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74 results for "julianus"

1. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 442 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 38

442. I did not mean him; there was one Thersites, who could never be content to speak once and briefly, even though no one wanted him to speak at all. Do you know if he is alive? Neoptolemu

2. Herodotus, Histories, 1.60.3, 1.68, 1.92.4, 3.30, 3.39, 7.238.1, 8.110.1, 8.124.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 41, 97, 271

1.68. τούτων ὦν τῶν ἀνδρῶν Λίχης ἀνεῦρε ἐν Τεγέῃ καὶ συντυχίῃ χρησάμενος καὶ σοφίῃ. ἐούσης γὰρ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐπιμιξίης πρὸς τοὺς Τεγεήτας, ἐλθὼν ἐς χαλκήιον ἐθηεῖτο σίδηρον ἐξελαυνόμενον, καὶ ἐν θώματι ἦν ὀρέων τὸ ποιεόμενον. μαθὼν, δέ μιν ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀποθωμάζοντα εἶπε παυσάμενος τοῦ ἔργου “ἦ κου ἄν, ὦ ξεῖνε Λάκων εἴ περ εἶδες τό περ ἐγώ, κάρτα ἂν ἐθώμαζες, ὅκου νῦν οὕτω τυγχάνεις θῶμα ποιεύμενος τὴν ἐργασίην τοῦ σιδήρου. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐν τῇδε θέλων τῇ αὐλῇ φρέαρ ποιήσασθαι, ὀρύσσων ἐπέτυχον σορῷ ἑπταπήχεϊ· ὑπὸ δὲ ἀπιστίης μὴ μὲν γενέσθαι μηδαμὰ μέζονας ἀνθρώπους τῶν νῦν ἄνοιξα αὐτὴν καὶ εἶδον τὸν νεκρὸν μήκεϊ ἴσον ἐόντα τῇ σορῷ· μετρήσας δὲ συνέχωσα ὀπίσω.” ὃ μὲν δή οἱ ἔλεγε τά περ ὀπώπεε, ὁ δὲ ἐννώσας τὰ λεγόμενα συνεβάλλετο τὸν Ὀρέστεα κατὰ τὸ θεοπρόπιον τοῦτον εἶναι, τῇδε συμβαλλόμενος· τοῦ χαλκέος δύο ὁρέων φύσας τοὺς ἀνέμους εὕρισκε ἐόντας, τὸν δὲ ἄκμονα καὶ τὴν σφῦραν τόν τε τύπον καὶ τὸν ἀντίτυπον, τὸν δὲ ἐξελαυνόμενον σίδηρον τὸ πῆμα ἐπὶ πήματι κείμενον, κατὰ τοιόνδε τι εἰκάζων, ὡς ἐπὶ κακῷ ἀνθρώπου σίδηρος ἀνεύρηται. συμβαλόμενος δὲ ταῦτα καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἐς Σπάρτην ἔφραζε Λακεδαιμονίοσσι πᾶν τὸ πρῆγμα. οἳ δὲ ἐκ λόγου πλαστοῦ ἐπενείκαντὲς οἱ αἰτίην ἐδίωξαν. ὁ δὲ ἀπικόμενος ἐς Τεγέην καὶ φράζων τὴν ἑωυτοῦ συμφορὴν πρὸς τὸν χαλκέα ἐμισθοῦτο παρʼ οὐκ ἐκδιδόντος τὴν αὐλήν· χρόνῳ δὲ ὡς ἀνέγνωσε, ἐνοικίσθη, ἀνορύξας δὲ τὸν τάφον καὶ τὰ ὀστέα συλλέξας οἴχετο φέρων ἐς Σπάρτην. καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου, ὅκως πειρῴατο ἀλλήλων, πολλῷ κατυπέρτεροι τῷ πολέμῳ ἐγίνοντο οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· ἤδη δέ σφι καὶ ἡ πολλὴ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἦν κατεστραμμένη. 3.30. Καμβύσης δέ, ὡς λέγουσι Αἰγύπτιοι, αὐτίκα διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἀδίκημα ἐμάνη, ἐὼν οὐδὲ πρότερον φρενήρης. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τῶν κακῶν ἐξεργάσατο τὸν ἀδελφεὸν Σμέρδιν ἐόντα πατρὸς καὶ μητρὸς τῆς αὐτῆς, τὸν ἀπέπεμψε ἐς Πέρσας φθόνῳ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου, ὅτι τὸ τόξον μοῦνος Περσέων ὅσον τε ἐπὶ δύο δακτύλους εἴρυσε, τὸ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰθίοπος ἤνεικαν οἱ Ἰχθυοφάγοι, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων Περσέων οὐδεὶς οἷός τε ἐγένετο. ἀποιχομένου ὦν ἐς Πέρσας τοῦ Σμέρδιος ὄψιν εἶδε ὁ Καμβύσης ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ τοιήνδε· ἔδοξέ οἱ ἄγγελον ἐλθόντα ἐκ Περσέων ἀγγέλλειν ὡς ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ τῷ βασιληίῳ ἱζόμενος Σμέρδις τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ψαύσειε. πρὸς ὦν ταῦτα δείσας περὶ ἑωυτοῦ μή μιν ἀποκτείνας ὁ ἀδελφεὸς ἄρχῃ, πέμπει Πρηξάσπεα ἐς Πέρσας, ὃς ἦν οἱ ἀνὴρ Περσέων πιστότατος, ἀποκτενέοντά μιν. ὁ δὲ ἀναβὰς ἐς Σοῦσα ἀπέκτεινε Σμέρδιν, οἳ μὲν λέγουσι ἐπʼ ἄγρην ἐξαγαγόντα, οἳ δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν προαγαγόντα καταποντῶσαι. 3.39. Καμβύσεω δὲ ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον στρατευομένου ἐποιήσαντο καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι στρατηίην ἐπὶ Σάμον τε καὶ Πολυκράτεα τὸν Αἰάκεος· ὃς ἔσχε Σάμον ἐπαναστάς, καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τριχῇ δασάμενος τὴν πόλιν 1 τοῖσι ἀδελφεοῖσι Πανταγνώτῳ καὶ Συλοσῶντι ἔνειμε, μετὰ δὲ τὸν μὲν αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνας τὸν δὲ νεώτερον Συλοσῶντα ἐξελάσας ἔσχε πᾶσαν Σάμον, σχὼν δὲ ξεινίην Ἀμάσι τῷ Αἰγύπτου βασιλέι συνεθήκατο, πέμπων τε δῶρα καὶ δεκόμενος ἄλλα παρʼ ἐκείνου. ἐν χρόνῳ δὲ ὀλίγῳ αὐτίκα τοῦ Πολυκράτεος τὰ πρήγματα ηὔξετο καὶ ἦν βεβωμένα ἀνά τε τὴν Ἰωνίην καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα· ὅκου γὰρ ἰθύσειε στρατεύεσθαι, πάντα οἱ ἐχώρεε εὐτυχέως. ἔκτητο δὲ πεντηκοντέρους τε ἑκατὸν καὶ χιλίους τοξότας, ἔφερε δὲ καὶ ἦγε πάντας διακρίνων οὐδένα· τῷ γὰρ φίλῳ ἔφη χαριεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἀποδιδοὺς τὰ ἔλαβε ἢ ἀρχὴν μηδὲ λαβών. συχνὰς μὲν δὴ τῶν νήσων ἀραιρήκεε, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἠπείρου ἄστεα· ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ Λεσβίους πανστρατιῇ βοηθέοντας Μιλησίοισι ναυμαχίῃ κρατήσας εἷλε, οἳ τὴν τάφρον περὶ τὸ τεῖχος τὸ ἐν Σάμῳ πᾶσαν δεδεμένοι ὤρυξαν.

1.60.3. When this offer was accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring Pisistratus back which, to my mind, was so exceptionally foolish that it is strange (since from old times the Hellenic stock has always been distinguished from foreign by its greater cleverness and its freedom from silly foolishness) that these men should devise such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the subtlest of the Greeks. 1.68. It was Lichas, one of these men, who found the tomb in Tegea by a combination of luck and skill. At that time there was free access to Tegea, so he went into a blacksmith's shop and watched iron being forged, standing there in amazement at what he saw done. ,The smith perceived that he was amazed, so he stopped what he was doing and said, “My Laconian guest, if you had seen what I saw, then you would really be amazed, since you marvel so at ironworking. ,I wanted to dig a well in the courtyard here, and in my digging I hit upon a coffin twelve feet long. I could not believe that there had ever been men taller than now, so I opened it and saw that the corpse was just as long as the coffin. I measured it and then reburied it.” So the smith told what he had seen, and Lichas thought about what was said and reckoned that this was Orestes, according to the oracle. ,In the smith's two bellows he found the winds, hammer and anvil were blow upon blow, and the forging of iron was woe upon woe, since he figured that iron was discovered as an evil for the human race. ,After reasoning this out, he went back to Sparta and told the Lacedaemonians everything. They made a pretence of bringing a charge against him and banishing him. Coming to Tegea, he explained his misfortune to the smith and tried to rent the courtyard, but the smith did not want to lease it. ,Finally he persuaded him and set up residence there. He dug up the grave and collected the bones, then hurried off to Sparta with them. Ever since then the Spartans were far superior to the Tegeans whenever they met each other in battle. By the time of Croesus' inquiry, the Spartans had subdued most of the Peloponnese . 1.92.4. So when Croesus gained the sovereignty by his father's gift, he put the man who had conspired against him to death by drawing him across a carding-comb, and first confiscated his estate, then dedicated it as and where I have said. This is all that I shall say of Croesus' offerings. 3.30. But Cambyses, the Egyptians say, owing to this wrongful act immediately went mad, although even before he had not been sensible. His first evil act was to destroy his full brother Smerdis, whom he had sent away from Egypt to Persia out of jealousy, because Smerdis alone could draw the bow brought from the Ethiopian by the Fish-eaters as far as two fingerbreadths, but no other Persian could draw it. ,Smerdis having gone to Persia, Cambyses saw in a dream a vision, in which it seemed to him that a messenger came from Persia and told him that Smerdis sitting on the royal throne touched heaven with his head. ,Fearing therefore for himself, lest his brother might slay him and so be king, he sent Prexaspes, the most trusted of his Persians, to Persia to kill him. Prexaspes went up to Susa and killed Smerdis; some say that he took Smerdis out hunting, others that he brought him to the Red Sea and there drowned him. 3.39. While Cambyses was attacking Egypt, the Lacedaemonians too were making war upon Samos and upon Aeaces' son Polycrates, who had revolted and won Samos . ,And first, dividing the city into three parts, he gave a share in the government to his brothers Pantagnotus and Syloson; but presently he put one of them to death, banished the younger, Syloson, and so made himself lord of all Samos ; then he made a treaty with Amasis king of Egypt, sending to him and receiving from him gifts. ,Very soon after this, Polycrates grew to such power that he was famous in Ionia and all other Greek lands; for all his military affairs succeeded. He had a hundred fifty-oared ships, and a thousand archers. ,And he pillaged every place, indiscriminately; for he said that he would get more thanks if he gave a friend back what he had taken than if he never took it at all. He had taken many of the islands, and many of the mainland cities. Among others, he conquered the Lesbians; they had brought all their force to aid the Milesians, and Polycrates defeated them in a sea-fight; it was they who, being his captives, dug all the trench around the acropolis of Samos . 8.110.1. Thus spoke Themistocles with intent to deceive, and the Athenians obeyed him; since he had always been esteemed wise and now had shown himself to be both wise and prudent, they were ready to obey whatever he said.

3. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.6.25, 1.9.21 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

1.6.25. καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων δέ, ἢν μὲν ἐν θέρει ὦσι, τὸν ἄρχοντα δεῖ τοῦ ἡλίου πλεονεκτοῦντα φανερὸν εἶναι· ἢν δὲ ἐν χειμῶνι, τοῦ ψύχους· ἢν δὲ διὰ μόχθων, τῶν πόνων· πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα εἰς τὸ φιλεῖσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχομένων συλλαμβάνει. λέγεις σύ, ἔφη, ὦ πάτερ, ὡς καὶ καρτερώτερον δεῖ πρὸς πάντα τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν ἀρχομένων εἶναι. λέγω γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη. θάρρει μέντοι τοῦτο, ὦ παῖ· εὖ γὰρ ἴσθι ὅτι τῶν ὁμοίων σωμάτων οἱ αὐτοὶ πόνοι οὐχ ὁμοίως ἅπτονται ἄρχοντός τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ ἰδιώτου, ἀλλʼ ἐπικουφίζει τι ἡ τιμὴ τοὺς πόνους τῷ ἄρχοντι καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἰδέναι ὅτι οὐ λανθάνει ὅ τι ἂν ποιῇ.

1.6.25. You mean to say, father, said he, that in everything the general must show more endurance than his men. Yes said he, that is just what I mean; however, never fear for that, my son; for bear in mind that the same toils do not affect the general and the private in the same way, though they have the same sort of bodies; but the honour of the general’s position and the very consciousness that nothing he does escapes notice lighten the burdens for him.

4. Xenophon, Hiero, 5.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 41

5. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 5.1.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

5.1.15. ἔλαβον δὲ καὶ πεντηκόντορον παρὰ τῶν Τραπεζουντίων, ᾗ ἐπέστησαν Δέξιππον Λάκωνα περίοικον. οὗτος ἀμελήσας τοῦ ξυλλέγειν πλοῖα ἀποδρὰς ᾤχετο ἔξω τοῦ Πόντου, ἔχων τὴν ναῦν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν δίκαια ἔπαθεν ὕστερον· ἐν Θρᾴκῃ γὰρ παρὰ Σεύθῃ πολυπραγμονῶν τι ἀπέθανεν ὑπὸ Νικάνδρου τοῦ Λάκωνος.

5.1.15. Furthermore, they got a fifty-oared warship from the Trapezuntians, and put it under the command of Dexippus, a Laconian perioecus. The perioeci were the inhabitants of the outlying Laconian towns; they were free, but not Spartan citizens. This fellow, however, paying no heed to the duty of collecting vessels, slipped away with his man-of-war and left the Euxine. He did indeed get his deserts afterwards; for while engaged in some intrigue at the court of Seuthes See Xen. Anab. 7.2.31-34 . in Thrace he was killed by Nicander the Laconian.

6. Xenophon, Agesilaus, 5.3, 6.4-6.5, 7.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 41, 75, 139

7. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.79.2, 4.92.7, 7.77.2-7.77.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 38, 139

1.79.2. καὶ τῶν μὲν πλεόνων ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ αἱ γνῶμαι ἔφερον, ἀδικεῖν τε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἤδη καὶ πολεμητέα εἶναι ἐν τάχει: παρελθὼν δὲ Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν, ἀνὴρ καὶ ξυνετὸς δοκῶν εἶναι καὶ σώφρων, ἔλεξε τοιάδε. 4.92.7. ὧν χρὴ μνησθέντας ἡμᾶς τούς τε πρεσβυτέρους ὁμοιωθῆναι τοῖς πρὶν ἔργοις, τούς τε νεωτέρους πατέρων τῶν τότε ἀγαθῶν γενομένων παῖδας πειρᾶσθαι μὴ αἰσχῦναι τὰς προσηκούσας ἀρετάς, πιστεύσαντας δὲ τῷ θεῷ πρὸς ἡμῶν ἔσεσθαι, οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνόμως τειχίσαντες νέμονται, καὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἃ ἡμῖν θυσαμένοις καλὰ φαίνεται, ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖσδε καὶ δεῖξαι ὅτι ὧν μὲν ἐφίενται πρὸς τοὺς μὴ ἀμυνομένους ἐπιόντες κτάσθων, οἷς δὲ γενναῖον τήν τε αὑτῶν αἰεὶ ἐλευθεροῦν μάχῃ καὶ τὴν ἄλλων μὴ δουλοῦσθαι ἀδίκως, ἀνανταγώνιστοι ἀπ’ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀπίασιν.’ 7.77.2. κἀγώ τοι οὐδενὸς ὑμῶν οὔτε ῥώμῃ προφέρων ʽἀλλ’ ὁρᾶτε δὴ ὡς διάκειμαι ὑπὸ τῆς νόσοὐ οὔτ’ εὐτυχίᾳ δοκῶν που ὕστερός του εἶναι κατά τε τὸν ἴδιον βίον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα, νῦν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ κινδύνῳ τοῖς φαυλοτάτοις αἰωροῦμαι: καίτοι πολλὰ μὲν ἐς θεοὺς νόμιμα δεδιῄτημαι, πολλὰ δὲ ἐς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια καὶ ἀνεπίφθονα. 7.77.3. ἀνθ’ ὧν ἡ μὲν ἐλπὶς ὅμως θρασεῖα τοῦ μέλλοντος, αἱ δὲ ξυμφοραὶ οὐ κατ’ ἀξίαν δὴ φοβοῦσιν. τάχα δὲ ἂν καὶ λωφήσειαν: ἱκανὰ γὰρ τοῖς τε πολεμίοις ηὐτύχηται, καὶ εἴ τῳ θεῶν ἐπίφθονοι ἐστρατεύσαμεν, ἀποχρώντως ἤδη τετιμωρήμεθα.

1.79.2. The opinions of the majority all led to the same conclusion; the Athenians were open aggressors, and war must be declared at once. But Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian king, came forward, who had the reputation of being at once a wise and a moderate man, and made the following speech:— 4.92.7. Remembering this, the old must equal their ancient exploits, and the young, the sons of the heroes of that time, must endeavor not to disgrace their native valour; and trusting in the help of the god whose temple has been sacrilegiously fortified, and in the victims which in our sacrifices have proved propitious, we must march against the enemy, and teach him that he must go and get what he wants by attacking some one who will not resist him, but that men whose glory it is to be always ready to give battle for the liberty of their own country, and never unjustly to enslave that of others, will not let him go without a struggle.’ 7.77.2. I myself who am not superior to any of you in strength—indeed you see how I am in my sickness—and who in the gifts of fortune am, I think, whether in private life or otherwise, the equal of any, am now exposed to the same danger as the meanest among you; and yet my life has been one of much devotion towards the gods, and of much justice and without offence towards men. 7.77.3. I have, therefore, still a strong hope for the future, and our misfortunes do not terrify me as much as they might. Indeed we may hope that they will be lightened: our enemies have had good fortune enough; and if any of the gods was offended at our expedition, we have been already amply punished.

8. Cicero, Pro Murena, 38 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

38. subsidia consulatus, voluntas militum, quae que quaeque scripsi : quae codd. : et illa quae Reid cum per se valet multitudine, cum apud suos gratia, tum vero in consule declarando multum etiam apud universum populum Romanum auctoritatis habet, suffragatio militaris? imperatores enim comitiis consularibus, non verborum interpretes deliguntur deliguntur xy : diliguntur cett. . qua re gravis est illa oratio: ' me saucium recreavit, me praeda donavit; hoc duce castra cepimus, signa contulimus; numquam iste plus militi laboris imposuit quam sibi sumpsit, ipse cum sumpsit ipse, cum Gulielmius fortis fortis est Nohl tum etiam felix.' hoc quanti putas esse ad famam hominum ac voluntatem? etenim, si tanta illis comitiis religio est ut adhuc semper omen valuerit praerogativum praerogativae Zumpt, quid mirum est in hoc felicitatis famam sermonemque valuisse? sed si haec leviora ducis quae sunt gravissima et hanc urbanam suffragationem militari anteponis, noli ludorum huius elegantiam et scaenae magnificentiam tam magnificentiam tam Wrampelmeyer : magnificentiam a S : magnificentiam cett. valde contemnere; quae huic admodum profuerunt. nam quid ego dicam populum ac volgus imperitorum imperitum Ernesti ludis magno opere delectari? minus est mirandum. quamquam huic causae id satis est; sunt enim populi ac multitudinis comitia. qua re, si populo ludorum magnificentia voluptati est, non est mirandum eam L. Lucio Murenae apud populum profuisse.

9. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.86-2.87 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus, Found in books: Naiden,Ancient Suppliation (2006)" 248

2.86. Moreover, you even sought to move his pity; you threw yourself at his feet as a suppliant; begging for what? to be a slave? You might beg it for yourself, when you had lived in such a way from the time that you were a boy that you could bear everything, and would find no difficulty in being a slave; but certainly you had no commission from the Roman people to try for such a thing for them. Oh how splendid was that eloquence of yours, when you harangued the people stark naked! what could be more foul than this? more shameful than this? more deserving of every sort of punishment? Are you waiting for me to prick you more? This that I am saying must tear you and bring blood enough if you have any feeling at all. I am afraid that I may be detracting from the glory of some most eminent men. Still my indignation shall find a voice. What can be more scandalous than for that man to live who placed a diadem on a man's head, when every one confesses that that man was deservedly slain who rejected it? 2.87. And, moreover, he caused it to be recorded in the annals, under the head of Lupercalia, “That Marcus Antonius, the consul, by command of the people, had offered the kingdom to Caius Caesar, perpetual dictator; and that Caesar had refused to accept it.” I now am not much surprised at your seeking to disturb the general tranquillity; at your hating not only the city but the light of day; and at your living with a pack of abandoned robbers, disregarding the day, and yet regarding nothing beyond the day. For where can you be safe in peace? What place can there be for you where laws and courts of justice have sway, both of which you, as far as in you lay, destroyed by the substitution of kingly power? Was it for this that Lucius Tarquinius was driven out; that Spurius Cassius, and Spurius Maelius, and Marcus Manlius were slain; that many years afterwards a king might be established at Rome by Marcus Antonius though the bare idea was impiety? How ever, let us return to the auspices. 35.

10. Cicero, On Divination, 2.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus, Found in books: Naiden,Ancient Suppliation (2006)" 248

2.23. Quid vero Caesarem putamus, si divinasset fore ut in eo senatu, quem maiore ex parte ipse cooptasset, in curia Pompeia ante ipsius Pompeii simulacrum tot centurionibus suis inspectantibus a nobilissumis civibus, partim etiam a se omnibus rebus ornatis, trucidatus ita iaceret, ut ad eius corpus non modo amicorum, sed ne servorum quidem quisquam accederet, quo cruciatu animi vitam acturum fuisse? Certe igitur ignoratio futurorum malorum utilior est quam scientia.

2.23. Or what do we think of Caesar? Had he foreseen that in the Senate, chosen in most part by himself, in Pompeys hall, aye, before Pompeys very statue, and in the presence of many of his own centurions, he would be put to death by most noble citizens, some of whom owed all that they had to him, and that he would fall to so low an estate that no friend — no, not even a slave — would approach his dead body, in what agony of soul would he have spent his life!of a surety, then, ignorance of future ills is more profitable than the knowledge of them.

