ γὰρ εἰ περὶ ἐλευθερίας καὶ πατρίδων ἐκείνοις ὁ πόλεμος κινδυνεύεται, τί μεῖζον ἡμῖν εὐδοξίας καὶ τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν μετὰ τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἡγεμονίαν ἐν ἀντιπάλῳ τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων τίθεσθαι;
4.455. ἡ μέση δὲ τῶν δύο ὀρέων χώρα τὸ μέγα πεδίον καλεῖται, ἀπὸ κώμης Γινναβρὶν διῆκον μέχρι τῆς ̓Ασφαλτίτιδος.' "4.456. ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ μῆκος μὲν σταδίων χιλίων διακοσίων, εὖρος δ' εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν, καὶ μέσον ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου τέμνεται λίμνας τε ἔχει τήν τε ̓Ασφαλτῖτιν καὶ τὴν Τιβεριέων φύσιν ἐναντίας: ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἁλμυρώδης καὶ ἄγονος, ἡ Τιβεριέων δὲ γλυκεῖα καὶ γόνιμος." "4.457. ἐκπυροῦται δὲ ὥρᾳ θέρους τὸ πεδίον καὶ δι' ὑπερβολὴν αὐχμοῦ περιέχει νοσώδη τὸν ἀέρα:" '4.458. πᾶν γὰρ ἄνυδρον πλὴν τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου, παρὸ καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ ταῖς ὄχθαις φοινικῶνας εὐθαλεστέρους καὶ πολυφορωτέρους εἶναι συμβέβηκεν, ἧττον δὲ τοὺς πόρρω κεχωρισμένους. 4.459. Παρὰ μέντοι τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦν ἐστι πηγὴ δαψιλής τε καὶ πρὸς ἀρδείας λιπαρωτάτη παρὰ τὴν παλαιὰν ἀναβλύζουσα πόλιν, ἣν ̓Ιησοῦς ὁ Ναυῆ παῖς στρατηγὸς ̔Εβραίων πρώτην εἷλε γῆς Χαναναίων δορίκτητον. 4.461. ὃς ἐπιξενωθεὶς τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦν, περισσὸν δή τι φιλοφρονησαμένων αὐτὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων αὐτούς τε ἀμείβεται καὶ τὴν χώραν αἰωνίῳ χάριτι. 4.462. προελθὼν γὰρ ἐπὶ τὴν πηγὴν καὶ καταβαλὼν εἰς τὸ ῥεῦμα πλῆρες ἁλῶν ἀγγεῖον κεράμου, ἔπειτα εἰς οὐρανὸν δεξιὰν ἀνατείνας δικαίαν κἀπὶ γῆς σπονδὰς μειλικτηρίους χεόμενος, τὴν μὲν ᾐτεῖτο μαλάξαι τὸ ῥεῦμα καὶ γλυκυτέρας φλέβας ἀνοῖξαι,' "4.463. τὸν δὲ ἐγκεράσασθαι τῷ ῥεύματι γονιμωτέρους τε ἀέρας δοῦναί τε ἅμα καὶ καρπῶν εὐθηνίαν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις καὶ τέκνων διαδοχήν, μηδ' ἐπιλιπεῖν αὐτοῖς τὸ τούτων γεννητικὸν ὕδωρ, ἕως μένουσι δίκαιοι." '4.464. ταύταις ταῖς εὐχαῖς πολλὰ προσχειρουργήσας ἐξ ἐπιστήμης ἔτρεψε τὴν πηγήν, καὶ τὸ πρὶν ὀρφανίας αὐτοῖς καὶ λιμοῦ παραίτιον ὕδωρ ἔκτοτε εὐτεκνίας καὶ κόρου χορηγὸν κατέστη. 4.465. τοσαύτην γοῦν ἐν ταῖς ἀρδείαις ἔχει δύναμιν ὡς, εἰ καὶ μόνον ἐφάψαιτο τῆς χώρας, νοστιμώτερον εἶναι τῶν μέχρι κόρου χρονιζόντων. 4.466. παρὸ καὶ τῶν μὲν δαψιλεστέρως χρωμένων ἡ ὄνησίς ἐστιν ὀλίγη, τούτου δὲ τοῦ ὀλίγου χορηγία δαψιλής.' "4.467. ἄρδει γοῦν πλέονα τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων, καὶ πεδίον μὲν ἔπεισιν ἑβδομήκοντα σταδίων μῆκος εὖρος δ' εἴκοσιν, ἐκτρέφει δ' ἐν αὐτῷ παραδείσους καλλίστους τε καὶ πυκνοτάτους." '4.468. τῶν δὲ φοινίκων ἐπαρδομένων γένη πολλὰ ταῖς γεύσεσι καὶ ταῖς παρηγορίαις διάφορα: τούτων οἱ πιότεροι πατούμενοι καὶ μέλι δαψιλὲς ἀνιᾶσιν οὐ πολλῷ τοῦ λοιποῦ χεῖρον. 4.469. καὶ μελιττοτρόφος δὲ ἡ χώρα: φέρει δὲ καὶ ὀποβάλσαμον, ὃ δὴ τιμιώτατον τῶν τῇδε καρπῶν, κύπρον τε καὶ μυροβάλανον, ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἁμαρτεῖν τινα εἰπόντα θεῖον εἶναι τὸ χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ δαψιλῆ τὰ σπανιώτατα καὶ κάλλιστα γεννᾶται.
4.471. αἴτιόν μοι δοκεῖ τὸ θερμὸν τῶν ἀέρων καὶ τὸ τῶν ὑδάτων εὔτονον, τῶν μὲν προκαλουμένων τὰ φυόμενα καὶ διαχεόντων, τῆς δὲ ἰκμάδος ῥιζούσης ἕκαστον ἰσχυρῶς καὶ χορηγούσης τὴν ἐν θέρει δύναμιν: περικαὲς δέ ἐστιν οὕτως τὸ χωρίον, ὡς μηδένα ῥᾳδίως προϊέναι. 4.472. τὸ δὲ ὕδωρ πρὸ ἀνατολῆς ἀντλούμενον, ἔπειτα ἐξαιθριασθὲν γίνεται ψυχρότατον καὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν πρὸς τὸ περιέχον φύσιν λαμβάνει, χειμῶνος δὲ ἀνάπαλιν χλιαίνεται καὶ τοῖς ἐμβαίνουσι γίνεται προσηνέστατον. 4.473. ἔστι δὲ καὶ τὸ περιέχον οὕτως εὔκρατον, ὡς λινοῦν ἀμφιέννυσθαι τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους νιφομένης τῆς ἄλλης ̓Ιουδαίας. 4.474. ἀπέχει δὲ ἀπὸ ̔Ιεροσολύμων μὲν σταδίους ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα, τοῦ δὲ ̓Ιορδάνου ἑξήκοντα, καὶ τὸ μὲν μέχρι ̔Ιεροσολύμων αὐτῆς ἔρημον καὶ πετρῶδες, τὸ δὲ μέχρι τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου καὶ τῆς ̓Ασφαλτίτιδος χθαμαλώτερον μέν, ἔρημον δὲ ὁμοίως καὶ ἄκαρπον. 4.475. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τὰ μὲν περὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦν εὐδαιμονεστάτην οὖσαν ἀποχρώντως δεδήλωται.
5.45. Τίτῳ μὲν οὖν οἰκτρὸν τὸ πάθος κατεφαίνετο πεντακοσίων ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἔστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ πλειόνων ἁλισκομένων, οὔτε δὲ τοὺς βίᾳ ληφθέντας ἀφεῖναι ἀσφαλὲς καὶ φυλάττειν τοσούτους φρουρὰν τῶν φυλαξόντων ἑώρα: τό γε μὴν πλέον οὐκ ἐκώλυεν τάχ' ἂν ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐλπίσας αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ παραδοῖεν, ὅμοια πεισομένους." "
5.45. φίλων δὲ δοκιμώτατος εὔνοιάν τε καὶ σύνεσιν Τιβέριος ̓Αλέξανδρος, πρότερον μὲν αὐτοῖς τὴν Αἴγυπτον διέπων,' "5.46. ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ ὁ ̓Επιφανὴς ̓Αντίοχος παρῆν ἄλλους τε ὁπλίτας συχνοὺς ἔχων καὶ περὶ αὑτὸν στῖφος Μακεδόνων καλούμενον, ἥλικας πάντας, ὑψηλούς, ὀλίγον ὑπὲρ ἀντίπαιδας, τὸν Μακεδονικὸν τρόπον ὡπλισμένους τε καὶ πεπαιδευμένους, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν εἶχον ὑστεροῦντες οἱ πολλοὶ τοῦ γένους. 5.46. τότε δὲ τῶν στρατευμάτων ἄρχων, κριθεὶς ἄξιος ἐξ ὧν ἐδεξιώσατο πρῶτος ἐγειρομένην ἄρτι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ μετὰ πίστεως λαμπρᾶς ἐξ ἀδήλου τῇ τύχῃ προσέθετο, σύμβουλός γε μὴν ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου χρείαις ἡλικίᾳ τε προύχων καὶ κατ' ἐμπειρίαν εἵπετο." '
5.205. πεντήκοντα γὰρ πηχῶν οὖσα τὴν ἀνάστασιν τεσσαρακονταπήχεις τὰς θύρας εἶχε καὶ τὸν κόσμον πολυτελέστερον ἐπὶ δαψιλὲς πάχος ἀργύρου τε καὶ χρυσοῦ. τοῦτον δὲ ταῖς ἐννέα πύλαις ἐπέχεεν ὁ Τιβερίου πατὴρ ̓Αλέξανδρος.' "
5.381. οὐ μετὰ μίαν ἑσπέραν ἄχραντος μὲν ἡ βασίλισσα ἀνεπέμφθη πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, προσκυνῶν δὲ τὸν ὑφ' ὑμῶν αἱμαχθέντα χῶρον ὁμοφύλῳ φόνῳ καὶ τρέμων ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν νυκτὶ φαντασμάτων ἔφευγεν ὁ Αἰγύπτιος, ἀργύρῳ δὲ καὶ χρυσῷ τοὺς θεοφιλεῖς ̔Εβραίους ἐδωρεῖτο;" '5.382. εἴπω τὴν εἰς Αἴγυπτον μετοικίαν τῶν πατέρων; οὐ τυραννούμενοι καὶ βασιλεῦσιν ἀλλοφύλοις ὑποπεπτωκότες τετρακοσίοις ἔτεσι παρὸν ὅπλοις ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ χερσὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐπέτρεψαν τῷ θεῷ;
6.237. καὶ συνελθόντων ἓξ τῶν κορυφαιοτάτων, Τιβερίου τε ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ πάντων τῶν στρατευμάτων ἐπάρχοντος, καὶ Σέξτου Κερεαλίου τοῦ τὸ πέμπτον ἄγοντος τάγμα, καὶ Λαρκίου Λεπίδου τὸ δέκατον, καὶ Τίτου Φρυγίου τὸ πεντεκαιδέκατον, 6.238. πρὸς οἷς Φρόντων ἦν ̔Ετέριος στρατοπεδάρχης τῶν ἀπὸ ̓Αλεξανδρείας δύο ταγμάτων, καὶ Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος ̓Ιουλιανὸς ὁ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπίτροπος, καὶ μετὰ τούτους ἐπιτρόπων καὶ χιλιάρχων ἀθροισθέντων, βουλὴν περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ προυτίθει.
7.368. ὅπου γε Δαμασκηνοὶ μηδὲ πρόφασιν εὔλογον πλάσαι δυνηθέντες φόνου μιαρωτάτου τὴν αὐτῶν πόλιν ἐνέπλησαν ὀκτακισχιλίους πρὸς τοῖς μυρίοις ̓Ιουδαίους ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ γενεαῖς ἀποσφάξαντες.' "
7.417. ἐφ' ὧν οὐκ ἔστιν ὃς οὐ τὴν καρτερίαν καὶ τὴν εἴτε ἀπόνοιαν εἴτε τῆς γνώμης ἰσχὺν χρὴ λέγειν οὐ κατεπλάγη:" "7.418. πάσης γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτοὺς βασάνου καὶ λύμης τῶν σωμάτων ἐπινοηθείσης ἐφ' ἓν τοῦτο μόνον, ὅπως αὐτῶν Καίσαρα δεσπότην ὁμολογήσωσιν, οὐδεὶς ἐνέδωκεν οὐδὲ ἐμέλλησεν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλὰ πάντες ὑπερτέραν τῆς ἀνάγκης τὴν αὐτῶν γνώμην διεφύλαξαν, ὥσπερ ἀναισθήτοις σώμασι χαιρούσῃ μόνον οὐχὶ τῇ ψυχῇ τὰς βασάνους καὶ τὸ πῦρ δεχόμενοι." "7.419. μάλιστα δ' ἡ τῶν παίδων ἡλικία τοὺς θεωμένους ἐξέπληξεν: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκείνων τις ἐξενικήθη Καίσαρα δεσπότην ἐξονομάσαι. τοσοῦτον ἄρα τῆς τῶν σωμάτων ἀσθενείας ἡ τῆς τόλμης ἰσχὺς ἐπεκράτει." ". None
|1.19. 4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. |
1.19. 7. For example, I shall relate how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Socius upon them;
1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154. Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself.
1.157. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives.
1.166. Accordingly, upon his injunction, the following cities were restored;—Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Adoreus, Gamala, Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.
1.175. 7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass.
1.187. 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men.
1.199. 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down.
1.537. o he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment.
2.167. 1. And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamnia, as also her plantation of palm trees that were in Phasaelis.
2.175. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it.
2.252. 2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod’s son, and he added to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Taricheae also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator.
2.286. but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made workingshops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; 2.287. but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work.
2.487. 7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander the Great, upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves; 2.488. which honorary reward Continued among them under his successors, who also set apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being polluted by the Gentiles, and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor anyone that came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews.
2.492. but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians, but after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theater, and threatened that they would burn the people to a man; and this they had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had restrained their passions. 2.493. However, this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman army against them; but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and reproached him for so doing. 2.494. 8. Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city, and together with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were come together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also permitted not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and to set fire to their houses. 2.495. These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city which was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully; 2.496. and this their destruction was complete, some being caught in the open field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Romans; wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the aged; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age, 2.497. till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not betaken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire; 2.498. accordingly, these being accustomed to obey orders, left off killing at the first intimation; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them, and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies.
2.509. The number of the slain was eight thousand four hundred. In like manner, Cestius sent also a considerable body of horsemen to the toparchy of Narbatene, that adjoined to Caesarea, who destroyed the country, and slew a great multitude of its people; they also plundered what they had, and burnt their villages.
3.48. 4. Now, as to the country of Samaria, it lies between Judea and Galilee; it begins at a village that is in the great plain called Ginea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy, and is entirely of the same nature with Judea;
3.48. Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory? and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us.
4.455. Now the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltitis; 4.456. its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful. 4.457. This plain is much burnt up in summertime, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air; 4.458. it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful. 4.459. 3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. 4.461. who, when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor; 4.462. for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this supplication,—That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened; 4.463. that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail them, while they continued to be righteous. 4.464. To these prayers Elisha joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country. 4.465. Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it does but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. 4.466. For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities. 4.467. Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees. 4.468. There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey. 4.469. This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the most excellent sort.
4.471. the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summertime. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it; 4.472. and if the water be drawn up before sunrising, and after that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air; 4.473. as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea. 4.474. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltitis lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. 4.475. But so much shall suffice to have been said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation.
5.45. This miserable procedure made Titus greatly to pity them, while they caught every day five hundred Jews; nay, some days they caught more: yet it did not appear to be safe for him to let those that were taken by force go their way, and to set a guard over so many he saw would be to make such as guarded them useless to him. The main reason why he did not forbid that cruelty was this, that he hoped the Jews might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear lest they might themselves afterwards be liable to the same cruel treatment.
5.45. as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his goodwill to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, 5.46. 3. In the meantime Antiochus Epiphanes came to the city, having with him a considerable number of other armed men, and a band called the Macedonian band about him, all of the same age, tall, and just past their childhood, armed, and instructed after the Macedonian manner, whence it was that they took that name. Yet were many of them unworthy of so famous a nation; 5.46. but was now thought worthy to be general of the army under Titus. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs.
5.205. for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius.
5.381. Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening?—while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God. 5.382. Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who, when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred years together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God?
6.237. of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander under the general of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: 6.238. there was also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came together all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give him their advice what should be done about the holy house.
7.368. nay, even those of Damascus, when they were able to allege no tolerable pretense against us, filled their city with the most barbarous slaughters of our people, and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives and children.
7.417. whose courage, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, everybody was amazed at. 7.418. For when all sorts of torments and vexations of their bodies that could be devised were made use of to them, they could not get anyone of them to comply so far as to confess, or seem to confess, that Caesar was their lord; but they preserved their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were brought to, as if they received these torments and the fire itself with bodies insensible of pain, and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced under them. 7.419. But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders was the courage of the children; for not one of these children was so far overcome by these torments, as to name Caesar for their lord. So far does the strength of the courage of the soul prevail over the weakness of the body.' '. None
|58. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.1-1.4, 1.33-1.66, 1.109-1.111, 1.129-1.147, 1.151-1.156, 1.185-1.212, 1.324-1.362, 1.639-1.640, 2.23-2.28, 2.35-2.36, 2.38-2.42, 2.47, 2.85, 2.322, 2.342, 2.360-2.364, 3.133, 3.136, 3.142, 3.160, 3.169, 3.394, 3.436-3.437, 3.439, 3.447-3.449, 4.474-4.520, 4.572-4.573, 4.575-4.579, 6.449-6.450, 6.500-6.506, 6.810-6.811, 7.7-7.20, 7.24, 7.319, 7.387-7.459, 7.685-7.686, 7.768, 7.778, 7.789-7.794, 7.796-7.802, 9.3-9.18, 9.173, 9.230-9.233, 9.961-9.999, 9.1010-9.1108, 10.15-10.52, 10.58, 10.63, 10.66, 10.68-10.69, 10.109-10.333 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), as ‘wise man in Egypt’ • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), foiled by Acoreus • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Julius • Caesar, C. Julius, Lucan • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius (see Julius Caesar) • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Caesar, Julius, and Pompey • Caesar, Julius, anger of • Caesar, Julius, as Hannibal revived • Caesar, Julius, as anti-Odyssean • Caesar, Julius, assassination of, in Lucan • Caesar, Julius, at the Massilian grove • Caesar, Julius, at the Rubicon • Caesar, Julius, character in Lucan • Caesar, Julius, ending Republican institutions • Caesar, Julius, favored by Fortuna • Caesar, Julius, his calendar • Caesar, Julius, mutinous soldiers of • Caesar, Julius, soldiers cared for by • Caesar, Julius, with head of Pompey • Caesar, Julius,crossing the Rubicon • Cn. Iulius Agricola • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Julia (daughter of Caesar) • Julia (wife of Pompey) • Julia Drusilla • Julius Africanus, • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, Gallic Commentaries • Julius Caesar, references Alexander the Great • July (Iulius) • Sextus Julius Africanus,
Found in books: Agri (2022) 3, 30, 38, 39, 91, 152, 153; Augoustakis (2014) 201, 255, 269, 292, 293, 310; Braund and Most (2004) 229, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 257; Edmonds (2019) 23; Edmondson (2008) 211; Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 136, 138, 141, 144, 145, 146; Fertik (2019) 22, 23, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 37; Green (2014) 67, 69; Jenkyns (2013) 244; Joseph (2022) 14, 15, 23, 26, 28, 41, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 132, 133, 134, 139, 141, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 182, 184, 206, 207, 214, 217, 241, 242, 243, 255, 260; König and Whitton (2018) 320, 321; Luck (2006) 246; Manolaraki (2012) 46, 59, 80, 81, 94, 95, 103, 105, 114, 194, 205, 207, 208, 209, 213, 214; Mowat (2021) 154, 155; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206, 232, 244; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 21; Radicke (2022) 272; Rüpke (2011) 105; Santangelo (2013) 237; Van Nuffelen (2012) 43; Verhagen (2022) 201, 255, 269, 292, 293, 310; Wolfsdorf (2020) 283, 284
|1.1. Wars worse than civil on Emathian plains, And crime let loose we sing; how Rome's high race Plunged in her vitals her victorious sword; Armies akin embattled, with the force of all the shaken earth bent on the fray; And burst asunder, to the common guilt, A kingdom's compact; eagle with eagle met, Standard to standard, spear opposed to spear. Whence, citizens, this rage, this boundless lust " "|
1.33. No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease " "1.40. Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands " "1.50. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime " "1.59. Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime " '1.60. Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace
1.109. Made Rome their victim. Oh! Ambition blind, That stirred the leaders so to join their strength In peace that ended ill, their prize the world! For while the Sea on Earth and Earth on Air Lean for support: while Titan runs his course, And night with day divides an equal sphere, No king shall brook his fellow, nor shall power Endure a rival. Search no foreign lands: These walls are proof that in their infant days A hamlet, not the world, was prize enough ' "
1.110. To cause the shedding of a brother's blood. Concord, on discord based, brief time endured, Unwelcome to the rivals; and alone Crassus delayed the advent of the war. Like to the slender neck that separates The seas of Graecia: should it be engulfed Then would th' Ionian and Aegean mains Break each on other: thus when Crassus fell, Who held apart the chiefs, in piteous death, And stained Assyria's plains with Latian blood, " "
1.111. To cause the shedding of a brother's blood. Concord, on discord based, brief time endured, Unwelcome to the rivals; and alone Crassus delayed the advent of the war. Like to the slender neck that separates The seas of Graecia: should it be engulfed Then would th' Ionian and Aegean mains Break each on other: thus when Crassus fell, Who held apart the chiefs, in piteous death, And stained Assyria's plains with Latian blood, " '
1.129. Defeat in Parthia loosed the war in Rome. More in that victory than ye thought was won, Ye sons of Arsaces; your conquered foes Took at your hands the rage of civil strife. The mighty realm that earth and sea contained, To which all peoples bowed, split by the sword, Could not find space for two. For Julia bore, Cut off by fate unpitying, the bond of that ill-omened marriage, and the pledge of blood united, to the shades below. ' "
1.130. Had'st thou but longer stayed, it had been thine To keep the husband and the sire apart, And, as the Sabine women did of old, Dash down the threatening swords and join the hands. With thee all trust was buried, and the chiefs Could give their courage vent, and rushed to war. Lest newer glories triumphs past obscure, Late conquered Gaul the bays from pirates won, This, Magnus, was thy fear; thy roll of fame, of glorious deeds accomplished for the state " "
1.140. Allows no equal; nor will Caesar's pride A prior rival in his triumphs brook; Which had the right 'twere impious to enquire; Each for his cause can vouch a judge supreme; The victor, heaven: the vanquished, Cato, thee. Nor were they like to like: the one in years Now verging towards decay, in times of peace Had unlearned war; but thirsting for applause Had given the people much, and proud of fame His former glory cared not to renew, " "
1.151. But joyed in plaudits of the theatre, His gift to Rome: his triumphs in the past, Himself the shadow of a mighty name. As when some oak, in fruitful field sublime, Adorned with venerable spoils, and gifts of bygone leaders, by its weight to earth With feeble roots still clings; its naked arms And hollow trunk, though leafless, give a shade; And though condemned beneath the tempest's shock To speedy fall, amid the sturdier trees " "
1.156. But joyed in plaudits of the theatre, His gift to Rome: his triumphs in the past, Himself the shadow of a mighty name. As when some oak, in fruitful field sublime, Adorned with venerable spoils, and gifts of bygone leaders, by its weight to earth With feeble roots still clings; its naked arms And hollow trunk, though leafless, give a shade; And though condemned beneath the tempest's shock To speedy fall, amid the sturdier trees " '
1.185. Their hold had taken, such as are the doom of potent nations: and when fortune poured Through Roman gates the booty of a world, The curse of luxury, chief bane of states, Fell on her sons. Farewell the ancient ways! Behold the pomp profuse, the houses decked With ornament; their hunger loathed the food of former days; men wore attire for dames Scarce fitly fashioned; poverty was scorned, Fruitful of warriors; and from all the world
1.189. Their hold had taken, such as are the doom of potent nations: and when fortune poured Through Roman gates the booty of a world, The curse of luxury, chief bane of states, Fell on her sons. Farewell the ancient ways! Behold the pomp profuse, the houses decked With ornament; their hunger loathed the food of former days; men wore attire for dames Scarce fitly fashioned; poverty was scorned, Fruitful of warriors; and from all the world ' "
1.190. Came that which ruins nations; while the fields Furrowed of yore by great Camillus' plough, Or by the mattock which a Curius held, Lost their once narrow bounds, and widening tracts By hinds unknown were tilled. No nation this To sheathe the sword, with tranquil peace content And with her liberties; but prone to ire; Crime holding light as though by want compelled: And great the glory in the minds of men, Ambition lawful even at point of sword, " "1.200. To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " "1.209. To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " '1.210. Great tumults pondering and the coming shock. Now on the marge of Rubicon, he saw, In face most sorrowful and ghostly guise, His trembling country\'s image; huge it seemed Through mists of night obscure; and hoary hair Streamed from the lofty front with turrets crowned: Torn were her locks and naked were her arms. Then thus, with broken sighs the Vision spake: "What seek ye, men of Rome? and whither hence Bear ye my standards? If by right ye come, 1.212. Great tumults pondering and the coming shock. Now on the marge of Rubicon, he saw, In face most sorrowful and ghostly guise, His trembling country\'s image; huge it seemed Through mists of night obscure; and hoary hair Streamed from the lofty front with turrets crowned: Torn were her locks and naked were her arms. Then thus, with broken sighs the Vision spake: "What seek ye, men of Rome? and whither hence Bear ye my standards? If by right ye come, ' "
1.324. But never such reward. Could Gallia hold Thine armies ten long years ere victory came, That little nook of earth? One paltry fight Or twain, fought out by thy resistless hand, And Rome for thee shall have subdued the world: 'Tis true no triumph now would bring thee home; No captive tribes would grace thy chariot wheels Winding in pomp around the ancient hill. Spite gnaws the factions; for thy conquests won Scarce shalt thou be unpunished. Yet 'tis fate " "1.329. But never such reward. Could Gallia hold Thine armies ten long years ere victory came, That little nook of earth? One paltry fight Or twain, fought out by thy resistless hand, And Rome for thee shall have subdued the world: 'Tis true no triumph now would bring thee home; No captive tribes would grace thy chariot wheels Winding in pomp around the ancient hill. Spite gnaws the factions; for thy conquests won Scarce shalt thou be unpunished. Yet 'tis fate " '
1.330. Thou should\'st subdue thy kinsman: share the world With him thou canst not; rule thou canst, alone." As when at Elis\' festival a horseIn stable pent gnaws at his prison bars Impatient, and should clamour from without Strike on his ear, bounds furious at restraint, So then was Caesar, eager for the fight, Stirred by the words of Curio. To the ranks He bids his soldiers; with majestic mien And hand commanding silence as they come. 1.340. Comrades, he cried, "victorious returned, Who by my side for ten long years have faced, \'Mid Alpine winters and on Arctic shores, The thousand dangers of the battle-field — Is this our country\'s welcome, this her prize For death and wounds and Roman blood outpoured? Rome arms her choicest sons; the sturdy oaks Are felled to make a fleet; — what could she more If from the Alps fierce Hannibal were come With all his Punic host? By land and sea 1.349. Comrades, he cried, "victorious returned, Who by my side for ten long years have faced, \'Mid Alpine winters and on Arctic shores, The thousand dangers of the battle-field — Is this our country\'s welcome, this her prize For death and wounds and Roman blood outpoured? Rome arms her choicest sons; the sturdy oaks Are felled to make a fleet; — what could she more If from the Alps fierce Hannibal were come With all his Punic host? By land and sea ' "1.350. Caesar shall fly! Fly? Though in adverse war Our best had fallen, and the savage Gaul Were hard upon our track, we would not fly. And now, when fortune smiles and kindly gods Beckon us on to glory! — Let him come Fresh from his years of peace, with all his crowd of conscript burgesses, Marcellus' tongue And Cato's empty name! We will not fly. Shall Eastern hordes and greedy hirelings keep Their loved Pompeius ever at the helm? " "1.360. Shall chariots of triumph be for him Though youth and law forbad them? Shall he seize On Rome's chief honours ne'er to be resigned? And what of harvests blighted through the world And ghastly famine made to serve his ends? Who hath forgotten how Pompeius' bands Seized on the forum, and with glittering arms Made outraged justice tremble, while their swords Hemmed in the judgment-seat where Milo stood? And now when worn and old and ripe for rest, " "
1.639. Waving in downward whirl a blazing pine, A fiend patrols the town, like that which erst At Thebes urged on Agave, or which hurled Lycurgus' bolts, or that which as he came From Hades seen, at haughty Juno's word, Brought terror to the soul of Hercules. Trumpets like those that summon armies forth Were heard re-echoing in the silent night: And from the earth arising Sulla's ghost Sang gloomy oracles, and by Anio's wave " "1.640. All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth " '
2.23. The world should suffer, from the truth divine, A solemn fast was called, the courts were closed, All men in private garb; no purple hem Adorned the togas of the chiefs of Rome; No plaints were uttered, and a voiceless grief Lay deep in every bosom: as when death Knocks at some door but enters not as yet, Before the mother calls the name aloud Or bids her grieving maidens beat the breast, While still she marks the glazing eye, and soothes
2.35. The stiffening limbs and gazes on the face, In nameless dread, not sorrow, and in awe of death approaching: and with mind distraught Clings to the dying in a last embrace. The matrons laid aside their wonted garb: Crowds filled the temples — on the unpitying stones Some dashed their bosoms; others bathed with tears The statues of the gods; some tore their hair Upon the holy threshold, and with shrieks And vows unceasing called upon the names 2.40. of those whom mortals supplicate. Nor all Lay in the Thunderer\'s fane: at every shrine Some prayers are offered which refused shall bring Reproach on heaven. One whose livid arms Were dark with blows, whose cheeks with tears bedewed And riven, cried, "Beat, mothers, beat the breast, Tear now the lock; while doubtful in the scales Still fortune hangs, nor yet the fight is won, You still may grieve: when either wins rejoice." Thus sorrow stirs itself. Meanwhile the men
2.47. of those whom mortals supplicate. Nor all Lay in the Thunderer\'s fane: at every shrine Some prayers are offered which refused shall bring Reproach on heaven. One whose livid arms Were dark with blows, whose cheeks with tears bedewed And riven, cried, "Beat, mothers, beat the breast, Tear now the lock; while doubtful in the scales Still fortune hangs, nor yet the fight is won, You still may grieve: when either wins rejoice." Thus sorrow stirs itself. Meanwhile the men ' "
2.85. No other deeds the fates laid up in store When Marius, victor over Teuton hosts, Afric's high conqueror, cast out from Rome, Lay hid in marshy ooze, at thy behest, O Fortune! by the yielding soil concealed And waving rushes; but ere long the chains of prison wore his weak and aged frame, And lengthened squalor: thus he paid for crime His punishment beforehand; doomed to die Consul in triumph over wasted Rome. " '
2.322. Nor Caesar shall in Brutus find a foe. Not till the fight is fought shall Brutus strike, Then strike the victor." Brutus thus; but spake Cato from inmost breast these sacred words: "Chief in all wickedness is civil war, Yet virtue in the paths marked out by fate Treads on securely. Heaven\'s will be the crime To have made even Cato guilty. Who has strength To gaze unawed upon a toppling world? When stars and sky fall headlong, and when earth ' "
2.342. Soothing his heart, and, as the lofty pyre Rises on high, applies the kindled torch: Nought, Rome, shall tear thee from me, till I hold Thy form in death embraced; and Freedom's name, Shade though it be, I'll follow to the grave. Yea! let the cruel gods exact in full Rome's expiation: of no drop of blood The war be robbed. I would that, to the gods of heaven and hell devoted, this my life Might satisfy their vengeance. Decius fell, " '
2.360. Shall give Hesperia peace and end her toils. Who then will reign shall find no need for war. You ask, \'Why follow Magnus? If he wins He too will claim the Empire of the world.\' Then let him, conquering with my service, learn Not for himself to conquer." Thus he spoke And stirred the blood that ran in Brutus\' veins Moving the youth to action in the war. Soon as the sun dispelled the chilly night, The sounding doors flew wide, and from the tomb
3.133. of Saturn\'s temple hot Metellus saw, Were yielding to the shock, he clove the ranks of Caesar\'s troops, and stood before the doors As yet unopened. \'Tis the love of gold Alone that fears not death; no hand is raised For perished laws or violated rights: But for this dross, the vilest cause of all, Men fight and die. Thus did the Tribune bar The victor\'s road to rapine, and with voice Clear ringing spake: "Save o\'er Metellus dead
3.136. of Saturn\'s temple hot Metellus saw, Were yielding to the shock, he clove the ranks of Caesar\'s troops, and stood before the doors As yet unopened. \'Tis the love of gold Alone that fears not death; no hand is raised For perished laws or violated rights: But for this dross, the vilest cause of all, Men fight and die. Thus did the Tribune bar The victor\'s road to rapine, and with voice Clear ringing spake: "Save o\'er Metellus dead ' "
3.142. This temple opens not; my sacred blood Shall flow, thou robber, ere the gold be thine. And surely shall the Tribune's power defied Find an avenging god; this Crassus knew, Who, followed by our curses, sought the war And met disaster on the Parthian plains. Draw then thy sword, nor fear the crowd that gapes To view thy crimes: the citizens are gone. Not from our treasury reward for guilt Thy hosts shall ravish: other towns are left, " '
3.160. But as the Tribune yielded not, his rage Rose yet the more, and at his soldiers\' swords One look he cast, forgetting for the time What robe he wore; but soon Metellus heard These words from Cotta: "When men bow to power Freedom of speech is only Freedom\'s bane, Whose shade at least survives, if with free will Thou dost whate\'er is bidden thee. For us Some pardon may be found: a host of ills Compelled submission, and the shame is less
3.394. Perished in flames, we sought another here; And here on foreign shores, in narrow bounds Confined and safe, our boast is sturdy faith; Nought else. But if our city to blockade Is now thy mind — to force the gates, and hurl Javelin and blazing torch upon our homes — Do what thou wilt: cut off the source that fills Our foaming river, force us, prone in thirst, To dig the earth and lap the scanty pool; Seize on our corn and leave us food abhorred:
3.436. Fit (as he deemed it) for a camp with ditch And mound encircling. To a lofty height The nearest portion of the city rose, While intervening valleys lay between. These summits with a mighty trench to bind The chief resolves, gigantic though the toil. But first, from furthest boundaries of his camp, Enclosing streams and meadows, to the sea To draw a rampart, upon either hand Heaved up with earthy sod; with lofty towers
3.439. Fit (as he deemed it) for a camp with ditch And mound encircling. To a lofty height The nearest portion of the city rose, While intervening valleys lay between. These summits with a mighty trench to bind The chief resolves, gigantic though the toil. But first, from furthest boundaries of his camp, Enclosing streams and meadows, to the sea To draw a rampart, upon either hand Heaved up with earthy sod; with lofty towers ' "
3.447. Crowned; and to shut Massilia from the land. Then did the Grecian city win renown Eternal, deathless, for that uncompelled Nor fearing for herself, but free to act She made the conqueror pause: and he who seized All in resistless course found here delay: And Fortune, hastening to lay the world Low at her favourite's feet, was forced to stay For these few moments her impatient hand. Now fell the forests far and wide, despoiled " "3.449. Crowned; and to shut Massilia from the land. Then did the Grecian city win renown Eternal, deathless, for that uncompelled Nor fearing for herself, but free to act She made the conqueror pause: and he who seized All in resistless course found here delay: And Fortune, hastening to lay the world Low at her favourite's feet, was forced to stay For these few moments her impatient hand. Now fell the forests far and wide, despoiled " '
