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72 results for "judea"
1. Hebrew Bible, Song of Songs, 2.11-2.13, 5.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 259
2.11. "כִּי־הִנֵּה הסתו [הַסְּתָיו] עָבָר הַגֶּשֶׁם חָלַף הָלַךְ לוֹ׃", 2.12. "הַנִּצָּנִים נִרְאוּ בָאָרֶץ עֵת הַזָּמִיר הִגִּיעַ וְקוֹל הַתּוֹר נִשְׁמַע בְּאַרְצֵנוּ׃", 2.13. "הַתְּאֵנָה חָנְטָה פַגֶּיהָ וְהַגְּפָנִים סְמָדַר נָתְנוּ רֵיחַ קוּמִי לכי [לָךְ] רַעְיָתִי יָפָתִי וּלְכִי־לָךְ׃", 5.2. "אֲנִי יְשֵׁנָה וְלִבִּי עֵר קוֹל דּוֹדִי דוֹפֵק פִּתְחִי־לִי אֲחֹתִי רַעְיָתִי יוֹנָתִי תַמָּתִי שֶׁרֹּאשִׁי נִמְלָא־טָל קְוֻּצּוֹתַי רְסִיסֵי לָיְלָה׃", 2.11. For, lo, the winter is past, The rain is over and gone; 2.12. The flowers appear on the earth; The time of singing is come, And the voice of the turtle is heard in our land; 2.13. The fig-tree putteth forth her green figs, And the vines in blossom give forth their fragrance. Arise, my love, my fair one, and come away. 5.2. I sleep, but my heart waketh; Hark! my beloved knocketh: ‘Open to me, my sister, my love, my dove, my undefiled; For my head is filled with dew, My locks with the drops of the night.’
2. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 15.12, 23.7 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146, 149
15.12. "כִּי־יִמָּכֵר לְךָ אָחִיךָ הָעִבְרִי אוֹ הָעִבְרִיָּה וַעֲבָדְךָ שֵׁשׁ שָׁנִים וּבַשָּׁנָה הַשְּׁבִיעִת תְּשַׁלְּחֶנּוּ חָפְשִׁי מֵעִמָּךְ׃", 23.7. "לֹא־תִדְרֹשׁ שְׁלֹמָם וְטֹבָתָם כָּל־יָמֶיךָ לְעוֹלָם׃", 15.12. "If thy brother, a Hebrew man, or a Hebrew woman, be sold unto thee, he shall serve thee six years; and in the seventh year thou shalt let him go free from thee.", 23.7. "Thou shalt not seek their peace nor their prosperity all thy days for ever.",
3. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 2.5, 2.6, 5.13, 6.10, 8.7, 8.17, 9.29, 9.30, 9.31, 10.1-11.1, 10.3, 10.9, 10.13, 11.2-12.6, 13.8, 13.8-14.9, 13.9, 13.13, 14.5, 14.15, 14.16, 14.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 192
9.30. "And he sent letters unto all the Jews, to the hundred twenty and seven provinces of the kingdom of Ahasuerus, with words of peace and truth,",
4. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 21.2, 34.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149, 168
21.2. "כִּי תִקְנֶה עֶבֶד עִבְרִי שֵׁשׁ שָׁנִים יַעֲבֹד וּבַשְּׁבִעִת יֵצֵא לַחָפְשִׁי חִנָּם׃", 21.2. "וְכִי־יַכֶּה אִישׁ אֶת־עַבְדּוֹ אוֹ אֶת־אֲמָתוֹ בַּשֵּׁבֶט וּמֵת תַּחַת יָדוֹ נָקֹם יִנָּקֵם׃", 34.15. "פֶּן־תִּכְרֹת בְּרִית לְיוֹשֵׁב הָאָרֶץ וְזָנוּ אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶם וְזָבְחוּ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם וְקָרָא לְךָ וְאָכַלְתָּ מִזִּבְחוֹ׃", 21.2. "If thou buy a Hebrew servant, six years he shall serve; and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing.", 34.15. "lest thou make a covet with the inhabitants of the land, and they go astray after their gods, and do sacrifice unto their gods, and they call thee, and thou eat of their sacrifice;",
5. Hebrew Bible, Jonah, 1.9 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
1.9. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֲלֵיהֶם עִבְרִי אָנֹכִי וְאֶת־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי הַשָּׁמַיִם אֲנִי יָרֵא אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה אֶת־הַיָּם וְאֶת־הַיַּבָּשָׁה׃", 1.9. "And he said unto them: ‘I am an Hebrew; and I fear the LORD, the God of heaven, who hath made the sea and the dry land.’",
6. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 14.13 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