11. Polybius, Histories, 10.3.4-10.3.7, 10.32, 11.2.9-11.2.10, 16.14-16.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 141

10.3.7. περιγενομένης δʼ αὐτῷ τῆς ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ φήμης ὁμολογουμένης διὰ τὴν προειρημένην χρείαν, λοιπὸν ἤδη πάντως αὑτὸν ἐδίδου κατὰ τοὺς ὕστερον καιροὺς εἰς τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν κινδύνους, ὅτʼ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀναρτηθεῖεν ὑπὸ τῆς πατρίδος αἱ τῶν ὅλων ἐλπίδες· ὅπερ ἴδιόν ἐστιν οὐ τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύοντος, ἀλλὰ νοῦν ἔχοντος ἡγεμόνος.

10.3.7. Having by this service gained a universally acknowledged reputation for bravery, he in subsequent times refrained from exposing his person without sufficient reason, when his country reposed her hopes of success on him â conduct characteristic not of a commander who relies on luck, but on one gifted with intelligence. <

12. Livy, History, 2.46, 30.18.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 140

13. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, 130.88 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus, Found in books: Naiden,Ancient Suppliation (2006)" 248

14. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.16.117, 4.20.81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus, •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 272; Naiden,Ancient Suppliation (2006)" 248

15. Suetonius, Galba, 20.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 271

20.2. He was killed beside the Lake of Curtius and was left lying just as he was, until a common soldier, returning from a distribution of grain, threw down his load and cut off the head. Then, since there was no hair by which to grasp it, he put it under his robe, but later thrust his thumb into the mouth and so carried it to Otho. He handed it over to his servants and camp-followers, who set it on a lance and paraded it about the camp with jeers, crying out from time to time, "Galba, thou Cupid, exult in thy vigour!" The special reason for this saucy jest was, that the report had gone abroad a few days before, that when someone had congratulated him on still looking young and vigorous, he replied: "As yet my strength is unimpaired." From these it was bought by a freedman of Patrobius Neronianus for a hundred pieces of gold and thrown aside in the place where his patron had been executed by Galba's order. At last, however, his steward Argivus consigned it to the tomb with the rest of the body in Galba's private gardens on the Aurelian Road.

16. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 4.5, 38.8-38.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 157

17. Suetonius, Domitianus, 2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 97

2.3. On the death of his father he hesitated for some time whether to offer a double largess to the soldiers, and he never had any compunction about saying that he had been left a partner in the imperial power, but that the will had been tampered with. And from that time on he never ceased to plot against his brother secretly and openly, until Titus was seized with a dangerous illness, when Domitian ordered that he be left for dead, before he had actually drawn his last breath. And after his death he bestowed no honour upon him, save that of deification, and he often assailed his memory in ambiguous phrases, both in his speeches and in his edicts.

18. Tacitus, Histories, 1.23, 1.41.3, 1.49.1, 2.5, 2.47-2.49, 2.49.3, 3.38, 3.65.1, 3.84.4, 4.2.3, 5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 97, 139, 270, 271, 272, 298

2.5. Vespasian was energetic in war. He used to march at the head of his troops, select a place for camp, oppose the enemy night and day with wise strategy and, if occasion demanded, with his own hands. His food was whatever chance offered; in his dress and bearing he hardly differed from the common soldier. He would have been quite equal to the generals of old if he had not been avaricious. Mucianus, on the other hand, was eminent for his magnificence and wealth and by the complete superiority of his scale of life to that of a private citizen. He was the readier speaker, experienced in civil administration and in statesmanship. It would have been a rare combination for an emperor if the faults of the two could have been done away with and their virtues only combined in one man. But Mucianus was governor of Syria, Vespasian of Judea. They had quarrelled through jealousy because they governed neighbouring provinces. Finally at Nero's death they had laid aside their hostilities and consulted together, at first through friends as go-betweens; and then Titus, the chief bond of their concord, had ended their dangerous feud by pointing out their common interests; both by his nature and skill he was well calculated to win over even a person of the character of Mucianus. Tribunes, centurions, and the common soldiers were secured for the cause by industry or by licence, by virtues or by pleasures, according to the individual's character. 3.38. The death of Junius Blaesus, becoming known at the time, caused much gossip. The story, as we learn it, is this. When Vitellius was seriously ill in the gardens of Servilius, he noticed that a tower near by was brilliantly lighted at night. On asking the reason he was told that Caecina Tuscus was giving a large dinner at which Junius Blaesus was the guest of honour; and his informants went on to exaggerate the elaborate preparations made for this dinner and to speak of the guests' extravagant enjoyment. There was no lack of men ready to accuse Tuscus and others; but they blamed Blaesus most severely because he spent his days in pleasure while his emperor was sick. When the people, who have a keen eye for the angry moods of princes, saw that Vitellius was exasperated and that Blaesus could be destroyed, Lucius Vitellius was assigned the rÃ´le of informant. His hatred for Blaesus sprang from base jealousy, for, stained as he was by every infamy, Blaesus surpassed him by his eminent reputation. So now, bursting into the emperor's bedroom, Lucius embraced the son of Vitellius and fell on his knees. When Vitellius asked the reason for his trepidation, Lucius replied that he had no personal fear and was not anxious for himself, but that it was on behalf of his brother and his brother's children that he brought his prayers and tears. "There is no point," he said, "in fearing Vespasian, whose approach is blocked by all the German legions, by all the brave and loyal provinces, and in short by boundless stretches of sea and land. The enemy against whom you must be on your guard is in the city, in your own bosom: he boasts that the Junii and Antonii are his ancestors; and, claiming imperial descent, he parades before the soldiers his courtesy and magnificence. Everyone's thoughts are attracted to him, while you, failing to distinguish between friend and foe, cherish a rival who watches his emperor's distress from a dinner-table. To pay him for his unseasonable joy, he should suffer a night of sorrow and doom, that he may know and feel that Vitellius is alive and emperor, and furthermore that, if any misfortune happens to him, he still has a son."

19. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 3.158-3.160, 7.280-7.294 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 186

3.158. ̓́Εστιν δ' ̓Ιωταπάτα πλὴν ὀλίγου πᾶσα κρημνός, ἐκ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων μερῶν πάντοθεν φάραγξιν ἀπείροις ἀπότομος, ὡς τῶν κατιδεῖν πειρωμένων τὰς ὄψεις προεξασθενεῖν τοῦ βάθους, ἀπὸ βορέου δὲ προσιτὴ μόνον, καθ' ὃ λήγοντι τῷ ὄρει πλαγίῳ προσέκτισται. 3.159. καὶ τοῦτο δ' ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος ἐμπεριειλήφει τειχίζων τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ἀκατάληπτον εἶναι πολεμίοις τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἀκρώρειαν. 7.281. ἔστι δὲ τῶν ὁδῶν ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ασφαλτίτιδος λίμνης πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα, καὶ πάλιν ἀπὸ τῆς δύσεως ᾗ ῥᾷον πορευθῆναι. 7.282. καλοῦσι δὲ τὴν ἑτέραν ὄφιν, τῇ στενότητι προσεικάσαντες καὶ τοῖς συνεχέσιν ἑλιγμοῖς: κλᾶται γὰρ περὶ τὰς τῶν κρημνῶν ἐξοχὰς καὶ πολλάκις εἰς αὑτὴν ἀνατρέχουσα καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν αὖθις ἐκμηκυνομένη μόλις ψαύει τοῦ πρόσω. 7.283. δεῖ δὲ παραλλὰξ τὸν δι' αὐτῆς βαδίζοντα τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ποδῶν ἐρείδεσθαι. ἔστι δὲ πρόδηλος ὄλεθρος: ἑκατέρωθεν γὰρ βάθος κρημνῶν ὑποκέχηνε τῇ φοβερότητι πᾶσαν εὐτολμίαν ἐκπλῆξαι δυνάμενον. 7.284. διὰ τοιαύτης οὖν ἐλθόντι σταδίους τριάκοντα κορυφὴ τὸ λοιπόν ἐστιν οὐκ εἰς ὀξὺ τέρμα συνηγμένη, ἀλλ' ὥστ' εἶναι κατ' ἄκρας ἐπίπεδον. 7.285. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ πρῶτον μὲν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο φρούριον ̓Ιωνάθης καὶ προσηγόρευσε Μασάδαν, ὕστερον δ' ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ πολλῆς ἐγένετο σπουδῆς ἡ τοῦ χωρίου κατασκευή. 7.286. τεῖχός τε γὰρ ἤγειρε περὶ πάντα τὸν κύκλον τῆς κορυφῆς ἑπτὰ σταδίων ὄντα λευκοῦ μὲν λίθου πεποιημένον, ὕψος δὲ δώδεκα καὶ πλάτος ὀκτὼ πήχεις ἔχον, 7.287. τριάκοντα δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἑπτὰ πύργοι πεντηκονταπήχεις ἀνειστήκεσαν, ἐξ ὧν ἦν εἰς οἰκήματα διελθεῖν περὶ πᾶν τὸ τεῖχος ἔνδον ᾠκοδομημένα. 7.288. τὴν γὰρ κορυφὴν πίονα καὶ πεδίου παντὸς οὖσαν μαλακωτέραν ἀνῆκεν εἰς γεωργίαν ὁ βασιλεύς, ἵν' εἴ ποτε τῆς ἔξωθεν τροφῆς ἀπορία γένοιτο, μηδὲ ταύτῃ κάμοιεν οἱ τὴν αὐτῶν σωτηρίαν τῷ φρουρίῳ πεπιστευκότες. 7.289. καὶ βασίλειον δὲ κατεσκεύασεν ἐν αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἀνάβασιν, ὑποκάτω μὲν τῶν τῆς ἄκρας τειχῶν, πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἄρκτον ἐκκλίνον. τοῦ δὲ βασιλείου τὸ τεῖχος ἦν ὕψει μέγα καὶ καρτερόν, πύργους ἔχον ἑξηκονταπήχεις ἐγγωνίους τέτταρας. 7.291. πρὸς ἕκαστον δὲ τῶν οἰκουμένων τόπων ἄνω τε καὶ περὶ τὸ βασίλειον καὶ πρὸ τοῦ τείχους πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους ἐτετμήκει λάκκους ἐν ταῖς πέτραις φυλακτῆρας ὑδάτων, μηχανώμενος εἶναι χορηγίαν ὅση τῷ ἐκ πηγῶν ἐστι χρωμένοις. 7.292. ὀρυκτὴ δ' ὁδὸς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλείου πρὸς ἄκραν τὴν κορυφὴν ἀνέφερε τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἀφανής. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ταῖς φανεραῖς ὁδοῖς ἦν οἷόν τε χρήσασθαι ῥᾳδίως πολεμίους: 7.293. ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἑῴα διὰ τὴν φύσιν, ὡς προείπαμεν, ἐστὶν ἄβατος, τὴν δ' ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας μεγάλῳ κατὰ τὸ στενότατον πύργῳ διετείχισεν ἀπέχοντι τῆς ἄκρας πήχεων οὐκ ἔλαττον διάστημα χιλίων, ὃν οὔτε παρελθεῖν δυνατὸν ἦν οὔτε ῥᾴδιον ἑλεῖν: δυσέξοδος δὲ καὶ τοῖς μετὰ ἀδείας βαδίζουσιν ἐπεποίητο. 7.294. οὕτως μὲν οὖν πρὸς τὰς τῶν πολεμίων ἐφόδους φύσει τε καὶ χειροποιήτως τὸ φρούριον ὠχύρωτο.