4.474. They lay, nor build the ship, but shapeless rafts of timbers knit together, strong to bear All ponderous weight; on empty casks beneath By tightened chains made firm, in double rows Supported; nor upon the deck were placed The oarsmen, to the hostile dart exposed, But in a hidden space, by beams concealed. And thus the eye amazed beheld the mass Move silent on its path across the sea, By neither sail nor stalwart arm propelled. 4.480. They watch the main until the refluent waves Ebb from the growing sands; then, on the tide Receding, launch their vessel; thus she floats With twin companions: over each uprose With quivering battlements a lofty tower. Octavius, guardian of Illyrian seas, Restrained his swifter keels, and left the rafts Free from attack, in hope of larger spoil From fresh adventures; for the peaceful sea May tempt them, and their goal in safety reached, 4.490. To dare a second voyage. Round the stag Thus will the cunning hunter draw a line of tainted feathers poisoning the air; Or spread the mesh, and muzzle in his grasp The straining jaws of the Molossian hound, And leash the Spartan pack; nor is the brake Trusted to any dog but such as tracks The scent with lowered nostrils, and refrains From giving tongue the while; content to mark By shaking leash the covert of the prey. 4.499. To dare a second voyage. Round the stag Thus will the cunning hunter draw a line of tainted feathers poisoning the air; Or spread the mesh, and muzzle in his grasp The straining jaws of the Molossian hound, And leash the Spartan pack; nor is the brake Trusted to any dog but such as tracks The scent with lowered nostrils, and refrains From giving tongue the while; content to mark By shaking leash the covert of the prey. ' "4.500. Ere long they manned the rafts in eager wish To quit the island, when the latest glow Still parted day from night. But Magnus' troops, Cilician once, taught by their ancient art, In fraudulent deceit had left the sea To view unguarded; but with chains unseen Fast to Illyrian shores, and hanging loose, They blocked the outlet in the waves beneath. The leading rafts passed safely, but the third Hung in mid passage, and by ropes was hauled " "4.510. Below o'ershadowing rocks. These hollowed out In ponderous masses overhung the main, And nodding seemed to fall: shadowed by trees Dark lay the waves beneath. Hither the tide Brings wreck and corpse, and, burying with the flow, Restores them with the ebb: and when the caves Belch forth the ocean, swirling billows fall In boisterous surges back, as boils the tide In that famed whirlpool on Sicilian shores. Here, with Venetian settlers for its load, " "4.520. Stood motionless the raft. Octavius' ships Gathered around, while foemen on the land Filled all the shore. But well the captain knew, Volteius, how the secret fraud was planned, And tried in vain with sword and steel to burst The bands that held them; without hope he fights, Uncertain where to avoid or front the foe. Caught in this strait they strove as brave men should Against opposing hosts; nor long the fight, For fallen darkness brought a truce to arms. " "
4.572. For pardon and for life! lest when our swords Are reeking with our hearts'-blood, they may say This was despair of living. Great must be The prowess of our end, if in the hosts That fight his battles, Caesar is to mourn This little handful lost. For me, should fate Grant us retreat, — myself would scorn to shun The coming onset. Life I cast away, The frenzy of the death that comes apace Controls my being. Those alone whose end " "4.579. For pardon and for life! lest when our swords Are reeking with our hearts'-blood, they may say This was despair of living. Great must be The prowess of our end, if in the hosts That fight his battles, Caesar is to mourn This little handful lost. For me, should fate Grant us retreat, — myself would scorn to shun The coming onset. Life I cast away, The frenzy of the death that comes apace Controls my being. Those alone whose end " '
6.449. And thus Asopus takes his ordered course, Phoenix and Melas; but Eurotas keeps His stream aloof from that with which he flows, Peneus, gliding on his top as though Upon the channel. Fable says that, sprung From darkest pools of Styx, with common floods He scorns to mingle, mindful of his source, So that the gods above may fear him still. Soon as were sped the rivers, Boebian ploughs Dark with its riches broke the virgin soil; ' "6.450. Then came Lelegians to press the share, And Dolopes and sons of Oeolus By whom the glebe was furrowed. Steed-renowned Magnetians dwelt there, and the Minyan race Who smote the sounding billows with the oar. There in the cavern from the pregt cloud Ixion's sons found birth, the Centaur brood Half beast, half human: Monychus who broke The stubborn rocks of Pholoe, Rhoetus fierce Hurling from Oeta's top gigantic elms " "
6.500. Stained by his deeds of shame the fights he won, Could bear delay no more; his feeble soul, Sick of uncertain fate, by fear compelled, Forecast the future: yet consulted not The shrine of Delos nor the Pythian caves; Nor was he satisfied to learn the sound of Jove's brass cauldron, 'mid Dodona's oaks, By her primaeval fruits the nurse of men: Nor sought he sages who by flight of birds, Or watching with Assyrian care the stars " "6.506. Stained by his deeds of shame the fights he won, Could bear delay no more; his feeble soul, Sick of uncertain fate, by fear compelled, Forecast the future: yet consulted not The shrine of Delos nor the Pythian caves; Nor was he satisfied to learn the sound of Jove's brass cauldron, 'mid Dodona's oaks, By her primaeval fruits the nurse of men: Nor sought he sages who by flight of birds, Or watching with Assyrian care the stars " '
6.810. Her cursed mouth had slimed. Last came her voice More potent than all herbs to charm the gods Who rule in Lethe. Dissot murmurs first And sounds discordant from the tongues of men She utters, scarce articulate: the bay of wolves, and barking as of dogs, were mixed With that fell chant; the screech of nightly owlRaising her hoarse complaint; the howl of beast And sibilant hiss of snake — all these were there; And more — the waft of waters on the rock, 6.811. Her cursed mouth had slimed. Last came her voice More potent than all herbs to charm the gods Who rule in Lethe. Dissot murmurs first And sounds discordant from the tongues of men She utters, scarce articulate: the bay of wolves, and barking as of dogs, were mixed With that fell chant; the screech of nightly owlRaising her hoarse complaint; the howl of beast And sibilant hiss of snake — all these were there; And more — the waft of waters on the rock, ' "
7.7. Book 7 Ne'er to the summons of the Eternal laws More slowly Titan rose, nor drave his steeds, Forced by the sky revolving, up the heaven, With gloomier presage; wishing to endure The pangs of ravished light, and dark eclipse; And drew the mists up, not to feed his flames, But lest his light upon Thessalian earth Might fall undimmed. Pompeius on that morn, To him the latest day of happy life, " "7.10. In troubled sleep an empty dream conceived. For in the watches of the night he heard Innumerable Romans shout his name Within his theatre; the benches vied To raise his fame and place him with the gods; As once in youth, when victory was won O'er conquered tribes where swift Iberus flows, And where Sertorius' armies fought and fled, The west subdued, with no less majesty Than if the purple toga graced the car, " "7.20. He sat triumphant in his pure white gown A Roman knight, and heard the Senate's cheer. Perhaps, as ills drew near, his anxious soul, Shunning the future wooed the happy past; Or, as is wont, prophetic slumber showed That which was not to be, by doubtful forms Misleading; or as envious Fate forbade Return to Italy, this glimpse of RomeKind Fortune gave. Break not his latest sleep, Ye sentinels; let not the trumpet call " "
7.319. To give you, soldiers, liberty and law 'Gainst all the world. Wishful myself for life Apart from public cares, and for the gown That robes the private citizen, I refuse To yield from office till the law allows Your right in all things. On my shoulders rest All blame; all power be yours. Nor deep the blood Between yourselves and conquest. Grecian schools of exercise and wrestling send us here Their chosen darlings to await your swords; " '
7.387. Let no fond memories unnerve the arm, No pious thought of father or of kin; But full in face of brother or of sire, Drive home the blade. Unless the slain be known Your foes account his slaughter as a crime; Spare not our camp, but lay the rampart low And fill the fosse with ruin; not a man But holds his post within the ranks today. And yonder tents, deserted by the foe, Shall give us shelter when the rout is done." 7.389. Let no fond memories unnerve the arm, No pious thought of father or of kin; But full in face of brother or of sire, Drive home the blade. Unless the slain be known Your foes account his slaughter as a crime; Spare not our camp, but lay the rampart low And fill the fosse with ruin; not a man But holds his post within the ranks today. And yonder tents, deserted by the foe, Shall give us shelter when the rout is done." ' "7.390. Scarce had he paused; they snatch the hasty meal, And seize their armour and with swift acclaim Welcome the chief's predictions of the day, Tread low their camp when rushing to the fight; And take their post: nor word nor order given, In fate they put their trust. Nor, had'st thou placed All Caesars there, all striving for the throne of Rome their city, had their serried ranks With speedier tread dashed down upon the foe. But when Pompeius saw the hostile troops " "7.399. Scarce had he paused; they snatch the hasty meal, And seize their armour and with swift acclaim Welcome the chief's predictions of the day, Tread low their camp when rushing to the fight; And take their post: nor word nor order given, In fate they put their trust. Nor, had'st thou placed All Caesars there, all striving for the throne of Rome their city, had their serried ranks With speedier tread dashed down upon the foe. But when Pompeius saw the hostile troops " '7.400. Move forth in order and demand the fight, And knew the gods\' approval of the day, He stood astonied, while a deadly chill Struck to his heart — omen itself of woe, That such a chief should at the call to arms, Thus dread the issue: but with fear repressed, Borne on his noble steed along the line of all his forces, thus he spake: "The day Your bravery demands, that final end of civil war ye asked for, is at hand. 7.409. Move forth in order and demand the fight, And knew the gods\' approval of the day, He stood astonied, while a deadly chill Struck to his heart — omen itself of woe, That such a chief should at the call to arms, Thus dread the issue: but with fear repressed, Borne on his noble steed along the line of all his forces, thus he spake: "The day Your bravery demands, that final end of civil war ye asked for, is at hand. ' "7.410. Put forth your strength, your all; the sword today Does its last work. One crowded hour is charged With nations' destinies. Whoe'er of you Longs for his land and home, his wife and child, Seek them with sword. Here in mid battle-field, The gods place all at stake. Our better right Bids us expect their favour; they shall dip Your brands in Caesar's blood, and thus shall give Another sanction to the laws of Rome, Our cause of battle. If for him were meant " "7.420. An empire o'er the world, had they not put An end to Magnus' life? That I am chief of all these mingled peoples and of RomeDisproves an angry heaven. See here combined All means of victory. Noble men have sought Unasked the risks of war. Our soldiers boast Ancestral statues. If to us were given A Curius, if Camillus were returned, Or patriot Decius to devote his life, Here would they take their stand. From furthest east " "7.430. All nations gathered, cities as the sand Unnumbered, give their aid: a world complete Serves 'neath our standards. North and south and all Who have their being 'neath the starry vault, Here meet in arms conjoined: And shall we not Crush with our closing wings this paltry foe? Few shall find room to strike; the rest with voice Must be content to aid: for Caesar's ranks Suffice not for us. Think from Rome's high walls The matrons watch you with their hair unbound; " "7.440. Think that the Senate hoar, too old for arms, With snowy locks outspread; and Rome herself, The world's high mistress, fearing now, alas! A despot — all exhort you to the fight. Think that the people that is and that shall be Joins in the prayer — in freedom to be born, In freedom die, their wish. If 'mid these vows Be still found place for mine, with wife and child, So far as Imperator may, I bend Before you suppliant — unless this fight " "7.449. Think that the Senate hoar, too old for arms, With snowy locks outspread; and Rome herself, The world's high mistress, fearing now, alas! A despot — all exhort you to the fight. Think that the people that is and that shall be Joins in the prayer — in freedom to be born, In freedom die, their wish. If 'mid these vows Be still found place for mine, with wife and child, So far as Imperator may, I bend Before you suppliant — unless this fight " '7.450. Be won, behold me exile, your disgrace, My kinsman\'s scorn. From this, \'tis yours to save. Then save! Nor in the latest stage of life, Let Magnus be a slave." Then burned their souls At these his words, indigt at the thought, And Rome rose up within them, and to die Was welcome. Thus alike with hearts aflame Moved either host to battle, one in fear And one in hope of empire. These hands shall do Such work as not the rolling centuries 7.459. Be won, behold me exile, your disgrace, My kinsman\'s scorn. From this, \'tis yours to save. Then save! Nor in the latest stage of life, Let Magnus be a slave." Then burned their souls At these his words, indigt at the thought, And Rome rose up within them, and to die Was welcome. Thus alike with hearts aflame Moved either host to battle, one in fear And one in hope of empire. These hands shall do Such work as not the rolling centuries ' "
7.685. Unknown thou wanderest. Thy country's pride, Hope of the Senate, thou (for none besides); Thou latest scion of that race of pride, Whose fearless deeds the centuries record, Tempt not the battle, nor provoke the doom! Awaits thee on Philippi's fated field Thy Thessaly. Not here shalt thou prevail 'Gainst Caesar's life. Not yet hath he surpassed The height of power and deserved a death Noble at Brutus' hands — then let him live, " "7.686. Unknown thou wanderest. Thy country's pride, Hope of the Senate, thou (for none besides); Thou latest scion of that race of pride, Whose fearless deeds the centuries record, Tempt not the battle, nor provoke the doom! Awaits thee on Philippi's fated field Thy Thessaly. Not here shalt thou prevail 'Gainst Caesar's life. Not yet hath he surpassed The height of power and deserved a death Noble at Brutus' hands — then let him live, " '
7.768. Gaze on unnumbered swords that flashed in air And sought his ruin; and the tide of blood In which his host had perished. Yet not as those Who, prostrate fallen, would drag nations down To share their evil fate, Pompeius did. Still were the gods thought worthy of his prayers To give him solace, in that after him Might live his Romans. "Spare, ye gods," he said, "Nor lay whole peoples low; my fall attained, The world and Rome may stand. And if ye need
7.778. More bloodshed, here on me, my wife, and sons Wreak out your vengeance — pledges to the fates Such have we given. Too little for the war Is our destruction? Doth the carnage fail, The world escaping? Magnus\' fortunes lost, Why doom all else beside him?" Thus he cried, And passed amid his standards, and recalled His vanquished host that rushed on fate declared. Not for his sake such carnage should be wrought. So thought Pompeius; nor the foeman\'s sword ' "
7.789. He feared, nor death; but lest upon his fall To quit their chief his soldiers might refuse, And o'er his prostrate corpse a world in arms Might find its ruin: or perchance he wished From Caesar's eager eyes to veil his death. In vain, unhappy! for the fates decree He shall behold, shorn from the bleeding trunk, Again thy visage. And thou, too, his spouse, Beloved Cornelia, didst cause his flight; Thy longed-for features; yet he shall not die " "
7.790. When thou art present. Then upon his steed, Though fearing not the weapons at his back, Pompeius fled, his mighty soul prepared To meet his destinies. No groan nor tear, But solemn grief as for the fates of Rome, Was in his visage, and with mien unchanged He saw Pharsalia's woes, above the frowns Or smiles of Fortune; in triumphant days And in his fall, her master. The burden laid of thine impending fate, thou partest free " "7.800. To muse upon the happy days of yore. Hope now has fled; but in the fleeting past How wast thou great! Seek thou the wars no more, And call the gods to witness that for thee Henceforth dies no man. In the fights to come On Afric's mournful shore, by Pharos' stream And fateful Munda; in the final scene of dire Pharsalia's battle, not thy name Doth stir the war and urge the foeman's arm, But those great rivals biding with us yet, " "
9.3. Book 9 Yet in those ashes on the Pharian shore, In that small heap of dust, was not confined So great a shade; but from the limbs half burnt And narrow cell sprang forth and sought the sky Where dwells the Thunderer. Black the space of air Upreaching to the poles that bear on high The constellations in their nightly round; There 'twixt the orbit of the moon and earth Abide those lofty spirits, half divine, " "9.10. Who by their blameless lives and fire of soul Are fit to tolerate the pure expanse That bounds the lower ether: there shall dwell, Where nor the monument encased in gold, Nor richest incense, shall suffice to bring The buried dead, in union with the spheres, Pompeius' spirit. When with heavenly light His soul was filled, first on the wandering stars And fixed orbs he bent his wondering gaze; Then saw what darkness veils our earthly day " "9.18. Who by their blameless lives and fire of soul Are fit to tolerate the pure expanse That bounds the lower ether: there shall dwell, Where nor the monument encased in gold, Nor richest incense, shall suffice to bring The buried dead, in union with the spheres, Pompeius' spirit. When with heavenly light His soul was filled, first on the wandering stars And fixed orbs he bent his wondering gaze; Then saw what darkness veils our earthly day " '
9.173. To feast his eyes, and prove the bloody deed. For whether ravenous birds and Pharian dogsHave torn his corse asunder, or a fire Consumed it, which with stealthy flame arose Upon the shore, I know not. For the parts Devoured by destiny I only blame The gods: I weep the part preserved by men." Thus Sextus spake: and Cnaeus at the words Flamed into fury for his father\'s shame. "Sailors, launch forth our navies, by your oars ' "
9.230. In due submission to the bounds of right, Yet in this age irreverent of law Has played a noble part. Great was his power, But freedom safe: when all the plebs was prone To be his slaves, he chose the private gown; So that the Senate ruled the Roman state, The Senate's ruler: nought by right of arms He e'er demanded: willing took he gifts Yet from a willing giver: wealth was his Vast, yet the coffers of the State he filled " "
9.961. No draught in poisonous cups from ripened plants of direst growth Sabaean wizards brew. Lo! Upon branchless trunk a serpent, named By Libyans Jaculus, rose in coils to dart His venom from afar. Through Paullus' brain It rushed, nor stayed; for in the wound itself Was death. Then did they know how slowly flies, Flung from a sling, the stone; how gently speed Through air the shafts of Scythia. What availed, Murrus, the lance by which thou didst transfix " "9.970. A Basilisk? Swift through the weapon ran The poison to his hand: he draws his sword And severs arm and shoulder at a blow: Then gazed secure upon his severed hand Which perished as he looked. So had'st thou died, And such had been thy fate! Whoe'er had thought A scorpion had strength o'er death or fate? Yet with his threatening coils and barb erect He won the glory of Orion slain; So bear the stars their witness. And who would fear " "9.979. A Basilisk? Swift through the weapon ran The poison to his hand: he draws his sword And severs arm and shoulder at a blow: Then gazed secure upon his severed hand Which perished as he looked. So had'st thou died, And such had been thy fate! Whoe'er had thought A scorpion had strength o'er death or fate? Yet with his threatening coils and barb erect He won the glory of Orion slain; So bear the stars their witness. And who would fear " '9.980. Thy haunts, Salpuga? Yet the Stygian Maids Have given thee power to snap the fatal threads. Thus nor the day with brightness, nor the night With darkness gave them peace. The very earth On which they lay they feared; nor leaves nor straw They piled for couches, but upon the ground Unshielded from the fates they laid their limbs, Cherished beneath whose warmth in chill of night The frozen pests found shelter; in whose jaws Harmless the while, the lurking venom slept. 9.990. Nor did they know the measure of their march Accomplished, nor their path; the stars in heaven Their only guide. "Return, ye gods," they cried, In frequent wail, "the arms from which we fled. Give back Thessalia. Sworn to meet the sword Why, lingering, fall we thus? In Caesar\'s place The thirsty Dipsas and the horned snakeNow wage the warfare. Rather let us seek That region by the horses of the sun Scorched, and the zone most torrid: let us fall 9.999. Nor did they know the measure of their march Accomplished, nor their path; the stars in heaven Their only guide. "Return, ye gods," they cried, In frequent wail, "the arms from which we fled. Give back Thessalia. Sworn to meet the sword Why, lingering, fall we thus? In Caesar\'s place The thirsty Dipsas and the horned snakeNow wage the warfare. Rather let us seek That region by the horses of the sun Scorched, and the zone most torrid: let us fall ' "
9.1010. With death in middle space. Our march is set Through thy sequestered kingdom, and the host Which knows thy secret seeks the furthest world. Perchance some greater wonders on our path May still await us; in the waves be plunged Heaven's constellations, and the lofty pole Stoop from its height. By further space removed No land, than Juba's realm; by rumour's voice Drear, mournful. Haply for this serpent land There may we long, where yet some living thing " "9.1020. Gives consolation. Not my native land Nor European fields I hope for now Lit by far other suns, nor Asia's plains. But in what land, what region of the sky, Where left we Africa? But now with frosts Cyrene stiffened: have we changed the laws Which rule the seasons, in this little space? Cast from the world we know, 'neath other skies And stars we tread; behind our backs the home of southern tempests: Rome herself perchance " "9.1029. Gives consolation. Not my native land Nor European fields I hope for now Lit by far other suns, nor Asia's plains. But in what land, what region of the sky, Where left we Africa? But now with frosts Cyrene stiffened: have we changed the laws Which rule the seasons, in this little space? Cast from the world we know, 'neath other skies And stars we tread; behind our backs the home of southern tempests: Rome herself perchance " '9.1030. Now lies beneath our feet. Yet for our fates This solace pray we, that on this our track Pursuing Caesar with his host may come." Thus was their stubborn patience of its plaints Disburdened. But the bravery of their chief Forced them to bear their toils. Upon the sand, All bare, he lies and dares at every hour Fortune to strike: he only at the fate of each is present, flies to every call; And greatest boon of all, greater than life, 9.1039. Now lies beneath our feet. Yet for our fates This solace pray we, that on this our track Pursuing Caesar with his host may come." Thus was their stubborn patience of its plaints Disburdened. But the bravery of their chief Forced them to bear their toils. Upon the sand, All bare, he lies and dares at every hour Fortune to strike: he only at the fate of each is present, flies to every call; And greatest boon of all, greater than life, ' "9.1040. Brought strength to die. To groan in death was shame In such a presence. What power had all the ills Possessed upon him? In another's breast He conquers misery, teaching by his mien That pain is powerless. Hardly aid at length Did Fortune, wearied of their perils, grant. Alone unharmed of all who till the earth, By deadly serpents, dwells the Psyllian race. Potent as herbs their song; safe is their blood, Nor gives admission to the poison germ " "9.1050. E'en when the chant has ceased. Their home itself Placed in such venomous tract and serpent-thronged Gained them this vantage, and a truce with death, Else could they not have lived. Such is their trust In purity of blood, that newly born Each babe they prove by test of deadly aspFor foreign lineage. So the bird of JoveTurns his new fledglings to the rising sun And such as gaze upon the beams of day With eves unwavering, for the use of heaven " "9.1060. He rears; but such as blink at Phoebus' rays Casts from the nest. Thus of unmixed descent The babe who, dreading not the serpent touch, Plays in his cradle with the deadly snake. Nor with their own immunity from harm Contented do they rest, but watch for guests Who need their help against the noisome plague. Now to the Roman standards are they come, And when the chieftain bade the tents be fixed, First all the sandy space within the lines " "9.1069. He rears; but such as blink at Phoebus' rays Casts from the nest. Thus of unmixed descent The babe who, dreading not the serpent touch, Plays in his cradle with the deadly snake. Nor with their own immunity from harm Contented do they rest, but watch for guests Who need their help against the noisome plague. Now to the Roman standards are they come, And when the chieftain bade the tents be fixed, First all the sandy space within the lines " '9.1070. With song they purify and magic words From which all serpents flee: next round the camp In widest circuit from a kindled fire Rise aromatic odours: danewort burns, And juice distils from Syrian galbanum; Then tamarisk and costum, Eastern herbs, Strong panacea mixt with centaury From Thrace, and leaves of fennel feed the flames, And thapsus brought from Eryx: and they burn Larch, southern-wood and antlers of a deer 9.1079. With song they purify and magic words From which all serpents flee: next round the camp In widest circuit from a kindled fire Rise aromatic odours: danewort burns, And juice distils from Syrian galbanum; Then tamarisk and costum, Eastern herbs, Strong panacea mixt with centaury From Thrace, and leaves of fennel feed the flames, And thapsus brought from Eryx: and they burn Larch, southern-wood and antlers of a deer ' "9.1080. Which lived afar. From these in densest fumes, Deadly to snakes, a pungent smoke arose; And thus in safety passed the night away. But should some victim feel the fatal fang Upon the march, then of this magic race Were seen the wonders, for a mighty strife Rose 'twixt the Psyllian and the poison germ. First with saliva they anoint the limbs That held the venomous juice within the wound; Nor suffer it to spread. From foaming mouth " "9.1090. Next with continuous cadence would they pour Unceasing chants — nor breathing space nor pause — Else spreads the poison: nor does fate permit A moment's silence. oft from the black flesh Flies forth the pest beneath the magic song: But should it linger nor obey the voice, Repugt to the summons, on the wound Prostrate they lay their lips and from the depths Now paling draw the venom. In their mouths, Sucked from the freezing flesh, they hold the death, " "9.1100. Then spew it forth; and from the taste shall know The snake they conquer. Aided thus at length Wanders the Roman host in better guise Upon the barren fields in lengthy march. Twice veiled the moon her light and twice renewed; Yet still, with waning or with growing orb Saw Cato's steps upon the sandy waste. But more and more beneath their feet the dust Began to harden, till the Libyan tracts Once more were earth, and in the distance rose " "
10.15. But when the people, jealous of their laws, Murmured against the fasces, Caesar knew Their minds were adverse, and that not for him Was Magnus' murder wrought. And yet with brow Dissembling fear, intrepid, through the shrines of Egypt's gods he strode, and round the fane of ancient Isis; bearing witness all To Macedon's vigour in the days of old. Yet did nor gold nor ornament restrain His hasting steps, nor worship of the gods, " "10.20. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set " "10.29. Nor city ramparts: but in greed of gain He sought the cave dug out amid the tombs. The madman offspring there of Philip lies The famed Pellaean robber, fortune's friend, Snatched off by fate, avenging so the world. In sacred sepulchre the hero's limbs, Which should be scattered o'er the earth, repose, Still spared by Fortune to these tyrant days: For in a world to freedom once recalled, All men had mocked the dust of him who set " '10.30. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: 10.39. The baneful lesson that so many lands Can serve one master. Macedon he left His home obscure; Athena he despised The conquest of his sire, and spurred by fate Through Asia rushed with havoc of mankind, Plunging his sword through peoples; streams unknown Ran red with Persian and with Indian blood. Curse of all earth and thunderbolt of ill To every nation! On the outer sea He launched his fleet to sail the ocean wave: ' "10.40. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand " "10.49. Nor flame nor flood nor sterile Libyan sands Stayed back his course, nor Hammon's pathless shoals; Far to the west, where downward slopes the world He would have led his armies, and the poles Had compassed, and had drunk the fount of Nile: But came his latest day; such end alone Could nature place upon the madman king, Who jealous in death as when he won the world His empire with him took, nor left an heir. Thus every city to the spoiler's hand " '10.50. Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure
10.58. Was victim made: Yet in his fall was his Babylon; and Parthia feared him. Shame on us That eastern nations dreaded more the lance of Macedon than now the Roman spear. True that we rule beyond where takes its rise The burning southern breeze, beyond the homes of western winds, and to the northern star; But towards the rising of the sun, we yield To him who kept the Arsacids in awe; And puny Pella held as province sure ' "
10.63. The Parthia fatal to our Roman arms. Now from the stream Pelusian of the Nile, Was come the boyish king, taming the rage of his effeminate people: pledge of peace; And Caesar safely trod Pellaean halls; When Cleopatra bribed her guard to break The harbour chains, and borne in little boat Within the Macedonian palace gates, Caesar unknowing, entered: Egypt's shame; Fury of Latium; to the bane of Rome" "
10.109. Be due, give ear. of Lagian race am I offspring illustrious; from my father's throne Cast forth to banishment; unless thy hand Restore to me the sceptre: then a Queen Falls at thy feet embracing. To our race Bright star of justice thou! Nor first shall I As woman rule the cities of the Nile; For, neither sex preferring, Pharos bows To queenly goverce. of my parted sire Read the last words, by which 'tis mine to share " "10.110. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " "10.119. With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " '10.120. Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! \'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar\'s ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton\'s prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.130. Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; 10.139. Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; ' "10.140. Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" "10.149. Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" '
10.150. Had drunk their juice: part feathered as with gold; Part crimson dyed, in manner as are passed Through Pharian leash the threads. There waited slaves In number as a people, some in ranks By different blood distinguished, some by age; This band with Libyan, that with auburn hair Red so that Caesar on the banks of RhineNone such had witnessed; some with features scorched By torrid suns, their locks in twisted coils Drawn from their foreheads. Eunuchs too were there, 10.160. Unhappy race; and on the other side Men of full age whose cheeks with growth of hair Were hardly darkened. Upon either hand Lay kings, and Caesar in the midst supreme. There in her fatal beauty lay the Queen Thick daubed with unguents, nor with throne content Nor with her brother spouse; laden she lay On neck and hair with all the Red Sea spoils, And faint beneath the weight of gems and gold. Her snowy breast shone through Sidonian lawn 10.170. Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here 10.179. Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here ' "10.180. Those ancient leaders of the simple age, Fabricius or Curius stern of soul, Or he who, Consul, left in sordid garb His Tuscan plough, could all their several hopes Have risen to such spoil. On plates of gold They piled the banquet sought in earth and air And from the deepest seas and Nilus' waves, Through all the world; in craving for display, No hunger urging. Frequent birds and beasts, Egypt's high gods, they placed upon the board: " "10.190. In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " "10.199. In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " '10.200. And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt: 10.209. And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt: ' "10.210. O thou devoted to all sacred rites, Loved by the gods, as proves thy length of days, Tell, if thou wilt, whence sprang the Pharian race; How lie their lands, the manners of their tribes, The form and worship of their deities. Expound the sculptures on your ancient fanes: Reveal your gods if willing to be known: If to th' Athenian sage your fathers taught Their mysteries, who worthier than I To bear in trust the secrets of the world? " "10.220. True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " "10.229. True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " '10.230. Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control 10.239. Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control ' "10.240. The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; " "10.250. And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " "10.259. And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " '10.260. Strikes with his beam the waters. Forth the stream Brims from his fount, as Ocean when the moon Commands an increase; nor shall curb his flow Till night wins back her losses from the sun. "Vain is the ancient faith that Ethiop snows Send Nile abundant forth upon the lands. Those mountains know nor northern wind nor star. of this are proof the breezes of the South, Fraught with warm vapours, and the people\'s hue Burned dark by suns: and \'tis in time of spring, 10.270. When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.279. When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, ' "10.280. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " "10.289. Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " '10.290. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.299. Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes ' "10.300. Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " "10.309. Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " '10.310. Softening his saltness. More, if it be true That ocean feeds the sun and heavenly fires, Then Phoebus journeying by the burning Crab Sucks from its waters more than air can hold Upon his passage — this the cool of night Pours on the Nile. "If, Caesar, \'tis my part To judge such difference, \'twould seem that since Creation\'s age has passed, earth\'s veins by chance Some waters hold, and shaken cast them forth: But others took when first the globe was formed 10.320. A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone 10.329. A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone ' "10.330. Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source " "10.333. Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source "". None
|59. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 7.8, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cassian, Julius • Julia • Julian of Dalmatia • Julius Cassianus
Found in books: Boulluec (2022) 363; Lampe (2003) 166; Lieu (2004) 206; van , t Westeinde (2021) 170
7.8. Λέγω δὲ τοῖς ἀγάμοις καὶ ταῖς χήραις, καλὸν αὐτοῖς ἐὰν μείνωσιν ὡς κἀγώ·
9.5. μὴ οὐκ ἔχομεν ἐξουσίαν ἀδελφὴν γυναῖκα περιάγειν, ὡς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ἀπόστολοι καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ τοῦ κυρίου καὶ Κηφᾶς;''. None
|7.8. But I sayto the unmarried and to widows, it is good for them if they remain evenas I am. |
9.5. Have we noright to take along a wife who is a believer, even as the rest of theapostles, and the brothers of the Lord, and Cephas?''. None
|60. New Testament, Acts, 16.14, 17.22-17.31, 18.24-18.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Acmonia, Julia Severa inscription • Julia • Julia Severa • Julia Zenonis (Laodicea), • Julian (emperor) • Julian, the Apostate
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 13; Huttner (2013) 96; Lampe (2003) 166; Levine (2005) 118; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 11; Van der Horst (2014) 137
16.14. καί τις γυνὴ ὀνόματι Λυδία, πορφυρόπωλις πόλεως Θυατείρων σεβομένη τὸν θεόν, ἤκουεν, ἧς ὁ κύριος διήνοιξεν τὴν καρδίαν προσέχειν τοῖς λαλουμένοις ὑπὸ Παύλου.