14.13. "וַיָּבֹא הַפָּלִיט וַיַּגֵּד לְאַבְרָם הָעִבְרִי וְהוּא שֹׁכֵן בְּאֵלֹנֵי מַמְרֵא הָאֱמֹרִי אֲחִי אֶשְׁכֹּל וַאֲחִי עָנֵר וְהֵם בַּעֲלֵי בְרִית־אַבְרָם׃", 14.13. "And there came one that had escaped, and told Abram the Hebrew—now he dwelt by the terebinths of Mamre the Amorite, brother of Eshcol, and brother of Aner; and these were confederate with Abram.",
7. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 34.9, 34.14 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
34.9. "לְשַׁלַּח אִישׁ אֶת־עַבְדּוֹ וְאִישׁ אֶת־שִׁפְחָתוֹ הָעִבְרִי וְהָעִבְרִיָּה חָפְשִׁים לְבִלְתִּי עֲבָד־בָּם בִּיהוּדִי אָחִיהוּ אִישׁ׃", 34.14. "מִקֵּץ שֶׁבַע שָׁנִים תְּשַׁלְּחוּ אִישׁ אֶת־אָחִיו הָעִבְרִי אֲשֶׁר־יִמָּכֵר לְךָ וַעֲבָדְךָ שֵׁשׁ שָׁנִים וְשִׁלַּחְתּוֹ חָפְשִׁי מֵעִמָּךְ וְלֹא־שָׁמְעוּ אֲבוֹתֵיכֶם אֵלַי וְלֹא הִטּוּ אֶת־אָזְנָם׃", 34.9. "that every man should let his manservant, and every man his maidservant, being a Hebrew man or a Hebrew woman, go free; that none should make bondmen of them, even of a Jew his brother;", 34.14. "’At the end of seven years ye shall let go every man his brother that is a Hebrew, that hath been sold unto thee, and hath served thee six years, thou shalt let him go free from thee’; but your fathers hearkened not unto Me, neither inclined their ear.",
8. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 14, 29, 4, 13 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
9. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 1.3 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 115
1.3. "הָיֹה הָיָה דְבַר־יְהוָה אֶל־יְחֶזְקֵאל בֶּן־בּוּזִי הַכֹּהֵן בְּאֶרֶץ כַּשְׂדִּים עַל־נְהַר־כְּבָר וַתְּהִי עָלָיו שָׁם יַד־יְהוָה׃", 1.3. "the word of the LORD came expressly unto Ezekiel the priest, the son of Buzi, in the land of the Chaldeans by the river Chebar; and the hand of the LORD was there upon him.",
10. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.118.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 560
1.118.2. ταῦτα δὲ ξύμπαντα ὅσα ἔπραξαν οἱ Ἕλληνες πρός τε ἀλλήλους καὶ τὸν βάρβαρον ἐγένετο ἐν ἔτεσι πεντήκοντα μάλιστα μεταξὺ τῆς τε Ξέρξου ἀναχωρήσεως καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου: ἐν οἷς οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τήν τε ἀρχὴν ἐγκρατεστέραν κατεστήσαντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ μέγα ἐχώρησαν δυνάμεως, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι αἰσθόμενοι οὔτε ἐκώλυον εἰ μὴ ἐπὶ βραχύ, ἡσύχαζόν τε τὸ πλέον τοῦ χρόνου, ὄντες μὲν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ μὴ ταχεῖς ἰέναι ἐς τοὺς πολέμους, ἢν μὴ ἀναγκάζωνται, τὸ δέ τι καὶ πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι, πρὶν δὴ ἡ δύναμις τῶν Ἀθηναίων σαφῶς ᾔρετο καὶ τῆς ξυμμαχίας αὐτῶν ἥπτοντο. τότε δὲ οὐκέτι ἀνασχετὸν ἐποιοῦντο, ἀλλ’ ἐπιχειρητέα ἐδόκει εἶναι πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ καὶ καθαιρετέα ἡ ἰσχύς, ἢν δύνωνται, ἀραμένοις τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον. 1.118.2. All these actions of the Hellenes against each other and the barbarian occurred in the fifty years' interval between the retreat of Xerxes and the beginning of the present war. During this interval the Athenians succeeded in placing their empire on a firmer basis, and advanced their own home power to a very great height. The Lacedaemonians, though fully aware of it, opposed it only for a little while, but remained inactive during most of the period, being of old slow to go to war except under the pressure of necessity, and in the present instance being hampered by wars at home; until the growth of the Athenian power could be no longer ignored, and their own confederacy became the object of its encroachments. They then felt that they could endure it no longer, but that the time had come for them to throw themselves heart and soul upon the hostile power, and break it, if they could, by commencing the present war.
11. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 5.1, 7.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146, 201
5.1. "וְאַף שְׁמָהָתְהֹם שְׁאֵלְנָא לְּהֹם לְהוֹדָעוּתָךְ דִּי נִכְתֻּב שֻׁם־גֻּבְרַיָּא דִּי בְרָאשֵׁיהֹם׃", 5.1. "וְהִתְנַבִּי חַגַּי נביאה [נְבִיָּא] וּזְכַרְיָה בַר־עִדּוֹא נביאיא [נְבִיַּיָּא] עַל־יְהוּדָיֵא דִּי בִיהוּד וּבִירוּשְׁלֶם בְּשֻׁם אֱלָהּ יִשְׂרָאֵל עֲלֵיהוֹן׃", 7.13. "מִנִּי שִׂים טְעֵם דִּי כָל־מִתְנַדַּב בְּמַלְכוּתִי מִן־עַמָּה יִשְׂרָאֵל וְכָהֲנוֹהִי וְלֵוָיֵא לִמְהָךְ לִירוּשְׁלֶם עִמָּךְ יְהָךְ׃", 5.1. "Now the prophets, Haggai the prophet, and Zechariah the son of Iddo, prophesied unto the Jews that were in Judah and Jerusalem; in the name of the God of Israel prophesied they unto them.", 7.13. "I make a decree, that all they of the people of Israel, and their priests and the Levites, in my realm, that are minded of their own free will to go with thee to Jerusalem, go.",
12. Septuagint, Judith, 4.1, 10.12, 12.11, 14.10, 14.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 155
4.1. By this time the people of Israel living in Judea heard of everything that Holofernes, the general of Nebuchadnezzar the king of the Assyrians, had done to the nations, and how he had plundered and destroyed all their temples; 10.12. and took her into custody, and asked her, "To what people do you belong, and where are you coming from, and where are you going?" She replied, "I am a daughter of the Hebrews, but I am fleeing from them, for they are about to be handed over to you to be devoured. 12.11. And he said to Bagoas, the eunuch who had charge of his personal affairs, "Go now and persuade the Hebrew woman who is in your care to join us and eat and drink with us. 14.10. And when Achior saw all that the God of Israel had done, he believed firmly in God, and was circumcised, and joined the house of Israel, remaining so to this day. 14.18. "The slaves have tricked us! One Hebrew woman has brought disgrace upon the house of King Nebuchadnezzar! For look, here is Holofernes lying on the ground, and his head is not on him!"
13. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q448, 0 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 201
14. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.19, 2.23, 2.45, 4.2, 7.22-7.24, 8.23, 13.42, 13.47, 14.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146, 155, 201, 381
2.19. But Mattathias answered and said in a loud voice: "Even if all the nations that live under the rule of the king obey him, and have chosen to do his commandments, departing each one from the religion of his fathers, 2.23. When he had finished speaking these words, a Jew came forward in the sight of all to offer sacrifice upon the altar in Modein, according to the kings command. 2.45. And Mattathias and his friends went about and tore down the altars; 4.2. to fall upon the camp of the Jews and attack them suddenly. Men from the citadel were his guides. 7.22. and all who were troubling their people joined him. They gained control of the land of Judah and did great damage in Israel. 7.23. And Judas saw all the evil that Alcimus and those with him had done among the sons of Israel; it was more than the Gentiles had done. 7.24. So Judas went out into all the surrounding parts of Judea, and took vengeance on the men who had deserted, and he prevented those in the city from going out into the country. 8.23. May all go well with the Romans and with the nation of the Jews at sea and on land for ever, and may sword and enemy be far from them. 13.42. and the people began to write in their documents and contracts, "In the first year of Simon the great high priest and commander and leader of the Jews." 13.47. So Simon reached an agreement with them and stopped fighting against them. But he expelled them from the city and cleansed the houses in which the idols were, and then entered it with hymns and praise. 14.7. He gathered a host of captives;he ruled over Gazara and Beth-zur and the citadel,and he removed its uncleanness from it;and there was none to oppose him.
15. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
15.37. This, then, is how matters turned out with Nicanor. And from that time the city has been in the possession of the Hebrews. So I too will here end my story.'
16. Philo of Alexandria, On The Migration of Abraham, 20 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
20. so that such a man is not a subject but a ruler of Egypt, that is to say of the whole region of the body; so that "he boasted of being of the race of the Hebrews," who were accustomed to rise up and leave the objects of the outward senses, and to go over to those of the intellect; for the name Hebrew, being interpreted, means "one who passes over," because he boasted that "here he had done Nothing." For to do nothing of those things which are thought much of among the wicked, but to hate them all and reject them, is praiseworthy in no slight degree;
17. Philo of Alexandria, On The Posterity of Cain, 54, 63, 92 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 202
92. What, then, are the portions of his angels, and what is that share which is the inheritance of the ruler and governor of all? The portion of those ministers are the specific virtues; but the portion of the ruler of all its his chosen people Israel. For he who sees God, being led on by his most surpassing beauty, has his inheritance and portion assigned to him in that which he sees.
18. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 108 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146
108. And if any of them should be willing to forsake their old ways and to come over to the customs and constitutions of the Jews, they are not to be rejected and treated with hostility as the children of enemies, but to be received in such a manner that in the third generation they may be admitted into the assembly, and may have a share of the divine words read to them, being instructed in the will of God equally with the natives of the land, the descendants of God's chosen people. XXII.
19. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 158 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 202
158. I, Flaccus, who was born, and brought up, and educated in Rome, the heaven of the world, and who have been the schoolfellow and companion of the granddaughters of Augustus, and who was afterwards selected by Tiberius Caesar as one of his most intimate friends, and who have had entrusted to me for six years the greatest of all his possessions, namely, Egypt.
20. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 4.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 202; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 157
287. both because that is my natural disposition, and also in consequence of the number of benefits with which you have enriched me; so that if I in consequence had felt confidence to implore you myself on behalf of my country, if not to grant to it the Roman constitution, at least to confer freedom and a remission of taxes on it, I should not have thought that I had any reason to fear your displeasure for preferring such a petition to you, and for requesting that most desirable of all things, your favour, which it can do you no harm to grant, and which is the most advantageous of all things for my country to receive.
21. Josephus Flavius, Life, 1, 10-11, 2-9, 12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 202
22. Mishnah, Berachot, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 115
3.4. "בַּעַל קֶרִי מְהַרְהֵר בְּלִבּוֹ וְאֵינוֹ מְבָרֵךְ, לֹא לְפָנֶיהָ וְלֹא לְאַחֲרֶיהָ. וְעַל הַמָּזוֹן מְבָרֵךְ לְאַחֲרָיו, וְאֵינוֹ מְבָרֵךְ לְפָנָיו. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, מְבָרֵךְ לִפְנֵיהֶם וּלְאַחֲרֵיהֶם: \n", 3.4. "One who has had a seminal emission utters the words [of the Shema] in his heart and he doesn’t say a blessing, neither before nor after. Over food he says a blessing afterwards, but not the blessing before. Rabbi Judah says: he blesses both before them and after them.",
23. Mishnah, Eduyot, 9.6, 9.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
24. Mishnah, Yevamot, 16.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
16.5. "אֲפִלּוּ שָׁמַע מִן הַנָּשִׁים אוֹמְרוֹת, מֵת אִישׁ פְּלוֹנִי, דַּיּוֹ. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, אֲפִלּוּ שָׁמַע מִן הַתִּינוֹקוֹת אוֹמְרִים, הֲרֵי אָנוּ הוֹלְכִין לִסְפֹּד וְלִקְבֹר אֶת אִישׁ פְּלוֹנִי, בֵּין שֶׁהוּא מִתְכַּוֵּן וּבֵין שֶׁאֵינוֹ מִתְכַּוֵּן. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה בֶן בָּבָא אוֹמֵר, בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל עַד שֶׁיְּהֵא מִתְכַּוֵּן. וּבְגוֹי, אִם הָיָה מִתְכַּוֵּן, אֵין עֵדוּתוֹ עֵדוּת: \n", 16.5. "Even if he only heard from women saying, “so-and-so is dead”, this is enough. Rabbi Judah says: even if he only heard children saying, “behold we are going to mourn for a man named so-and-so and to bury him” [it is enough]. Whether [such statement was made] with the intention [of providing evidence] or was made with no such intention [it is valid]. Rabbi Judah ben Bava says: with an Israelite [the evidence is valid] only if the man had the intention [of acting as witness]. In the case of a non-Jew the evidence is invalid if his intention was [to act as witness].",
25. Mishnah, Ketuvot, 4.12 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
4.12. "אַתְּ תְּהֵא יָתְבָא בְּבֵיתִי וּמִתְּזָנָא מִנִּכְסַי, כָּל יְמֵי מִגַּד אַלְמְנוּתִיךְ בְּבֵיתִי, חַיָּב, שֶׁהוּא תְנַאי בֵּית דִּין. כָּךְ הָיוּ אַנְשֵׁי יְרוּשָׁלַיִם כּוֹתְבִין. אַנְשֵׁי גָלִיל הָיוּ כוֹתְבִין כְּאַנְשֵׁי יְרוּשָׁלָיִם. אַנְשֵׁי יְהוּדָה הָיוּ כוֹתְבִין, עַד שֶׁיִּרְצוּ הַיּוֹרְשִׁים לִתֵּן לִיךְ כְּתֻבְּתִיךְ. לְפִיכָךְ אִם רָצוּ הַיּוֹרְשִׁין, נוֹתְנִין לָהּ כְּתֻבָּתָהּ וּפוֹטְרִין אוֹתָהּ: \n", 4.12. "If he did not write for her, “You shall live in my house and be maintained from my estate throughout the duration of your widowhood”, he is nevertheless liable, because [this clause] is a condition laid down by the court. Thus did the men of Jerusalem write. The men of Galilee wrote as did the men of Jerusalem. The men of Judea used to write: “Until the heirs wish to pay you your ketubah”. Therefore if the heirs wish to, they may pay her her ketubah and dismiss her.",
26. Mishnah, Nedarim, 11.12 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