3.158. 7. Now Jotapata is almost all of it built upon a precipice, having on all the other sides of it every way valleys immensely deep and steep, insomuch that those who would look down would have their sight fail them before it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be come at on the north side, where the utmost part of the city is built on the mountain, as it ends obliquely at a plain. 3.159. This mountain Josephus had encompassed with a wall when he fortified the city, that its top might not be capable of being seized upon by the enemies. 3.160. The city is covered all round with other mountains, and can no way be seen till a man comes just upon it. And this was the strong situation of Jotapata. 7.280. 3. There was a rock, not small in circumference, and very high. It was encompassed with valleys of such vast depth downward, that the eye could not reach their bottoms; they were abrupt, and such as no animal could walk upon, excepting at two places of the rock, where it subsides, in order to afford a passage for ascent, though not without difficulty. 7.281. Now, of the ways that lead to it, one is that from the lake Asphaltitis, towards the sunrising, and another on the west, where the ascent is easier: 7.282. the one of these ways is called the Serpent, as resembling that animal in its narrowness and its perpetual windings; for it is broken off at the prominent precipices of the rock, and returns frequently into itself, and lengthening again by little and little, hath much ado to proceed forward; 7.283. and he that would walk along it must first go on one leg, and then on the other; there is also nothing but destruction, in case your feet slip; for on each side there is a vastly deep chasm and precipice, sufficient to quell the courage of everybody by the terror it infuses into the mind. 7.284. When, therefore, a man hath gone along this way for thirty furlongs, the rest is the top of the hill—not ending at a small point, but is no other than a plain upon the highest part of the mountain. 7.285. Upon this top of the hill, Jonathan the high priest first of all built a fortress, and called it Masada: after which the rebuilding of this place employed the care of king Herod to a great degree; 7.286. he also built a wall round about the entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long; it was composed of white stone; its height was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits; 7.287. there were also erected upon that wall thirty-eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high; out of which you might pass into lesser edifices, which were built on the inside, round the entire wall; 7.288. for the king reserved the top of the hill, which was of a fat soil, and better mould than any valley for agriculture, that such as committed themselves to this fortress for their preservation might not even there be quite destitute of food, in case they should ever be in want of it from abroad. 7.289. Moreover, he built a palace therein at the western ascent; it was within and beneath the walls of the citadel, but inclined to its north side. Now the wall of this palace was very high and strong, and had at its four corners towers sixty cubits high. 7.290. The furniture also of the edifices, and of the cloisters, and of the baths, was of great variety, and very costly; and these buildings were supported by pillars of single stones on every side; the walls and also the floors of the edifices were paved with stones of several colors. He also had cut many and great pits, as reservoirs for water, out of the rocks, 7.291. at every one of the places that were inhabited, both above and round about the palace, and before the wall; and by this contrivance he endeavored to have water for several uses, as if there had been fountains there. 7.292. Here was also a road digged from the palace, and leading to the very top of the mountain, which yet could not be seen by such as were without [the walls]; nor indeed could enemies easily make use of the plain roads; 7.293. for the road on the east side, as we have already taken notice, could not be walked upon, by reason of its nature; and for the western road, he built a large tower at its narrowest place, at no less a distance from the top of the hill than a thousand cubits; which tower could not possibly be passed by, nor could it be easily taken; nor indeed could those that walked along it without any fear (such was its contrivance) easily get to the end of it; 7.294. and after such a manner was this citadel fortified, both by nature and by the hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks of enemies.

20. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 4.4-4.6, 20.3-20.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 271

4.4. Ἀλέξανδρον δὲ ἡ θερμότης τοῦ σώματος, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ ποτικὸν καὶ θυμοειδῆ παρεῖχεν. ἔτι δὲ ὄντος αὐτοῦ παιδὸς ἥ τε σωφροσύνη διεφαίνετο τῷ πρὸς τἆλλα ῥαγδαῖον ὄντα καὶ φερόμενον σφοδρῶς ἐν ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ταῖς περὶ τὸ σῶμα δυσκίνητον εἶναι καὶ μετά πολλῆς πρᾳότητος ἅπτεσθαι τῶν τοιούτων, 4.5. ἥ τε φιλοτιμία παρʼ ἡλικίαν ἐμβριθὲς εἶχε τὸ φρόνημα καὶ μεγαλόψυχον. οὔτε γὰρ ἀπὸ παντὸς οὔτε πᾶσαν ἠγάπα δόξαν, ὡς Φίλιππος λόγου τε δεινότητι σοφιστικῶς καλλωπιζόμενος καὶ τὰς ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ, νίκας τῶν ἁρμάτων ἐγχαράττων τοῖς νομίσμασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποπειρωμένων εἰ βούλοιτʼ ἂν Ὀλυμπίασιν ἀγωνίσασθαι στάδιον, ἦν γὰρ ποδώκης, εἴ γε, ἔφη, βασιλεῖς ἔμελλον ἕξειν ἀνταγωνιστάς. 4.6. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ καθόλου πρὸς τὸ τῶν ἀθλητῶν γένος ἀλλοτρίως ἔχων πλείστους γέ τοι θεὶς ἀγῶνας οὐ μόνον τραγῳδῶν καὶ αὐλητῶν καὶ κιθαρῳδῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥαψῳδῶν, θήρας τε παντοδαπῆς καὶ ῥαβδομαχίας, οὔτε πυγμῆς οὔτε παγκρατίου μετά τινος σπουδῆς ἔθηκεν ἆθλον. 20.3. ἐν δὲ τῇ νυκτὶ διαμαρτόντες ἀλλήλων αὖθις ἀνέστρεφον, Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν ἡδόμενός τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ καί σπεύδων ἀπαντῆσαι περὶ τὰ στενά, Δαρεῖος δὲ τὴν προτέραν ἀναλαβεῖν στρατοπεδείαν καί τῶν στενῶν ἐξελίξαι τὴν δύναμιν. ἤδη γὰρ ἐγνώκει παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον ἐμβεβληκὼς ἑαυτὸν εἰς χωρία θαλάττῃ καί ὄρεσι καί ποταμῷ διὰ μέσου ῥέοντι τῷ Πινάρῳ δύσιππα, καί διεσπασμένα πολλαχοῦ, καί πρὸς τῆς ὀλιγότητος τῶν πολεμίων ἔχοντα τὴν θέσιν.

4.4. And in Alexander’s case, it was the heat of his body, as it would seem, which made him prone to drink, and choleric. But while he was still a boy his self-restraint showed itself in the fact that, although he was impetuous and violent in other matters, the pleasures of the body had little hold upon him, and he indulged in them with great moderation, while his ambition kept his spirit serious and lofty in advance of his years. 4.5. For it was neither every kind of fame nor fame from every source that he courted, as Philip did, who plumed himself like a sophist on the power of his oratory, and took care to have the victories of his chariots at Olympia engraved upon his coins; nay, when those about him inquired whether he would be willing to contend in the foot-race at the Olympic games, since he was swift of foot, Yes, said he, if I could have kings as my contestants. 4.6. And in general, too, Alexander appears to have been averse to the whole race of athletes; at any rate, though he instituted very many contests, not only for tragic poets and players on the flute and players on the lyre, but also for rhapsodists, as well as for hunting of every sort and for fighting with staves, he took no interest in offering prizes either for boxing or for the pancratium. 20.3. But having missed one another in the night, they both turned back again, Alexander rejoicing in his good fortune, and eager to meet his enemy in the passes, while Dareius was as eager to extricate his forces from the passes and regain his former camping-ground. For he already saw that he had done wrong to throw himself into places which were rendered unfit for cavalry by sea and mountains and a river running through the middle (the Pinarus), which were broken up in many parts, and favoured the small numbers of his enemy.

21. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 56.7-56.9, 66.3-66.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) •didius julianus, Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 157; Naiden,Ancient Suppliation (2006)" 248

66.3. Ἀντώνιον μὲν οὖν πιστὸν ὄντα Καίσαρι καὶ ῥωμαλέον ἔξω παρακατεῖχε Βροῦτος Ἀλβῖνος, ἐμβαλὼν ἐπίτηδες ὁμιλίαν μῆκος ἔχουσαν· εἰσιόντος δὲ Καίσαρος ἡ βουλὴ μὲν ὑπεξανέστη θεραπεύουσα, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον οἱ μὲν ἐξόπισθεν τὸν δίφρον αὐτοῦ περιέστησαν, οἱ δὲ ἀπήντησαν, ὡς δὴ Τιλλίῳ Κίμβρῳ περὶ ἀδελφοῦ φυγάδος ἐντυχάνοντι συνδεησόμενοι, καὶ συνεδέοντο μέχρι τοῦ δίφρου παρακολουθοῦντες.

66.3. but the crisis, as it would seem, when the dreadful attempt was now close at hand, replaced his former cool calculations with divinely inspired emotion.

22. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 9.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

23. Plutarch, Cicero, 48.4, 49.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 271

49.2. πλὴν ἕν γέ τι φρονήσας μέτριον ἐν τούτοις Πομπωνίᾳ τῇ Κοΐντου γυναικὶ τὸν Φιλόλογον παρέδωκεν. ἡ δὲ κυρία γενομένη τοῦ σώματος ἄλλαις τε δειναῖς ἐχρήσατο τιμωρίαις, καὶ τάς σάρκας ἀποτέμνοντα τάς αὐτοῦ κατὰ μικρὸν ὀπτᾶν, εἶτʼ ἐσθίειν ἠνάγκασεν. οὕτω γὰρ ἔνιοι τῶν συγγραφέων ἱστορήκασιν ὁ δʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπελεύθερος Τίρων τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ μέμνηται τῆς τοῦ Φιλολόγου προδοσίας.

49.2. Then he ordered the head and hands to be placed over the ships' beaks on the rostra, a sight that made the Romans shudder; for they thought they saw there, not the face of Cicero, but an image of the soul of Antony. However, he showed at least one sentiment of fair dealing in the case when he handed over Philologus to Pomponia, the wife of Quintus.

24. Plutarch, Crassus, 31.3-31.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 271

31.3. τοῦ δὲ Κράσσου φήσαντος οὔτε αὐτὸν ἁμαρτάνειν οὔτʼ ἐκεῖνον, ὡς ἑκατέρῳ πάτριόν ἐστι ποιουμένους τὴν σύνοδον, εἶναι μέν αὐτόθεν ἔφη σπονδὰς καὶ εἰρήνην ὁ Σουρήνας Ὑρώδῃ τε βασιλεῖ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις, δεῖν δὲ γράψασθαι τὰς συνθήκας ἐπὶ τόν ποταμὸν προσελθόντας· οὐ γὰρ ὑμεῖς γε, ἔφη, πάνυ μνήμονες ὁμολογιῶν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ προὔτεινε τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ. μεταπεμπομένου δʼ ἵππον οὐδὲν ἔφη δεῖν βασιλεὺς γάρ σοι δίδωσι τοῦτον.

31.3. And when Crassus answered that neither of them was at fault, since each was following the custom of his country in this meeting, Surena said that from that moment there was a truce and peace between King Hyrodes and the Romans, but it was necessary to go forward to the river Euphrates and there have the contracts put in writing; "for you Romans at least," said he, "are not very mindful of agreements," and he held out his right hand to Crassus. Then when Crassus proposed to send for a horse, Surena said there was no need of it, "for the king offers you this one."