17.22. σταθεὶς δὲ Παῦλος ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Ἀρείου Πάγου ἔφη Ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, κατὰ πάντα ὡς δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ· 17.23. διερχόμενος γὰρ καὶ ἀναθεωρῶν τὰ σεβάσματα ὑμῶν εὗρον καὶ βωμὸν ἐν ᾧ ἐπεγέγραπτο ΑΓΝΩΣΤΩ ΘΕΩ. ὃ οὖν ἀγνοοῦντες εὐσεβεῖτε, τοῦτο ἐγὼ καταγγέλλω ὑμῖν. 17.24. ὁ θεὸς ὁ ποιήσας τὸν κόσμον καὶ πάντατὰ ἐν αὐτῷ, οὗτος οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς ὑπάρχων κύριος οὐκ ἐν χειροποιήτοις ναοῖς κατοικεῖ 17.25. οὐδὲ ὑπὸ χειρῶν ἀνθρωπίνων θεραπεύεται προσδεόμενός τινος, αὐτὸςδιδοὺς πᾶσι ζωὴν καὶ πνοὴν καὶ τὰ πάντα· 17.26. ἐποίησέν τε ἐξ ἑνὸς πᾶν ἔθνος ανθρώπων κατοικεῖν ἐπὶ παντὸς προσώπου τῆς γῆς, ὁρίσας προστεταγμένους καιροὺς καὶ τὰς ὁροθεσίας τῆς κατοικίας αὐτῶν, 17.27. ζητεῖν τὸν θεὸν εἰ ἄρα γε ψηλαφήσειαν αὐτὸν καὶ εὕροιεν, καί γε οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ἡμῶν ὑπάρχοντα. 17.28. ἐν αὐτῷ γὰρ ζῶμεν καὶ κινούμεθα καὶ ἐσμέν, ὡς καί τινες τῶν καθʼ ὑμᾶς ποιητῶν εἰρήκασιν
18.24. Ἰουδαῖος δέ τις Ἀπολλὼς ὀνόματι, Ἀλεξανδρεὺς τῷ γένει, ἀνὴρ λόγιος, κατήντησεν εἰς Ἔφεσον, δυνατὸς ὢν ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς. 18.25. οὗτος ἦν κατηχημένος τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ κυρίου, καὶ ζέων τῷ πνεύματι ἐλάλει καὶ ἐδίδασκεν ἀκριβῶς τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ἐπιστάμενος μόνον τὸ βάπτισμα Ἰωάνου. 18.26. οὗτός τε ἤρξατο παρρησιάζεσθαι ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ· ἀκούσαντες δὲ αὐτοῦ Πρίσκιλλα καὶ Ἀκύλας προσελάβοντο αὐτὸν καὶ ἀκριβέστερον αὐτῷ ἐξέθεντο τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ.''. None
|16.14. A certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one who worshiped God, heard us; whose heart the Lord opened to listen to the things which were spoken by Paul. |
17.22. Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said, "You men of Athens, I perceive that you are very religious in all things. ' "17.23. For as I passed along, and observed the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this inscription: 'TO AN UNKNOWN GOD.' What therefore you worship in ignorance, this I announce to you. " '17.24. The God who made the world and all things in it, he, being Lord of heaven and earth, dwells not in temples made with hands, ' "17.25. neither is he served by men's hands, as though he needed anything, seeing he himself gives to all life and breath, and all things. " '17.26. He made from one blood every nation of men to dwell on all the surface of the earth, having determined appointed seasons, and the bounds of their habitation, 17.27. that they should seek the Lord, if perhaps they might reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from each one of us. ' "17.28. 'For in him we live, and move, and have our being.' As some of your own poets have said, 'For we are also his offspring.' " '17.29. Being then the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the Divine Nature is like gold, or silver, or stone, engraved by art and device of man. 17.30. The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked. But now he commands that all men everywhere should repent, 17.31. because he has appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness by the man whom he has ordained; whereof he has given assurance to all men, in that he has raised him from the dead."
18.24. Now a certain Jew named Apollos, an Alexandrian by race, an eloquent man, came to Ephesus. He was mighty in the Scriptures. 18.25. This man had been instructed in the way of the Lord; and being fervent in spirit, he spoke and taught accurately the things concerning Jesus, although he knew only the baptism of John. 18.26. He began to speak boldly in the synagogue. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him aside, and explained to him the way of God more accurately. ''. None
|61. New Testament, Romans, 5.12, 7.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cassian, Julius • Julian of Eclanum • Julian, Bishop
Found in books: Boulluec (2022) 354, 355; Karfíková (2012) 174, 302, 304, 320; Wilson (2018) 169, 181, 183, 210, 280, 297
5.12. Διὰ τοῦτο ὥσπερ διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου ἡ ἁμαρτία εἰς τὸν κόσμον εἰσῆλθεν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ὁ θάνατος, καὶ οὕτως εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὁ θάνατος διῆλθεν ἐφʼ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον-.
7.18. οἶδα γὰρ ὅτι οὐκ οἰκεῖ ἐν ἐμοί, τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ἐν τῇ σαρκί μου, ἀγαθόν· τὸ γὰρ θέλειν παράκειταί μοι, τὸ δὲ κατεργάζεσθαι τὸ καλὸν οὔ·''. None
|5.12. Therefore, as sin entered into the world through one man, and death through sin; and so death passed to all men, because all sinned. ' "|
7.18. For I know that in me, that is, in my flesh, dwells no good thing. For desire is present with me, but I don't find it doing that which is good. "'. None
|62. New Testament, Luke, 2.1, 14.23, 19.10, 19.44 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cassian, Julius • Julian (emperor) • Julian, Bishop • Julian, emperor • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, and Jews, publicani removed from Judea by • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Honorius, Cosmographia • publicani (tax companies), abolished from Judea by Julius Caesar
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 141; Boulluec (2022) 365; Gagné (2020) 31; Keddie (2019) 122; Klein and Wienand (2022) 19; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 18; Udoh (2006) 55; Wilson (2018) 263; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 222
2.1. Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις ἐξῆλθεν δόγμα παρὰ Καίσαρος Αὐγούστου ἀπογράφεσθαι πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην·
14.23. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ κύριος πρὸς τὸν δοῦλον Ἔξελθε εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ φραγμοὺς καὶ ἀνάγκασον εἰσελθεῖν, ἵνα γεμισθῇ μου ὁ οἶκος·
19.10. ἦλθεν γὰρ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ζητῆσαι καὶ σῶσαι τὸ ἀπολωλός.
19.44. καὶ ἐδαφιοῦσίν σε καὶ τὰ τέκνα σου ἐν σοί, καὶ οὐκ ἀφήσουσιν λίθον ἐπὶ λίθον ἐν σοί, ἀνθʼ ὧν οὐκ ἔγνως τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς σου.''. None
|2.1. Now it happened in those days, that a decree went out from Caesar Augustus that all the world should be enrolled. |
14.23. "The lord said to the servant, \'Go out into the highways and hedges, and compel them to come in, that my house may be filled.
19.10. For the Son of Man came to seek and to save that which was lost."
19.44. and will dash you and your children within you to the ground. They will not leave in you one stone on another, because you didn\'t know the time of your visitation."''. None
|63. New Testament, Mark, 13.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julian (the Apostate), Edict on Rebuilding the Temple in Jerusalem • Julian (the Apostate), generally • Julian (the Apostate), interest in prophecy • Julian (the Apostate), life • Julian, emperor
Found in books: Esler (2000) 1256; Klein and Wienand (2022) 19
13.2. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Βλέπεις ταύτας τὰς μεγάλας οἰκοδομάς; οὐ μὴ ἀφεθῇ ὧδε λίθος ἐπὶ λίθον ὃς οὐ μὴ καταλυθῇ .''. None
|13.2. Jesus said to him, "Do you see these great buildings? There will not be left here one stone on another, which will not be thrown down."''. None|
|64. New Testament, Matthew, 20.2, 23.37, 24.2, 27.51 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julian • Julian (the Apostate), Edict on Rebuilding the Temple in Jerusalem • Julian (the Apostate), generally • Julian (the Apostate), interest in prophecy • Julian (the Apostate), life • Julian of Eclanum • Julian, Bishop • Julian, emperor • Julius Africanus • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of
Found in books: Esler (2000) 1256; Karfíková (2012) 323, 332; Klein and Wienand (2022) 19; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 28, 37; Malherbe et al (2014) 662; Monnickendam (2020) 71; Udoh (2006) 90; Wilson (2018) 181
20.2. συμφωνήσας δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἐργατῶν ἐκ δηναρίου τὴν ἡμέραν ἀπέστειλεν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸν ἀμπελῶνα αὐτοῦ.
23.37. Ἰερουσαλὴμ Ἰερουσαλήμ, ἡ ἀποκτείνουσα τοὺς προφήτας καὶ λιθοβολοῦσα τοὺς ἀπεσταλμένους πρὸς αὐτὴν, — ποσάκις ἠθέλησα ἐπισυναγαγεῖν τὰ τέκνα σου, ὃν τρόπον ὄρνις ἐπισυνάγει τὰ νοσσία αὐτῆς ὑπὸ τὰς πτέρυγας, καὶ οὐκ ἠθελήσατε;
24.2. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Οὐ βλέπετε ταῦτα πάντα; ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, οὐ μὴ ἀφεθῇ ὧδε λίθος ἐπὶ λίθον ὃς οὐ καταλυθήσεται.
27.51. Καὶ ἰδοὺ τὸ καταπέτασμα τοῦ ναοῦ ἐσχίσθη ἀπʼ ἄνωθεν ἕως κάτω εἰς δύο, καὶ ἡ γῆ ἐσείσθη, καὶ αἱ πέτραι ἐσχίσθησαν,' '. None
|20.2. When he had agreed with the laborers for a denarius a day, he sent them into his vineyard. |
23.37. "Jerusalem, Jerusalem, who kills the prophets, and stones those who are sent to her! How often would I have gathered your children together, even as a hen gathers her chickens under her wings, and you would not!
24.2. But he answered them, "Don\'t you see all of these things? Most assuredly I tell you, there will not be left here one stone on another, that will not be thrown down."
27.51. Behold, the veil of the temple was torn in two from the top to the bottom. The earth quaked and the rocks were split. ' '. None
|65. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.6, 47.3, 48.1, 63.5, 69.4-69.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Gaius Iulius • Caesar, Gaius Julius, dictator, in Asia Minor • Caesar, Julius, at the Rubicon • Cn. Iulius Agricola • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julia Felix Sinope, colony • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, C., descended from Venus • Julius Caesar, C., equestrian statue of • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar favorable to Judea • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, honours to • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, and Alexander’s horse • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • gens, Julia
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 224; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 157, 185; Green (2014) 162; Jenkyns (2013) 23; Joseph (2022) 47; Keddie (2019) 117; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 247; Lipka (2021) 161; Marek (2019) 300; Pinheiro et al (2018) 86; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 232; Rutledge (2012) 230; Santangelo (2013) 26, 110, 238, 248; Udoh (2006) 135
48.1. Καῖσαρ δὲ τῷ Θετταλῶν ἔθνει τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀναθεὶς νικητήριον ἐδίωκε Πομπήϊον· ἁψάμενος δὲ τῆς · Ἀσίας Κνιδίους τε Θεοπόμπῳ τῷ συναγαγόντι τοὺς μύθους χαριζόμενος ἠλευθέρωσε, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦσι τὸ τρίτον τῶν φόρων ἀνῆκεν.
63.5. μετὰ ταῦτα κοιμώμενος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, παρὰ τῇ γυναικί, πασῶν ἅμα τῶν θυρῶν τοῦ δωματίου καὶ τῶν θυρίδων ἀναπεταννυμένων, διαταραχθεὶς ἅμα τῷ κτύπῳ καὶ τῷ φωτὶ καταλαμπούσης τῆς σελήνης, ᾔσθετο τὴν Καλπουρνίαν βαθέως μὲν καθεύδουσαν, ἀσαφεῖς δὲ φωνὰς καὶ στεναγμοὺς ἀνάρθρους ἀναπέμπουσαν ἐκ τῶν ὕπνων ἐδόκει δὲ ἄρα κλαίειν ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀγκάλαις ἔχουσα κατεσφαγμένον.
69.4. ὅλον γὰρ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὠχρὸς μὲν ὁ κύκλος καὶ μαρμαρυγὰς οὐκ ἔχων ἀνέτελλεν, ἀδρανὲς δὲ καὶ λεπτὸν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ κατῄει τὸ θερμόν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἀέρα δνοφερὸν καὶ βαρὺν ἀσθενείᾳ τῆς διακρινούσης αὐτὸν ἀλέας ἐπιφέρεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ καρποὺς ἡμιπέπτους καὶ ἀτελεῖς ἀπανθῆσαι καὶ παρακμάσαι διά τὴν ψυχρότητα τοῦ περιέχοντος. 69.5. μάλιστα δὲ τὸ Βρούτῳ γενόμενον φάσμα τὴν Καίσαρος ἐδήλωσε σφαγὴν οὐ γενομένην θεοῖς ἀρεστήν ἦν δὲ τοιόνδε. μέλλων τὸν στρατὸν ἐξ · Ἀβύδου διαβιβάζειν εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν ἤπειρον ἀνεπαύετο νυκτὸς, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, κατὰ σκηνήν, οὐ καθεύδων, ἀλλὰ φροντίζων περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος λέγεται γὰρ οὗτος ἁνὴρ ἥκιστα δὴ τῶν στρατηγῶν ὑπνώδης γενέσθαι καὶ πλεῖστον ἑαυτῷ χρόνον ἐγρηγορότι χρῆσθαι πεφυκώς·' '. None
|48.1. 69.5. ' '. None|
|66. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C., his triumph • Julius Caesar, honours to
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 44; Rutledge (2012) 155
19.4. καίτοι πρότερον αὐτὸς κατεγέλα τῶν ἀγαπώντων τὰ τοιαῦτα, καὶ λανθάνειν αὐτοὺς ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ χαλκέων καὶ ζωγράφων ἔργοις μέγα φρονοῦντας, αὐτοῦ δὲ καλλίστας εἰκόνας ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς περιφέρειν τοὺς πολίτας πρὸς δὲ τοὺς θαυμάζοντας, ὅτι πολλῶν ἀδόξων ἀνδριάντας ἐχόντων ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἔχει μᾶλλον γὰρ, ἔφη, βούλομαι ζητεῖσθαι, διὰ τί μου ἀνδριὰς οὐ κεῖται ἢ διὰ τί κεῖται''. None
|19.4. ''. None|
|67. Plutarch, Cicero, 44.2-44.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Gaius Iulius • Julius Caesar, C. • gens Julia
Found in books: Lipka (2021) 162; Santangelo (2013) 258
44.2. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ μείζων τις αἰτία γεγονέναι τοῦ τὸν Κικέρωνα δέξασθαι προθύμως τὴν Καίσαρος φιλίαν. ἔτι γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, Πομπηίου ζῶντος καὶ Καίσαρος ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ Κικέρων καλεῖν τινα τοὺς τῶν συγκλητικῶν παῖδας εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ὡς μέλλοντος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἕνα τοῦ Διὸς ἀποδεικνύειν τῆς Ῥώμης ἡγεμόνα· 44.3. τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθʼ ἕνα τῶν παίδων ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παραπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀποπέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δʼ οὗτος ἦν προσιὼν κατʼ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος. 44.4. τοιοῦτόν φασιν ἐνύπνιον ἰδόντα τὸν Κικέρωνα τὴν μὲν ἰδέαν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκμεμάχθαι καὶ κατέχειν ἐναργῶς, αὑτὸν δʼ οὐκ ἐπίστασθαι. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ καταβαίνοντος εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Ἄρειον αὐτοῦ, τοὺς παῖδας ἤδη γεγυμνασμένους ἀπέρχεσθαι, κἀκεῖνον ὀφθῆναι τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον οἷος ὤφθη καθʼ ὕπνον, ἐκπλαγέντα δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τίνων εἴη γονέων.''. None
|44.2. 44.4. ''. None|
|68. Plutarch, Demetrius, 23.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Beloch, Karl Julius • Caesar, C. Iulius
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 136; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 213
23.2. ἐπανιὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐντὸς Πυλῶν Ἕλληνας ἠλευθέρου, καὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συμμάχους, When Strabo wrote, during the reign of Augustus, the painting was still at Rhodes, where it had been seen and admired by Cicero ( Orat. 2, 5); when the elder Pliny wrote, καὶ Κεγχρέας εἷλε· καὶ Φυλὴν καὶ Πάνακτον, ἐπιτειχίς ματα τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου φρουρούμενα, καταστρεψάμενος ἀπέδωκε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. οἱ δὲ καίπερ ἐκκεχυμένοι πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ κατακεχρημένοι πᾶσαν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξεῦρον ὅμως καὶ τότε πρόσφατοι καὶ καινοὶ ταῖς κολακείαις φανῆναι.''. None
|23.2. ''. None|
|69. Plutarch, Lucullus, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 269; Verhagen (2022) 269
41.2. τὸν οὖν Λούκουλλον εἰπεῖν μειδιάσαντα πρὸς αὐτούς· γίνεται μέν τι τούτων καὶ διʼ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες· τὰ μέντοι πλεῖστα γίνεται διὰ Λούκουλλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ μόνου δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μία τράπεζα καὶ μέτριον παρεσκευάσθη δεῖπνον, ἠγανάκτει καλέσας τὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένον οἰκέτην. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς οὐκ ᾤετο μηδενὸς κεκλημένου πολυτελοῦς τινος αὐτὸν δεήσεσθαι τί λέγεις; εἶπεν, οὐκ ᾔδεις, ὅτι σήμερον παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ δειπνεῖ Λούκουλλος;''. None
|41.2. ''. None|
|70. Plutarch, Pompey, 2.2, 46.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Iulius • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., and Cleopatra • Julius Caesar, C., descended from Venus • Julius Caesar, C., equestrian statue of • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, and Alexander’s horse • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • gens, Julia
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 226; Rutledge (2012) 182, 230
2.2. ᾗ καὶ τοὔνομα πολλῶν ἐν ἀρχῇ συνεπιφερόντων οὐκ ἔφευγεν ὁ Πομπήϊος, ὥστε καὶ χλευάζοντας αὐτὸν ἐνίους ἤδη καλεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον. διὸ καὶ Λεύκιος Φίλιππος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, συνηγορῶν αὐτῷ, μηδὲν ἔφη ποιεῖν παράλογον εἰ Φίλιππος ὢν φιλαλέξανδρός ἐστιν. Φλώραν δὲ τὴν ἑταίραν ἔφασαν ἤδη πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ μνημονεύειν τῆς γενομένης αὐτῇ πρὸς Πομπήϊον ὁμιλίας, λέγουσαν ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἐκείνῳ συναναπαυσαμένην ἀδήκτως ἀπελθεῖν.
46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας.''. None
46.1. ''. None
|71. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 159; Janowitz (2002) 75
|14. Why do sons cover their heads when they escort their parents to the grave, while daughters go with uncovered heads and hair unbound? Is it because fathers should be honoured as gods by their male offspring, but mourned as dead by their daughters, that custom has assigned to each sex its proper part and has produced a fitting result from both? Or is it that the unusual is proper in mourning, and it is more usual for women to go forth in public with their heads covered and men with their heads uncovered? So in Greece, whenever any misfortune comes, the women cut off their hair and the men let it grow, for it is usual for men to have their hair cut and for women to let it grow. Or is it that it has become customary for sons to cover their heads for the reason already given? The first reason above: The father should be honoured as a god. For they turn about at the graves, as Varro relates, thus honouring the tombs of their fathers even as they do the shrines of the gods: and when they have cremated their parents, they declare that the dead person has become a god at the moment when first they find a bone. Cf. Cicero, De Legibus, ii. 22 (57). But formerly women were not allowed to cover the head at all. At least it is recorded that Spurius Carvilius Cf. 278 e, infra ; Comparison of Lycurgus and Numa, iii. (77 c); Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, vi. (39 b); Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, ii. 25. 7; Valerius Maximus, ii. 1. 4; Aulus Gellius, iv. 3. 2; xvii. 21. 44; Tertullian, Apol. vi., De Monogamia, ix. was the first man to divorce his wife and the reason was her barrenness: the second was Sulpicius Gallus, because he saw his wife pull her cloak over her head: and the third was Publius Sempronius, because his wife had been present as a spectator at funeral games. Cf. Valerius Maximus, vi. 3. 10.''. None|
|72. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 6.1.32 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C., display of bloody robes of • Julius Caesar, C., his triumph
Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 155; Walters (2020) 66
|6.1.32. \xa0Still I\xa0would not for this reason go so far as to approve a practice of which I\xa0have read, and which indeed I\xa0have occasionally witnessed, of bringing into court a picture of the crime painted on wood or canvas, that the judge might be stirred to fury by the horror of the sight. For the pleader who prefers a voiceless picture to speak for him in place of his own eloquence must be singularly incompetent.''. None|
|73. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 91.17, 94.62-94.63, 114.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Annas, Julia • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Julius • Caesar, Julius (see Julius Caesar) • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Agri (2022) 29, 30; Augoustakis (2014) 310, 311; Edmondson (2008) 45; Radicke (2022) 496; Sorabji (2000) 223; Verhagen (2022) 310, 311
|94.62. Alexander was hounded into misfortune and dispatched to unknown countries by a mad desire to lay waste other men's territory. Do you believe that the man was in his senses who could begin by devastating Greece, the land where he received his education? One who snatched away the dearest guerdon of each nation, bidding Spartans be slaves, and Athenians hold their tongues? Not content with the ruin of all the states which Philip had either conquered or bribed into bondage,31 he overthrew various commonwealths in various places and carried his weapons all over the world; his cruelty was tired, but it never ceased – like a wild beast that tears to pieces more than its hunger demands. " '|
94.62. That which leads to a general agreement, and likewise to a perfect one,27 is an assured belief in certain facts; but if, lacking this assurance, all things are adrift in our minds, then doctrines are indispensable; for they give to our minds the means of unswerving decision. 94.63. Already he has joined many kingdoms into one kingdom; already Greeks and Persians fear the same lord; already nations Darius had left free submit to the yoke:32 yet he passes beyond the Ocean and the Sun, deeming it shame that he should shift his course of victory from the paths which Hercules and Bacchus had trod;33 he threatens violence to Nature herself. He does not wish to go; but he cannot stay; he is like a weight that falls headlong, its course ending only when it lies motionless. 94.63. Furthermore, when we advise a man to regard his friends as highly as himself, to reflect that an enemy may become a friend,28 to stimulate love in the friend, and to check hatred in the enemy, we add: "This is just and honourable." Now the just and honourable element in our doctrines is embraced by reason; hence reason is necessary; for without it the doctrines cannot exist, either.
114.4. How Maecenas lived is too well-known for present comment. We know how he walked, how effeminate he was, and how he desired to display himself; also, how unwilling he was that his vices should escape notice. What, then? Does not the looseness of his speech match his ungirt attire?3 Are his habits, his attendants, his house, his wife,4 any less clearly marked than his words? He would have been a man of great powers, had he set himself to his task by a straight path, had he not shrunk from making himself understood, had he not been so loose in his style of speech also. You will therefore see that his eloquence was that of an intoxicated man – twisting, turning, unlimited in its slackness.