11.12. "בָּרִאשׁוֹנָה הָיוּ אוֹמְרִים, שָׁלשׁ נָשִׁים יוֹצְאוֹת וְנוֹטְלוֹת כְּתֻבָּה, הָאוֹמֶרֶת טְמֵאָה אֲנִי לְךָ, שָׁמַיִם בֵּינִי לְבֵינֶךָ, נְטוּלָה אֲנִי מִן הַיְּהוּדִים. חָזְרוּ לוֹמַר, שֶׁלֹּא תְהֵא אִשָּׁה נוֹתֶנֶת עֵינֶיהָ בְאַחֵר וּמְקַלְקֶלֶת עַל בַּעְלָהּ. אֶלָּא הָאוֹמֶרֶת טְמֵאָה אֲנִי לְךָ, תָּבִיא רְאָיָה לִדְבָרֶיהָ. שָׁמַיִם בֵּינִי לְבֵינֶךָ, יַעֲשׂוּ דֶרֶךְ בַּקָּשָׁה. נְטוּלָה אֲנִי מִן הַיְּהוּדִים, יָפֵר חֶלְקוֹ, וּתְהֵא מְשַׁמַּשְׁתּוֹ, וּתְהֵא נְטוּלָה מִן הַיְּהוּדִים: \n", 11.12. "At first they would say that three women must be divorced and receive their ketubah: She who says: “I am defiled to you”; “Heaven is between me and you”; “I have been removed from the Jews.” But subsequently they changed the ruling to prevent her from setting her eye on another and spoiling herself to her husband: She who said, “I am defiled unto you” must bring proof. “Heaven is between me and you” they [shall appease them] by a request. “I have been removed from the Jews” he [the husband] must annul his portion, and she may have relations with him, and she shall be removed from other Jews.",
27. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 2.14-2.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 215, 218, 372, 375, 377
2.14. ὑμεῖς γὰρ μιμηταὶ ἐγενήθητε, ἀδελφοί, τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, ὅτι τὰ αὐτὰ ἐπάθετε καὶ ὑμεῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων συμφυλετῶν καθὼς καὶ αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, 2.15. τῶν καὶ τὸν κύριον ἀποκτεινάντων Ἰησοῦν καὶ τοὺς προφήτας καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐκδιωξάντων, καὶ θεῷ μὴ ἀρεσκόντων, καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐναντίων, 2.16. κωλυόντων ἡμᾶς τοῖς ἔθνεσιν λαλῆσαι ἵνα σωθῶσιν, εἰς τὸἀναπληρῶσαιαὐτῶντὰς ἁμαρτίαςπάντοτε. ἔφθασεν δὲ ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἡ ὀργὴ εἰς τέλος. 2.14. For you, brothers, became imitators of the assemblies of God which are in Judea in Christ Jesus; for you also suffered the same things from your own countrymen, even as they did from the Jews; 2.15. who killed both the Lord Jesus and their own prophets, and drove us out, and didn't please God, and are contrary to all men; 2.16. forbidding us to speak to the Gentiles that they may be saved; to fill up their sins always. But wrath has come on them to the uttermost.
28. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 3.6, 11.13, 11.21-11.22, 11.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 376, 378, 381
3.6. ὃς καὶ ἱκάνωσεν ἡμᾶς διακόνους καινῆς διαθήκης, οὐ γράμματος ἀλλὰ πνεύματος, τὸ γὰρ γράμμα ἀποκτείνει, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα ζωοποιεῖ. 11.13. οἱ γὰρ τοιοῦτοι ψευδαπόστολοι, ἐργάται δόλιοι, μετασχηματιζόμενοι εἰς ἀποστόλους Χριστοῦ· 11.21. κατὰ ἀτιμίαν λέγω, ὡς ὅτι ἡμεῖς ἠσθενήκαμεν· ἐν ᾧ δʼ ἄν τις τολμᾷ, ἐν ἀφροσύνῃ λέγω, τολμῶ κἀγώ. 11.22. Ἐβραῖοί εἰσιν; κἀγώ. Ἰσραηλεῖταί εἰσιν; κἀγώ. σπέρμα Ἀβραάμ εἰσιν; κἀγώ. διάκονοι Χριστοῦ εἰσίν; 11.26. κινδύνοις ποταμῶν, κινδύνοις λῃστῶν, κινδύνοις ἐκ γένους, κινδύνοις ἐξ ἐθνῶν, κινδύνοις ἐν πόλει, κινδύνοις ἐν ἐρημίᾳ, κινδύνοις ἐν θαλάσσῃ, κινδύνοις ἐν ψευδαδέλφοις,
29. New Testament, Acts, 1.8, 2.14, 5.36-5.37, 10.22, 10.36, 15.1, 15.21, 17.5-17.7, 21.20-21.30, 24.5, 28.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 133, 146, 168, 180, 218, 375, 376, 378, 381; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 156
1.8. ἀλλὰ λήμψεσθε δύναμιν ἐπελθόντος τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἔσεσθέ μου μάρτυρες ἔν τε Ἰερουσαλὴμ καὶ [ἐν] πάσῃ τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ καὶ Σαμαρίᾳ καὶ ἕως ἐσχάτου τῆς γῆς. 2.14. Σταθεὶς δὲ ὁ Πέτρος σὺν τοῖς ἕνδεκα ἐπῆρεν τὴν φωνὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀπεφθέγξατο αὐτοῖς Ἄνδρες Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες Ἰερουσαλὴμ πάντες, τοῦτο ὑμῖν γνωστὸν ἔστω καὶ ἐνωτίσασθε τὰ ῥήματά μου. 5.36. πρὸ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνέστη Θευδᾶς, λέγων εἶναί τινα ἑαυτόν, ᾧ προσεκλίθη ἀνδρῶν ἀριθμὸς ὡς τετρακοσίων· ὃς ἀνῃρέθη, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διελύθησαν καὶ ἐγένοντο εἰς οὐδέν. 5.37. μετὰ τοῦτον ἀνέστη Ἰούδας ὁ Γαλιλαῖος ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῆς ἀπογραφῆς καὶ ἀπέστησε λαὸν ὀπίσω αὐτοῦ· κἀκεῖνος ἀπώλετο, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διεσκορπίσθησαν. 10.22. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Κορνήλιος ἑκατοντάρχης, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν μαρτυρούμενός τε ὑπὸ ὅλου τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἐχρηματίσθη ὑπὸ ἀγγέλου ἁγίου μεταπέμψασθαί σε εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκοῦσαι ῥήματα παρὰ σοῦ. 10.36. τὸν λόγον ἀπέστειλεν τοῖς υἱοῖς Ἰσραὴλ εὐαγγελιζόμενος εἰρήνην διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ· οὗτός ἐστιν πάντων κύριος. 15.1. ΚΑΙ ΤΙΝΕΣ ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἐδίδασκον τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ὅτι Ἐὰν μὴ lt*gtιτμηθῆτε τῷ ἔθει τῷ Μωυσέως, οὐ δύνασθε σωθῆναι. 15.21. Μωυσῆς γὰρ ἐκ γενεῶν ἀρχαίων κατὰ πόλιν τοὺς κηρύσσοντας αὐτὸν ἔχει ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς κατὰ πᾶν σάββατον ἀναγινωσκόμενος. 17.5. Ζηλώσαντες δὲ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ προσλαβόμενοι τῶν ἀγοραίων ἄνδρας τινὰς πονηροὺς καὶ ὀχλοποιήσαντες ἐθορύβουν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ ἐπιστάντες τῇ οἰκίᾳ Ἰάσονος ἐζήτουν αὐτοὺς προαγαγεῖν εἰς τὸν δῆμον· 17.6. μὴ εὑρόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔσυρον Ἰάσονα καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας, βοῶντες ὅτι Οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι καὶ ἐνθάδε πάρεισιν, 17.7. οὓς ὑποδέδεκται Ἰάσων· καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἀπέναντι τῶν δογμάτων Καίσαρος πράσσουσι, βασιλέα ἕτερον λέγοντες εἶναι Ἰησοῦν. 21.20. οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες ἐδόξαζον τὸν θεόν, εἶπάν τε αὐτῷ Θεωρεῖς, ἀδελφέ, πόσαι μυριάδες εἰσὶν ἐν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τῶν πεπιστευκότων, καὶ πάντες ζηλωταὶ τοῦ νόμου ὑπάρχουσιν· 21.21. κατηχήθησαν δὲ περὶ σοῦ ὅτι ἀποστασίαν διδάσκεις ἀπὸ Μωυσέως τοὺς κατὰ τὰ ἔθνη πάντας Ἰουδαίους, λέγων μὴ περιτέμνειν αὐτοὺς τὰ τέκνα μηδὲ τοῖς ἔθεσιν περιπατεῖν. 21.22. τί οὖν ἐστίν; πάντως ἀκούσονται ὅτι ἐλήλυθας. 21.23. τοῦτο οὖν ποίησον ὅ σοι λέγομεν· εἰσὶν ἡμῖν ἄνδρες τέσσαρες εὐχὴν ἔχοντες ἀφʼ ἑαυτῶν. 21.24. τούτους παραλαβὼν ἁγνίσθητι σὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ δαπάνησον ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς ἵνα ξυρήσονται τὴν κεφαλήν, καὶ γνώσονται πάντες ὅτι ὧν κατήχηνται περὶ σοῦ οὐδὲν ἔστιν, ἀλλὰ στοιχεῖς καὶ αὐτὸς φυλάσσων τὸν νόμον. 21.25. περὶ δὲ τῶν πεπιστευκότων ἐθνῶν ἡμεῖς ἀπεστείλαμεν κρίναντες φυλάσσεσθαι αὐτοὺς τό τε εἰδωλόθυτον καὶ αἷμα καὶ πνικτὸν καὶ πορνείαν. 21.26. τότε ὁ Παῦλος παραλαβὼν τοὺς ἄνδρας τῇ ἐχομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ σὺν αὐτοῖς ἁγνισθεὶς εἰσῄει εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, διαγγέλλων τὴν ἐκπλήρωσιν τῶν ἡμερῶν τοῦ ἁγνισμοῦ ἕως οὗ προσηνέχθη ὑπὲρ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου αὐτῶν ἡ προσφορά. 21.27. Ὡς δὲ ἔμελλον αἱ ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι συντελεῖσθαι, οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἰουδαῖοι θεασάμενοι αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ συνέχεον πάντα τὸν ὄχλον καὶ ἐπέβαλαν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὰς χεῖρας, 21.28. κράζοντες Ἄνδρες Ἰσραηλεῖται, βοηθεῖτε· οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὁ κατὰ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ τόπου τούτου πάντας πανταχῇ διδάσκων, ἔτι τε καὶ Ἕλληνας εἰσήγαγεν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ κεκοίνωκεν τὸν ἅγιον τόπον τοῦτον. 21.29. ἦσαν γὰρ προεωρακότες Τρόφιμον τὸν Ἐφέσιον ἐν τῇ πόλει σὺν αὐτῷ, ὃν ἐνόμιζον ὅτι εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν εἰσήγαγεν ὁ Παῦλος. 21.30. ἐκινήθη τε ἡ πόλις ὅλη καὶ ἐγένετο συνδρομὴ τοῦ λαοῦ, καὶ ἐπιλαβόμενοι τοῦ Παύλου εἷλκον αὐτὸν ἔξω τοῦ ἱεροῦ, καὶ εὐθέως ἐκλείσθησαν αἱ θύραι. 24.5. εὑρόντες γὰρ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον λοιμὸν καὶ κινοῦντα στάσεις πᾶσι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην πρωτοστάτην τε τῆς τῶν Ναζωραίων αἱρέσεως, 28.21. οἱ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπαν Ἡμεῖς οὔτε γράμματα περὶ σοῦ ἐδεξάμεθα ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας, οὔτε παραγενόμενός τις τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἀπήγγειλεν ἢ ἐλάλησέν τι περὶ σοῦ πονηρόν. 1.8. But you will receive power when the Holy Spirit has come on you. You will be witnesses to me in Jerusalem, in all Judea and Samaria, and to the uttermost parts of the earth." 