25. Plutarch, Marius, 7.3-7.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

26. Plutarch, Otho, 18.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 298

27. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

2. For if, as Iphicrates analyzed the matter, the light-armed troops are like the hands, the cavalry like the feet, the line of men-at-arms itself like chest and breastplate, and the general like the head, then he, in taking undue risks and being over bold, would seem to neglect not himself, but all, inasmuch as their safety depends on him, and their destruction too. Therefore Callicratidas, although otherwise he was a great man, did not make a good answer to the seer who begged him to be careful, since the sacrificial omens foretold his death; Sparta, said he, does not depend upon one man.,For when fighting, or sailing, or marching under orders, Callicratidas was one man ; but as general, he comprised in himself the strength and power of all, so that he was not one man, when such numbers perished with him. Better was the speech of old Antigonus as he was about to fight a sea-fight off Andros, and someone told him that the enemy’s ships were far more numerous than his: But what of myself, said he, how many ships wilt thou count me? implying that the worth of the commander is a great thing, as it is in fact, when allied with experience and valour, and his first duty is to save the one who saves everything else.,Therefore Timotheus was right when Chares was once showing the Athenians some wounds he had received, and his shield pierced by a spear, in saying: But I, how greatly ashamed I was, at the siege of Samos, because a bolt fell near me; I thought I was behaving more like an impetuous youth than like a general in command of so large a force.,For where the whole issue is greatly furthered by the general’s exposing himself to danger, there he must employ hand and body unsparingly, ignoring those who say that a good general should die, if not of old age, at least in old age; but where the advantage to be derived from his success is small, and the whole cause perishes with him if he fails, no one demands that a general should risk his life in fighting like a common soldier.,Such is the preface I have thought fit to make for the Lives of Pelopidas and Marcellus, great men who rashly fell in battle. For both were most valiant fighters, did honour to their countries in most illustrious campaigns, and what is more, had the most formidable adversaries, one being the first, as we are told, to rout Hannibal, who was before invincible, the other conquering in a pitched battle the Lacedaemonians, who were supreme on land and sea; and yet they were careless of their own lives, and recklessly threw them away at times when it was most important that such men should live and hold command. These are the resemblances between them which have led me to write their lives in parallel.

28. Plutarch, Pompey, 10.4-10.6, 80.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 157, 271

10.4. ἀπαχθέντα μέντοι φασὶν αὐτόν, ὡς εἶδεν ἑλκόμενον ἤδη τὸ ξίφος, δεῖσθαι τόπον αὑτῷ καὶ χρόνον βραχύν, ὡς ὑπὸ κοιλίας ἐνοχλουμένῳ, παρασχεῖν. Γάϊος δὲ Ὄππιος ὁ Καίσαρος ἑταῖρος ἀπανθρώπως φησὶ καὶ Κοΐντῳ Οὐαλλερίῳ χρήσασθαι τὸν Πομπήϊον. ἐπιστάμενον γὰρ ὡς ἔστι φιλολόγος ἀνὴρ καὶ φιλομαθὴς ἐν ὀλίγοις ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, ὡς ἤχθη πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπισπασάμενον καὶ συμπεριπατήσαντα καὶ πυθόμενον ὧν ἔχρῃζε καὶ μαθόντα, προστάξαι τοῖς ὑπηρέταις εὐθὺς ἀνελεῖν ἀπαγαγόντας. 10.5. ἀλλʼ Ὀππίῳ μέν, ὅταν περὶ τῶν Καίσαρος πολεμίων ἢ φίλων διαλέγηται, σφόδρα δεῖ πιστεύειν μετὰ εὐλαβείας· Πομπήϊος δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐν δόξῃ μάλιστα τῶν Σύλλα πολεμίων καὶ φανερῶς ἁλισκομένους ἀναγκαίως ἐκόλαζε, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων ὅσους ἐξῆν περιεώρα λανθάνοντας, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ συνεξέπεμπε. 10.6. τὴν δὲ Ἱμεραίων πόλιν ἐγνωκότος αὐτοῦ κολάζειν γενομένην μετὰ τῶν πολεμίων, Σθένις ὁ δημαγωγὸς αἰτησάμενος λόγον οὐκ ἔφη δίκαια ποιήσειν τὸν Πομπήϊον, ἐὰν τὸν αἴτιον ἀφεὶς ἀπολέσῃ τοὺς μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας. ἐρομένου δὲ ἐκείνου τίνα λέγει τὸν αἴτιον, ἑαυτὸν ὁ Σθένις ἔφη, τοὺς μὲν φίλους πείσαντα τῶν πολιτῶν, τοὺς δʼ ἐχθροὺς βιασάμενον.

10.4. They say, moreover, that after Carbo had been led away to execution, when he saw the sword already drawn, he begged that a short respite and a convenient place might be afforded him, since his bowels distressed him. Furthermore, Caius Oppius, the friend of Caesar, says that Pompey treated Quintus Valerius also with unnatural cruelty. For, understanding that Valerius was a man of rare scholarship and learning, when he was brought to him, Oppius says, Pompey took him aside, walked up and down with him, asked and learned what he wished from him, and then ordered his attendants to lead him away and put him to death at once. 10.5. But when Oppius discourses about the enemies or friends of Caesar, one must be very cautious about believing him. Pompey was compelled to punish those enemies of Sulla who were most eminent, and whose capture was notorious; but as to the rest, he suffered as many as possible to escape detection, and even helped to send some out of the country. 10.6. Again, when he had made up his mind to chastise the city of Himera because it had sided with the enemy, Sthenis, the popular leader there, requested audience of him, and told him that he would commit an injustice if he should let the real culprit go and destroy those who had done no wrong. And when Pompey asked him whom he meant by the real culprit, Sthenis said he meant himself, since he had persuaded his friends among the citizens, and forced his enemies, into their course.

29. Plutarch, Sertorius, 13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

30. Suetonius, Iulius, 82.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139; Naiden,Ancient Suppliation (2006)" 248

57. He was highly skilled in arms and horsemanship, and of incredible powers of endurance. On the march he headed his army, sometimes on horseback, but oftener on foot, bareheaded both in the heat of the sun and in rain. He covered great distances with incredible speed, making a hundred miles a day in a hired carriage and with little baggage, swimming the rivers which barred his path or crossing them on inflated skins, and very often arriving before the messengers sent to announce his coming.

31. Suetonius, Nero, 47.2-47.3, 48.1, 49.3-49.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 270, 272, 285, 298; Naiden,Ancient Suppliation (2006)" 248

47.2. But when some gave evasive answers and some openly refused, one even cried: "Is it so dreadful a thing then to die?" Whereupon he turned over various plans in his mind, whether to go as a suppliant to the Parthians or Galba, or to appear to the people on the rostra, dressed in black, and beg as pathetically as he could for pardon for his past offences; and if he could not soften their hearts, to entreat them at least to allow him the prefecture of Egypt. Afterwards a speech composed for this purpose was found in his writing desk; but it is thought that he did not dare to deliver it for fear of being torn to pieces before he could reach the Forum. 47.3. Having therefore put off further consideration to the following day, he awoke about midnight and finding that the guard of soldiers had left, he sprang from his bed and sent for all his friends. Since no reply came back from anyone, he went himself to their rooms with a few followers. But finding that all the doors were closed and that no one replied to him, he returned to his own chamber, from which now the very caretakers had fled, taking with them even the bed-clothing and the box of poison. Then he at once called for the gladiator Spiculus or any other adept at whose hand he might find death, and when no one appeared, he cried "Have I then neither friend nor foe?" and ran out as if to throw himself into the Tiber. 48.1. Changing his purpose again, he sought for some retired place, where he could hide and collect his thoughts; and when his freedman Phaon offered his villa in the suburbs between the Via Nomentana and the Via Salaria near the fourth milestone, just as he was, barefooted and in his tunic, he put on a faded cloak, covered his head, and holding a handkerchief before his eyes, mounted a horse with only four attendants, one of whom was Sporus. 49.3. Now he would beg Sporus to begin to lament and wail, and now entreat someone to help him take his life by setting him the example; anon he reproached himself for his cowardice in such words as these: "To live is a scandal and a shame â this does not become Nero, does not become him â one should be resolute at such times â come, rouse thyself!" And now the horsemen were at hand who had orders to take him off alive. When he heard them, he quavered: "Hark, now strikes on my ear the trampling of swift-footed coursers!" and drove a dagger into his throat, aided by Epaphroditus, his private secretary. 49.4. He was all but dead when a centurion rushed in, and as he placed a cloak to the wound, pretending that he had come to aid him, Nero merely gasped: "Too late!" and "This is fidelity!" With these words he was gone, with eyes so set and starting from their sockets that all who saw him shuddered with horror. First and beyond all else he had forced from his companions a promise to let no one have his head, but to contrive in some way that he be buried unmutilated. And this was granted by Icelus, Galba's freedman, who had shortly before been released from the bondage to which he was consigned at the beginning of the revolt.

32. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.22, 1.25 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 75, 220

33. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 18.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 186

34. Suetonius, Otho, 9.3-11.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 298

35. Suetonius, Tiberius, 37.4, 50.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112, 170

37.4. He undertook no campaign after his accession, but quelled outbreaks of the enemy through his generals; and even this he did only reluctantly and of necessity. Such kings as were disaffected and objects of his suspicion he held in check rather by threats and remonstrances than by force; some he lured to Rome by flattering promises and detained there, such as Marobodus the German, Rhascuporis the Thracian, and Archelaus of Cappadocia, whose realm he also reduced to the form of a province. 51. Afterwards he reached the point of open enmity, and the reason, they say, was this. On her urging him again and again to appoint among the jurors a man who had been made a citizen, he declared that he would do it only on condition that she would allow an entry to be made in the official list that it was forced upon him by his mother. Then Livia, in a rage, drew from a secret place and read some old letters written to her by Augustus with regard to the austerity and stubbornness of Tiberius' disposition. He in turn was so put out that these had been preserved so long and were thrown up at him in such a spiteful spirit, that some think that this was the very strongest of the reasons for his retirement., At all events, during all the three years that she lived after he left Rome he saw her but once, and then only one day, for a very few hours; and when shortly after that she fell ill, he took no trouble to visit her. When she died, and after a delay of several days, during which he held out hope of his coming, had at last been buried because the condition of the corpse made it necessary, he forbade her deification, alleging that he was acting according to her own instructions. He further disregarded the provisions of her will, and within a short time caused the downfall of all her friends and intimates, even of those to whom she had on her deathbed entrusted the care of her obsequies, actually condemning one of them, and that a man of equestrian rank, to the treadmill.