114.4. If one might behold such a face, more exalted and more radiant than the mortal eye is wont to behold, would not one pause as if struck dumb by a visitation from above, and utter a silent prayer, saying: "May it be lawful to have looked upon it!"? And then, led on by the encouraging kindliness of his expression, should we not bow down and worship? Should we not, after much contemplation of a far superior countece, surpassing those which we are wont to look upon, mild-eyed and yet flashing with life-giving fire – should we not then, I say, in reverence and awe, give utterance to those famous lines of our poet Vergil: ' ". None
|74. Suetonius, Caligula, 15.2, 30.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander, Gaius Julius (‘the alabarch’) • Alexander, Marcus Julius • Alexander, Tiberius Julius • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • July (Iulius)
Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 34, 45; Manolaraki (2012) 208; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206; Rüpke (2011) 133; Salvesen et al (2020) 266; Tuori (2016) 137
|15.2. But in memory of his father he gave to the month of September the name of Germanicus. After this, by a decree of the senate, he heaped upon his grandmother Antonia whatever honours Livia Augusta had ever enjoyed; took his uncle Claudius, who up to that time had been a Roman knight, as his colleague in the consulship; adopted his brother Tiberius on the day that he assumed the gown of manhood, and gave him the title of Chief of the Youth. |
30.1. He seldom had anyone put to death except by numerous slight wounds, his constant order, which soon became well-known, being: "Strike so that he may feel that he is dying." When a different man than he had intended had been killed, through a mistake in the names, he said that the victim too had deserved the same fate. He often uttered the familiar line of the tragic poet: "Let them hate me, so they but fear me."' '. None
|75. Suetonius, Domitianus, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian • Julian, Juno, grove of • Julius Caesar • Julius Paulus
Found in books: Bowen and Rochberg (2020) 307; Csapo (2022) 107; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 148; Talbert (1984) 509; Tuori (2016) 227
|15.2. \xa0For eight successive months so many strokes of lightning occurred and were reported, that at last he cried: "Well, let him now strike whom he will." The temple of Jupiter of the Capitol was struck and that of the Flavian family, as well as the Palace and the emperor\'s own bedroom. The inscription too on the base of a triumphal statue of his was torn off in a violent tempest and fell upon a neighbouring tomb. The tree which had been overthrown when Vespasian was still a private citizen but had sprung up anew, then on a sudden fell down again. Fortune of Praeneste had throughout his whole reign, when he commended the new year to her protection, given him a favourable omen and always in the same words. Now at last she returned a most direful one, not without the mention of bloodshed.' '. None|
|76. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 16.1, 16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., his triumph • Julius Caesar, triumphs of • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 6; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 195; Rutledge (2012) 155, 221
|16.1. \xa0The only thing for which he can fairly be censured was his love of money. For not content with reviving the imposts which had been repealed under Galba, he added new and heavy burdens, increasing the amount of tribute paid by the provinces, in some cases actually doubling it, and quite openly carrying on traffic which would be shameful even for a man in private life; for he would buy up certain commodities merely in order to distribute them at a profit. |
16.3. Some say that he was naturally covetous and was taunted with it by an old herdsman of his, who on being forced to pay for the freedom for which he earnestly begged Vespasian when he became emperor, cried: "The fox changes his fur, but not his nature." Others on the contrary believe that he was driven by necessity to raise money by spoliation and robbery because of the desperate state of the treasury and the privy purse; to which he bore witness at the very beginning of his reign by declaring that forty thousand millions were needed to set the State upright. This latter view seems the more probable, since he made the best use of his gains, ill-gotten though they were.' '. None
|77. Tacitus, Annals, 1.7-1.8, 1.10-1.11, 1.14, 1.43.3, 2.37, 2.59, 2.61, 2.73, 2.83, 2.85, 3.4, 3.17-3.18, 3.22-3.23, 4.16.2, 4.37.3, 4.70.2-4.70.3, 5.4, 11.24, 13.4, 13.31, 14.61, 15.36, 15.39, 15.62, 16.34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander, Tiberius Julius • Augustus, and Julia • Augustus, and Julia the Younger • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), as ‘wise man in Egypt’ • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), foiled by Acoreus • Caesar, C. Julius • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius, and Nero • Caesar, Julius, soldiers cared for by • Curia Julia • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian,, duration • Iulius Caesar, C • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator • Iulius Cornutus Tertullus, C • Iulius Frontinus, Sex. • Iulius Proculus, C • Iulius Romulus, M. • Iulius Vindex, C • Iulius Vindex, C. • Julia • Julia (daughter of Augustus) • Julia the Younger • Julian gens • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., and the Gallic war • Julius Caesar, C., and the civil war • Julius Caesar, C., descended from Venus • Julius Caesar, C., equestrian statue of • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral • Julius Caesar, C., his triumph • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, and Brutus • Julius Caesar, and Cato • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, funeral of • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture • Julius Caesar, references Alexander the Great • Julius Silanus • July (Iulius) • Livia Drusilla/Julia Augusta • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, and Alexander’s horse • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Rome, people of and Augustus as pater patriae, and Julia • Vindex, C. Julius • gens, Julia • lex Julia de adulteriis coercendis, gender and status distinctions • lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus
Found in books: Agri (2022) 29, 30; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 157; Bernabe et al (2013) 550; Borg (2008) 297; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 352, 354; Csapo (2022) 122; Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 95; Edmondson (2008) 45; Fertik (2019) 38, 48, 73; Galinsky (2016) 50; Huebner and Laes (2019) 114; Jenkyns (2013) 47, 50, 90, 157, 244; Keddie (2019) 128; Mackey (2022) 354; Manolaraki (2012) 107, 205; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 8, 178, 227, 229, 230, 247; Rohland (2022) 98; Rutledge (2012) 67, 89, 106, 154, 213, 230; Rüpke (2011) 48; Salvesen et al (2020) 284; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 7, 46, 76, 200, 208; Talbert (1984) 15, 187, 204, 215, 242, 299, 334, 412, 483
1.7. At Germanicus legionum, quas navibus vexerat, secundam et quartam decimam itinere terrestri P. Vitellio ducendas tradit, quo levior classis vadoso mari innaret vel reciproco sideret. Vitellius primum iter sicca humo aut modice adlabente aestu quietum habuit: mox inpulsu aquilonis, simul sidere aequinoctii, quo maxime tumescit Oceanus, rapi agique agmen. et opplebantur terrae: eadem freto litori campis facies, neque discerni poterant incerta ab solidis, brevia a profundis. sternuntur fluctibus, hauriuntur gurgitibus; iumenta, sarcinae, corpora exanima interfluunt, occursant. permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo pectore, modo ore tenus extantes, aliquando subtracto solo disiecti aut obruti. non vox et mutui hortatus iuvabant adversante unda; nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens ab inprudenti, consilia a casu differre: cuncta pari violentia involvebantur. tandem Vitellius in editiora enisus eodem agmen subduxit. pernoctavere sine utensilibus, sine igni, magna pars nudo aut mulcato corpore, haud minus miserabiles quam quos hostis circumsidet: quippe illic etiam honestae mortis usus, his inglorium exitium. lux reddidit terram, penetratumque ad amnem Visurgin, quo Caesar classe contenderat. inpositae dein legiones, vagante fama submersas; nec fides salutis, antequam Caesarem exercitumque reducem videre.
1.7. At Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques. quanto quis inlustrior, tanto magis falsi ac festites, vultuque composito ne laeti excessu principis neu tristiores primordio, lacrimas gaudium, questus adulationem miscebant. Sex. Pompeius et Sex. Appuleius consules primi in verba Tiberii Caesaris iuravere, aputque eos Seius Strabo et C. Turranius, ille praetoriarum cohortium praefectus, hic annonae; mox senatus milesque et populus. nam Tiberius cuncta per consules incipiebat tamquam vetere re publica et ambiguus imperandi: ne edictum quidem, quo patres in curiam vocabat, nisi tribuniciae potestatis praescriptione posuit sub Augusto acceptae. verba edicti fuere pauca et sensu permodesto: de honoribus parentis consulturum, neque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare. sed defuncto Augusto signum praetoriis cohortibus ut imperator dederat; excubiae, arma, cetera aulae; miles in forum, miles in curiam comitabatur. litteras ad exercitus tamquam adepto principatu misit, nusquam cunctabundus nisi cum in senatu loqueretur. causa praecipua ex formidine ne Germanicus, in cuius manu tot legiones, immensa sociorum auxilia, mirus apud populum favor, habere imperium quam exspectare mallet. dabat et famae ut vocatus electusque potius a re publica videretur quam per uxorium ambitum et senili adoptione inrepsisse. postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam procerum voluntates inductam dubitationem: nam verba vultus in crimen detorquens recondebat. 1.8. Nihil primo senatus die agi passus est nisi de supre- mis Augusti, cuius testamentum inlatum per virgines Vestae Tiberium et Liviam heredes habuit. Livia in familiam Iuliam nomenque Augustum adsumebatur; in spem secundam nepotes pronepotesque, tertio gradu primores civitatis scripserat, plerosque invisos sibi sed iactantia gloriaque ad posteros. legata non ultra civilem modum, nisi quod populo et plebi quadringenties tricies quinquies, praetoriarum cohortium militibus singula nummum milia, urbanis quingenos, legionariis aut cohortibus civium Romanorum trecenos nummos viritim dedit. tum consultatum de honoribus; ex quis qui maxime insignes visi, ut porta triumphali duceretur funus Gallus Asinius, ut legum latarum tituli, victarum ab eo gentium vocabula anteferrentur L. Arruntius censuere. addebat Messala Valerius renovandum per annos sacramentum in nomen Tiberii; interrogatusque a Tiberio num se mandante eam sententiam prompsisset, sponte dixisse respondit, neque in iis quae ad rem publicam pertinerent consilio nisi suo usurum vel cum periculo offensionis: ea sola species adulandi supererat. conclamant patres corpus ad rogum umeris senatorum ferendum. remisit Caesar adroganti moderatione, populumque edicto monuit ne, ut quondam nimiis studiis funus divi Iulii turbassent, ita Augustum in foro potius quam in campo Martis, sede destinata, cremari vellent. die funeris milites velut praesidio stetere, multum inridentibus qui ipsi viderant quique a parentibus acceperant diem illum crudi adhuc servitii et libertatis inprospere repetitae, cum occisus dictator Caesar aliis pessimum aliis pulcherrimum facinus videretur: nunc senem principem, longa potentia, provisis etiam heredum in rem publicam opibus, auxilio scilicet militari tuendum, ut sepultura eius quieta foret. 1.8. Prorogatur Poppaeo Sabino provincia Moesia, additis Achaia ac Macedonia. id quoque morum Tiberii fuit, continuare imperia ac plerosque ad finem vitae in isdem exercitibus aut iurisdictionibus habere. causae variae traduntur: alii taedio novae curae semel placita pro aeternis servavisse, quidam invidia, ne plures fruerentur; sunt qui existiment, ut callidum eius ingenium, ita anxium iudicium; neque enim eminentis virtutes sectabatur, et rursum vitia oderat: ex optimis periculum sibi, a pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat. qua haesitatione postremo eo provectus est ut mandaverit quibusdam provincias, quos egredi urbe non erat passurus.' '1.11. Versae inde ad Tiberium preces. et ille varie disserebat de magnitudine imperii sua modestia. solam divi Augusti mentem tantae molis capacem: se in partem curarum ab illo vocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus. proinde in civitate tot inlustribus viris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent: plures facilius munia rei publicae sociatis laboribus exsecuturos. plus in oratione tali dignitatis quam fidei erat; Tiberioque etiam in rebus quas non occuleret, seu natura sive adsuetudine, suspensa semper et obscura verba: tunc vero nitenti ut sensus suos penitus abderet, in incertum et ambiguum magis implicabantur. at patres, quibus unus metus si intellegere viderentur, in questus lacrimas vota effundi; ad deos, ad effigiem Augusti, ad genua ipsius manus tendere, cum proferri libellum recitarique iussit. opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque in armis, quot classes, regna, provinciae, tributa aut vectigalia, et necessitates ac largitiones. quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus addideratque consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii, incertum metu an per invidiam.' "
1.14. Multa patrum et in Augustam adulatio. alii parentem, alii matrem patriae appellandam, plerique ut nomini Caesaris adscriberetur 'Iuliae filius' censebant. ille moderan- dos feminarum honores dictitans eademque se temperantia usurum in iis quae sibi tribuerentur, ceterum anxius invidia et muliebre fastigium in deminutionem sui accipiens ne lictorem quidem ei decerni passus est aramque adoptionis et alia huiusce modi prohibuit. at Germanico Caesari proconsulare imperium petivit, missique legati qui deferrent, simul maestitiam eius ob excessum Augusti solarentur. quo minus idem pro Druso postularetur, ea causa quod designatus consul Drusus praesensque erat. candidatos praeturae duodecim nominavit, numerum ab Augusto traditum; et hortante senatu ut augeret, iure iurando obstrinxit se non excessurum." "
2.37. Censusque quorundam senatorum iuvit. quo magis mirum fuit quod preces Marci Hortali, nobilis iuvenis, in paupertate manifesta superbius accepisset. nepos erat oratoris Hortensii, inlectus a divo Augusto liberalitate decies sestertii ducere uxorem, suscipere liberos, ne clarissima familia extingueretur. igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstantibus, loco sententiae, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii inter oratores sitam imaginem modo Augusti intuens, ad hunc modum coepit: 'patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli sed quia princeps monebat; simul maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. nam ego, qui non pecuniam, non studia populi neque eloquentiam, gentile domus nostrae bonum, varietate temporum accipere vel parare potuissem, satis habebam, si tenues res meae nec mihi pudori nec cuiquam oneri forent. iussus ab imperatore uxorem duxi. en stirps et progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. nec ad invidiam ista sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. adsequentur florente te, Caesar, quos dederis honores: interim Q. Hortensii pronepotes, divi Augusti alumnos ab inopia defende.'" '
2.61. Ceterum Germanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, disiectasque inter et vix pervias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certamine et opibus regum, lacusque effossa humo, superfluentis Nili receptacula; atque alibi angustiae et profunda altitudo, nullis inquirentium spatiis penetrabilis. exim ventum Elephantinen ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare patescit.
2.73. Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur.
2.83. Honores ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio validus reperti decretique: ut nomen eius Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae statuerentur; ludos circensis eburna effigies praeiret neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gentis Iuliae crearetur. arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Syriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse. sepulchrum Antiochiae ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae quo in loco vitam finierat. statuarum locorumve in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit. cum censeretur clipeus auro et magni- tudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si veteres inter scriptores haberetur. equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus Iuliis imaginem eius sequerentur. pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteravit.
2.85. Eodem anno gravibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita cautumque ne quaestum corpore faceret cui avus aut pater aut maritus eques Romanus fuisset. nam Vistilia praetoria familia genita licentiam stupri apud aedilis vulgaverat, more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa professione flagitii credebant. exactum et a Titidio Labeone Vistiliae marito cur in uxore delicti manifesta ultionem legis omisisset. atque illo praetendente sexaginta dies ad consultandum datos necdum praeterisse, satis visum de Vistilia statuere; eaque in insulam Seriphon abdita est. actum et de sacris Aegyptiis Iudaicisque pellendis factumque patrum consultum ut quattuor milia libertini generis ea superstitione infecta quis idonea aetas in insulam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli interissent, vile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia nisi certam ante diem profanos ritus exuissent.
3.4. Dies quo reliquiae tumulo Augusti inferebantur modo per silentium vastus, modo ploratibus inquies; plena urbis itinera, conlucentes per campum Martis faces. illic miles cum armis, sine insignibus magistratus, populus per tribus concidisse rem publicam, nihil spei reliquum clamitabant, promptius apertiusque quam ut meminisse imperitantium crederes. nihil tamen Tiberium magis penetravit quam studia hominum accensa in Agrippinam, cum decus patriae, solum Augusti sanguinem, unicum antiquitatis specimen appellarent versique ad caelum ac deos integram illi subolem ac superstitem iniquorum precarentur.
3.4. Eodem anno Galliarum civitates ob magnitudinem aeris alieni rebellionem coeptavere, cuius extimulator acerrimus inter Treviros Iulius Florus, apud Aeduos Iulius Sacrovir. nobilitas ambobus et maiorum bona facta eoque Romana civitas olim data, cum id rarum nec nisi virtuti pretium esset. ii secretis conloquiis, ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo, componunt Florus Belgas, Sacrovir propiores Gallos concire. igitur per conciliabula et coetus seditiosa disserebant de continuatione tributorum, gravitate faenoris, saevitia ac superbia praesidentium, et discordare militem audito Germanici exitio. egregium resumendae libertati tempus, si ipsi florentes quam inops Italia, quam inbellis urbana plebes, nihil validum in exercitibus nisi quod externum, cogitarent.
3.17. Post quae Tiberius adulescentem crimine civilis belli purgavit, patris quippe iussa nec potuisse filium detrectare, simul nobilitatem domus, etiam ipsius quoquo modo meriti gravem casum miseratus. pro Plancina cum pudore et flagitio disseruit, matris preces obtendens, in quam optimi cuiusque secreti questus magis ardescebant. id ergo fas aviae interfectricem nepotis adspicere, adloqui, eripere senatui. quod pro omnibus civibus leges obtineant uni Germanico non contigisse. Vitellii et Veranii voce defletum Caesarem, ab imperatore et Augusta defensam Plancinam. proinde venena et artes tam feliciter expertas verteret in Agrippinam, in liberos eius, egregiamque aviam ac patruum sanguine miserrimae domus exsatiaret. biduum super hac imagine cognitionis absumptum, urgente Tiberio liberos Pisonis matrem uti tuerentur. et cum accusatores ac testes certatim perorarent respondente nullo, miseratio quam invidia augebatur. primus sententiam rogatus Aurelius Cotta consul (nam referente Caesare magistratus eo etiam munere fungebantur) nomen Pisonis radendum fastis censuit, partem bonorum publicandam, pars ut Cn. Pisoni filio concederetur isque praenomen mutaret; M. Piso exuta dignitate et accepto quinquagies sestertio in decem annos relegaretur, concessa Plancinae incolumitate ob preces Augustae. 3.18. Multa ex ea sententia mitigata sunt a principe: ne nomen Pisonis fastis eximeretur, quando M. Antonii qui bellum patriae fecisset, Iulli Antonii qui domum Augusti violasset, manerent. et M. Pisonem ignominiae exemit concessitque ei paterna bona, satis firmus, ut saepe memoravi, adversum pecuniam et tum pudore absolutae Plancinae placabilior. atque idem, cum Valerius Messalinus signum aureum in aede Martis Vltoris, Caecina Severus aram ultioni statuendam censuissent, prohibuit, ob externas ea victorias sacrari dictitans, domestica mala tristitia operienda. addiderat Messalinus Tiberio et Augustae et Antoniae et Agrippinae Drusoque ob vindictam Germanici gratis agendas omiseratque Claudii mentionem. et Messalinum quidem L. Asprenas senatu coram percontatus est an prudens praeterisset; ac tum demum nomen Claudii adscriptum est. mihi quanto plura recentium seu veterum revolvo tanto magis ludibria rerum mortalium cunctis in negotiis obversantur. quippe fama spe veneratione potius omnes destinabantur imperio quam quem futurum principem fortuna in occulto tenebat.
3.22. At Romae Lepida, cui super Aemiliorum decus L. Sulla et Cn. Pompeius proavi erant, defertur simulavisse partum ex P. Quirinio divite atque orbo. adiciebantur adulteria venena quaesitumque per Chaldaeos in domum Caesaris, defendente ream Manio Lepido fratre. Quirinius post dictum repudium adhuc infensus quamvis infami ac nocenti miserationem addiderat. haud facile quis dispexerit illa in cognitione mentem principis: adeo vertit ac miscuit irae et clementiae signa. deprecatus primo senatum ne maiestatis crimina tractarentur, mox M. Servilium e consularibus aliosque testis inlexit ad proferenda quae velut reicere voluerat. idemque servos Lepidae, cum militari custodia haberentur, transtulit ad consules neque per tormenta interrogari passus est de iis quae ad domum suam pertinerent. exemit etiam Drusum consulem designatum dicendae primo loco sententiae; quod alii civile rebantur, ne ceteris adsentiendi necessitas fieret, quidam ad saevitiam trahebant: neque enim cessurum nisi damdi officio. 3.23. Lepida ludorum diebus qui cognitionem intervene- rant theatrum cum claris feminis ingressa, lamentatione flebili maiores suos ciens ipsumque Pompeium, cuius ea monimenta et adstantes imagines visebantur, tantum misericordiae permovit ut effusi in lacrimas saeva et detestanda Quirinio clamitarent, cuius senectae atque orbitati et obscurissimae domui destinata quondam uxor L. Caesari ac divo Augusto nurus dederetur. dein tormentis servorum patefacta sunt flagitia itumque in sententiam Rubelli Blandi a quo aqua atque igni arcebatur. huic Drusus adsensit quamquam alii mitius censuissent. mox Scauro, qui filiam ex ea genuerat, datum ne bona publicarentur. tum demum aperuit Tiberius compertum sibi etiam ex P. Quirinii servis veneno eum a Lepida petitum.
5.4. Fuit in senatu Iunius Rusticus, componendis patrum actis delectus a Caesare eoque meditationes eius introspicere creditus. is fatali quodam motu (neque enim ante specimen constantiae dederat) seu prava sollertia, dum imminentium oblitus incerta pavet, inserere se dubitantibus ac monere consules ne relationem inciperent; disserebatque brevibus momentis summa verti: posse quandoque domus Germanici exitium paenitentiae esse seni. simul populus effigies Agrippinae ac Neronis gerens circumsistit curiam faustisque in Caesarem ominibus falsas litteras et principe invito exitium domui eius intendi clamitat. ita nihil triste illo die patratum. ferebantur etiam sub nominibus consularium fictae in Seianum sententiae, exercentibus plerisque per occultum atque eo procacius libidinem ingeniorum. unde illi ira violentior et materies crimidi: spretum dolorem principis ab senatu, descivisse populum; audiri iam et legi novas contiones, nova patrum consulta: quid reliquum nisi ut caperent ferrum et, quorum imagines pro vexillis secuti forent, duces imperatoresque deligerent?' "
11.24. His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.'" '
3.4. At Tiridates pudore et metu, ne, si concessisset obsidioni, nihil opis in ipso videretur, si prohiberet, impeditis locis seque et equestris copias inligaret, statuit postremo ostendere aciem et dato die proelium incipere vel simulatione fugae locum fraudi parare. igitur repente agmen Romanum circumfundit, non ignaro duce nostro, qui viae pariter et pugnae composuerat exercitum. latere dextro tertia legio, sinistro sexta incedebat, mediis decimanorum delectis; recepta inter ordines impedimenta, et tergum mille equites tuebantur, quibus iusserat ut instantibus comminus resisterent, refugos non sequerentur. in cornibus pedes sagittarius et cetera manus equitum ibat, productiore cornu sinistro per ima collium, ut, si hostis intravisset, fronte simul et sinu exciperetur. adsultare ex diverso Tiridates, non usque ad ictum teli, sed tum minitans, tum specie trepidantis, si laxare ordines et diversos consectari posset. ubi nihil temeritate solutum, nec amplius quam decurio equitum audentius progressus et sagittis confixus ceteros ad obsequium exemplo firmaverat, propinquis iam tenebris abscessit.
3.4. Ceterum peractis tristitiae imitamentis curiam ingressus et de auctoritate patrum et consensu militum praefatus, consilia sibi et exempla capessendi egregie imperii memora- vit, neque iuventam armis civilibus aut domesticis discordiis imbutam; nulla odia, nullas iniurias nec cupidinem ultionis adferre. tum formam futuri principatus praescripsit, ea maxime declis quorum recens flagrabat invidia. non enim se negotiorum omnium iudicem fore, ut clausis unam intra domum accusatoribus et reis paucorum potentia grassaretur; nihil in penatibus suis venale aut ambitioni pervium; discretam domum et rem publicam. teneret antiqua munia senatus, consulum tribunalibus Italia et publicae provinciae adsisterent: illi patrum aditum praeberent, se mandatis exercitibus consulturum.
13.31. Nerone iterum L. Pisone consulibus pauca memoria digna evenere, nisi cui libeat laudandis fundamentis et trabibus, quis molem amphitheatri apud campum Martis Caesar extruxerat, volumina implere, cum ex dignitate populi Romani repertum sit res inlustris annalibus, talia diurnis urbis actis mandare. ceterum coloniae Capua atque Nuceria additis veteranis firmatae sunt, plebeique congiarium quadringeni nummi viritim dati, et sestertium quadringenties aerario inlatum est ad retinendam populi fidem. vectigal quoque quintae et vicesimae venalium mancipiorum remissum, specie magis quam vi, quia cum venditor pendere iuberetur, in partem pretii emptoribus adcrescebat. et edixit Caesar, ne quis magistratus aut procurator in provincia quam obtineret spectaculum gladiatorum aut ferarum aut quod aliud ludicrum ederet. nam ante non minus tali largitione quam corripiendis pecuniis subiectos adfligebant, dum quae libidine deliquerant ambitu propugt.
14.61. Exim laeti Capitolium scandunt deosque tandem venerantur. effigies Poppaeae proruunt, Octaviae imagines gestant umeris, spargunt floribus foroque ac templis statuunt. †itur etiam in principis laudes repetitum venerantium†. iamque et Palatium multitudine et clamoribus complebant, cum emissi militum globi verberibus et intento ferro turbatos disiecere. mutataque quae per seditionem verterant et Poppaeae honos repositus est. quae semper odio, tum et metu atrox ne aut vulgi acrior vis ingrueret aut Nero inclinatione populi mutaretur, provoluta genibus eius, non eo loci res suas agi ut de matrimonio certet, quamquam id sibi vita potius, sed vitam ipsam in extremum adductam a clientelis et servitiis Octaviae quae plebis sibi nomen indiderint, ea in pace ausi quae vix bello evenirent. arma illa adversus principem sumpta; ducem tantum defuisse qui motis rebus facile reperiretur, omitteret modo Campaniam et in urbem ipsa pergeret ad cuius nutum absentis tumultus cierentur. quod alioquin suum delictum? quam cuiusquam offensionem? an quia veram progeniem penatibus Caesarum datura sit? malle populum Romanum tibicinis Aegyptii subolem imperatorio fastigio induci? denique, si id rebus conducat, libens quam coactus acciret dominam, vel consuleret securitati. iusta ultione et modicis remediis primos motus consedisse: at si desperent uxorem Neronis fore Octaviam, illi maritum daturos.
15.36. Nec multo post omissa in praesens Achaia (causae in incerto fuere) urbem revisit, provincias Orientis, maxime Aegyptum, secretis imaginationibus agitans. dehinc edicto testificatus non longam sui absentiam et cuncta in re publica perinde immota ac prospera fore, super ea profectione adiit Capitolium. illic veneratus deos, cum Vestae quoque templum inisset, repente cunctos per artus tremens, seu numine exterrente, seu facinorum recordatione numquam timore vacuus, deseruit inceptum, cunctas sibi curas amore patriae leviores dictitans. vidisse maestos civium vultus, audire secretas querimonias, quod tantum itineris aditurus esset, cuius ne modicos quidem egressus tolerarent, sueti adversum fortuita aspectu principis refoveri. ergo ut in privatis necessitudinibus proxima pignora praevalerent, ita populum Romanum vim plurimam habere parendumque retinenti. haec atque talia plebi volentia fuere, voluptatum cupidine et, quae praecipua cura est, rei frumentariae angustias, si abesset, metuenti. senatus et primores in incerto erant procul an coram atrocior haberetur: dehinc, quae natura magnis timoribus, deterius credebant quod evenerat.
15.39. Eo in tempore Nero Antii agens non ante in urbem regressus est quam domui eius, qua Palatium et Maecenatis hortos continuaverat, ignis propinquaret. neque tamen sisti potuit quin et Palatium et domus et cuncta circum haurirentur. sed solacium populo exturbato ac profugo campum Martis ac monumenta Agrippae, hortos quin etiam suos patefecit et subitaria aedificia extruxit quae multitudinem inopem acciperent; subvectaque utensilia ab Ostia et propinquis municipiis pretiumque frumenti minutum usque ad ternos nummos. quae quamquam popularia in inritum cadebant, quia pervaserat rumor ipso tempore flagrantis urbis inisse eum domesticam scaenam et cecinisse Troianum excidium, praesentia mala vetustis cladibus adsimulantem.
15.62. Ille interritus poscit testamenti tabulas; ac denegante centurione conversus ad amicos, quando meritis eorum referre gratiam prohiberetur, quod unum iam et tamen pulcherrimum habeat, imaginem vitae suae relinquere testatur, cuius si memores essent, bonarum artium famam fructum constantis amicitiae laturos. simul lacrimas eorum modo sermone, modo intentior in modum coercentis ad firmitudinem revocat, rogitans ubi praecepta sapientiae, ubi tot per annos meditata ratio adversum imminentia? cui enim ignaram fuisse saevitiam Neronis? neque aliud superesse post matrem fratremque interfectos quam ut educatoris praeceptorisque necem adiceret.