2.14. But Peter, standing up with the eleven, lifted up his voice, and spoke out to them, "You men of Judea, and all you who dwell at Jerusalem, let this be known to you, and listen to my words. 5.36. For before these days Theudas rose up, making himself out to be somebody; to whom a number of men, about four hundred, joined themselves: who was slain; and all, as many as obeyed him, were dispersed, and came to nothing. 5.37. After this man, Judas of Galilee rose up in the days of the enrollment, and drew away some people after him. He also perished, and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered abroad. 10.22. They said, "Cornelius, a centurion, a righteous man and one who fears God, and well spoken of by all the nation of the Jews, was directed by a holy angel to invite you to his house, and to listen to what you say. 10.36. The word which he sent to the children of Israel, preaching good news of peace by Jesus Christ -- he is Lord of all -- 15.1. Some men came down from Judea and taught the brothers, "Unless you are circumcised after the custom of Moses, you can't be saved." 15.21. For Moses from generations of old has in every city those who preach him, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath." 17.5. But the disobedient Jews gathered some wicked men from the marketplace, and gathering a crowd, set the city in an uproar. Assaulting the house of Jason, they sought to bring them out to the people. 17.6. When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 17.7. whom Jason has received. These all act contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus!" 21.20. They, when they heard it, glorified God. They said to him, "You see, brother, how many thousands there are among the Jews of those who have believed, and they are all zealous for the law. 21.21. They have been informed about you, that you teach all the Jews who are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, telling them not to circumcise their children neither to walk after the customs. 21.22. What then? The assembly must certainly meet, for they will hear that you have come. 21.23. Therefore do what we tell you. We have four men who have a vow on them. 21.24. Take them, and purify yourself with them, and pay their expenses for them, that they may shave their heads. Then all will know that there is no truth in the things that they have been informed about you, but that you yourself also walk keeping the law. 21.25. But concerning the Gentiles who believe, we have written our decision that they should observe no such thing, except that they should keep themselves from food offered to idols, from blood, from strangled things, and from sexual immorality." 21.26. Then Paul took the men, and the next day, purified himself and went with them into the temple, declaring the fulfillment of the days of purification, until the offering was offered for every one of them. 21.27. When the seven days were almost completed, the Jews from Asia, when they saw him in the temple, stirred up all the multitude and laid hands on him, 21.28. crying out, "Men of Israel, help! This is the man who teaches all men everywhere against the people, and the law, and this place. Moreover, he also brought Greeks into the temple, and has defiled this holy place!" 21.29. For they had seen Trophimus, the Ephesian, with him in the city, and they supposed that Paul had brought him into the temple. 21.30. All the city was moved, and the people ran together. They seized Paul and dragged him out of the temple. Immediately the doors were shut. 24.5. For we have found this man to be a plague, an instigator of insurrections among all the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes. 28.21. They said to him, "We neither received letters from Judea concerning you, nor did any of the brothers come here and report or speak any evil of you.
30. New Testament, Apocalypse, 21.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 372
21.21. καὶ οἱ δώδεκα πυλῶνες δώδεκα μαργαρῖται, ἀνὰ εἷς ἕκαστος τῶν πυλώνων ἦν ἐξ ἑνὸς μαργαρίτου· καὶ ἡ πλατεῖα τῆς πόλεως χρυσίον καθαρὸν ὡς ὕαλος διαυγής. 21.21. The twelve gates were twelve pearls. Each one of the gates was made of one pearl. The street of the city was pure gold, like transparent glass.