36. Suetonius, Vitellius, 16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 270

37. Tacitus, Annals, 6.42, 12.25-12.26, 12.41-12.42, 12.64, 13.5-13.6, 13.13-13.15, 13.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112, 139, 170

6.42. Plurimum adulationis Seleucenses induere, civitas potens, saepta muris neque in barbarum corrupta sed conditoris Seleuci retinens. trecenti opibus aut sapientia delecti ut senatus, sua populo vis. et quoties concordes agunt, spernitur Parthus: ubi dissensere, dum sibi quisque contra aemulos subsidium vocant, accitus in partem adversum omnis valescit. id nuper acciderat Artabano regte, qui plebem primoribus tradidit ex suo usu: nam populi imperium iuxta libertatem, paucorum dominatio regiae libidini propior est. tum adventantem Tiridaten extollunt veterum regum honoribus et quos recens aetas largius invenit; simul probra in Artabanum fundebant, materna origine Arsaciden, cetera degenerem. Tiridates rem Seleucensem populo permittit. mox consultans quonam die sollemnia regni capesseret, litteras Phraatis et Hieronis qui validissimas praefecturas obtinebant accipit, brevem moram precantium. placitumque opperiri viros praepollentis, atque interim Ctesiphon sedes imperii petita: sed ubi diem ex die prolatabant, multis coram et adprobantibus Surena patrio more Tiridaten insigni regio evinxit. 12.25. C. Antistio M. Suillio consulibus adoptio in Domitium auctoritate Pallantis festinatur, qui obstrictus Agrippinae ut conciliator nuptiarum et mox stupro eius inligatus, stimulabat Claudium consuleret rei publicae, Britannici pueritiam robore circumdaret: sic apud divum Augustum, quamquam nepotibus subnixum, viguisse privignos; a Tiberio super propriam stirpem Germanicum adsumptum: se quoque accingeret iuvene partem curarum capessituro. his evictus triennio maiorem natu Domitium filio anteponit, habita apud senatum oratione eundem in quem a liberto acceperat modum. adnotabant periti nullam antehac adoptionem inter patricios Claudios reperiri, eosque ab Atto Clauso continuos duravisse. 12.42. Nondum tamen summa moliri Agrippina audebat, ni praetoriarum cohortium cura exolverentur Lusius Geta et Rufrius Crispinus, quos Messalinae memores et liberis eius devinctos credebat. igitur distrahi cohortis ambitu duorum et, si ab uno regerentur, intentiorem fore disciplinam adseverante uxore, transfertur regimen cohortium ad Burrum Afranium, egregiae militaris famae, gnarum tamen cuius sponte praeficeretur. suum quoque fastigium Agrippina extollere altius: carpento Capitolium ingredi, qui honos sacerdotibus et sacris antiquitus concessus venerationem augebat feminae, quam imperatore genitam, sororem eius qui rerum potitus sit et coniugem et matrem fuisse, unicum ad hunc diem exemplum est. inter quae praecipuus propugnator eius Vitellius, validissima gratia, aetate extrema (adeo incertae sunt potentium res) accusatione corripitur, deferente Iunio Lupo senatore. is crimina maiestatis et cupidinem imperii obiectabat; praebuissetque auris Caesar, nisi Agrippinae minis magis quam precibus mutatus esset, ut accusatori aqua atque igni interdiceret. hactenus Vitellius voluerat. 12.64. M. Asinio M'. Acilio consulibus mutationem rerum in deterius portendi cognitum est crebris prodigiis. signa ac tentoria militum igne caelesti arsere; fastigio Capitolii examen apium insedit; biformis hominum partus et suis fetum editum cui accipitrum ungues inessent. numerabatur inter ostenta deminutus omnium magistratuum numerus, quaestore, aedili, tribuno ac praetore et consule paucos intra mensis defunctis. sed in praecipuo pavore Agrippina, vocem Claudii, quam temulentus iecerat, fatale sibi ut coniugum flagitia ferret, dein puniret, metuens, agere et celerare statuit, perdita prius Domitia Lepida muliebribus causis, quia Lepida minore Antonia genita, avunculo Augusto, Agrippinae sobrina prior ac Gnaei mariti eius soror, parem sibi claritudinem credebat. nec forma aetas opes multum distabant; et utraque impudica, infamis, violenta, haud minus vitiis aemulabantur quam si qua ex fortuna prospera acceperant. enimvero certamen acerrimum, amita potius an mater apud Neronem praevaleret: nam Lepida blandimentis ac largitionibus iuvenilem animum devinciebat, truci contra ac minaci Agrippina, quae filio dare imperium, tolerare imperitantem nequibat. 13.5. Nec defuit fides, multaque arbitrio senatus constituta sunt: ne quis ad causam orandam mercede aut donis emeretur, ne designatis quaestoribus edendi gladiatores necessitas esset. quod quidem adversante Agrippina, tamquam acta Claudii subverterentur, obtinuere patres, qui in Palatium ob id vocabantur ut adstaret additis a tergo foribus velo discreta, quod visum arceret, auditus non adimeret. quin et legatis Armeniorum causam gentis apud Neronem orantibus escendere suggestum imperatoris et praesidere simul parabat, nisi ceteris pavore defixis Seneca admonuisset venienti matri occurreret. ita specie pietatis obviam itum dedecori. 13.5. Eodem anno crebris populi flagitationibus immodestiam publicanorum arguentis dubitavit Nero an cuncta vectigalia omitti iuberet idque pulcherrimum donum generi mortalium daret. sed impetum eius, multum prius laudata magnitudine animi, attinuere senatores, dissolutionem imperii docendo, si fructus quibus res publica sustineretur deminuerentur: quippe sublatis portoriis sequens ut tributorum abolitio expostularetur. plerasque vectigalium societates a consulibus et tribunis plebei constitutas acri etiam tum populi Romani libertate; reliqua mox ita provisa ut ratio quaestuum et necessitas erogationum inter se congrueret. temperandas plane publicanorum cupidines, ne per tot annos sine querela tolerata novis acerbitatibus ad invidiam verterent. 13.15. Turbatus his Nero et propinquo die quo quartum decimum aetatis annum Britannicus explebat, volutare secum modo matris violentiam, modo ipsius indolem, levi quidem experimento nuper cognitam, quo tamen favorem late quaesivisset. festis Saturno diebus inter alia aequalium ludicra regnum lusu sortientium evenerat ea sors Neroni. igitur ceteris diversa nec ruborem adlatura: ubi Britannico iussit exsurgeret progressusque in medium cantum aliquem inciperet, inrisum ex eo sperans pueri sobrios quoque convictus, nedum temulentos ignorantis, ille constanter exorsus est carmen, quo evolutum eum sede patria rebusque summis significabatur. unde orta miseratio manifestior, quia dissimulationem nox et lascivia exemerat. Nero intellecta invidia odium intendit; urgentibusque Agrippinae minis, quia nullum crimen neque iubere caedem fratris palam audebat, occulta molitur pararique venenum iubet, ministro Pollione Iulio praetoriae cohortis tribuno, cuius cura attinebatur damnata veneficii nomine Locusta, multa scelerum fama. nam ut proximus quisque Britannico neque fas neque fidem pensi haberet olim provisum erat. primum venenum ab ipsis educatoribus accepit tramisitque exoluta alvo parum validum, sive temperamentum inerat ne statim saeviret. sed Nero lenti sceleris impatiens minitari tribuno, iubere supplicium veneficae, quod, dum rumorem respiciunt, dum parant defensiones, securitatem morarentur. promittentibus dein tam praecipitem necem quam si ferro urgeretur, cubiculum Caesaris iuxta decoquitur virus cognitis antea venenis rapidum. 13.35. Sed Corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam militum quam contra perfidiam hostium erat: quippe Syria transmotae legiones, pace longa segnes, munia castrorum aegerrime tolerabant. satis constitit fuisse in eo exercitu veteranos qui non stationem, non vigilias inissent, vallum fossamque quasi nova et mira viserent, sine galeis, sine loricis, nitidi et quaestuosi, militia per oppida expleta. igitur dimissis quibus senectus aut valetudo adversa erat supplementum petivit. et habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus, adiectaque ex Germania legio cum equitibus alariis et peditatu cohortium. retentusque omnis exercitus sub pellibus, quamvis hieme saeva adeo ut obducta glacie nisi effossa humus tentoriis locum non praeberet. ambusti multorum artus vi frigoris et quidam inter excubias exanimati sunt. adnotatusque miles qui fascem lignorum gestabat ita praeriguisse manus, ut oneri adhaerentes truncis brachiis deciderent. ipse cultu levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus frequens adesse, laudem strenuis, solacium invalidis, exemplum omnibus ostendere. dehinc quia duritia caeli militiaeque multi abnuebant deserebantque, remedium severitate quaesitum est. nec enim, ut in aliis exercitibus, primum alterumque delictum venia prosequebatur, sed qui signa reliquerat, statim capite poenas luebat. idque usu salubre et misericordia melius adparuit: quippe pauciores illa castra deseruere quam ea in quibus ignoscebatur.