16.34. Tum ad Thraseam in hortis agentem quaestor consulis missus vesperascente iam die. inlustrium virorum feminarumque coetus frequentis egerat, maxime intentus Demetrio Cynicae institutionis doctori, cum quo, ut coniectare erat intentione vultus et auditis, si qua clarius proloquebantur, de natura animae et dissociatione spiritus corporisque inquirebat, donec advenit Domitius Caecilianus ex intimis amicis et ei quid senatus censuisset exposuit. igitur flentis queritantisque qui aderant facessere propere Thrasea neu pericula sua miscere cum sorte damnati hortatur, Arriamque temptantem mariti suprema et exemplum Arriae matris sequi monet retinere vitam filiaeque communi subsidium unicum non adimere.''. None
|1.7. \xa0At Rome, however, consuls, senators, and knights were rushing into slavery. The more exalted the personage, the grosser his hypocrisy and his haste, â\x80\x94 his lineaments adjusted so as to betray neither cheerfulness at the exit nor undue depression at the entry of a prince; his tears blent with joy, his regrets with adulation. The consuls, Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius, first took the oath of allegiance to Tiberius Caesar. It was taken in their presence by Seius Strabo and Caius Turranius, chiefs respectively of the praetorian cohorts and the corn department. The senators, the soldiers, and the populace followed. For in every action of Tiberius the first step had to be taken by the consuls, as though the old republic were in being, and himself undecided whether to reign or no. Even his edict, convening the Fathers to the senate-house was issued simply beneath the tribunician title which he had received under Augustus. It was a laconic document of very modest purport:â\x80\x94 "He intended to provide for the last honours to his father, whose body he could not leave â\x80\x94\xa0it was the one function of the state which he made bold to exercise." Yet, on the passing of Augustus he had given the watchword to the praetorian cohorts as Imperator; he had the sentries, the men-atâ\x80\x91arms, and the other appurteces of a court; soldiers conducted him to the forum, soldiers to the curia; he dispatched letters to the armies as if the principate was already in his grasp; and nowhere manifested the least hesitation, except when speaking in the senate. The chief reason was his fear that Germanicus â\x80\x94 backed by so many legions, the vast reserves of the provinces, and a wonderful popularity with the nation â\x80\x94 might prefer the ownership to the reversion of a throne. He paid public opinion, too, the compliment of wishing to be regarded as the called and chosen of the state, rather than as the interloper who had wormed his way into power with the help of connubial intrigues and a senile act of adoption. It was realized later that his coyness had been assumed with the further object of gaining an insight into the feelings of the aristocracy: for all the while he was distorting words and looks into crimes and storing them in his memory. < 1.8. \xa0The only business which he allowed to be discussed at the first meeting of the senate was the funeral of Augustus. The will, brought in by the Vestal Virgins, specified Tiberius and Livia as heirs, Livia to be adopted into the Julian family and the Augustan name. As legatees in the second degree he mentioned his grandchildren and great-grandchildren; in the third place, the prominent nobles â\x80\x94 an ostentatious bid for the applause of posterity, as he detested most of them. His bequests were not above the ordinary civic scale, except that he left 43,500,000 sesterces to the nation and the populace, a\xa0thousand to every man in the praetorian guards, five hundred to each in the urban troops, and three hundred to all legionaries or members of the Roman cohorts. The question of the last honours was then debated. The two regarded as the most striking were due to Asinius Gallus and Lucius Arruntius â\x80\x94 the former proposing that the funeral train should pass under a triumphal gateway; the latter, that the dead should be preceded by the titles of all laws which he had carried and the names of all peoples whom he had subdued. In addition, Valerius Messalla suggested that the oath of allegiance to Tiberius should be renewed annually. To a query from Tiberius, whether that expression of opinion came at his dictation, he retorted â\x80\x94 it was the one form of flattery still left â\x80\x94 that he had spoken of his own accord, and, when public interests were in question, he would (even at the risk of giving offence) use no man\'s judgment but his own. The senate clamoured for the body to be carried to the pyre on the shoulders of the Fathers. The Caesar, with haughty moderation, excused them from that duty, and warned the people by edict not to repeat the enthusiastic excesses which on a former day had marred the funeral of the deified Julius, by desiring Augustus to be cremated in the Forum rather than in the Field of Mars, his appointed resting-place. On the day of the ceremony, the troops were drawn up as though on guard, amid the jeers of those who had seen with their eyes, or whose fathers had declared to them, that day of still novel servitude and freedom disastrously re-wooed, when the killing of the dictator Caesar to some had seemed the worst, and to others the fairest, of high exploits:â\x80\x94 "And now an aged prince, a veteran potentate, who had seen to it that not even his heirs should lack for means to coerce their country, must needs have military protection to ensure a peaceable burial!" < |
1.10. \xa0On the other side it was argued that "filial duty and the critical position of the state had been used merely as a cloak: come to facts, and it was from the lust of dominion that he excited the veterans by his bounties, levied an army while yet a stripling and a subject, subdued the legions of a consul, and affected a leaning to the Pompeian side. Then, following his usurpation by senatorial decree of the symbols and powers of the praetorship, had come the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, â\x80\x94 whether they perished by the enemy\'s sword, or Pansa by poison sprinkled on his wound, and Hirtius by the hands of his own soldiery, with the Caesar to plan the treason. At all events, he had possessed himself of both their armies, wrung a consulate from the unwilling senate, and turned against the commonwealth the arms which he had received for the quelling of Antony. The proscription of citizens and the assignments of land had been approved not even by those who executed them. Grant that Cassius and the Bruti were sacrificed to inherited enmities â\x80\x94 though the moral law required that private hatreds should give way to public utility â\x80\x94 yet Pompey was betrayed by the simulacrum of a peace, Lepidus by the shadow of a friendship: then Antony, lured by the Tarentine and Brundisian treaties and a marriage with his sister, had paid with life the penalty of that delusive connexion. After that there had been undoubtedly peace, but peace with bloodshed â\x80\x94 the disasters of Lollius and of Varus, the execution at Rome of a Varro, an Egnatius, an Iullus." His domestic adventures were not spared; the abduction of Nero\'s wife, and the farcical questions to the pontiffs, whether, with a child conceived but not yet born, she could legally wed; the debaucheries of Vedius Pollio; and, lastly, Livia, â\x80\x94 as a mother, a curse to the realm; as a stepmother, a curse to the house of the Caesars. "He had left small room for the worship of heaven, when he claimed to be himself adored in temples and in the image of godhead by flamens and by priests! Even in the adoption of Tiberius to succeed him, his motive had been neither personal affection nor regard for the state: he had read the pride and cruelty of his heart, and had sought to heighten his own glory by the vilest of contrasts." For Augustus, a\xa0few years earlier, when requesting the Fathers to renew the grant of the tribunician power to Tiberius, had in the course of the speech, complimentary as it was, let fall a\xa0few remarks on his demeanour, dress, and habits which were offered as an apology and designed for reproaches. However, his funeral ran the ordinary course; and a decree followed, endowing him a temple and divine rites. < 1.11. \xa0Then all prayers were directed towards Tiberius; who delivered a variety of reflections on the greatness of the empire and his own diffidence:â\x80\x94 "Only the mind of the deified Augustus was equal to such a burden: he himself had found, when called by the sovereign to share his anxieties, how arduous, how dependent upon fortune, was the task of ruling a world! He thought, then, that, in a state which had the support of so many eminent men, they ought not to devolve the entire duties on any one person; the business of government would be more easily carried out by the joint efforts of a\xa0number." A\xa0speech in this tenor was more dignified than convincing. Besides, the diction of Tiberius, by habit or by nature, was always indirect and obscure, even when he had no wish to conceal his thought; and now, in the effort to bury every trace of his sentiments, it became more intricate, uncertain, and equivocal than ever. But the Fathers, whose one dread was that they might seem to comprehend him, melted in plaints, tears, and prayers. They were stretching their hands to heaven, to the effigy of Augustus, to his own knees, when he gave orders for a document to be produced and read. It contained a statement of the national resources â\x80\x94 the strength of the burghers and allies under arms; the number of the fleets, protectorates, and provinces; the taxes direct and indirect; the needful disbursements and customary bounties catalogued by Augustus in his own hand, with a final clause (due to fear or jealousy?) advising the restriction of the empire within its present frontiers. <
1.14. \xa0Augusta herself enjoyed a full share of senatorial adulation. One party proposed to give her the title "Parent of her Country"; some preferred "Mother of her Country": a\xa0majority thought the qualification "Son of Julia" ought to be appended to the name of the Caesar. Declaring that official compliments to women must be kept within bounds, and that he would use the same forbearance in the case of those paid to himself (in fact he was fretted by jealousy, and regarded the elevation of a woman as a degradation of himself), he declined to allow her even the grant of a lictor, and banned both an Altar of Adoption and other proposed honours of a similar nature. But he asked proconsular powers for Germanicus Caesar, and a commission was sent out to confer them, and, at the same time, to console his grief at the death of Augustus. That the same demand was not preferred on behalf of Drusus was due to the circumstance that he was consul designate and in presence. For the praetorship Tiberius nominated twelve candidates, the number handed down by Augustus. The senate, pressing for an increase, was met by a declaration on oath that he would never exceed it. <
1.43.3. \xa0"For why, in the first day\'s meeting, my short-sighted friends, did you wrench away the steel I\xa0was preparing to plunge in my breast? Better and more lovingly the man who offered me his sword! At least I\xa0should have fallen with not all my army\'s guilt upon my soul. You would have chosen a general, who, while leaving my own death unpunished, would have avenged that of Varus and his three legions. For, though the Belgians offer their services, God forbid that theirs should be the honour and glory of vindicating the Roman name and quelling the nations of Germany! May thy spirit, Augustus, now received with thyself into heaven, â\x80\x94 may thy image, my father Drusus, and the memory of thee, be with these same soldiers of yours, whose hearts are already opening to the sense of shame and of glory, to cancel this stain and convert our civil broils to the destruction of our enemies! And you yourselves â\x80\x94 for now I\xa0am looking into changed faces and changed minds â\x80\x94 if you are willing to restore to the senate its deputies, to the emperor your obedience, and to me my wife and children, then stand clear of the infection and set the maligts apart: that will be a security of repentance â\x80\x94 that a guarantee of loyalty!" <
2.37. \xa0In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of a\xa0million sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:â\x80\x94 "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, â\x80\x94 not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, â\x80\x94 to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, I\xa0took a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! I\xa0say it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus!" <
2.61. \xa0But other marvels, too, arrested the attention of Germanicus: in especial, the stone colossus of Memnon, which emits a vocal sound when touched by the rays of the sun; the pyramids reared mountain high by the wealth of emulous kings among wind-swept and all but impassable sands; the excavated lake which receives the overflow of Nile; and, elsewhere, narrow gorges and deeps impervious to the plummet of the explorer. Then he proceeded to Elephantine and Syene, once the limits of the Roman Empire, which now stretches to the Persian Gulf. <
2.73. \xa0His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, â\x80\x94 to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, â\x80\x94 compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: â\x80\x94 "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other\'s temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. <
2.83. \xa0Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a\xa0funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the soâ\x80\x91called "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. <
2.85. \xa0In the same year, bounds were set to female profligacy by stringent resolutions of the senate; and it was laid down that no woman should trade in her body, if her father, grandfather, or husband had been a Roman knight. For Vistilia, the daughter of a praetorian family, had advertised her venality on the aediles\' list â\x80\x94 the normal procedure among our ancestors, who imagined the unchaste to be sufficiently punished by the avowal of their infamy. Her husband, Titidius Labeo, was also required to explain why, in view of his wife\'s manifest guilt, he had not invoked the penalty of the law. As he pleaded that sixty days, not yet elapsed, were allowed for deliberation, it was thought enough to pass sentence on Vistilia, who was removed to the island of Seriphos. â\x80\x94 Another debate dealt with the proscription of the Egyptian and Jewish rites, and a senatorial edict directed that four thousand descendants of enfranchised slaves, tainted with that superstition and suitable in point of age, were to be shipped to Sardinia and there employed in suppressing brigandage: "if they succumbed to the pestilential climate, it was a cheap loss." The rest had orders to leave Italy, unless they had renounced their impious ceremonial by a given date. <
3.4. \xa0The day on which the remains were consigned to the mausoleum of Augustus was alternately a desolation of silence and a turmoil of laments. The city-streets were full, the Campus Martius alight with torches. There the soldier in harness, the magistrate lacking his insignia, the burgher in his tribe, iterated the cry that "the commonwealth had fallen and hope was dead" too freely and too openly for it to be credible that they remembered their governors. Nothing, however, sank deeper into Tiberius\' breast than the kindling of men\'s enthusiasm for Agrippina â\x80\x94 "the glory of her country, the last scion of Augustus, the peerless pattern of ancient virtue." So they styled her; and, turning to heaven and the gods, prayed for the continuance of her issue â\x80\x94 "and might they survive their persecutors!" <
3.17. \xa0Tiberius followed by absolving the younger Piso from the charge of civil war, â\x80\x94 for "the orders came from a father, and a son could not have disobeyed," â\x80\x94 and at the same time expressed his sorrow for a noble house and the tragic fate of its representative, whatever his merits or demerits. In offering a shamefaced and ignominious apology for Plancina, he pleaded the entreaties of his mother; who in private was being more and more hotly criticized by every person of decency:â\x80\x94 "So it was allowable in a grandmother to admit her husband\'s murderess to sight and speech, and to rescue her from the senate! The redress which the laws guaranteed to all citizens had been denied to Germanicus alone. The voice of Vitellius and Veranius had bewailed the Caesar: the emperor and Augusta had defended Plancina. It remained to turn those drugs and arts, now tested with such happy results, against Agrippina and her children, and so to satiate this admirable grandmother and uncle with the blood of the whole calamitous house!" Two days were expended on this phantom of a trial, with Tiberius pressing Piso\'s sons to defend their mother; and as the accusers and witnesses delivered their competing invectives, without a voice to answer, pity rather than anger began to deepen. The question was put in the first instance to Aurelius Cotta, the consul; for, if the reference came from the sovereign, even the magistrates went through the process of registering their opinion. Cotta proposed that the name of Piso should be erased from the records, one half of his property confiscated, and the other made over to his son Gnaeus, who should change his first name; that Marcus Piso should be stripped of his senatorial rank, and relegated for a period of ten years with a gratuity of five million sesterces: Plancina, in view of the empress\'s intercession, might be granted immunity. <' "3.18. \xa0Much in these suggestions was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have Piso's name cancelled from the records, when the names of Mark Antony, who had levied war on his fatherland, and of Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the hearth of Augustus, still remained. He exempted Marcus Piso from official degradation, and granted him his patrimony: for, as I\xa0have often said, he was firm enough against pecuniary temptations, and in the present case his shame at the acquittal of Plancina made him exceptionally lenient. So, again, when Valerius Messalinus proposed to erect a golden statue in the temple of Mars the Avenger, and Caecina Severus an altar of Vengeance, he vetoed the scheme, remarking that these memorials were consecrated after victories abroad; domestic calamities called for sorrow and concealment. Messalinus had added that Tiberius, Augusta, Antonia, Agrippina, and Drusus ought to be officially thanked for their services in avenging Germanicus: Claudius he had neglected to mention. Indeed, it was only when Lucius Asprenas demanded point-blank in the senate if the omission was deliberate that the name was appended. For myself, the more I\xa0reflect on events recent or remote, the more am\xa0I haunted by the sense of a mockery in human affairs. For by repute, by expectancy, and by veneration, all men were sooner marked out for sovereignty than that future emperor whom destiny was holding in the background. <" "
3.22. \xa0At Rome, in the meantime, Lepida, who, over and above the distinction of the Aemilian family, owned Sulla and Pompey for great-grandsires, was accused of feigning to be a mother by Publius Quirinius, a rich man and childless. There were complementary charges of adulteries, of poisonings, and of inquiries made through the astrologers with reference to the Caesarian house. The defence was in the hands of her brother, Manius Lepidus. Despite her infamy and her guilt, Quirinius, by persisting in his malignity after divorcing her, had gained her a measure of sympathy. It is not easy to penetrate the emperor's sentiments during this trial: so adroitly did he invert and confuse the symptoms of anger and of mercy. He began by requesting the senate not to deal with the charges of treason; then he lured the former consul, Marcus Servilius, with a\xa0number of other witnesses, into stating the very facts he had apparently wished to have suppressed. Lepida's slaves, again, were being held in military custody; he transferred them to the consuls, and would not allow them to be questioned under torture upon the issues concerning his own family. Similarly, he exempted Drusus, who was consul designate, from speaking first to the question. By some this was read as a concession relieving the rest of the members from the need of assenting: others took it to mark a sinister purpose on the ground that he would have ceded nothing save the duty of condemning. <" "3.23. \xa0In the course of the Games, which had interrupted the trial, Lepida entered the theatre with a\xa0number of women of rank; and there, weeping, wailing, invoking her ancestors and Pompey himself, whom that edifice commemorated, whose statues were standing before their eyes, she excited so much sympathy that the crowd burst into tears, with a fierce and ominous outcry against Quirinius, to whose doting years, barren bed, and petty family they were betraying a woman once destined for the bride of Lucius Caesar and the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of the deified Augustus. Then, with the torture of her slaves, came the revelation of her crimes; and the motion of Rubellius Blandus, who pressed for her formal outlawry, was carried. Drusus sided with him, though others had proposed more lenient measures. Later, as a concession to Scaurus, who had a son by her, it was decided not to confiscate her property. And now at last Tiberius disclosed that he had ascertained from Quirinius' own slaves that Lepida had attempted their master's life by poison. <" '
4.16.2. \xa0Nearly at the same date, the Caesar spoke on the need of choosing a flamen of Jupiter, to replace the late Servius Maluginensis, and of also passing new legislation. "Three patricians," he pointed out, "children of parents wedded \'by cake and spelt,\' were nominated simultaneously; and on one of them the selection fell. The system was old-fashioned, nor was there now as formerly the requisite supply of candidates, since the habit of marrying by the ancient ritual had been dropped, or was retained in few families." â\x80\x94 Here he offered several explanations of the fact, the principal one being the indifference of both sexes, though there was also a deliberate avoidance of the difficulties of the ceremony itself. â\x80\x94 ".\xa0.\xa0.\xa0and since both the man obtaining this priesthood and the woman passing into the marital control of a flamen were automatically withdrawn from paternal jurisdiction. Consequently, a remedy must be applied either by a senatorial resolution or by special law, precisely as Augustus had modified several relics of the rough old world to suit the needs of the present." It was decided, then, after a discussion of the religious points, that no change should be made in the constitution of the flamenship; but a law was carried, that the flamen\'s wife, though under her husband\'s tutelage in respect of her sacred duties, should otherwise stand upon the same legal footing as any ordinary woman. Maluginensis\' son was elected in the room of his father; and to enhance the dignity of the priests and increase their readiness to perform the ritual of the various cults, two million sesterces were voted to the Virgin Cornelia, who was being appointed to succeed Scantia; while Augusta, whenever she entered the theatre, was to take her place among the seats reserved for the Vestals. <
4.37.3. \xa0About the same time, Further Spain sent a deputation to the senate, asking leave to follow the example of Asia by erecting a shrine to Tiberius and his mother. On this occasion, the Caesar, sturdily disdainful of compliments at any time, and now convinced that an answer was due to the gossip charging him with a declension into vanity, began his speech in the following vein:â\x80\x94 "I\xa0know, Conscript Fathers, that many deplored by want of consistency because, when a little while ago the cities of Asia made this identical request, I\xa0offered no opposition. I\xa0shall therefore state both the case for my previous silence and the rule I\xa0have settled upon for the future. Since the deified Augustus had not forbidden the construction of a temple at Pergamum to himself and the City of Rome, observing as I\xa0do his every action and word as law, I\xa0followed the precedent already sealed by his approval, with all the more readiness that with worship of myself was associated veneration of the senate. But, though once to have accepted may be pardonable, yet to be consecrated in the image of deity through all the provinces would be vanity and arrogance, and the honour paid to Augustus will soon be a mockery, if it is vulgarized by promiscuous experiments in flattery. <
4.70.2. \xa0However, in a letter read on the first of January, the Caesar, after the orthodox prayers for the new year, turned to Sabinus, charging him with the corruption of several of his freedmen, and with designs against himself; and demanded vengeance in terms impossible to misread. Vengeance was decreed without loss of time; and the doomed man was dragged to his death, crying with all the vigour allowed by the cloak muffling his head and the noose around his neck, that "these were the ceremonies that inaugurated the year, these the victims that bled to propitiate Sejanus!" In whatever direction he turned his eyes, wherever his words reached an ear, the result was flight and desolation, an exodus from street and forum. Here and there a man retraced his steps and showed himself again, pale at the very thought that he had manifested alarm. "For what day would find the killers idle, when amid sacrifices and prayers, at a season when custom prohibited so much as an ominous word, chains and the halter come upon the scene? Not from want of thought had odium such as this been incurred by Tiberius: it was a premeditated and deliberate act, that none might think that the new magistrates were precluded from inaugurating the dungeon as they did the temples and the altars." â\x80\x94 A\xa0supplementary letter followed: the sovereign was grateful that they had punished a mann who was a danger to his country. He added that his own life was full of alarms, and that he suspected treachery from his enemies. He mentioned none by name; but no doubt was felt that the words were levelled at Agrippina and Nero. <
5.4. \xa0There was in the senate a certain Julius Rusticus, chosen by the Caesar to compile the official journal of its proceedings, and therefore credited with some insight into his thoughts. Under some fatal impulse â\x80\x94 for he had never before given an indication of courage â\x80\x94 or possibly through a misapplied acuteness which made him blind to dangers imminent and terrified of dangers uncertain, Rusticus insinuated himself among the doubters and warned the consuls not to introduce the question â\x80\x94 "A\xa0touch," he insisted, "could turn the scale in the gravest of matters: it was possible that some day the extinction of the house of Germanicus might move the old man\'s penitence." At the same time, the people, carrying effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the curia, and, cheering for the Caesar, clamoured that the letter was spurious and that it was contrary to the Emperor\'s wish that destruction was plotted against his house. On that day, therefore, no tragedy was perpetrated. There were circulated, also, under consular names, fictitious attacks upon Sejanus: for authors in plenty exercised their capricious imagination with all the petulance of anonymity. The result was to fan his anger and to supply him with the material for fresh charges:â\x80\x94 "The senate had spurned the sorrow of its emperor, the people had forsworn its allegiance. Already disloyal harangues, disloyal decrees of the Fathers, were listened to and perused: what remained but to take the sword and in the persons whose effigies they had followed as their ensigns to choose their generals and their princes?" <
11.24. \xa0Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â\x80\x94 "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I\xa0find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I\xa0am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â\x80\x94\xa0not to scrutinize antiquity â\x80\x94 members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the\xa0Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â\x80\x94 \'But we fought with the Senones.\' â\x80\x94 Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â\x80\x94 \'We were taken by the Gauls.\' â\x80\x94 But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â\x80\x94 And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâ\x80\x91day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." <
3.4. \xa0However, when the mockeries of sorrow had been carried to their close, he entered the curia; and, after an opening reference to the authority of the Fathers and the uimity of the army, stated that "he had before him advice and examples pointing him to an admirable system of government. Nor had his youth been poisoned by civil war or family strife: he brought to his task no hatreds, no wrongs, no desire for vengeance. He then outlined the character of the coming principate, the points which had provoked recent and intense dissatisfaction being specially discounteced:â\x80\x94 "He would not constitute himself a judge of all cases, secluding accusers and defendants within the same four walls and allowing the influence of a\xa0few individuals to run riot. Under his roof would be no venality, no loophole for intrigue: the palace and the state would be things separate. Let the senate retain its old prerogatives! Let Italy and the public provinces take their stand before the judgement-seats of the consuls, and let the consuls grant them access to the Fathers: for the armies delegated to his charge he would himself be responsible." <
13.31. \xa0In the consulate of Nero, for the second time, and of Lucius Piso, little occurred that deserves remembrance, unless the chronicler is pleased to fill his rolls with panegyrics of the foundations and the beams on which the Caesar reared his vast amphitheatre in the Campus Martius; although, in accordance with the dignity of the Roman people, it has been held fitting to consign great events to the page of history and details such as these to the urban gazette. Still, the colonies of Capua and Nuceria were reinforced by a draft of veterans; the populace was given a gratuity of four hundred sesterces a head; and forty millions were paid into the treasury to keep the public credit stable. Also, the tax of four per\xa0cent on the purchase of slaves was remitted more in appearance than in effect: for, as payment was now required from the vendor, the buyers found the amount added as part of the price. The Caesar, too, issued an edict that no magistrate or procurator should, in the province for which he was responsible, exhibit a gladiatorial spectacle, a display of wild beasts, or any other entertainment. Previously, a subject community suffered as much from the spurious liberality as from the rapacity of its governors, screening as they did by corruption the offences they had committed in wantonness. <
14.61. \xa0At once exulting crowds scaled the Capitol, and Heaven at last found itself blessed. They hurled down the effigies of Poppaea, they carried the statues of Octavia shoulder-high, strewed them with flowers, upraised them in the forum and the temples. Even the emperor\'s praises were essayed with vociferous loyalty. Already they were filling the Palace itself with their numbers and their cheers, when bands of soldiers emerged and scattered them in disorder with whipcuts and levelled weapons. All the changes effected by the outbreak were rectified, and the honours of Poppaea were reinstated. She herself, always cruel in her hatreds, and now rendered more so by her fear that either the violence of the multitude might break out in a fiercer storm or Nero follow the trend of popular feeling, threw herself at his knees:â\x80\x94 "Her affairs," she said, "were not in a position in which she could fight for her marriage, though it was dearer to her than life: that life itself had been brought to the verge of destruction by those retainers and slaves of Octavia who had conferred on themselves the name of the people and dared in peace what would scarcely happen in war. Those arms had been lifted against the sovereign; only a leader had been lacking, and, once the movement had begun, a leader was easily come by, â\x80\x94 the one thing necessary was an excursion from Campania, a personal visit to the capital by her whose distant nod evoked the storm! And apart from this, what was Poppaea\'s transgression? in what had she offended anyone? Or was the reason that she was on the point of giving an authentic heir to the hearth of the Caesars? Did the Roman nation prefer the progeny of an Egyptian flute-player to be introduced to the imperial throne? â\x80\x94 In brief, if policy so demanded, then as an act of grace, but not of compulsion, let him send for the lady who owned him â\x80\x94 or else take thought for his security! A\xa0deserved castigation and lenient remedies had allayed the first commotion; but let the mob once lose hope of seeing Octavia Nero\'s wife and they would soon provide her with a husband!" <
15.36. \xa0Before long, giving up for the moment the idea of Greece (his reasons were a matter of doubt), he revisited the capital, his secret imaginations being now occupied with the eastern provinces, Egypt in particular. Then after asseverating by edict that his absence would not be for long, and that all departments of the state would remain as stable and prosperous as ever, he repaired to the Capitol in connection with his departure. There he performed his devotions; but, when he entered the temple of Vesta also, he began to quake in every limb, possibly from terror inspired by the deity, or possibly because the memory of his crimes never left him devoid of fear. He abandoned his project, therefore, with the excuse that all his interests weighed lighter with him than the love of his fatherland:â\x80\x94 "He had seen the dejected looks of his countrymen: he could hear their whispered complaints against the long journey soon to be undertaken by one whose most limited excursions were insupportable to a people in the habit of drawing comfort under misfortune from the sight of their emperor. Consequently, as in private relationships the nearest pledges of affection were the dearest, so in public affairs the Roman people had the first call, and he must yield if it wished him to stay." These and similar professions were much to the taste of the populace with its passion for amusements and its dread of a shortage of corn (always the chief preoccupation) in the event of his absence. The senate and high aristocracy were in doubt whether his cruelty was more formidable at a distance or at close quarters: in the upshot, as is inevitable in all great terrors, they believed the worse possibility to be the one which had become a fact. <
15.39. \xa0Nero, who at the time was staying in Antium, did not return to the capital until the fire was nearing the house by which he had connected the Palatine with the Gardens of Maecenas. It proved impossible, however, to stop it from engulfing both the Palatine and the house and all their surroundings. Still, as a relief to the homeless and fugitive populace, he opened the Campus Martius, the buildings of Agrippa, even his own Gardens, and threw up a\xa0number of extemporized shelters to accommodate the helpless multitude. The necessities of life were brought up from Ostia and the neighbouring municipalities, and the price of grain was lowered to three sesterces. Yet his measures, popular as their character might be, failed of their effect; for the report had spread that, at the very moment when Rome was aflame, he had mounted his private stage, and typifying the ills of the present by the calamities of the past, had sung the destruction of Troy. <
15.62. \xa0Seneca, nothing daunted, asked for the tablets containing his will. The centurion refusing, he turned to his friends, and called them to witness that "as he was prevented from showing his gratitude for their services, he left them his sole but fairest possession â\x80\x94 the image of his life. If they bore it in mind, they would reap the reward of their loyal friendship in the credit accorded to virtuous accomplishments." At the same time, he recalled them from tears to fortitude, sometimes conversationally, sometimes in sterner, almost coercive tones. "Where," he asked, "were the maxims of your philosophy? Where that reasoned attitude towards impending evils which they had studied through so many years? For to whom had Nero\'s cruelty been unknown? Nor was anything left him, after the killing of his mother and his brother, but to add the murder of his guardian and preceptor." <' "
16.34. \xa0The consul's quaestor was then sent to Thrasea: he was spending the time in his gardens, and the day was already closing in for evening. He had brought together a large party of distinguished men and women, his chief attention been given to Demetrius, a master of the Cynic creed; with whom â\x80\x94 to judge from his serious looks and the few words which caught the ear, when they chanced to raise their voices â\x80\x94 he was debating the nature of the soul and the divorce of spirit and body. At last, Domitius Caecilianus, an intimate friend, arrived, and informed him of the decision reached by the senate. Accordingly, among the tears and expostulations of the company, Thrasea urged them to leave quickly, without linking their own hazardous lot to the fate of a condemned man. Arria, who aspired to follow her husband's ending and the precedent set by her mother and namesake, he advised to keep her life and not deprive the child of their union of her one support. <" '. None
|78. Tacitus, Histories, 1.2, 1.4, 3.67, 4.54, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Against the Galileans ( Julian) • Divine Iulius, Temple of • Emperors, Julius Caesar • Fragment of a Letter to a Priest ( Julian) • Iulius Civilis, C. • Julian • Julian (the Apostate) • Julian of Carthage • Julian the Apostate • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Civilis • Julius Civilis, C. • Temple of, Divine Iulius
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 175, 180; Esler (2000) 30; Goldman (2013) 67; Jenkyns (2013) 136; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 143; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 21, 194; Rutledge (2012) 281; Taylor (2012) 177; Van Nuffelen (2012) 31
|3.67. \xa0Vitellius's ears were deaf to all sterner counsels. His mind was overwhelmed by pity and anxiety for his wife and children, since he feared that if he made an obstinate struggle, he might leave the victor less mercifully disposed toward them. He had also his mother, who was bowed with years; but through an opportune death she anticipated by a\xa0few days the destruction of her house, having gained nothing from the elevation of her son to the principate but sorrow and good repute. On December eighteenth, when Vitellius heard of the defection of the legion and cohorts that had given themselves up at Narnia, he put on mourning and came down from his palace, surrounded by his household in tears; his little son was carried in a litter as if in a funeral procession. The voices of the people were flattering and untimely; the soldiers maintained an ominous silence." '|
4.54. \xa0In the meantime the news of the death of Vitellius, spreading through the Gallic and German provinces, had started a second war; for Civilis, now dropping all pretence, openly attacked the Roman people, and the legions of Vitellius preferred to be subject even to foreign domination rather than to obey Vespasian as emperor. The Gauls had plucked up fresh courage, believing that all our armies were everywhere in the same case, for the rumour had spread that our winter quarters in Moesia and Pannonia were being besieged by the Sarmatae and Dacians; similar stories were invented about Britain. But nothing had encouraged them to believe that the end of our rule was at hand so much as the burning of the Capitol. "Once long ago Rome was captured by the Gauls, but since Jove\'s home was unharmed, the Roman power stood firm: now this fatal conflagration has given a proof from heaven of the divine wrath and presages the passage of the sovereignty of the world to the peoples beyond the Alps." Such were the vain and superstitious prophecies of the Druids. Moreover, the report had gone abroad that the Gallic chiefs, when sent by Otho to oppose Vitellius, had pledged themselves before their departure not to fail the cause of freedom in case an unbroken series of civil wars and internal troubles destroyed the power of the Roman people.' "
5.5. \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean." ". None
|79. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius • Julia the elder
Found in books: Braund and Most (2004) 230; Johnson (2008) 18
|80. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius) • Julia (daughter of Augustus)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 310; Jenkyns (2013) 154; Phang (2001) 369; Verhagen (2022) 310
|81. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206; Tuori (2016) 137
|82. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Julius, Lucan • Julian of Eclanum, bishop, Pelagian opponent of Augustine
Found in books: Agri (2022) 152; Sorabji (2000) 399
|83. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Julius • Caesar, Julius
Found in books: Agri (2022) 29, 30; Bexley (2022) 332, 333
|84. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 269; Verhagen (2022) 269
|85. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 201; Verhagen (2022) 201
|86. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Julius, Lucan • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry
Found in books: Agri (2022) 90; Augoustakis (2014) 255, 263, 264, 269, 292, 293, 311; Augoustakis et al (2021) 199; Konig (2022) 363; Rutledge (2012) 7, 163; Verhagen (2022) 255, 263, 264, 269, 292, 293, 311
|87. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius) • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., descended from Venus • Julius Caesar, C., equestrian statue of • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, honours to • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, and Alexander’s horse • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • gens, Julia
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 263, 269; Jenkyns (2013) 44; Rutledge (2012) 230; Verhagen (2022) 263, 269
|88. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 201, 255, 263; Verhagen (2022) 201, 255, 263
|89. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Against the Galileans ( Julian) • Augustus,builds and adorns Temple of Divus Julius • C. Iulius Caesar, birthday • Caesar, Julius • Firmicus Maternus, Julius • Iulius, Gnaeus • Julia (daughter of Augustus) • Julia, the elder • Julian • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., and Cleopatra • Julius Caesar, C., his sword • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, and Brutus • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture • Julius Caesar, references Alexander the Great • Julius Marathus • Phoebe (freedwoman and attendant of Julia) • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius • Rome, Temple of Mars Ultor, and Julius Caesar • coinage, Julian Star (sidus Iulium) on • gens Julia • gens, Julia • sidus Iulium (Julian Star) • temples, of Divus Julius
Found in books: Bexley (2022) 109; Borg (2008) 297; Bowen and Rochberg (2020) 310; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 98; Jenkyns (2013) 48, 50, 95, 245; Kaster(2005) 41; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 140; Perry (2014) 141; Rutledge (2012) 235, 251; Rüpke (2011) 126; Santangelo (2013) 246, 258; Xinyue (2022) 155
|90. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus,builds and adorns Temple of Divus Julius • C. Iulius Caesar • C. Iulius Caesar, birthday • C. Iulius Caesar, memorial day • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Caesar, Gaius Julius, as Alexander • Caesar, Gaius Julius, dictator, in Asia Minor • Caesar, Julius, at the Rubicon • Iulius Caesar, C • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julia • Julia Felix Sinope, colony • Julian calendar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., Pater Patriae • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., and Romulus • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, C., as pontifex maximus • Julius Caesar, C., aspires to kingship • Julius Caesar, C., deification of • Julius Caesar, C., descended from Venus • Julius Caesar, C., equestrian statue of • Julius Caesar, C., his sella curulis • Julius Caesar, C., image on the Capitoline • Julius Caesar, C., private tastes • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, C., refuses crown • Julius Caesar, C., statues adorned • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar and Hyrcanus II • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Jews legal right to live according to customs • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, his policy towards the Jews • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, references Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, triumphs of • July (Iulius) • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, and Alexander’s horse • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius • coinage, Julian Star (sidus Iulium) on • gens, Julia
Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 93; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 185; Giusti (2018) 183; Green (2014) 70, 162; Isaac (2004) 447; Jenkyns (2013) 6, 23, 71, 184; Joseph (2022) 47; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 272, 291, 339; Lampe (2003) 175; Manolaraki (2012) 208; Marek (2019) 300; Mowat (2021) 141, 150, 155, 159; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 8, 92, 93; Rohland (2022) 99; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 34, 35; Rutledge (2012) 70, 230, 232, 234, 305; Rüpke (2011) 123, 150; Santangelo (2013) 110, 111, 236, 238, 240; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 96; Talbert (1984) 209, 308; Tuori (2016) 49, 54, 56, 62; Udoh (2006) 97; Xinyue (2022) 3
|91. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C., image in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Vestinus
Found in books: Borg (2008) 301; Rutledge (2012) 18
|92. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture
Found in books: Fertik (2019) 73; Jenkyns (2013) 47
|93. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Iulius Vindex, C • Julia • Julia Drusilla • Julius Caesar, C., private tastes
Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 244, 247; Rutledge (2012) 70, 213; Talbert (1984) 324
|94. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral
Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 208; Rutledge (2012) 106
|95. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelia (mother of Iulius Caesar), as imitator of Cornelia • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar
Found in books: Roller (2018) 203; Rutledge (2012) 58
|96. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Caesar, Julius, ending Republican institutions • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar Octavianus, C. (Octavian, later Augustus) • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, C., as head of state • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., recall of Marcellus
Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 269; Edmondson (2008) 93; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 168, 185; Joseph (2022) 133; Manolaraki (2012) 208, 209; Santangelo (2013) 110, 113, 236, 238; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 107; Walters (2020) 14, 88, 108, 110
|97. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 209; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 107
|98. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander, Gaius Julius (‘the alabarch’) • Alexander, Tiberius Julius • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar exempting Antipater from taxation
Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 260; Udoh (2006) 150, 222
|99. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius) • Lucius Julius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 263, 357; Verhagen (2022) 263, 357
|100. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus,builds and adorns Temple of Divus Julius • Augustus,finishes the Forum of Julius Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), stellar imagery of • House of Julius Polybius • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julia • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and the Gallic war • Julius Caesar, C., and the civil war • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral • Julius Caesar, C., image in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, C., private tastes • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Rome, Saepta Julia, statues of Achilles and Chiron in • Rome, Saepta Julia, statues of Olympus and Pan in • coinage, Julian Star (sidus Iulium) on • forum, of Julius Caesar
Found in books: Borg (2008) 295; Czajkowski et al (2020) 211; Dignas (2002) 120; Edmondson (2008) 78, 91, 93; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 135; Gale (2000) 35; Green (2014) 70, 157, 160, 161, 162; Rutledge (2012) 18, 58, 66, 67, 70, 106, 213, 226, 227, 261, 303; Santangelo (2013) 147; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 364; Xinyue (2022) 3
|101. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Caesar, C., augural law, ignored by • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., his triumph • Julius Caesar, and Cato
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 90; Konrad (2022) 196; Rutledge (2012) 154; Santangelo (2013) 276
|102. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Beloch, Karl Julius • Caesar, C. Iulius
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 318; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 173
|103. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy
Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 246; Santangelo (2013) 237
|104. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 41.36.1, 41.39.2, 41.61.4-41.61.5, 42.6.3, 42.20, 43.14.6, 43.21.2, 44.4.4, 44.11, 44.18.4, 45.1.3-45.1.5, 45.7.1-45.7.2, 51.16, 51.19.2, 51.22.1, 53.1.3, 55.9.6, 55.33.5, 56.31.3, 59.5, 65.7.2, 68.29.1, 71.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Athenaeum (close to Curia Julia) • Augustus,builds and adorns Temple of Divus Julius • Augustus,finishes the Forum of Julius Caesar • C. Iulius Caesar, birthday • C. Iulius Caesar, dictatorship • C. Iulius Caesar, memorial day • C. Iulius Caesar, reform • C. Iulius Sohaimos • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), foiled by Acoreus • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), stellar imagery of • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Gaius Julius, dictator, in Asia Minor • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Caesar, Julius, ending Republican institutions • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Curia Julia,, adjacent buildings • Curia Julia,, development • Curia Julia,, seating • Iulius Caesar, C • Iulius Caesar, C. • Iulius Caesar, C., at Alexandria • Iulius Caesar, C., augural law, ignored by • Iulius Caesar, C., despot, a • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator in • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator with extended term • Iulius Caesar, C., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation • Iulius Caesar, L. • Julia Felix Sinope, colony • Julian calendar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., and Cleopatra • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., descended from Venus • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., equestrian statue of • Julius Caesar, C., his chariot • Julius Caesar, C., image in Jupiter Capitolinus’ temple • Julius Caesar, C., image in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, C., private tastes • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, C., tomb inside the pomerium • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar exempting Antipater from taxation • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar favorable to Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Jews legal right to live according to customs • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Roman citizenship to Antipater and naming him procurator • Julius Caesar, and Jews, certain exactions from Jews banned by C. • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, and Jews, publicani removed from Judea by • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, references Alexander the Great • Julius Geminius Marcianus, legionary legate • July (Iulius) • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, and Alexander’s horse • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius, adorned with rostra from Actium • Rome, Temple of Divus Julius, adorned with spoils of Egypt • coinage, Julian Star (sidus Iulium) on • forum, of Julius Caesar • gens, Julia • publicani (tax companies), abolished from Judea by Julius Caesar
Found in books: Borg (2008) 297; Csapo (2022) 133, 171; Dignas (2002) 120; Edmondson (2008) 77, 93; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 143, 157; Green (2014) 67, 70, 157, 160, 162; Janowitz (2002) 77; Jenkyns (2013) 71, 245; Joseph (2022) 133; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 339; Konrad (2022) 135, 142, 145; Manolaraki (2012) 205, 208; Marek (2019) 300, 350; Rutledge (2012) 18, 70, 134, 148, 198, 227, 230, 235, 284, 292; Rüpke (2011) 121, 123, 128; Santangelo (2013) 26, 110, 111, 247, 248, 251; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 126; Stephens and Winkler (1995) 182; Talbert (1984) 115, 123, 408, 412; Tuori (2016) 27, 37, 90, 275; Udoh (2006) 56, 98; Walters (2020) 108; Xinyue (2022) 3, 16
|41.36.1. \xa0While he was still on the way Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the man who later became a member of the triumvirate, advised the people in his capacity of praetor to elect Caesar dictator, and immediately named him, contrary to ancestral custom. |
41.39.2. \xa0And as he was attending to the details of his departure, a kite in the Forum let fall a sprig of laurel upon one of his companions. Later, while he was sacrificing to Fortune, the bull escaped before being wounded, rushed out of the city, and coming to a certain lake, swam across it.
41.61.4. \xa0in Tralles a palm tree grew up in the temple of Victory and the goddess herself turned about toward an image of Caesar that stood beside her; in Syria two young men announced the result of the battle and vanished; and in Patavium, which now belongs to Italy but was then still a part of Gaul, some birds not only brought news of it but even acted it out to some extent, 41.61.5. \xa0for one Gaius Cornelius drew from their actions accurate information of all that had taken place, and narrated it to the bystanders. These several things happened on that very same day and though they were, not unnaturally, distrusted at the time, yet when news of the actual facts was brought, they were marvelled at.' "
42.6.3. 1. \xa0Caesar, when he had attended to pressing demands after the battle and had assigned Greece and the rest of that region to certain others to win over and reduce, set out himself in pursuit of Pompey. He hurried forward as far as Asia following information received about him, and there waited for a time, since no one knew which way he had sailed. Everything turned out favourably for him; for instance, while crossing the Hellespont in a kind of ferry-boat, he met Pompey's fleet sailing with Lucius Cassius in command, but so far from suffering any harm at their hands, he terrified them and won them over to his side. Thereupon, meeting with no further resistance, he proceeded to take possession of the rest of that region and to regulate its affairs, levying a money contribution, as I\xa0have said, but otherwise doing no one any harm and even conferring benefits on all, so far as was possible. In any case he did away with the tax-gatherers, who had been abusing the people most cruelly, and he converted the amount accruing from the taxes into a joint payment of tribute. \xa0<" "
42.20. 1. \xa0They granted him, then, permission to do whatever he wished to those who had favoured Pompey's cause, not that he had not already received this right from himself, but in order that he might seem to be acting with some show of legal authority. They appointed him arbiter of war and peace with all mankind â\x80\x94 using the conspirators in Africa as a pretext â\x80\x94 without the obligation even of making any communication on the subject to the people or the senate.,2. \xa0This, of course, also lay in his power before, inasmuch as he had so large an armed force; at any rate the wars he had fought he had undertaken on his own authority in nearly every case. Nevertheless, because they wished still to appear to be free and independent citizens, they voted him these rights and everything else which it was in his power to have even against their will.,3. \xa0Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes â\x80\x94 a\xa0privilege which was permitted to no one.,4. \xa0All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree.,5. \xa0And they also granted another privilege, which was customary, to be sure, but in the corruption of the times might cause hatred and resentment: they decreed that Caesar should hold a triumph for the war against Juba and the Romans who fought with him, just as if had been the victor, although, as a matter of fact, he had not then so much as heard that there was to be such a war." '
43.14.6. \xa0And they decreed that a chariot of his should be placed on the Capitol facing the statue of Jupiter, that his statue in bronze should be mounted upon a likeness of the inhabited world, with an inscription to the effect that he was a demigod, and that his name should be inscribed upon the Capitol in place of that of Catulus on the ground that he had completed this temple after undertaking to call Catulus to account for the building of it.
43.21.2. \xa0On this occasion, too, he climbed up the stairs of the Capitol on his knees, without noticing at all either the chariot which had been dedicated to Jupiter in his honour, or the image of the inhabited world lying beneath his feet, or the inscription upon it; but later he erased from the inscription the term "demigod."
44.4.4. \xa0In addition to these remarkable privileges they named him father of his country, stamped this title on the coinage, voted to celebrate his birthday by public sacrifice, ordered that he should have a statue in the cities and in all the temples of Rome,
44.11. 1. \xa0Another thing that happened not long after these events proved still more clearly that, although he pretended to shun the title, in reality he desired to assume it.,2. \xa0For when he had entered the Forum at the festival of the Lupercalia and was sitting on the rostra in his gilded chair, adorned with the royal apparel and resplendent in his crown overlaid with gold, Antony with his fellow-priests saluted him as king and binding a diadem upon his head, said: "The people offer this to you through me.",3. \xa0And Caesar answered: "Jupiter alone is king of the Romans," and sent the diadem to Jupiter on the Capitol; yet he was not angry, but caused it to be inscribed in the records that he had refused to accept the kingship when offered to him by the people through the consul. It was accordingly suspected that this thing had been deliberately arranged and that he was anxious for the name, but wished to be somehow compelled to take it; consequently the hatred against him was intense.,4. \xa0After this certain men at the elections proposed for consuls the tribunes previously mentioned, and they not only privately approached Marcus Brutus and such other persons as were proud-spirited and attempted to persuade them, but also tried to incite them to action publicly.
44.18.4. \xa0In brief, he was so confident that to the soothsayer who had once warned him to beware of that day he jestingly remarked: "Where are your prophecies now? Do you not see that the day which you feared is come and that I\xa0am alive?" And the other, they say, answered merely: "Ay, it is come but is not yet past."
45.1.3. \xa0Before he came to the light of day she saw in a dream her entrails lifted to the heavens and spreading out over all the earth; and the same night Octavius thought that the sun rose from her womb. Hardly had the child been born when Nigidius Figulus, a senator, straightway prophesied for him absolute power. 45.1.4. \xa0This man could distinguish most accurately of his contemporaries the order of the firmament and the differences between the stars, what they accomplish when by themselves and when together, by their conjunctions and by their intervals, and for this reason had incurred the charge of practising some forbidden art. 45.1.5. \xa0He, then, on this occasion met Octavius, who on account of the birth of the child, was somewhat late in reaching the senate-house (for there happened to be a meeting of the senate that day), and upon asking him why he was late and learning the cause, he cried out, "You have begotten a master over us." At this Octavius was alarmed and wished to destroy the infant, but Nigidius restrained him, saying that it was impossible for it to suffer any such fate. \xa0These things were reported at that time; and while the child was being brought up in the country, an eagle snatched from his hands a loaf of bread and after soaring aloft flew down and gave it back to him. When he was now a lad and was staying in Rome,' "
45.7.1. 2. \xa0And when this act also was allowed, no one trying to prevent it through fear of the populace, then at last some of the other decrees already passed in honour of Caesar were put into effect. Thus they called one of the months July after him, and in the course of certain festivals of thanksgiving for victory they sacrificed during one special day in memory of his name. For these reasons the soldiers also, particularly since some of them received largesses of money, readily took the side of Caesar.,3. \xa0A\xa0rumour accordingly got abroad and it seemed likely that something unusual would take place. This belief was due particularly to the circumstance that once, when Octavius wished to speak with Antony in court about something, from an elevated and conspicuous place, as he had been wont to do in his father's lifetime, Antony would not permit it, but caused his lictors to drag him down and drive him out. \xa0All were exceedingly vexed, especially as Caesar, with a view to casting odium upon his rival and attracting the multitude, would no longer even frequent the Forum. So Antony became alarmed, and in conversation with the bystanders one day remarked that he harboured no anger against Caesar, but on the contrary owed him good-will, and was ready to end all suspicion." '45.7.2. \xa0And when this act also was allowed, no one trying to prevent it through fear of the populace, then at last some of the other decrees already passed in honour of Caesar were put into effect. Thus they called one of the months July after him, and in the course of certain festivals of thanksgiving for victory they sacrificed during one special day in memory of his name. For these reasons the soldiers also, particularly since some of them received largesses of money, readily took the side of Caesar.
51.16. 1. \xa0As for the rest who had been connected with Antony\'s cause up to this time, he punished some and pardoned others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of princes and kings who were being kept there, some as hostages and others out of a spirit of arrogance, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and retained still others.,2. \xa0I\xa0shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. of his own accord he restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after his defeat; but he refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent to him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia.,3. \xa0This was the disposition he made of such captives; and in the case of the Egyptians and the Alexandrians, he spared them all, so that none perished. The truth was that he did not see fit to inflict any irreparable injury upon a people so numerous, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways;,4. \xa0nevertheless, he offered as a pretext for his kindness their god Serapis, their founder Alexander, and, in the third place, their fellow-citizen Areius, of whose learning and companionship he availed himself. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he delivered in Greek, so that they might understand him.,5. \xa0After this he viewed the body of Alexander and actually touched it, whereupon, it is said, a piece of the nose was broken off. But he declined to view the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely eager to show them, remarking, "I\xa0wished to see a king, not corpses." For this same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, either, declaring that he was accustomed to worship gods, not cattle.
51.19.2. \xa0Moreover, they decreed that the foundation of the shrine of Julius should be adorned with the beaks of the captured ships and that a festival should be held every four years in honour of Octavius; that there should also be a thanksgiving on his birthday and on the anniversary of the announcement of his victory; also that when he should enter the city the Vestal Virgins and the senate and the people with their wives and children should go out to meet him.
51.22.1. \xa0After finishing this celebration Caesar dedicated the temple of Minerva, called also the Chalcidicum, and the Curia Iulia, which had been built in honour of his father. In the latter he set up the statue of Victory which is still in existence, thus signifying that it was from her that he had received the empire.
53.1.3. \xa0At this particular time, now, besides attending to his other duties as usual, he completed the taking of the census, in connection with which his title was princeps senatus, as had been the practice when Rome was truly a republic. Moreover, he completed and dedicated the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, the precinct surrounding it, and the libraries.
55.9.6. \xa0He made the journey as a private citizen, though he exercised his authority by compelling the Parians to sell him the statue of Vesta, in order that it might be placed in the temple of Concord; and when he reached Rhodes, he refrained from haughty conduct in both word and deed.
55.33.5. \xa0Now when Augustus was growing weary by reason of old age and the feebleness of his body, so that he could not attend to the business of all those who needed his care, though he continued personally, with his assistants, to investigate judicial cases and to pass judgment, seated on the tribunal in the palace, he entrusted to three ex-consuls the embassies sent to Rome by peoples and kings; these, sitting separately, gave audience to such embassies and made answer to them, except in matters in which the final decision had of necessity to be rendered by the senate and Augustus.
55.33.5. \xa0The Breucian, it seems, had been somewhat suspicious of his subject tribes and had gone round to each of the garrisons to demand hostages; and the other, learning of this, lay in wait for him somewhere or other, defeated him in battle, and shut him up in a stronghold. Later, when the Breucian was delivered over by those inside, he took him and brought him before the army, and then, when he had been condemned, put him to death on the spot.' "
56.31.3. \xa0Tiberius and his son Drusus wore dark clothing made for use in the Forum. They, too, offered incense, but did not employ a flute-player. Most of the members sat in their accustomed places, but the consuls sat below, one on the praetors' bench and the other on that of the tribunes. After this Tiberius was absolved for having touched the corpse, a forbidden act, and for having escorted it on its journey, although the\xa0.\xa0.\xa0." '
59.5. 1. \xa0This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2. \xa0For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3. \xa0Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4. \xa0At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5. \xa0driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. \xa0<
68.29.1. \xa0Then he came to the ocean itself, and when he had learned its nature and had seen a ship sailing to India, he said: "I\xa0should certainly have crossed over to the Indi, too, if I\xa0were still young." For he began to think about the Indi and was curious about their affairs, and he counted Alexander a lucky man. Yet he would declare that he himself had advanced farther than Alexander, and would so write to the senate, although he was unable to preserve even the territory that he had subdued.
71.2. 2. \xa0Lucius, accordingly, went to Antioch and collected a large body of troops; then, keeping the best of the leaders under his personal command, he took up his own headquarters in the city, where he made all the dispositions and assembled the supplies for the war, while he entrusted the armies to Cassius.,3. \xa0The latter made a noble stand against the attack of Vologaesus, and finally, when the king was deserted by his allies and began to retire, he pursued him as far as Seleucia and Ctesiphon, destroying Seleucia by fire and razing to the ground the palace of Vologaesus at Ctesiphon.,4. \xa0In returning, he lost a great many of his soldiers through famine and disease, yet he got back to Syria with the survivors. Lucius gloried in these exploits and took great pride in them, yet his extreme good fortune did him no good; \xa0<'
71.2. \xa0Vologaesus, it seems, had begun the war by hemming in on all sides the Roman legion under Severianus that was stationed at Elegeia, a place in Armenia, and then shooting down and destroying the whole force, leaders and all; and he was now advancing, powerful and formidable, against the cities of Syria. '. None
|105. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.28.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cassian, Julius • Julius Cassianus
Found in books: Boulluec (2022) 357, 363; Lieu (2004) 206
|1.28.1. Many offshoots of numerous heresies have already been formed from those heretics we have described. This arises from the fact that numbers of them--indeed, we may say all--desire themselves to be teachers, and to break off from the particular heresy in which they have been involved. Forming one set of doctrines out of a totally different system of opinions, and then again others from others, they insist upon teaching something new, declaring themselves the inventors of any sort of opinion which they may have been able to call into existence. To give an example: Springing from Saturninus and Marcion, those who are called Encratites (self-controlled) preached against marriage, thus setting aside the original creation of God, and indirectly blaming Him who made the male and female for the propagation of the human race. Some of those reckoned among them have also introduced abstinence from animal food, thus proving themselves ungrateful to God, who formed all things. They deny, too, the salvation of him who was first created. It is but lately, however, that this opinion has been invented among them. A certain man named Tatian first introduced the blasphemy. He was a hearer of Justin's, and as long as he continued with him he expressed no such views; but after his martyrdom he separated from the Church, and, excited and puffed up by the thought of being a teacher, as if he were superior to others, he composed his own peculiar type of doctrine. He invented a system of certain invisible AEons, like the followers of Valentinus; while, like Marcion and Saturninus, he declared that marriage was nothing else than corruption and fornication. But his denial of Adam's salvation was an opinion due entirely to himself."". None|
|106. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4, 8.46.5, 9.27.3, 10.7.1, 10.19.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Gaius Iulius • Julius Agricola, Cn. • Julius Caesar, C., image on the Capitoline • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, Lucius • Kindt, Julia
Found in books: Dignas (2002) 117, 120; Eidinow and Kindt (2015) 496; Lipka (2021) 161; Rutledge (2012) 55, 153, 301
1.4.4. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον ἔσωζον, οἱ δὲ Γαλάται Πυλῶν τε ἐντὸς ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολίσματα ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ποιησάμενοι Δελφοὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ θεοῦ διαρπάσαι μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν. καί σφισιν αὐτοί τε Δελφοὶ καὶ Φωκέων ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ τὰς πόλεις περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν οἰκοῦντες, ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ δύναμις Αἰτωλῶν· τὸ γὰρ Αἰτωλικὸν προεῖχεν ἀκμῇ νεότητος τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα κεραυνοί τε ἐφέροντο ἐς τοὺς Γαλάτας καὶ ἀπορραγεῖσαι πέτραι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, δείματά τε ἄνδρες ἐφίσταντο ὁπλῖται τοῖς βαρβάροις· τούτων τοὺς μὲν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν, Ὑπέροχον καὶ Ἀμάδοκον, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Πύρρον εἶναι τὸν Ἀχιλλέως· ἐναγίζουσι δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης Δελφοὶ τῆς συμμαχίας Πύρρῳ, πρότερον ἔχοντες ἅτε ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ.
8.46.5. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ἐνταῦθα ἀνάκειται ἐλέφαντος διὰ παντὸς πεποιημένον, τέχνη δὲ Ἐνδοίου · τοῦ δὲ ὑὸς τῶν ὀδόντων κατεᾶχθαι μὲν τὸν ἕτερόν φασιν οἱ ἐπὶ τοῖς θαύμασιν, ὁ δʼ ἔτι ἐξ αὐτῶν λειπόμενος ἀνέκειτο ἐν βασιλέως κήποις ἐν ἱερῷ Διονύσου, τὴν περίμετρον τοῦ μήκους παρεχόμενος ἐς ἥμισυ μάλιστα ὀργυιᾶς.
9.27.3. Σαπφὼ δὲ ἡ Λεσβία πολλά τε καὶ οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντα ἀλλήλοις ἐς Ἔρωτα ᾖσε. Θεσπιεῦσι δὲ ὕστερον χαλκοῦν εἰργάσατο Ἔρωτα Λύσιππος, καὶ ἔτι πρότερον τούτου Πραξιτέλης λίθου τοῦ Πεντελῆσι. καὶ ὅσα μὲν εἶχεν ἐς Φρύνην καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ Πραξιτέλει τῆς γυναικὸς σόφισμα, ἑτέρωθι ἤδη μοι δεδήλωται· πρῶτον δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα κινῆσαι τοῦ Ἔρωτος λέγουσι Γάιον δυναστεύσαντα ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Κλαυδίου δὲ ὀπίσω Θεσπιεῦσιν ἀποπέμψαντος Νέρωνα αὖθις δεύτερα ἀνάσπαστον ποιῆσαι.
10.7.1. ἔοικε δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι πλείστων ἤδη. οὗτός τε ὁ Εὐβοεὺς λῃστὴς καὶ ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τὸ ἔθνος τὸ Φλεγυῶν, ἔτι δὲ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ, καὶ δυνάμεως μοῖρα τῆς Ξέρξου, καὶ οἱ χρόνον τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐν Φωκεῦσι δυνάσται, καὶ ἡ Γαλατῶν στρατιά. ἔμελλε δὲ ἄρα οὐδὲ τῆς Νέρωνος ἐς πάντα ὀλιγωρίας ἀπειράτως ἕξειν, ὃς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πεντακοσίας θεῶν τε ἀναμὶξ ἀφείλετο καὶ ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς.
10.19.2. οὗτοι περὶ τὸ ὄρος τὸ Πήλιον ἐπιπεσόντος ναυτικῷ τῷ Ξέρξου βιαίου χειμῶνος προσεξειργάσαντό σφισιν ἀπώλειαν, τάς τε ἀγκύρας καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο ἔρυμα ταῖς τριήρεσιν ἦν ὑφέλκοντες. ἀντὶ τούτου μὲν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες καὶ αὐτὸν Σκύλλιν καὶ τὴν παῖδα ἀνέθεσαν· ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσιν ὁπόσους Νέρων ἔλαβεν ἐκ Δελφῶν, ἐν τούτοις τὸν ἀριθμὸν καὶ τῆς Ὕδνης ἀπεπλήρωσεν ἡ εἰκών. καταδύονται δὲ ἐς θάλασσαν γένους τοῦ θήλεος αἱ καθαρῶς ἔτι παρθένοι.''. None
|1.4.4. So they tried to save Greece in the way described, but the Gauls, now south of the Gates, cared not at all to capture the other towns, but were very eager to sack Delphi and the treasures of the god. They were opposed by the Delphians themselves and the Phocians of the cities around Parnassus ; a force of Aetolians also joined the defenders, for the Aetolians at this time were pre-eminent for their vigorous activity. When the forces engaged, not only were thunderbolts and rocks broken off from Parnassus hurled against the Gauls, but terrible shapes as armed warriors haunted the foreigners. They say that two of them, Hyperochus and Amadocus, came from the Hyperboreans, and that the third was Pyrrhus son of Achilles. Because of this help in battle the Delphians sacrifice to Pyrrhus as to a hero, although formerly they held even his tomb in dishonor, as being that of an enemy.' "|
8.46.5. Here then it has been set up, made throughout of ivory, the work of Endoeus. Those in charge of the curiosities say that one of the boar's tusks has broken off; the remaining one is kept in the gardens of the emperor, in a sanctuary of Dionysus, and is about half a fathom long. " '
9.27.3. Sappho of Lesbos wrote many poems about Love, but they are not consistent. Later on Lysippus made a bronze Love for the Thespians, and previously Praxiteles one of Pentelic marble. The story of Phryne and the trick she played on Praxiteles I have related in another place. See Paus. 1.20.1 . The first to remove the image of Love, it is said, was Gaius the Roman Emperor; Claudius, they say, sent it back to Thespiae, but Nero carried it away a second time.
10.7.1. It seems that from the beginning the sanctuary at Delphi has been plotted against by a vast number of men. Attacks were made against it by this Euboean pirate, and years afterwards by the Phlegyan nation; furthermore by Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, by a portion of the army of Xerxes, by the Phocian chieftains, whose attacks on the wealth of the god were the longest and fiercest, and by the Gallic invaders. It was fated too that Delphi was to suffer from the universal irreverence of Nero, who robbed Apollo of five hundred bronze statues, some of gods, some of men.
10.19.2. When the fleet of Xerxes was attacked by a violent storm off Mount Pelion, father and daughter completed its destruction by dragging away under the sea the anchors and any other security the triremes had. In return for this deed the Amphictyons dedicated statues of Scyllis and his daughter. The statue of Hydna completed the number of the statues that Nero carried off from Delphi . Only those of the female sex who are pure virgins may dive into the sea. This sentence is probably a marginal note which has crept into the text.''. None
|107. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.5 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Africanus, S. • Julius Antiochus Epiphanes Philopappus, senator • Julius Severus, proconsul
Found in books: Borg (2008) 58; Marek (2019) 472
4.5. ̓Αφικνουμένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ ἐς τὴν Σμύρναν προσαπήντων μὲν οἱ ̓́Ιωνες, καὶ γὰρ ἔτυχον Πανιώνια θύοντες, ἀναγνοὺς δὲ καὶ ψήφισμα ̓Ιωνικόν, ἐν ᾧ ἐδέοντο αὐτοῦ κοινωνῆσαί σφισι τοῦ ξυλλόγου, καὶ ὀνόματι προστυχὼν ἥκιστα ̓Ιωνικῷ, Λούκουλλος γάρ τις ἐπεγέγραπτο τῇ γνώμῃ, πέμπει ἐπιστολὴν ἐς τὸ κοινὸν αὐτῶν ἐπίπληξιν ποιούμενος περὶ τοῦ βαρβαρισμοῦ τούτου: καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ Φαβρίκιον καὶ τοιούτους ἑτέρους ἐν τοῖς ἐψηφισμένοις εὗρεν. ὡς μὲν οὖν ἐρρωμένως ἐπέπληξε, δηλοῖ ἡ περὶ τούτου ἐπιστολή.''. None
|4.5. But when he came to Smyrna the Ionians went out to meet him, for they were just celebrating the pan-Ionian sacrifices. And he there read a decree of the Ionians, in which they besought him to take part in their solemn meeting; and in it he met with a name which had not at all an Ionian ring, for a certain Lucullus had signed the resolution. He accordingly sent a letter to their council expressing his astonishment at such an instance of barbarism; for he had, it seems, also found the name Fabricius and other such names in the decrees. The letter on this subject shows how sternly he reprimanded them.''. None|
|108. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.10, 4.9, 4.9.7, 6.19.4, 8.23, 10.81-10.82 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Agricola, Cn. • Iulius Apellas • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian,, Trajan's role • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian,, duration • Iulius Bassus, C, trials of under Vespasian,, timing • Iulius Severus, Sex. (cos. • Julius Bassus, governor • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Celsus Polemaeanus, Ti.