6.42. The extreme of adulation was shown by the powerful community of Seleucia, a walled town which, faithful to the memory of its founder Seleucus, has not degenerated into barbarism. Three hundred members, chosen for wealth or wisdom, form a senate: the people has its own prerogatives. So long as the two orders are in unison, the Parthian is ignored: if they clash, each calls in aid against its rival; and the alien, summoned to rescue a part, overpowers the whole. This had happened lately in the reign of Artabanus, who consulted his own ends by sacrificing the populace to the aristocrats: for supremacy of the people is akin to freedom; between the domination of a minority and the whim of a monarch the distance is small. They now celebrated the arrival of Tiridates with the honours paid to the ancient kings, along with the innovations of which a later age has been more lavish: at the same time, they poured abuse on Artabanus as an Arsacid on the mother's side, but otherwise of ignoble blood. â Tiridates handed over the government of Seleucia to the democracy; then, as he was debating what day to fix for his formal assumption of sovereignty, he received letters from Phraates and Hiero, holders of the two most important satrapies, asking for a short postponement. It was decided to wait for men of their high importance, and in the interval a move was made to the seat of government at Ctesiphon. However, as day after day found them still procrastinating, the Surena, before an applauding multitude, fastened, in the traditional style, the royal diadem upon the brows of Tiridates. < 12.25. In the consulate of Gaius Antistius and Marcus Suillius, the adoption of Domitius was hurried forward by the influence of Pallas, who, pledged to Agrippina as the agent in her marriage, then bound to her by lawless love, kept goading Claudius to consult the welfare of the country and to supply the boyish years of Britannicus with a stable protection:â "So, in the family of the divine Augustus, though he had grandsons to rely upon, yet his step-children rose to power; Tiberius had issue of his own, but he adopted Germanicus; let Claudius also gird to himself a young partner, who would undertake a share of his responsibilities!" The emperor yielded to the pressure, and gave Domitius, with his three years' seniority, precedence over his son, reproducing in his speech to the senate the arguments furnished by his freedman. It was noted by the expert that, prior to this, there was no trace of an adoption in the patrician branch of the Claudian house, which had lasted without interruption from Attus Clausus downward. < 12.25. In the consulate of Gaius Antistius and Marcus Suillius, the adoption of Domitius was hurried forward by the influence of Pallas, who, pledged to Agrippina as the agent in her marriage, then bound to her by lawless love, kept goading Claudius to consult the welfare of the country and to supply the boyish years of Britannicus with a stable protection:â "So, in the family of the divine Augustus, though he had grandsons to rely upon, yet his step-children rose to power; Tiberius had issue of his own, but he adopted Germanicus; let Claudius also gird to himself a young partner, who would undertake a share of his responsibilities!" The emperor yielded to the pressure, and gave Domitius, with his three years' seniority, precedence over his son, reproducing in his speech to the senate the arguments furnished by his freedman. It was noted by the expert that, prior to this, there was no trace of an adoption in the patrician branch of the Claudian house, which had lasted without interruption from Attus Clausus downward. 12.42. As yet, however, Agrippina lacked courage to make her supreme attempt, unless she could discharge from the command of the praetorian cohorts both Lusius Geta and Rufrius Crispinus, whom she believed faithful to the memory of Messalina and pledged to the cause of her children. Accordingly, through her assertions to her husband that the cohorts were being divided by the intriguing rivalry of the pair, and that discipline would be stricter if they were placed under a single head, the command was transferred to Afranius Burrus; who bore the highest character as a soldier but was well aware to whose pleasure he owed his appointment. The exaltation of her own dignity also occupied Agrippina: she began to enter the Capitol in a carriage; and that honour, reserved by antiquity for priests and holy objects, enhanced the veneration felt for a woman who to this day stands unparalleled as the daughter of an Imperator and the sister, the wife, and the mother of an emperor. Meanwhile, her principal champion, Vitellius, at the height of his influence and in the extremity of his age â so precarious are the fortunes of the mighty â was brought to trial upon an indictment laid by the senator Junius Lupus. The charges he preferred were treason and designs upon the empire and to these the Caesar would certainly have inclined his ear, had not the prayers, or rather the threats of Agrippina converted him to the course of formally outlawing the prosecutor: Vitellius had desired no more. < 12.42. As yet, however, Agrippina lacked courage to make her supreme attempt, unless she could discharge from the command of the praetorian cohorts both Lusius Geta and Rufrius Crispinus, whom she believed faithful to the memory of Messalina and pledged to the cause of her children. Accordingly, through her assertions to her husband that the cohorts were being divided by the intriguing rivalry of the pair, and that discipline would be stricter if they were placed under a single head, the command was transferred to Afranius Burrus; who bore the highest character as a soldier but was well aware to whose pleasure he owed his appointment. The exaltation of her own dignity also occupied Agrippina: she began to enter the Capitol in a carriage; and that honour, reserved by antiquity for priests and holy objects, enhanced the veneration felt for a woman who to this day stands unparalleled as the daughter of an Imperator and the sister, the wife, and the mother of an emperor. Meanwhile, her principal champion, Vitellius, at the height of his influence and in the extremity of his age â so precarious are the fortunes of the mighty â was brought to trial upon an indictment laid by the senator Junius Lupus. The charges he preferred were treason and designs upon the empire and to these the Caesar would certainly have inclined his ear, had not the prayers, or rather the threats of Agrippina converted him to the course of formally outlawing the prosecutor: Vitellius had desired no more. 12.64. In the consulate of Marcus Asinius and Manius Acilius, it was made apparent by a sequence of prodigies that a change of conditions for the worse was foreshadowed. Fire from heaven played round the standards and tents of the soldiers; a swarm of bees settled on the pediment of the Capitol; it was stated that hermaphrodites had been born, and that a pig had been produced with the talons of a hawk. It was counted among the portents that each of the magistracies found its numbers diminished, since a quaestor, an aedile, and a tribune, together with a praetor and a consul, had died within a few months. But especial terror was felt by Agrippina. Disquieted by a remark let fall by Claudius in his cups, that it was his destiny first to suffer and finally to punish the infamy of his wives, she determined to act â and speedily. First, however, she destroyed Domitia Lepida on a feminine quarrel. For, as the daughter of the younger Antonia, the grand-niece of Augustus, the first cousin once removed of Agrippina, and also the sister of her former husband Gnaeus Domitius, Lepida regarded her family distinctions as equal to those of the princess. In looks, age, and fortune there was little between the pair; and since each was as unchaste, as disreputable, and as violent as the other, their competition in the vices was not less keen than in such advantages as they had received from the kindness of fortune. But the fiercest struggle was on the question whether the domit influence with Nero was to be his aunt or his mother: for Lepida was endeavouring to captivate his youthful mind by a smooth tongue and an open hand, while on the other side Agrippina stood grim and menacing, capable of presenting her son with an empire but not of tolerating him as emperor. < 12.64. In the consulate of Marcus Asinius and Manius Acilius, it was made apparent by a sequence of prodigies that a change of conditions for the worse was foreshadowed. Fire from heaven played round the standards and tents of the soldiers; a swarm of bees settled on the pediment of the Capitol; it was stated that hermaphrodites had been born, and that a pig had been produced with the talons of a hawk. It was counted among the portents that each of the magistracies found its numbers diminished, since a quaestor, an aedile, and a tribune, together with a praetor and a consul, had died within a few months. But especial terror was felt by Agrippina. Disquieted by a remark let fall by Claudius in his cups, that it was his destiny first to suffer and finally to punish the infamy of his wives, she determined to act â and speedily. First, however, she destroyed Domitia Lepida on a feminine quarrel. For, as the daughter of the younger Antonia, the grand-niece of Augustus, the first cousin once removed of Agrippina, and also the sister of her former husband Gnaeus Domitius, Lepida regarded her family distinctions as equal to those of the princess. In looks, age, and fortune there was little between the pair; and since each was as unchaste, as disreputable, and as violent as the other, their competition in the vices was not less keen than in such advantages as they had received from the kindness of fortune. But the fiercest struggle was on the question whether the domit influence with Nero was to be his aunt or his mother: for Lepida was endeavouring to captivate his youthful mind by a smooth tongue and an open hand, while on the other side Agrippina stood grim and menacing, capable of presenting her son with an empire but not of tolerating him as emperor. 13.5. Nor was the pledge dishonoured, and many regulations were framed by the free decision of the senate. No advocate was to sell his services as a pleader for either fee or bounty; quaestors designate were to be under no obligation to produce a gladiatorial spectacle. The latter point, though opposed by Agrippina as a subversion of the acts of Claudius, was carried by the Fathers, whose meetings were specially convened in the Palatium, so that she could station herself at a newly-added door in their rear, shut off by a curtain thick enough to conceal her from view but not to debar her from hearing. In fact, when an Armenian deputation was pleading the national cause before Nero, she was preparing to ascend the emperor's tribunal and to share his presidency, had not Seneca, while others stood aghast, admonished the sovereign to step down and meet his mother: an assumption of filial piety which averted a scandal. < 13.5. Nor was the pledge dishonoured, and many regulations were framed by the free decision of the senate. No advocate was to sell his services as a pleader for either fee or bounty; quaestors designate were to be under no obligation to produce a gladiatorial spectacle. The latter point, though opposed by Agrippina as a subversion of the acts of Claudius, was carried by the Fathers, whose meetings were specially convened in the Palatium, so that she could station herself at a newly-added door in their rear, shut off by a curtain thick enough to conceal her from view but not to debar her from hearing. In fact, when an Armenian deputation was pleading the national cause before Nero, she was preparing to ascend the emperor's tribunal and to share his presidency, had not Seneca, while others stood aghast, admonished the sovereign to step down and meet his mother: an assumption of filial piety which averted a scandal. 13.15. Perturbed by her attitude, and faced with the approach of the day on which Britannicus completed his fourteenth year, Nero began to revolve, now his mother's proclivity to violence, now the character of his rival, â lately revealed by a test which, trivial as it was, had gained him wide sympathy. During the festivities of the Saturnalia, while his peers in age were varying their diversions by throwing dice for a king, the lot had fallen upon Nero. On the others he imposed various orders, not likely to put them to the blush: but, when he commanded Britannicus to rise, advance into the centre, and strike up a song â this, in the hope of turning into derision a boy who knew little of sober, much less of drunken, society â his victim firmly began a poem hinting at his expulsion from his father's house and throne. His bearing awoke a pity the more obvious that night and revelry had banished dissimulation. Nero, once aware of the feeling aroused, redoubled his hatred; and with Agrippina's threats becoming instant, as he had no grounds for a criminal charge against his brother and dared not openly order his execution, he tried secrecy and gave orders for poison to be prepared, his agent being Julius Pollio, tribune of a praetorian cohort, and responsible for the detention of the condemned poisoner Locusta, whose fame as a criminal stood high. For that no one about the person of Britannicus should regard either right or loyalty was a point long since provided for. The first dose the boy received from his own tutors, but his bowels were opened, and he passed the drug, which either lacked potency or contained a dilution to prevent immediate action. Nero, however, impatient of so much leisure in crime, threatened the tribune and ordered the execution of the poisoner, on the ground that, with their apprehensions of scandal and their preparations for defence, they were delaying his release from anxiety. They now promised that death should be as abrupt as if it were the summary work of steel; and a potion â its rapidity guaranteed by a private test of the ingredients â was concocted hard by the Caesar's bedroom. < 13.15. Perturbed by her attitude, and faced with the approach of the day on which Britannicus completed his fourteenth year, Nero began to revolve, now his mother's proclivity to violence, now the character of his rival, â lately revealed by a test which, trivial as it was, had gained him wide sympathy. During the festivities of the Saturnalia, while his peers in age were varying their diversions by throwing dice for a king, the lot had fallen upon Nero. On the others he imposed various orders, not likely to put them to the blush: but, when he commanded Britannicus to rise, advance into the centre, and strike up a song â this, in the hope of turning into derision a boy who knew little of sober, much less of drunken, society â his victim firmly began a poem hinting at his expulsion from his father's house and throne. His bearing awoke a pity the more obvious that night and revelry had banished dissimulation. Nero, once aware of the feeling aroused, redoubled his hatred; and with Agrippina's threats becoming instant, as he had no grounds for a criminal charge against his brother and dared not openly order his execution, he tried secrecy and gave orders for poison to be prepared, his agent being Julius Pollio, tribune of a praetorian cohort, and responsible for the detention of the condemned poisoner Locusta, whose fame as a criminal stood high. For that no one about the person of Britannicus should regard either right or loyalty was a point long since provided for. The first dose the boy received from his own tutors, but his bowels were opened, and he passed the drug, which either lacked potency or contained a dilution to prevent immediate action. Nero, however, impatient of so much leisure in crime, threatened the tribune and ordered the execution of the poisoner, on the ground that, with their apprehensions of scandal and their preparations for defence, they were delaying his release from anxiety. They now promised that death should be as abrupt as if it were the summary work of steel; and a potion â its rapidity guaranteed by a private test of the ingredients â was concocted hard by the Caesar's bedroom.

38. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112

39. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.1.3, 1.1.6, 1.3.4-1.3.5, 1.4.3-1.4.5, 1.4.8, 1.5.1, 1.5.3-1.5.5, 1.5.7-1.5.8, 1.6.1-1.6.9, 1.7, 1.7.1-1.7.6, 1.8.1, 1.9.5, 1.9.8-1.9.9, 1.12, 1.12.6, 1.13.4-1.13.6, 1.14.8-1.14.9, 1.16.4, 1.17.2, 1.17.4, 1.17.7-1.17.12, 2.1.3-2.1.10, 2.2.1, 2.2.3-2.2.10, 2.3, 2.3.1-2.3.5, 2.3.7, 2.3.9-2.3.11, 2.4.1, 2.4.3-2.4.5, 2.4.8-2.4.9, 2.5.1, 2.5.4-2.5.5, 2.5.8, 2.6.1-2.6.2, 2.6.4-2.6.14, 2.7, 2.7.1-2.7.10, 2.8.1-2.8.10, 2.9-2.11, 2.9.1-2.9.11, 2.9.13, 2.10.1-2.10.9, 2.11.1-2.11.9, 2.12.2-2.12.7, 2.13, 2.13.1-2.13.12, 2.14.1-2.14.4, 2.14.6-2.14.7, 2.15, 2.15.1-2.15.7, 3.1.1-3.1.2, 3.1.4-3.1.7, 3.2.1-3.2.5, 3.3.7-3.3.8, 3.4.5-3.4.9, 3.5.1-3.5.7, 3.6.1-3.6.7, 3.6.9-3.6.10, 3.7.1-3.7.3, 3.7.6-3.7.8, 3.8.1-3.8.3, 3.8.5, 3.8.8, 3.9.1-3.9.6, 3.9.9-3.9.12, 3.10.2-3.10.4, 3.13.2-3.13.6, 3.14.2-3.14.8, 3.15.1-3.15.2, 3.15.5-3.15.6, 3.15.8, 4.1.1-4.1.4, 4.3.4, 4.4.2-4.4.8, 4.5.1, 4.5.3, 4.7.4-4.7.7, 4.8.7-4.8.8, 4.9.8, 4.11.1, 4.11.9, 4.12.1-4.12.2, 4.12.6-4.12.8, 4.13.1, 4.13.7, 4.14.3, 4.14.5, 5.1.4, 5.2.2-5.2.6, 5.3.1-5.3.12, 5.4.1-5.4.12, 5.5.1-5.5.2, 5.5.4-5.5.10, 5.6.3, 5.7-5.8, 5.7.1-5.7.2, 5.7.5, 5.8.2-5.8.3, 5.8.9-5.8.10, 5.12.5, 6.1.1, 6.1.6-6.1.8, 6.2.1-6.2.7, 6.3.1, 6.3.5, 6.4.2, 6.5-6.6, 6.5.3-6.5.4, 6.6.3-6.6.6, 6.7.4-6.7.5, 6.7.9-6.7.10, 6.8.2-6.8.8, 6.9.1-6.9.8, 7.1.1-7.1.4, 7.1.12, 7.2.7-7.2.8, 7.3.2, 7.4.2-7.4.3, 7.5.1-7.5.5, 7.6.2, 7.6.4-7.6.9, 7.7.1-7.7.2, 7.7.4, 7.8.2-7.8.3, 7.8.5-7.8.9, 7.9.1-7.9.5, 7.9.7-7.9.10, 7.10.4-7.10.9, 7.11-7.12, 7.11.1-7.11.9, 7.12.1-7.12.8, 8.1.1-8.1.6, 8.2.2-8.2.6, 8.5.9, 8.6.1, 8.6.3, 8.6.8, 8.7.2, 8.7.6, 8.8.1, 8.8.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 47, 107, 171, 180, 285, 292

40. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 74.2.2, 75.4.1-5.5, 74.11.2-12.1, 59.18.3, 74.8, 68.10.2, 74(75).2, 57.7.2, 57.7.6, 57.7.5, 59.18.1, 74.12, 60.28.6, 53.19, 60.3.7-60.4.4, 59.18.2, 74.1, 64.2.3, 74.14, 67.17, 74.5, 57.7.4, 57.7.3, 67.4.2, 74.13, 74(75).5, 74(75).1, 74(75).3, 74(75).4, 60.29.4-6a, 8079.2.6, 8079.2.3, 8079.2.2, 7978.33.2, 7978.32.3, 7978.32.2, 7978.31.4, 7978.31.3, 7978.32.4, 7978.31.2, 7473.10.3, 7473.7.3, 7473.7.2, 7473.7.1, 63.27.3, 7978.17.2, 7877.17.2, 7877.6.1-8.1, 7473.15.1, 7574.11, 7574.10, 7574.6.3, 8079.17.3-18.3, 7675.9.2, 8079.17.3, 8079.19, 8079.18, 8079.17, 6161.14.13, 6161.14.12, 6161.14.11, 6161.14.10, 6161.14.9, 6161.14.8, 6161.14.7, 6161.14.6, 7574.12, 6161.14.5, 6161.14.3, 57.12, 57.3.3, 7675.10, 7675.11, 6161.14.2, 6161.14.1, 8079.1.2, 8079.1.3, 6161.13.21, 6161.13.18, 6161.8.4, 6161.7.3, 6161.7.2, 6161.7.1, 6161.3.4, 6161.3.3, 6161.3.2, 6161.14.4, 6160.33.10, 6160.32.6, 8079.1.4, 8079.2.1, 6160.32.5, 6160.32.3, 8079.2.4, 6160.33.9, 7473.16.1, 7473.16.2, 7473.16.3, 7473.16.4, 7473.16.5-17.1, 63.29.2, 6364.13, 6364.14, 6364.15, 7675.7.3, 7978.39.5-40.2, 52.34.1, 52.34.2, 52.34.3, 52.39.1, 52.39.2, 52.39.3, 52.39.5, 68.23, 69.9, 52.39.4, 7575.1, 7575.2, 7575.3, 7675.4.1, 7574.8.3, 7271.25, 7271.26, 7271.24, 7574.6.2a, 7473.1.3, 7473.1.2, 56.41.9, 56.9.3, 53.18.3, 6465.16.2-17.1, 7473.12.5, 7473.17.3, 7473.17.4, 7473.17.5, 7877.1.3, 7473.14.2a, 7574.8.1, 7574.7.6, 7574.7.5, 7978.27.1, 7978.27.3, 7978.32, 7978.33, 7978.34.11, 7978.34.12, 7978.34.13, 7574.7.2, 7978.34.14, 7978.34.4, 7574.7.3, 7574.7.4, 7978.26.7, 68.4.1, 68.4.2, 7978.26.6, 7574.5.7, 7574.5.6, 7978.5.1, 7978.4.4, 7978.4.3, 7978.4.2, 67.15.4, 67.15.3, 7473.13.2, 7473.11, 7473.12, 7473.11.4.6, 7473.12.1, 7473.12.2, 7473.12.3, 7473.12.4, 6364.2.1, 7271.27.7, 7271.27.8, 7271.27.9, 7271.27.10, 7271.27.11, 7271.27.12, 7271.27.13, 7271.27.14, 7271.27.15, 7271.27.16, 7271.27.17, 7271.27.18, 7271.27.19, 7271.27.20, 7271.27.21, 7271.27.22, 7271.27.23, 7271.27.6, 7271.27.5, 7271.27.4, 7271.27.3, 7271.27.24, 7473.15.2, 7271.27.2, 7574.6.1, 7271.27.25, 7271.27.27, 7675.7.4, 7271.27.28, 7271.27.29, 7271.27.30, 7271.27.31, 7271.28.1, 7271.28.2, 7271.27.26, 7473.13.5, 7473.13.4, 7473.13.3, 7574.3.2, 7574.3.3, 6364.9.3, 6364.9.2, 6364.9.1, 7574.3.1, 7473.1.1, 7776.15.2, 7776.14.7, 7776.14.6, 7776.14.5, 7776.14.4, 7776.13.2, 7776.14.3, 7776.13.1, 7776.14.2, 7776.14.1, 7271.33.42, 7978.38.4, 7978.37.4, 7978.36.4, 7675.5.1, 7675.5.2, 7978.30.1, 7978.25.5, 7978.25.4, 7978.25.3, 7978.25.2, 7978.25.1, 7978.36.5, 7675.5.3, 7978.35.1, 7978.35.2, 7978.35.3, 7978.36.1, 7978.36.2, 7978.36.3, 7978.40.4, 7978.37.6, 7978.37.5, 7372.14.4, 47.8.4, 6160.32.4, 6364.6.4, 6465.20.1, 6465.21.2, 67.11.3, 7574.8.4, 7574.8.5, 7574.9.4, 47.8.3, 47.8.2, 6868.1.1, 6767.15.1, 6767.14.4, 6767.12.5, 6767.8.1, 7675.12.5, 6767.1.2, 6767.1.1, 6666.19.1, 7675.9.3, 7675.9.4, 7675.11.1, 7675.11.4, 7675.12.4, 6666.18.5, 6666.18.2, 6666.18.1, 6767.1.3, 7473.11.3, 7473.9.4-10.1, 7372.24.2xiph., 7271.26.4, 6566.9.4, 7372.9.4, 7978.40.5, 7372.9.10, 7372.9.11, 7372.9.12, 7978.40.6, 7978.40.3, 7978.40.7, 7978.40.8, 7978.40.9, 7978.40.10, 7372.9.14, 7372.9.15, 7372.9.16, 7372.9.13, 7978.24, 7978.6.5, 7372.9.2, 7372.9.5, 7372.9.6, 7372.9.7, 7372.9.8, 7372.9.9, 7372.9.1, 7372.9.17, 7372.9.18, 7372.9.19, 7372.9.20, 7372.9.21, 7372.11.1, 7372.11.2, 7372.11.3, 7372.11.4, 7372.12.1-13.1, 7978.23, 7372.9.3, 7978.40.19, 7978.40.12, 7978.30.4, 7978.30.3, 7978.30.2, 7877.10.2, 7877.6.1a, 7776.17, 7776.16, 7473.10, 7372.22.6, 7271.35, 7271.34, 58.2.6, 58.2.5, 7978.40.26, 7978.40.25, 7978.40.24, 7978.40.23, 7978.40.22, 7978.40.21, 7978.40.20, 7978.40.18, 58.2.4, 7978.40.17, 7978.40.15, 7978.40.14, 7978.40.13, 7978.40.11, 7978.40.16, 58.2.3, 58.2.2, 58.2.1, 7978.40.32, 7978.40.31, 7978.40.30, 7978.40.29, 7978.40.28, 7978.40.27, 7978.40.33, 7372.6.5, 7978.40.34, 7978.40.36, 7978.40.35, 7978.40.37, 7978.40.38, 7978.40.40, 7978.40.41, 8079.21, 8079.21.3, 7978.40.39, 7372.6.4, 7372.6.2, 7372.6.1, 7372.6.3, 8079.4.3-7.4, 8079.2.5, 7978.20, 7978.17.4-18.3, 7978.17.3, 7978.17.1, 7877.17.4, 7877.17.1, 8080.5.2, 56.34.4, 7574.9, 7776.8.1-9.2, 7675.4.2, 8080.5.3, 7877.17.3, 7877.5.4, 7473.1, 7877.5.5, 7877.1.4, 7877.7.1, 7877.6.1, 7877.6.2, 7877.4.1, 7877.7.2, 7877.7.3, 7877.7.4, 7877.17.1.4, 7877.5.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 157

41. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 12.1-12.3, 14.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 137

42. Tertullian, Apology, 25.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 257

43. Victor, De Caesaribus, 24 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 177

44. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 1.4, 5.6-5.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 89

45. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 2.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 100, 298

46. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 4.1-4.2, 19.1-19.2, 32.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 298

47. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 1.6, 4.4, 12.4-12.5, 16.3, 21.6-21.8, 37.1, 52.3, 57.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 177, 308; Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 89

48. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 1.4-1.7, 2.1-2.4, 3.1-3.4, 17.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 107, 108, 110

49. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 1.7-1.8, 2.6-2.9, 3.1-3.9, 19.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 202, 257

50. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 1.4, 5.6-5.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 89

51. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 24.5.11 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

52. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pertinax, 4.6, 6.9-6.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 75, 203

53. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pescennius Niger, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 3, 4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8, 5.8-6.1, 6.10, 10, 11, 12.6, 12.7, 12.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 140, 271

54. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 8.23 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 177

55. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Severus, 5.5-5.8, 15.1-15.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 140, 157

56. Plutarch, De Prof. Virt., 84c, 84b Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

57. Hrd., Hist., 2.5.5 Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus, Found in books: Naiden,Ancient Suppliation (2006)" 248

58. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gord., 10.2, 15.2, 16.3-16.4, 22.6 Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 297, 298

59. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 11.2.3 Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 97

60. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Did. Jul., 2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.7-4.7, 5.1, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8, 5.9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 140

61. Numismatic, Ric, iii marcus aurelius 718 Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus (m. didius severus iulianus) Found in books: Hug, Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome (2023) 218

65. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Did. Jul., 3.7-3.10 Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard, Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic (2020) 89

67. S.H.A., Did.Jul., 2.6-2.7 Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus Found in books: Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 157

68. S.H.A., Comm., 17.4, 17.11-17.12 Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus Found in books: Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 157

70. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 8.23 Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 177

71. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.992 Tagged with subjects: •didius julianus Found in books: Tacoma, Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship (2020) 157

72. Julian, Orations, 2.88a Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139

73. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Geta, 4 Tagged with subjects: •julianus (didius) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 100

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database