Found in books: Borg (2008) 304; Czajkowski et al (2020) 188; Hanghan (2019) 37, 88; Hitch (2017) 37, 88; Marek (2019) 421; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 39; Talbert (1984) 444, 476, 478, 501; Udoh (2006) 78
|1.10. To Attius Clemens. If ever there was a time when this Rome of ours was devoted to learning, it is now. There are many shining lights, of whom it will be enough to mention but one. I refer to Euphrates the philosopher. * I saw a great deal of him, even in the privacy of his home life, during my young soldiering days in Syria, and I did my best to win his affection, though that was not a hard task, for he is ever easy of access, frank, and full of the humanities that he teaches. I only wish that I had been as successful in fulfilling the hopes he then formed of me as he has been increasing his large stock of virtues, though possibly it is I who now admire them the more because I can appreciate them the better. Even now my appreciation is not as complete as it might be. It is only an artist who can thoroughly judge another painter, sculptor, or image-maker, and so too it needs a philosopher to estimate another philosopher at his full merit. But so far as I can judge, Euphrates has many qualities so conspicuously brilliant that they arrest the eyes and attention even of those who have but modest pretensions to learning. His reasoning is acute, weighty, and elegant, often attaining to the breadth and loftiness that we find in Plato. His conversation flows in a copious yet varied stream, strikingly pleasant to the ear, and with a charm that seizes and carries away even the reluctant hearer. Add to this a tall, commanding presence, a handsome face, long flowing hair, a streaming white beard - all of which may be thought accidental adjuncts and without significance, but they do wonderfully increase the veneration he inspires. There is no studied negligence in his dress, it is severely plain but not austere; when you meet him you revere him without shrinking away in awe. His life is purity itself, but he is just as genial; his lash is not for men but for their vices; for the erring he has gentle words of correction rather than sharp rebuke. When he gives advice you cannot help listening in rapt attention, and you hope he will go on persuading you even when the persuasion is complete. He has three children, two of them sons, whom he has brought up with the strictest care. His father-in-law is Pompeius Julianus, a man of great distinction, but whose chief title to fame is that though, as ruler of a province, he might have chosen a son-in-law of the highest social rank, he preferred one who was distinguished not for social dignities but for wisdom. Yet why describe at greater length a man whose society I can no longer enjoy? Is it to make myself feel my loss the more? For my time is all taken up by the duties of an office - important, no doubt, but tedious in the extreme. I sit on the magistrates' bench; I countersign petitions, I make out the public accounts; I write hosts of letters, but what unliterary productions they are! ** Sometimes - but how seldom I get the opportunity - I complain to Euphrates about these uncongenial duties. He consoles me and even assures me that there is no more noble part in the whole of philosophy than to be a public official, to hear cases, pass judgment, explain the laws and administer justice, and so practise in short what the philosophers do but teach. But he never can persuade me of this, that it is better to be busy as I am than to spend whole days in listening to and acquiring knowledge from him. That makes me the readier to urge you, whose time is your own, to let him put a finish and polish upon you when you come to town, and I hope you will come all the sooner on that account. I am not one of those - and there are many of them - who grudge to others the happiness they are debarred from themselves; on the contrary, I feel a very lively sense of pleasure in seeing my friends abounding in joys that are denied to me. Farewell. 0 " "|
4.9.7. To Cornelius Ursus. For some days past Julius Bassus has been on trial. He is a much harassed man whose misfortunes have made him famous. An accusation was lodged against him in Vespasian's reign by two private individuals; the case was referred to the senate, and for a long time he has been on tenterhooks, but at last he has been acquitted and his character cleared. He was afraid of Titus because he had been a friend of Domitian, yet he had been banished by the latter, was recalled by Nerva, and, after being appointed by lot to the governorship of Bithynia, returned from the province to stand his trial. The case against him was keenly pressed, but he was no less loyally defended. Pomponius Rufus, a ready and impetuous speaker, opened against him and was followed by Theophanes, one of the deputation from the province, who was the very life and soul of the prosecution, and indeed the originator of it. I replied on Bassus' behalf, for he had instructed me to lay the foundations of his whole defence, to give an account of his distinctions, which were very considerable - as he was a man of good family, and had faced many hazards - to dilate upon the conspiracy of the informers and the gains they counted upon, and to explain how it was that Bassus had roused the resentment of all the restless spirits of the province, and notably of Theophanes himself. He had expressed a wish that I too should controvert the charge which was damaging him most. For as to the others, though they sounded to be even more serious, he deserved not only acquittal but approbation, and the only thing that troubled him was that, in an unguarded moment and in perfect innocence, he had received certain presents from the provincials as a token of friendship, for he had served in the same province previously as quaestor. His accusers stigmatised these gifts as thefts * and plunder In such a case what was I to do, what line of defence was I to take up? If I denied them altogether, I was afraid that people would immediately regard as a theft the presents which I was afraid to confess had been received. Moreover, to deny the obvious truth would have been to aggravate and not lessen the gravity of the charge, especially as the accused himself had cut the ground away from under the feet of his counsel. For he had told many people, and even the Emperor, that he had accepted, but only on his birthday or at the feast of the Saturnalia, some few trifling presents, and had also sent similar gifts to some of his friends. Was I then to acknowledge this and plead for clemency? Had I done so, I should have put a knife to my client's throat by confessing that he had committed offences and could only be acquitted by an act of clemency. Was I to defend his conduct and justify it? That would have done him no good, and would have stamped me as an unblushing advocate. In this difficult position I resolved to take a middle course, and I think I succeeded in so doing. Night interrupted my pleading, as it so often interrupts battles. I had been speaking for three hours and a half, and I had another hour and a half still left me. The law allowed the accuser six hours and the defendant nine, and Bassus had arranged the time at his disposal by giving me five hours, and the remainder to the advocate who was to speak after me. The success of my pleading persuaded me to say no more and make an end, for it is rash not to rest content when things are going well. Besides, I was afraid I might break down physically if I went over the ground again, as it is more difficult to pick up the threads of a speech than to go straight on. There was also the risk of the remainder of my speech meeting with a chilly reception, owing to the threads being dropped, or of it boring the judges if I gathered them up anew. For, just as the flame of a torch is kept alight if you wave it continually up and down, but is difficult to resuscitate when it has been allowed to go out, so the warmth of a speaker and the attention of his audience are kept alive if he goes on speaking, but cool off at any interruption which causes interest to flag. But Bassus begged and prayed of me, almost with tears in his eyes, to take my full time. I gave way, and preferred his interests to my own. It turned out well, for I found that the senators were so attentive and so fresh that, instead of having had quite enough of my speech of the day before, it seemed to have only whetted their appetites for more. Lucceius Albinus followed me and spoke so much to the point that our speeches were considered to have all the diversity of two addresses but the cohesion of one. Herennius Pollio replied with force and dignity, and then Theophanes again rose. He showed his usual effrontery in demanding a more liberal allowance of time than is usually granted - even after two advocates of ability and consular rank had concluded - and he went on speaking until nightfall, and actually continued after that, when lights had been brought into court. On the following day Titius Homullus and Fronto made a splendid effort on behalf of Bassus, and the hearing of the evidence took up the fourth day. Baebius Macer, the consul-designate, proposed that Bassus should be dealt with under the law relating to extortion, while Caepio Hispo was in favour of appointing judges to hear the case, ** but urged that Bassus should retain his place in the senate. Both were in the right. How can that be? you may ask. For this reason, because Macer, looking at the letter of the law, was justified in condemning a man who had broken the law by receiving presents; while Caepio, acting on the assumption that the senate has the right - which it certainly has - both to mitigate the severity of the laws and to rigorously put them in force, was not unreasonably desirous of excusing an offence which, though illegal, is very often committed. Caepio's proposal carried the day; indeed, when he rose to speak he was greeted with the applause which is usually reserved for speakers upon resuming their seats. This will enable you to judge how uimously the motion was received while he was speaking, when it met with such a reception on his rising to put it. However, just as there was difference of opinion in the senate, so there is the same with the general public. Those who approved the proposal of Caepio find fault with that of Macer as being vindictive and severe; those who agree with Macer condemn Caepio's motion as lax and even inconsistent, for they say it is incongruous to allow a man to keep his place in the senate when judges have been allotted to try him. There was also a third proposal. Valerius Paulinus, who agreed in the main with Caepio, proposed that an inquiry should be instituted into the case of Theophanes, as soon as he had concluded his work on the deputation. It was urged that during his conduct of the prosecution he had committed a number of offences which came within the scope of the law under which he had accused Bassus. However, the consuls did not approve this proposal, though it found great favour with a large proportion of the senate. Nonetheless, Paulinus gained a reputation thereby for justice and consistency. When the senate rose, Bassus came in for an ovation; crowds gathered round him and greeted him with a remarkable demonstration of their joy. † Public sympathy had been aroused in his favour by the old story of the hazards he had gone through being told over again, by the association of his name with grave perils, by his tall physique and the sadness and poverty of his old age. You must consider this letter as the forerunner of another " '
4.9. To Cornelius Ursus. For some days past Julius Bassus has been on trial. He is a much harassed man whose misfortunes have made him famous. An accusation was lodged against him in Vespasian's reign by two private individuals; the case was referred to the senate, and for a long time he has been on tenterhooks, but at last he has been acquitted and his character cleared. He was afraid of Titus because he had been a friend of Domitian, yet he had been banished by the latter, was recalled by Nerva, and, after being appointed by lot to the governorship of Bithynia, returned from the province to stand his trial. The case against him was keenly pressed, but he was no less loyally defended. Pomponius Rufus, a ready and impetuous speaker, opened against him and was followed by Theophanes, one of the deputation from the province, who was the very life and soul of the prosecution, and indeed the originator of it. I replied on Bassus' behalf, for he had instructed me to lay the foundations of his whole defence, to give an account of his distinctions, which were very considerable - as he was a man of good family, and had faced many hazards - to dilate upon the conspiracy of the informers and the gains they counted upon, and to explain how it was that Bassus had roused the resentment of all the restless spirits of the province, and notably of Theophanes himself. He had expressed a wish that I too should controvert the charge which was damaging him most. For as to the others, though they sounded to be even more serious, he deserved not only acquittal but approbation, and the only thing that troubled him was that, in an unguarded moment and in perfect innocence, he had received certain presents from the provincials as a token of friendship, for he had served in the same province previously as quaestor. His accusers stigmatised these gifts as thefts * and plunder In such a case what was I to do, what line of defence was I to take up? If I denied them altogether, I was afraid that people would immediately regard as a theft the presents which I was afraid to confess had been received. Moreover, to deny the obvious truth would have been to aggravate and not lessen the gravity of the charge, especially as the accused himself had cut the ground away from under the feet of his counsel. For he had told many people, and even the Emperor, that he had accepted, but only on his birthday or at the feast of the Saturnalia, some few trifling presents, and had also sent similar gifts to some of his friends. Was I then to acknowledge this and plead for clemency? Had I done so, I should have put a knife to my client's throat by confessing that he had committed offences and could only be acquitted by an act of clemency. Was I to defend his conduct and justify it? That would have done him no good, and would have stamped me as an unblushing advocate. In this difficult position I resolved to take a middle course, and I think I succeeded in so doing. Night interrupted my pleading, as it so often interrupts battles. I had been speaking for three hours and a half, and I had another hour and a half still left me. The law allowed the accuser six hours and the defendant nine, and Bassus had arranged the time at his disposal by giving me five hours, and the remainder to the advocate who was to speak after me. The success of my pleading persuaded me to say no more and make an end, for it is rash not to rest content when things are going well. Besides, I was afraid I might break down physically if I went over the ground again, as it is more difficult to pick up the threads of a speech than to go straight on. There was also the risk of the remainder of my speech meeting with a chilly reception, owing to the threads being dropped, or of it boring the judges if I gathered them up anew. For, just as the flame of a torch is kept alight if you wave it continually up and down, but is difficult to resuscitate when it has been allowed to go out, so the warmth of a speaker and the attention of his audience are kept alive if he goes on speaking, but cool off at any interruption which causes interest to flag. But Bassus begged and prayed of me, almost with tears in his eyes, to take my full time. I gave way, and preferred his interests to my own. It turned out well, for I found that the senators were so attentive and so fresh that, instead of having had quite enough of my speech of the day before, it seemed to have only whetted their appetites for more. Lucceius Albinus followed me and spoke so much to the point that our speeches were considered to have all the diversity of two addresses but the cohesion of one. Herennius Pollio replied with force and dignity, and then Theophanes again rose. He showed his usual effrontery in demanding a more liberal allowance of time than is usually granted - even after two advocates of ability and consular rank had concluded - and he went on speaking until nightfall, and actually continued after that, when lights had been brought into court. On the following day Titius Homullus and Fronto made a splendid effort on behalf of Bassus, and the hearing of the evidence took up the fourth day. Baebius Macer, the consul-designate, proposed that Bassus should be dealt with under the law relating to extortion, while Caepio Hispo was in favour of appointing judges to hear the case, ** but urged that Bassus should retain his place in the senate. Both were in the right. How can that be? you may ask. For this reason, because Macer, looking at the letter of the law, was justified in condemning a man who had broken the law by receiving presents; while Caepio, acting on the assumption that the senate has the right - which it certainly has - both to mitigate the severity of the laws and to rigorously put them in force, was not unreasonably desirous of excusing an offence which, though illegal, is very often committed. Caepio's proposal carried the day; indeed, when he rose to speak he was greeted with the applause which is usually reserved for speakers upon resuming their seats. This will enable you to judge how uimously the motion was received while he was speaking, when it met with such a reception on his rising to put it. However, just as there was difference of opinion in the senate, so there is the same with the general public. Those who approved the proposal of Caepio find fault with that of Macer as being vindictive and severe; those who agree with Macer condemn Caepio's motion as lax and even inconsistent, for they say it is incongruous to allow a man to keep his place in the senate when judges have been allotted to try him. There was also a third proposal. Valerius Paulinus, who agreed in the main with Caepio, proposed that an inquiry should be instituted into the case of Theophanes, as soon as he had concluded his work on the deputation. It was urged that during his conduct of the prosecution he had committed a number of offences which came within the scope of the law under which he had accused Bassus. However, the consuls did not approve this proposal, though it found great favour with a large proportion of the senate. Nonetheless, Paulinus gained a reputation thereby for justice and consistency. When the senate rose, Bassus came in for an ovation; crowds gathered round him and greeted him with a remarkable demonstration of their joy. † Public sympathy had been aroused in his favour by the old story of the hazards he had gone through being told over again, by the association of his name with grave perils, by his tall physique and the sadness and poverty of his old age. You must consider this letter as the forerunner of another " "
6.19.4. To Nepos. You know that the price of land, especially in the suburbs of Rome, has gone up. The cause of this sudden increase in value has been the theme of general discussion. At the last elections the senate passed the following wholesome resolutions; "That no candidates should provide public entertainments, send presents, and deposit sums of money.\'\' The first two practices had gone on openly, and been carried beyond all reasonable lengths ; the last-named had been indulged in secretly, but still to every one\'s knowledge. So our friend Homullus clearly availed himself of the uimity of the senate, and, instead of making a speech, he asked that the consuls should acquaint the Emperor with the wishes of the whole body of senators, and beg him to take steps to devise means to put a stop to this evil, as he had already done to other scandals. He has done so, for by means of the Corrupt Practices Act he has restricted the shameful and scandalous expenses which candidates used to incur, and he has issued orders that all candidates shall have invested a third of their patrimony in land. He very justly took the view that it was disgraceful that candidates for public offices should regard Rome and Italy, not as their mother country, but as a mere inn or lodging-place, in which they were staying as travellers. So the candidates are busy running about buying up whatever they hear is on sale, and they are forcing a number of estates into the market. Consequently if you are tired of your Italian estates, now is the real good time to sell them and buy others in the provinces, for the candidates have to sell their provincial properties to enable them to purchase here. Farewell. ' ". None
|109. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antius Aulus Iulius Quadratus (C.) • Iulius Apellas • Quadratus, C. Antius Aulus Iulius
Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 67; Heller and van Nijf (2017) 355, 356
|110. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix
Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 233; Rutledge (2012) 294
|111. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julian • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 255; Fowler (2014) 145
|112. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius) • House of Julius Polybius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 269; Verhagen (2022) 269; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 364
|113. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julian (emperor) • Julian (of Chaldean Oracles) • Julian the Apostate, • body, Julian as angel in human
Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 398; Janowitz (2002b) 128; Russell and Nesselrath (2014) 143; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 321
|114. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julian, Emperor • Marcus Iulius Eugenius
Found in books: Kahlos (2019) 154; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 72
|115. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, Gaius
Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 185; Green (2014) 162; Mowat (2021) 141; Santangelo (2013) 116, 240
|116. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 16.10.1, 16.10.8, 19.12.14, 20.4.1-20.4.2, 20.4.14, 20.10-20.11, 21.1.6-21.1.8, 21.1.10, 21.16.5, 22.5.2-22.5.4, 22.10.7, 22.14.3, 23.1.2-23.1.3, 23.2.7, 23.3.3, 23.5.4, 23.5.10, 23.5.12-23.5.14, 24.8.4, 25.2.3-25.2.8, 25.3.19, 25.4.20, 27.3.12-27.3.13, 29.1.31, 31.16.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antioch, site of imperial court under Julian • Apollo, Julian dreams of • Constantinople, reformation of imperial court by Julian • Epidauros Asklepieion, visit of Marcus Julius Apellas (Carian citizen) • Gallus, Julian’s half-brother • Judaism, Julian on • Julian • Julian (Emperor) • Julian (emperor) • Julian (the Apostate) • Julian (the Apostate), Edict on Rebuilding the Temple in Jerusalem • Julian (the Apostate), Neo-Platonism • Julian (the Apostate), and Roman army • Julian (the Apostate), generally • Julian (the Apostate), interest in prophecy • Julian (the Apostate), life • Julian Alps • Julian the Apostate, • Julian the Apostate, on the Persians • Julian, emperor • Julian, emperor (A.D . • Julian, the Apostate • Julian’s centrality in Ammianus’ narrative • Neo-Platonism, and Julian • Popes (Roman), Julius I • army, Roman, under Julian • clergy, revocation of privileges by Julian • edicts, of Julian • oppression, political, by Julian • paganism, reassertion by Julian
Found in books: Bloch (2022) 140; Bowersock (1997) 159; Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 128, 130; Davies (2004) 251; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 158; Dijkstra (2020) 65; Edmonds (2019) 389; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 171; Esler (2000) 271, 277, 1252, 1253, 1254, 1256, 1258, 1260, 1268, 1269; Fowler (2014) 139; Humfress (2007) 143; Isaac (2004) 207; Konig (2022) 242; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 267, 268; Pollmann and Vessey (2007) 119; Renberg (2017) 708; Ruiz and Puertas (2021) 21, 39, 102, 113, 114, 115, 121, 125, 128, 129, 130, 131; Van Nuffelen (2012) 158; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 94; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 222, 247, 248
|16.10.1. While these events were so being arranged in the Orient and in Gaul in accordance with the times, Constantius, as if the temple of Janus had been closed and all his enemies overthrown, was eager to visit Rome and after the death of Magnentius to celebrate, without a title, a triumph over Roman blood. |
16.10.8. And there marched on either side twin lines of infantrymen with shields and crests gleaming with glittering rays, clad in shining mail; and scattered among them were the full-armoured cavalry (whom they call clibanarii ). Cuirassiers; the word is derived from κλίβανον, oven, and means entirely encased in iron; see Index of officials, or Index II. all masked, furnished with protecting breastplates and girt with iron belts, so that you might have supposed them statues polished by the hand of Praxiteles, not men. Thin circles of iron plates, fitted to the curves of their bodies, completely covered their limbs; so that whichever way they had to move their members, their garment fitted, so skilfully were the joinings made.
19.12.14. For if anyone wore on his neck an amulet against the quartan ague or any other complaint, or was accused by the testimony of the evil-disposed of passing by a grave in the evening, on the ground that he was a dealer in poisons, or a gatherer of the horrors of tombs and the vain illusions of the ghosts that walk there, he was condemned to capital punishment and so perished.
20.4.1. When Constantius was hastening to lend aid to the Orient, which was likely soon to be disturbed by the inroads of the Persians, as deserters reported in agreement with our scouts, he was tormented Cf. Hor., Epist. ii. 1, 13, urit enim fulgore suo qui praegravat artes infra se positas. by the valorous deeds of Julian, which increasingly frequent report was spreading abroad through the mouths of divers nations, carrying the great glory Adorea originally meant grain distributed to the soldiers as a reward for a victory; then victory, glory; cf. Hor., Odes, iv. 4, 41, dies . . .qui primus alma risit adorea. of his mighty toils and achievements after the overthrow of several kingdoms of the Alamanni, and the recovery of the Gallic towns, which before had been destroyed and plundered by the savages whom he himself had made tributaries and subjects. 20.4.2. Excited by these and similar exploits, and fearing that their fame would grow greater, urged on besides, as was reported, by the prefect Florentius, Praetorian prefect in Gaul; cf. xvi. 12, 14; xvii. 3, 2, etc.; not the same as the Florentius of xx. 2, 2. he sent Decentius, the tribune and secretary, at once to take from Julian his auxiliaries, namely, the Aeruli and Batavi See i. 3, note 2. and the Celts with the Petulantes, Mentioned together also in xx. 5, 9; the latter probably got their name from some act of lawlessness, as per contra legions were called Pia, Fidelis, etc. as well as three hundred picked men from each of the other divisions On numeris see Index of officials, vol. i. of the army; and he ordered him to hasten their march under the pretext that they might be able to be on hand for an attack on the Parthians early in the spring. This would hardly have been possible; of. adulta hieme, in 1, 3.
20.4.14. But no sooner had night come on than they broke out in open revolt, and, with their minds excited to the extent that each was distressed by the unexpected occurrence, they turned to arms and action; with mighty tumult they all made for the palace, Later destroyed by the Normans. It was perhaps the building known under the name of Domus Thermarum, and Palatium Thermarum. and wholly surrounding it, so that no one could possibly get out, with terrifying outcries they hailed Julian as Augustus, urgently demanding that he should show himself to them. They were compelled to wait for the appearance of daylight, but finally forced him to come out; and as soon as they saw him, they redoubled their shouts and with determined uimity hailed him as Augustus.
21.1.6. Moreover, now that Gaul was quieted, his desire of first attacking Constantius was sharpened and fired, since he inferred from many prophetic signs (in which he was an adept) and from dreams, that Constantius would shortly depart from life. 21.1.7. And since to an emperor both learned and devoted to all knowledge malicious folk attribute evil arts for divining future events, we must briefly consider how this important kind of learning also may form part of a philosopher’s equipment. 21.1.8. The spirit pervading all the elements, seeing that they are eternal bodies, is always and everywhere strong in the power of prescience, and as the result of the knowledge which we acquire through varied studies makes us also sharers in the gifts of divina- tion; and the elemental powers, Demons, in the Greek sense of the word δαίμονες; of. xiv. 11, 25, substantialis tutela. when propitiated by divers rites, supply mortals with words of prophecy, as if from the veins of inexhaustible founts. These prophecies are said to be under the control of the divine Themis, so named because she reveals in advance decrees determined for the future by the law of the fates, which the Greeks call τεθειμένα; Things fixed and immutable. and therefore the ancient theologians gave her a share in the bed and throne of Jupiter, the life-giving power.
21.1.10. Those, too, who give attention to the prophetic entrails of beasts, which are wont to assume innumerable forms, know of impending events. And the teacher of this branch of learning is one named Tages, who (as the story goes) was seen suddenly to spring from the earth in the regions of Etruria. See xvii. 10, 2, note.
21.16.5. By a prudent and temperate manner of life and by moderation in eating and drinking he maintained such sound health that he rarely suffered from illnesses, but such as he had were of a dangerous character. For that abstinence from dissipation and luxury have this effect on the body is shown by repeated experience, as well as by the statements of physicians.
22.5.2. But when his fears were ended, and he saw that the time had come when he could do as he wished, he revealed the secrets of his heart and by plain and formal decrees ordered the temples to be opened, victims brought to the altars, and the worship of the gods restored. 22.5.3. And in order to add to the effectiveness of these ordices, he summoned to the palace the bishops of the Christians, who were of conflicting opinions, and the people, who were also at variance, and politely advised them to lay aside their differences, and each fearlessly and without opposition to observe his own beliefs. 22.5.4. On this he took a firm stand, to the end that, as this freedom increased their dissension, he might afterwards have no fear of a united populace, knowing as he did from experience that no wild beasts are such enemies to mankind as are most of the Christians in their deadly hatred of one another. And he often used to say: Hear me, to whom the Alamanni and the Franks have given ear, thinking that in this he was imitating a saying of the earlier emperor Marcus. But he did not observe that the two cases were very different.
22.10.7. For after many other things, he also corrected some of the laws, removing ambiguities, so that they showed clearly what they demanded or forbade to be done. But this one thing was inhumane, and ought to be buried in eternal silence, namely, that he forbade teachers of rhetoric and literature to practise their profession, if they were followers of the Christian religion.
22.14.3. For he was ridiculed as a Cercops, One of a people living in an island near Sicily, changed by Jupiter into apes; Ov., Metam. xiv. 91, and Suidas, s.v. κέρκωπες. as a dwarf, spreading his narrow shoulders and displaying a billy-goat’s beard, Cf. xxv. 4, 22. taking mighty strides as if he were the brother of Otus and Ephialtes, whose height Homer describes as enormous. Two giants, the Aloidae; cf. Odyss. xi. 307 ff. He was also called by many a slaughterer The victimarius slew the animal that was offered up. instead of high-priest, in jesting allusion to his many offerings; and in fact he was fittingly criticised because for the sake of display he improperly took pleasure in carrying the sacred emblems in place of the priests, and in being attended by a company of women. But although he was indigt for these and similar reasons, he held his peace, kept control of his feelings, and continued to celebrate the festivals.
23.1.2. And although he weighed every possible variety of events with anxious thought, and pushed on with burning zeal the many preparations for his campaign, yet turning his activity to every part, and eager to extend the memory of his reign by great works, he planned at vast cost to restore the once splendid temple at Jerusalem, which after many mortal combats during the siege by Vespasian and later by Titus, had barely been stormed. He had entrusted the speedy performance of this work to Alypius of Antioch, who had once been vice-prefect of Britain. 23.1.3. But, though this Alypius pushed the work on with vigour, aided by the governor of the province, terrifying balls of flame kept bursting forth near the foundations of the temple, and made the place inaccessible to the workmen, some of whom were burned to death; and since in this way the element persistently repelled them, the enterprise halted.
23.2.7. Then, uniting all his forces, he marched to Mesopotamia so rapidly that, since no report of his coming had preceded him (for he had carefully guarded against that), he came upon the Assyrians unawares. Finally, having crossed the Euphrates on a bridge of boats, he arrived with his army and his Scythian auxiliaries at Batnae, Cf. xiv. 3, 3. a town of Osdroëne, where he met with a sad portent.
23.3.3. Here, as Julian slept, his mind was disturbed by dreams, which made him think that some sorrow would come to him. Therefore, both he himself and the interpreters of dreams, considering the present conditions, declared that the following day, which was the nineteenth of March, ought to be carefully watched. But, as was afterwards learned, it was on that same night that the temple of the Palatine Apollo, under the prefecture of Apronianus, was burned in the eternal city; and if it had not been for the employment of every possible help, the Cumaean books These Sibylline books had been kept in the pedestal of the statue of Apollo, in accordance with the desire of Augustus, who built the temple. See Suet., Aug. xxxi. 1 ( L.C.L., i. 170). also would have been destroyed by the raging flames.
23.5.4. But while Julian was lingering at Cercusium, to the end that his army with all its followers might cross the Abora on a bridge of boats, he received a sorrowful letter from Sallustius, prefect of Gaul, begging that the campaign against the Parthians might be put off, and that Julian should not thus prematurely, without having yet prayed for the protection of the gods, expose himself to inevitable destruction.
23.5.10. However, the Etruscan soothsayers, who accompanied the other adepts in interpreting prodigies, since they were not believed when they often tried to prevent this campaign, now brought out their books on war, and showed that this sign was adverse and prohibitory to a prince invading another’s territory, even though he was in the right.
23.5.12. Likewise, on the following day, which was the seventh of April, as the sun was already sloping towards its setting, starting with a little cloud thick darkness suddenly filled the air and daylight was removed; and after much menacing thunder and lightning a soldier named Jovian, with two horses which he was bringing back after watering them at the river, was struck dead by a bolt from the sky. 23.5.13. Upon seeing this, Julian again called in the interpreters of omens, and on being questioned they declared emphatically that this sign also forbade the expedition, pointing out that the thunderbolt was of the advisory kind; On this kind of thunderbolt see Seneca, Nat. Quaest. ii. 39, 1 ff. for so those are called which either recommend or dissuade any act. And so much the more was it necessary to guard against this one. because it killed a soldier of lofty name Since Jovianus is connected with Jupiter. as well as war-horses, and because places which were struck in that manner—so the books on lightning These prescribed the rites and taboos connected with thunderbolts. The expression libri fulgurales seems to occur only here and in Cic., Div. i. 33, 72, where we have haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri. declare— must neither be looked upon nor trodden. 23.5.14. The philosophers, on the other hand, maintained that the brilliance of the sacred fire which suddenly appeared signified nothing at all, but was merely the course of a stronger mass of air sent downward from the aether by some force; or if it did give any sign, it foretold an increase in renown for the emperor, as he was beginning a glorious enterprise, since it is well known that flames by their very nature mount on high without opposition.
24.8.4. And since human wisdom availed nothing, after long wavering and hesitation we built altars and slew victims, in order to learn the purpose of the gods, whether they advised us to return through Assyria, or to march slowly along the foot of the mountains and unexpectedly lay waste Chiliocomum, situated near Corduena; but on inspection of the organs it was announced that neither course would suit the signs.
25.2.3. Moreover, when he was forced for a time to indulge in an anxious and restless sleep, he threw it off in his usual manner, and, following the example of Julius Caesar, did some writing in his tent. Once when in the darkness of night he was intent upon the lofty thought of some philosopher, he saw somewhat dimly, as he admitted to his intimates, that form of the protecting deity of the state which he had seen in Gaul when he was rising to Augustan dignity, Cf. xx. 5, 10 but now with veil over both head and horn of plenty, sorrowfully passing out through the curtains of his tent. 25.2.4. And although for a moment he remained sunk in stupefaction, yet rising above all fear, he commended his future fate to the decrees of heaven, and now fully awake, the night being now far advanced, he left his bed, which was spread on the ground, and prayed to the gods with rites designed to avert their displeasure. Then he thought he saw a blazing torch of fire, like a falling star, which furrowed part of the air and disappeared. And he was filled with fear lest the threatening star of Mars had thus visibly shown itself. Cf. xxiv. 6, 17. 25.2.5. That fiery brilliance was of the kind that we call διάσσων, ἀστὴρ διαίσσων, a shooting star ; of. Iliad, iv. 75-77. which never falls anywhere or touches the earth; for anyone who believes that bodies can fall from heaven is rightly considered a layman, I.e. not versed in astronomy. or a fool. But this sort of thing happens in many ways, and it will be enough to explain a few of them. 25.2.6. Some believe that sparks glowing from the ethereal force, are not strong enough to go very far and then are extinguished; or at least that beams of light are forced into thick clouds, and because of the heavy clash throw out sparks, or when some light has come in contact with a cloud. For this takes the form of a star, and falls downward, so long as it is sustained by the strength of the fire; but, exhausted by the greatness of the space which it traverses, it loses itself in the air, passing back into the substance whose friction gave it all that heat. Cf. Seneca, Nat. Quaest. ii. 14. 25.2.7. Accordingly, before dawn the Etruscan soothsayers were hastily summoned, and asked what this unusual kind of star portended. Their reply was, that any undertaking at that time must be most carefully avoided, pointing out that in the Tarquitian books, So-called from their author Tarquitius, whom some identify with Tages; cf. xvii. 10, 2; xxi. 1, 10. under the rubric On signs from heaven it was written, that when a meteor was seen in the sky, battle ought not to be joined, or anything similar attempted. 25.2.8. When the emperor scorned this also, as well as many other signs, the soothsayers begged that at least he would put off his departure for some hours; but even this they could not gain, since the emperor was opposed to the whole science of divination, I.e. when it opposed his plans. As Montaigne (Book II, ch. 19) rightly says, he was besotted with the art of divination cf. xxii. 1, 1; xxiii. 3, 3; xxv. 4, 17. but since day had now dawned, camp was broken.
25.3.19. And I shall not be ashamed to admit, that I learned long ago through the words of a trustworthy prophecy, that I should perish by the sword. And therefore I thank the eternal power that I meet my end, not from secret plots, nor from the pain of a tedious illness, nor by the fate of a criminal, but that in the mid-career of glorious renown I have been found worthy of so noble a departure from this world. For he is justly regarded as equally weak and cowardly who desires to die when he ought not, or he who seeks to avoid death when his time has come.
25.4.20. For the laws which he enacted were not oppressive, but stated exactly what was to be done or left undone, with a few exceptions, For example, it was a harsh law that forbade Christian Cf. xxii. 10, 7. rhetoricians and grammarians to teach, unless they consented to worship the pagan deities.
27.3.12. Damasus and Ursinus, burning with a superhuman desire of seizing the bishopric, engaged in bitter strife because of their opposing interests; and the supporters of both parties went even so far as conflicts ending in bloodshed and death. Since Viventius was able neither to end nor to diminish this strife, he was compelled to yield to its great violence, and retired to the suburbs. 27.3.13. And in the struggle Damasus was victorious through the efforts of the party which favoured him. It is a well-known fact that in the basilica of Sicininus, In the Fifth Region, also called Basilica Liberii (see Val. in Wagner-Erfurdt); now Santa Maria Maggiore. where the assembly of the Christian sect is held, in a single day a hundred and thirty-seven corpses of the slain were found, and that it was only with difficulty that the long-continued frenzy of the people was afterwards quieted.
29.1.31. Then a man clad in linen garments, shod also in linen sandals and having a fillet wound about his head, carrying twigs from a tree of good omen, after propitiating in a set formula the divine power from whom predictions come, having full knowledge of the ceremonial, stood over the tripod as priest and set swinging a hanging ring fitted to a very fine linen Valesius read carbasio, which would correspond to the linen garments and sandals; the Thes. Ling. Lat. reads carpathio = linteo . thread and consecrated with mystic arts. This ring, passing over the designated intervals in a series of jumps, and falling upon this and that letter which detained it, made hexameters corresponding with the questions and completely finished in feet and rhythm, like the Pythian verses which we read, or those given out from the oracles of the Branchidae. The descendants of a certain Branchus, a favourite of Apollo, who were at first in charge of the oracle at Branchidae, later called oraculum Apollinis Didymei (Mela, i. 17, 86), in the Milesian territory; cf. Hdt. i. 1 57. The rings had magic powers, cf. Cic., De off. iii. 9, 38; Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 8. Some writers give a different account of the method of divination used by the conspirators.
31.16.9. These events, from the principate of the emperor Nerva to the death of Valens, I, a former soldier and a Greek, have set forth to the measure of my ability, without ever (I believe) consciously venturing to debase through silence or through falsehood a work whose aim was the truth. The rest may be written by abler men, who are in the prime of life and learning. But if they chose to undertake such a task, I advise them to forge For procudere, cf. xv. 2, 8 ( ingenium ); xxx. 4, 13 ( ora ); Horace, Odes, iv. 15, 19. their tongues to the loftier style. The second part, written about 550 in barbarous Latin by another unknown author, under the title Item ex libris Chronicorum inter cetera, covers the period from 474 to 526, and deals mainly with the history of Theodoric. The writer was an opponent of Arianism, and he seems to have based his compilation on the Chronicle of Maximianus, bishop of Ravenna in 546, who died in 556. For this part we have, besides B, cod. Vaticanus Palatinus, Lat. n. 927 (P) of the twelfth century, in which the title appears as De adventu Oduachar regis Cyrorum Apparently for Scyrorum (Scirorum), Exc. § 37. et Erulorum in Italia, et quomodo Rex Theodericus eum fuerit persecutus. The Excerpts as a whole furnish an introduction and a sequel to the narrative of Ammianus.' '. None
|117. Augustine, The City of God, 18.52 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julian, emperor
Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey (2007) 148; Van Nuffelen (2012) 78, 159
|18.52. I do not think, indeed, that what some have thought or may think is rashly said or believed, that until the time of Antichrist the Church of Christ is not to suffer any persecutions besides those she has already suffered - that is, ten - and that the eleventh and last shall be inflicted by Antichrist. They reckon as the first that made by Nero, the second by Domitian, the third by Trajan, the fourth by Antoninus, the fifth by Severus, the sixth by Maximin, the seventh by Decius, the eighth by Valerian, the ninth by Aurelian, the tenth by Diocletian and Maximian. For as there were ten plagues in Egypt before the people of God could begin to go out, they think this is to be referred to as showing that the last persecution by Antichrist must be like the eleventh plague, in which the Egyptians, while following the Hebrews with hostility, perished in the Red Sea when the people of God passed through on dry land. Yet I do not think persecutions were prophetically signified by what was done in Egypt, however nicely and ingeniously those who think so may seem to have compared the two in detail, not by the prophetic Spirit, but by the conjecture of the human mind, which sometimes hits the truth, and sometimes is deceived. But what can those who think this say of the persecution in which the Lord Himself was crucified? In which number will they put it? And if they think the reckoning is to be made exclusive of this one, as if those must be counted which pertain to the body, and not that in which the Head Himself was set upon and slain, what can they make of that one which, after Christ ascended into heaven, took place in Jerusalem, when the blessed Stephen was stoned; when James the brother of John was slaughtered with the sword; when the Apostle Peter was imprisoned to be killed, and was set free by the angel; when the brethren were driven away and scattered from Jerusalem; when Saul, who afterward became the Apostle Paul, wasted the Church; and when he himself, publishing the glad tidings of the faith he had persecuted, suffered such things as he had inflicted, either from the Jews or from other nations, where he most fervently preached Christ everywhere? Why, then, do they think fit to start with Nero, when the Church in her growth had reached the times of Nero amid the most cruel persecutions; about which it would be too long to say anything? But if they think that only the persecutions made by kings ought to be reckoned, it was king Herod who also made a most grievous one after the ascension of the Lord. And what account do they give of Julian, whom they do not number in the ten? Did not he persecute the Church, who forbade the Christians to teach or learn liberal letters? Under him the elder Valentinian, who was the third emperor after him, stood forth as a confessor of the Christian faith, and was dismissed from his command in the army. I shall say nothing of what he did at Antioch, except to mention his being struck with wonder at the freedom and cheerfulness of one most faithful and steadfast young man, who, when many were seized to be tortured, was tortured during a whole day, and sang under the instrument of torture, until the emperor feared lest he should succumb under the continued cruelties and put him to shame at last, which made him dread and fear that he would be yet more dishonorably put to the blush by the rest. Lastly, within our own recollection, did not Valens the Arian, brother of the foresaid Valentinian, waste the Catholic Church by great persecution throughout the East? But how unreasonable it is not to consider that the Church, which bears fruit and grows through the whole world, may suffer persecution from kings in some nations even when she does not suffer it in others! Perhaps, however, it was not to be reckoned a persecution when the king of the Goths, in Gothia itself, persecuted the Christians with wonderful cruelty, when there were none but Catholics there, of whom very many were crowned with martyrdom, as we have heard from certain brethren who had been there at that time as boys, and unhesitatingly called to mind that they had seen these things? And what took place in Persia of late? Was not persecution so hot against the Christians (if even yet it is allayed) that some of the fugitives from it came even to Roman towns? When I think of these and the like things, it does not seem to me that the number of persecutions with which the Church is to be tried can be definitely stated. But, on the other hand, it is no less rash to affirm that there will be some persecutions by kings besides that last one, about which no Christian is in doubt. Therefore we leave this undecided, supporting or refuting neither side of this question, but only restraining men from the audacious presumption of affirming either of them. ''. None|
|118. Julian (Emperor), Letters, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antioch, site of imperial court under Julian • Constantinople, reformation of imperial court by Julian • Jesus, according to Julian (the Apostate) • Judaism, Julian on • Julian • Julian (emperor) • Julian (emperor), Christian practices renounced by • Julian (emperor), possible spuriousness of Letter • Julian (the Apostate) attitudes to, Jesus • Julian (the Apostate) attitudes to, church doctrines and practices • Julian (the Apostate), Edict on Rebuilding the Temple in Jerusalem • Julian (the Apostate), belief in superiority of Greek paideia • Julian (the Apostate), generally • Julian (the Apostate), interest in prophecy • Julian (the Apostate), life • Julian Apostata (emperor), • Julian, Emperor • Julian, emperor • Julian, emperor (A.D . • Julian, the Apostate • clergy, revocation of privileges by Julian • doctrine, according to Julian (the Apostate) • earthquakes, construction of new Jerusalem temple under Julian and • edict / decree / law, Julian’s edict against Christian professors • oppression, political, by Julian • paganism, reassertion by Julian • reprieve under Julian for
Found in books: Bowersock (1997) 16, 111; Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 127, 138; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 178; Esler (2000) 1253, 1254, 1257, 1261, 1265, 1266, 1268, 1269; Gardner (2015) 7; Huttner (2013) 310; Kraemer (2020) 112, 113; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 267; Stephens and Winkler (1995) 11; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 140, 186, 187, 192, 395; Van Nuffelen (2012) 78; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 248
|22. To Arsacius, High-priest of Galatia 362, on his way to Antioch in June? The Hellenic religion does not yet prosper as I desire, and it is the fault of those who profess it; for the worship of the gods is on a splendid and magnificent scale, surpassing every prayer and every hope. May Adrasteia 2 pardon my words, for indeed no one, a little while ago, would have ventured even to pray for a change of such a sort or so complete within so short a time. Why, then, do we think that this is enough, why do we not observe that it is their benevolence to strangers, their care for the graves of the dead and the pretended holiness of their lives that have done most to increase atheism?1 I believe that we ought really and truly to practise every one of these virtues.2 And it is not enough for you alone to practise them, but so must all the priests in Galatia, without exception. Either shame or persuade them into righteousness or else remove them from their priestly office, if they do not, together with their wives, children and servants, attend the worship of the gods but allow their servants or sons or wives to show impiety towards the gods and honour atheism more than piety. In the second place, admonish them that no priest may enter a theatre or drink in a tavern or control any craft or trade that is base and not respectable. Honour those who obey you, but those who disobey, expel from office. In every city establish frequent hostels in order that strangers may profit by our benevolence; I do not mean for our own people only, but for others also who are in need of money. I have but now made a plan by which you may be well provided for this; for I have given directions that 30,000 modii of corn shall be assigned every year for the whole of Galatia, and 60,000 pints 3 of wine. I order that one-fifth of this be used for the poor who serve the priests, and the remainder be distributed by us to strangers and beggars. For it is disgraceful that, when no Jew ever has to beg, and the impious Galilaeans support not only their own poor but ours as well, all men see that our people lack aid from us.1 Teach those of the Hellenic faith to contribute to public service of this sort, and the Hellenic villages to offer their first fruits to the gods; and accustom those who love the Hellenic religion to these good works by teaching them that this was our practice of old. At any rate Homer makes Eumaeus say: "Stranger, it is not lawful for me, not even though a baser man than you should come, to dishonour a stranger. For from Zeus come all strangers and beggars. And a gift, though small, is precious." 2 Then let us not, by allowing others to outdo us in good works, disgrace by such remissness, or rather, utterly abandon, the reverence due to the gods. If I hear that you are carrying out these orders I shall be filled with joy. As for the government officials, do not interview them often at their homes, but write to them frequently. And when they enter the city no priest must go to meet them, but only meet them within the vestibule when they visit the temples of the gods. Let no soldier march before them into the temple, but any who will may follow them; for the moment that one of them passes over the threshold of the sacred precinct he becomes a private citizen. For you yourself, as you are aware, have authority over what is within, since this is the bidding of the divine ordice. Those who obey it are in very truth god-fearing, while those who oppose it with arrogance are vainglorious and empty-headed. I am ready to assist Pessinus1 if her people succeed in winning the favour of the Mother of the Gods. But, if they neglect her, they are not only not free from blame, but, not to speak harshly, let them beware of reaping my enmity also. "For it is not lawful for me to cherish or to pity men who are the enemies of the immortal gods." 2 Therefore persuade them, if they claim my patronage, that the whole community must become suppliants of the Mother of the Gods. ' 31. A decree concerning Physicians3 362, May 12. Const. That the science of medicine is salutary for mankind is plainly testified by experience. Hence the sons of the philosophers are right in proclaiming that this science also is descended from heaven. For by its means the infirmity of our nature and the disorders that attack us are corrected. Therefore, in accordance with reason and justice, we decree what is in harmony with the acts of former Emperors, and of our benevolence ordain that for the future ye may live free from the burdens attaching to senators. 32. To the priestess Theodora 362, Jan-May, Const. or Antioch in the autumn I have received through Mygdonius1 the books that you sent me, and besides, all the letters of recommendation2 that you forwarded to me throughout the festival. Every one of these gives me pleasure, but you may be sure that more pleasant than anything else is the news about your excellent self,3 that by the grace of the gods you are in good physical health, and are devoting yourself to the service of the gods more earnestly and energetically. As regards what you wrote to the philosopher Maximus, that my friend Seleucus4 is ill-disposed towards you, believe me that he neither does nor says in my presence anything that he could possibly intend as slandering. On the contrary, all that he tells me about you is favourable; and while I do not go so far as to say that he actually feels friendly to you—only he himself and the all-seeing gods can know the truth as to that—still I can say with perfect sincerity that he does refrain from any such calumny in my presence. Therefore it seems absurd to scrutinise what is thus concealed rather than what he actually does, and to search for proof of actions of which I have no shred of evidence. But since you have made so many accusations against him, and have plainly revealed to me a definite cause for your own hostility towards him, I do say this much to you frankly; if you are showing favour to any person, man or woman, slave or free, who neither worships the gods as yet, nor inspires in you any hope that you may persuade him to do so, you are wrong. For do but consider first how you would feel about your own household. Suppose that some slave for whom you feel affection should conspire with those who slandered and spoke ill of you, and showed deference to them, but abhorred and detested us who are your friends, would you not wish for his speedy destruction, or rather would you not punish him yourself? 1 Well then, are the gods to be less honoured than our friends? You must use the same argument with reference to them, you must consider that they are our masters and we their slaves. It follows, does it not, that if one of us who call ourselves servants of the gods has a favourite slave who abominates the gods and turns from their worship, we must in justice either convert him and keep him, or dismiss him from the house and sell him, in case some one does not find it easy to dispense with owning a slave? For my part I would not consent to be loved by those who do not love the gods; wherefore I now say plainly that you and all who aspire to priestly offices must bear this in mind, and engage with greater energy in the temple worship of the gods. And it is reasonable to expect that a priest should begin with his own household in showing reverence, and first of all prove that it is wholly and throughout pure of such grave distempers. 36. Rescript on Christian Teachers 2 362, After June 17, from Antioch I hold that a proper education results, not in laboriously acquired symmetry of phrases and language, but in a healthy condition of mind, I mean a mind that has understanding and true opinions about things good and evil, honourable and base. Therefore, when a man thinks one thing and teaches his pupils another, in my opinion he fails to educate exactly in proportion as he fails to be an honest man. And if the divergence between a man\'s convictions and his utterances is merely in trivial matters, that can be tolerated somehow, though it is wrong. But if in matters of the greatest importance a man has certain opinions and teaches the contrary, what is that but the conduct of hucksters, and not honest but thoroughly dissolute men in that they praise most highly the things that they believe to be most worthless, thus cheating and enticing by their praises those to whom they desire to transfer their worthless wares. Now all who profess to teach anything whatever ought to be men of upright character, and ought not to harbour in their souls opinions irreconcilable with what they publicly profess; and, above all, I believe it is necessary that those who associate with the young and teach them rhetoric should be of that upright character; for they expound the writings of the ancients, whether they be rhetoricians or grammarians, and still more if they are sophists. For these claim to teach, in addition to other things, not only the use of words, but morals also, and they assert that political philosophy is their peculiar field. Let us leave aside, for the moment, the question whether this is true or not. But while I applaud them for aspiring to such high pretensions, I should applaud them still more if they did not utter falsehoods and convict themselves of thinking one thing and teaching their pupils another. What! Was it not the gods who revealed all their learning to Homer, Hesiod, Demosthenes, Herodotus, Thucydides, Isocrates and Lysias?1 Did not these men think that they were consecrated, some to Hermes,2 others to the Muses? I think it is absurd that men who expound the works of these writers should dishonour the gods whom they used to honour. Yet, though I think this absurd, I do not say that they ought to change their opinions and then instruct the young. But I give them this choice; either not to teach what they do not think admirable, or, if they wish to teach, let them first really persuade their pupils that neither Homer nor Hesiod nor any of these writers whom they expound and have declared to be guilty of impiety, folly and error in regard to the gods, is such as they declare. For since they make a livelihood and receive pay from the works of those writers, they thereby confess that they are most shamefully greedy of gain, and that, for the sake of a few drachmae, they would put up with anything. It is true that, until now, there were many excuses for not attending the temples, and the terror that threatened on all sides absolved men for concealing the truest beliefs about the gods.1 But since the gods have granted us liberty, it seems to me absurd that men should teach what they do not believe to be sound. But if they believe that those whose interpreters they are and for whom they sit, so to speak, in the seat of the prophets, were wise men, let them be the first to emulate their piety towards the gods. If, however, they think that those writers were in error with respect to the most honoured gods, then let them betake themselves to the churches of the Galilaeans to expound Matthew and Luke, since you Galilaeans are obeying them when you ordain that men shall refrain from temple-worship. For my part, I wish that your ears and your tongues might be "born anew," as you would say, as regards these things 2 in which may I ever have part, and all who think and act as is pleasing to me. For religious 3 and secular teachers let there be a general ordice to this effect: Any youth who wishes to attend the schools is not excluded; nor indeed would it be reasonable to shut out from the best way4 boys who are still too ignorant to know which way to turn, and to overawe them into being led against their will to the beliefs of their ancestors. Though indeed it might be proper to cure these, even against their will, as one cures the insane, except that we concede indulgence to all for this sort of disease.1 For we ought, I think, to teach, but not punish, the demented. 37. To Atarbius 2 362, Const. or Antioch I affirm by the gods that I do not wish the Galilaeans to be either put to death or unjustly beaten, or to suffer any other injury; but nevertheless I do assert absolutely that the god-fearing must be preferred to them. For through the folly of the Galilaeans almost everything has been overturned, whereas through the grace of the gods are we all preserved. Wherefore we ought to honour the gods and the god-fearing, both men and cities.3 40. To Hecebolius 1 End of 362 or early in 363, Antioch I have behaved to all the Galilaeans with such kindness and benevolence that none of them has suffered violence anywhere or been dragged into a temple or threatened into anything else of the sort against his own will. But the followers of the Arian church, in the insolence bred by their wealth, have attacked the followers of Valentine2 and have committed in Edessa such rash acts as could never occur in a well-ordered city. Therefore, since by their most admirable law they are bidden to sell all they have and give to the poor that so they may attain more easily to the kingdom of the skies, in order to aid those persons in that effort, I have ordered that all their funds, namely, that belong to the church of the people of Edessa, are to be taken over that they may be given to the soldiers, and that its property 3 be confiscated to my private purse.4 This is in order that poverty may teach them to behave properly and that they may not be deprived of that heavenly kingdom for which they still hope. And I publicly command you citizens of Edessa to abstain from all feuds and rivalries, else will you provoke even my benevolence against yourselves, and being sentenced to the sword and to exile and to fire pay the penalty for disturbing the good order of the commonwealth. 41. To the citizens of Bostra 1 362, August 1st. Antioch I thought that the leaders of the Galilaeans would be more grateful to me than to my predecessor in the administration of the Empire. For in his reign it happened to the majority of them to be sent into exile, prosecuted, and cast into prison, and moreover, many whole communities of those who are called "heretics" 2 were actually butchered, as at Samosata and Cyzicus, in Paphlagonia, Bithynia, and Galatia, and among many other tribes also villages were sacked and completely devastated; whereas, during my reign, the contrary has happened. For those who had been exiled have had their exile remitted, and those whose property was confiscated have, by a law of mine received permission to recover all their possessions.3 Yet they have reached such a pitch of raving madness and folly that they are exasperated because they are not allowed to behave like tyrants or to persist in the conduct in which they at one time indulged against one another, and afterwards carried on towards us who revered the gods. They therefore leave no stone unturned, and have the audacity to incite the populace to disorder and revolt, whereby they both act with impiety towards the gods and disobey my edicts, humane though these are. At least I do not allow a single one of them to be dragged against his will to worship at the altars; nay, I proclaim in so many words that, if any man of his own free will choose to take part in our lustral rites and libations, he ought first of all to offer sacrifices of purification and supplicate the gods that avert evil. So far am I from ever having wished or intended that anyone of those sacrilegious men should partake in the sacrifices that we most revere, until he has purified his soul by supplications to the gods, and his body by the purifications that are customary. It is, at any rate, evident that the populace who have been led into error by those who are called "clerics," are in revolt because this license has been taken from them. For those who have till now behaved like tyrants are not content that they are not punished for their former crimes, but, longing for the power they had before, because they are no longer allowed to sit as judges and draw up wills 1 and appropriate the inheritances of other men and assign everything to themselves, they pull every string 2 of disorder, and, as the proverb says, lead fire through a pipe to fire,3 and dare to add even greater crimes to their former wickedness by leading on the populace to disunion. Therefore I have decided to proclaim to all communities of citizens, by means of this edict, and to make known to all, that they must not join in the feuds of the clerics or be induced by them to take stones in their hands or disobey those in authority; but they may hold meetings for as long as they please and may offer on their own behalf the prayers to which they are accustomed; that, on the other hand, if the clerics try to induce them to take sides on their behalf in quarrels, they must no longer consent to do so, if they would escape punishment.1 I have been led to make this proclamation to the city of Bostra in particular, because their bishop Titus and the clerics, in the reports that they have issued, have made accusations against their own adherents, giving the impression that, when the populace were on the point of breaking the peace, they themselves admonished them not to cause sedition. Indeed, I have subjoined to this my decree the very words which he dared to write in his report: "Although the Christians are a match for the Hellenes in numbers, they are restrained by our admonition that no one disturb the peace in any place." For these are the very words of the bishop about you. You see how he says that your good behaviour was not of your own choice, since, as he at any rate alleged, you were restrained against your will by his admonitions! Therefore, of your own free will, seize your accuser and expel him from the city,2 but do you, the populace, live in agreement with one another, and let no man be quarrelsome or act unjustly. Neither let those of you who have strayed from the truth outrage those who worship the gods duly and justly, according to the beliefs that have been handed down to us from time immemorial; nor let those of you who worship the gods outrage or plunder the houses of those who have strayed rather from ignorance than of set purpose. It is by reason that we ought to persuade and instruct men, not by blows, or insults, or bodily violence. Wherefore, again and often I admonish those who are zealous for the true religion not to injure the communities of the Galilaeans or attack or insult them.1 Nay, we ought to pity rather than hate men who in matters of the greatest importance are in such evil case. (For in very truth the greatest of all blessings is reverence for the gods, as, on the other hand, irreverence is the greatest of all evils, It follows that those who have turned aside from the gods to corpses 2 and relics pay this as their penalty.) 3 Since we suffer in sympathy with those who are afflicted by disease,4 but rejoice with those who are being released and set free by the aid of the gods. Given at Antioch on the First of August. 51. To the community of the Jews 1 Late 362 or early 363, Antioch In times past, by far the most burdensome thing in the yoke of your slavery has been the fact that you were subjected to unauthorised ordices and had to contribute an untold amount of money to the accounts of the treasury. of this I used to see many instances with my own eyes, and I have learned of more, by finding the records which are preserved against you. Moreover, when a tax was about to be levied on you again I prevented it, and compelled the impiety of such obloquy to cease here; and I threw into the fire the records against you that were stored in my desks; so that it is no longer possible for anyone to aim at you such a reproach of impiety. My brother Constantius of honoured memory was not so much responsible for these wrongs of yours as were the men who used to frequent his table, barbarians in mind, godless in soul. These I seized with my own hands and put them to death by thrusting them into the pit, that not even any memory of their destruction 1 might still linger amongst us. And since I wish that you should prosper yet more, I have admonished my brother Iulus,2 your most venerable patriarch, that the levy3 which is said to exist among you should be prohibited, and that no one is any longer to have the power to oppress the masses of your people by such exactions; so that everywhere, during my reign, you may have security of mind, and in the enjoyment of peace may offer more fervid prayers4 for my reign to the Most High God, the Creator, who has deigned to crown me with his own immaculate right hand. For it is natural that men who are distracted by any anxiety should be hampered in spirit, and should not have so much confidence in raising their hands to pray; but that those who are in all respects free from care should rejoice with their whole hearts and offer their suppliant prayers on behalf of my imperial office to Mighty God, even to him who is able to direct my reign to the noblest ends, according to my purpose. This you ought to do, in order that, when I have successfully concluded the war with Persia, I may rebuild by my own efforts the sacred city of Jerusalem,1 which for so many years you have longed to see inhabited, and may bring settlers there, and, together with you, may glorify the Most High God therein. ' "55. To Photinus 4 Moreover the Emperor Julian, faithless to Christ, in his attack on Diodorus 5 writes as follows to Photinus the heresiarch: 1 Ο Photinus, you at any rate seem to maintain what is probably true, and come nearest to being saved, and do well to believe that he whom one holds to be a god can by no means be brought into the womb. But Diodorus, a charlatan priest of the Nazarene, when he tries to give point to that nonsensical theory about the womb by artifices and juggler's tricks, is clearly a sharp-witted sophist of that creed of the country-folk. A little further on he says: But if only the gods and goddesses and all the Muses and Fortune will lend me their aid, I hope to show 2 that he is feeble and a corrupter of laws and customs, of pagan 3 Mysteries and Mysteries of the gods of the underworld, and that that new-fangled Galilaean god of his, whom he by a false myth styles eternal, has been stripped by his humiliating death and burial of the divinity falsely ascribed to him by Diodorus. Then, just as people who are convicted of error always begin to invent, being the slaves of artifice rather than of truth, he goes on to say: For the fellow sailed to Athens to the injury of the general welfare, then rashly took to philosophy and engaged in the study of literature, and by the devices of rhetoric armed his hateful tongue against the heavenly gods, and being utterly ignorant of the Mysteries of the pagans he so to speak imbibed most deplorably the whole mistaken folly of the base and ignorant creed-making fishermen. For this conduct he has long ago been punished by the gods themselves. For, for many years past, he has been in danger, having contracted a wasting disease of the chest, and he now suffers extreme torture. His whole body has wasted away. For his cheeks have fallen in and his body is deeply lined with wrinkles.1 But this is no sign of philosophic habits, as he wishes it to seem to those who are deceived by him, but most certainly a sign of justice done and of punishment from the gods which has stricken him down in suitable proportion to his crime, since he must live out to the very end his painful and bitter life, his appearance that of a man pale and wasted. " '61. To Sopater 5 It is an occasion to rejoice the more when one has the chance to address friends through an intimate friend. For then it is not only by what you write that you unite the image of your own soul with your readers. And this is what I myself am doing. For when I despatched the custodian of my children,1 Antiochus, to you, I could not bear to leave you without a word of greeting. So that if you want to have news of me, you can have from him information of a more intimate sort. And if you care at all for your admirers, as I believe you do care, you will prove it by never missing an opportunity while you are able to write. '. None|
|119. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 3.1, 3.17-3.18, 3.20-3.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) |
Tagged with subjects: • Antioch, site of imperial court under Julian • Constantinople, reformation of imperial court by Julian • Gallus, Julian’s half-brother • Julian (emperor) • Julian (the Apostate), Neo-Platonism • Julian (the Apostate), belief in superiority of Greek paideia • Julian (the Apostate), generally • Julian (the Apostate), life • Neo-Platonism, and Julian • clergy, revocation of privileges by Julian • oppression, political, by Julian • paganism, reassertion by Julian
Found in books: Esler (2000) 1252, 1253, 1254, 1260, 1267, 1268, 1269; Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 49, 50, 53, 54, 68, 145; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 183
|3.1. The Emperor Constantius died on the frontiers of Cilicia on the 3d of November, during the consulate of Taurus and Florentius; Julian leaving the western parts of the empire about the 11th of December following, under the same consulate, came to Constantinople, where he was proclaimed emperor. And as I must needs speak of the character of this prince who was eminently distinguished for his learning, let not his admirers expect that I should attempt a pompous rhetorical style, as if it were necessary to make the delineation correspond with the dignity of the subject: for my object being to compile a history of the Christian religion, it is both proper in order to the being better understood, and consistent with my original purpose, to maintain a humble and unaffected style. However, it is proper to describe his person, birth, education, and the manner in which he became possessed of the sovereignty; and in order to do this it will be needful to enter into some antecedent details. Constantine who gave Byzantium his own name, had two brothers named Dalmatius and Constantius, the offspring of the same father, but by a different mother. The former of these had a son who bore his own name: the latter had two sons, Gallus and Julian. Now as on the death of Constantine who founded Constantinople, the soldiery had put the younger brother Dalmatius to death, the lives of his two orphan children were also endangered: but a disease which threatened to be fatal preserved Gallus from the violence of his father's murderers; while the tenderness of Julian's age - for he was only eight years old at the time - protected him. The emperor's jealousy toward them having been gradually subdued, Gallus attended the schools at Ephesus in Ionia, in which country considerable hereditary possessions had been left them. And Julian, when he was grown up, pursued his studies at Constantinople, going constantly to the palace, where the schools then were, in plain clothes, under the superintendence of the eunuch Mardonius. In grammar Nicocles the Lac demonian was his instructor; and Ecebolius the Sophist, who was at that time a Christian, taught him rhetoric: for the emperor had made the provision that he should have no pagan masters, lest he should be seduced to the pagan superstitions. For Julian was a Christian at the beginning. His proficiency in literature soon became so remarkable, that it began to be said that he was capable of governing the Roman empire; and this popular rumor becoming generally diffused, greatly disquieted the emperor's mind, so that he had him removed from the Great City to Nicomedia, forbidding him at the same time to frequent the school of Libanius the Syrian Sophist. For Libanius having been driven at that time from Constantinople, by a combination of the educators there, had retired to Nicomedia, where he opened a school. Here he gave vent to his indignation against the educators|