31. New Testament, James, 2.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 375
2.10. Ὅστις γὰρ ὅλον τὸν νόμον τηρήσῃ, πταίσῃ δὲ ἐν ἑνί, γέγονεν πάντων ἔνοχος. 2.10. For whoever shall keep the whole law, and yet stumble in one point, he has become guilty of all.
32. New Testament, Colossians, 2.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 376
2.11. ἐν ᾧ καὶ περιετμήθητε περιτομῇ ἀχειροποιήτῳ ἐν τῇ ἀπεκδύσει τοῦ σώματος τῆς σαρκός, ἐν τῇ περιτομῇ τοῦ χριστοῦ, 2.11. in whom you were also circumcised with a circumcision not made with hands, in the putting off of the body of the sins of the flesh, in the circumcision of Christ;
33. New Testament, Galatians, 2.4, 2.11-2.12, 2.14-2.21, 3.1, 3.4, 5.2-5.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 375, 376, 378, 380, 381
2.4. διὰ δὲ τοὺς παρεισάκτους ψευδαδέλφους, οἵτινες παρεισῆλθον κατασκοπῆσαι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἡμῶν ἣν ἔχομεν ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, ἵνα ἡμᾶς καταδουλώσουσιν, 2.11. Ὅτε δὲ ἦλθεν Κηφᾶς εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν, κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτῷ ἀντέστην, ὅτι κατεγνωσμένος ἦν· 2.12. πρὸ τοῦ γὰρ ἐλθεῖν τινὰς ἀπὸ Ἰακώβου μετὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν συνήσθιεν· ὅτε δὲ ἦλθον, ὑπέστελλεν καὶ ἀφώριζεν ἑαυτόν, φοβούμενος τοὺς ἐκ περιτομῆς. 2.14. ἀλλʼ ὅτε εἶδον ὅτι οὐκ ὀρθοποδοῦσιν πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, εἶπον τῷ Κηφᾷ ἔμπροσθεν πάντων Εἰ σὺ Ἰουδαῖος ὑπάρχων ἐθνικῶς καὶ οὐκ Ἰουδαϊκῶς ζῇς, πῶς τὰ ἔθνη ἀναγκάζεις Ἰουδαΐζειν; 2.15. Ἡμεῖς φύσει Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ οὐκ ἐξ ἐθνῶν ἁμαρτωλοί, 2.16. εἰδότες δὲ ὅτι οὐ δικαιοῦται ἄνθρωπος ἐξ ἔργων νόμου ἐὰν μὴ διὰ πίστεως Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, καὶ ἡμεῖς εἰς Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐπιστεύσαμεν, ἵνα δικαιωθῶμεν ἐκ πίστεως Χριστοῦ καὶ οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων νόμου, ὅτι ἐξ ἔργων νόμουοὐ δικαιωθήσεται πᾶσα σάρξ. 2.17. εἰ δὲ ζητοῦντες δικαιωθῆναι ἐν Χριστῷ εὑρέθημεν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἁμαρτωλοί, ἆρα Χριστὸς ἁμαρτίας διάκονος; μὴ γένοιτο· 2.18. εἰ γὰρ ἃ κατέλυσα ταῦτα πάλιν οἰκοδομῶ, παραβάτην ἐμαυτὸν συνιστάνω. 2.19. ἐγὼ γὰρ διὰ νόμου νόμῳ ἀπέθανον ἵνα θεῷ ζήσω· Χριστῷ συνεσταύρωμαι· 2.20. ζῶ δὲ οὐκέτι ἐγώ, ζῇ δὲ ἐν ἐμοὶ Χριστός· ὃ δὲ νῦν ζῶ ἐν σαρκί, ἐν πίστει ζῶ τῇ τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἀγαπήσαντός με καὶ παραδόντος ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ. 2.21. Οὐκ ἀθετῶ τὴν χάριν τοῦ θεοῦ· εἰ γὰρ διὰ νόμου δικαιοσύνη, ἄρα Χριστὸς δωρεὰν ἀπέθανεν. 3.1. Ὦ ἀνόητοι Γαλάται, τίς ὑμᾶς ἐβάσκανεν, οἷς κατʼ ὀφθαλμοὺς Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς προεγράφη ἐσταυρωμένος; 3.4. τοσαῦτα ἐπάθετε εἰκῇ; εἴ γε καὶ εἰκῇ. 5.2. Ἴδε ἐγὼ Παῦλος λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι ἐὰν περιτέμνησθε Χριστὸς ὑμᾶς οὐδὲν ὠφελήσει. 5.3. μαρτύρομαι δὲ πάλιν παντὶ ἀνθρώπῳ περιτεμνομένῳ ὅτι ὀφειλέτης ἐστὶν ὅλον τὸν νόμον ποιῆσαι. 2.4. Thiswas because of the false brothers secretly brought in, who stole in tospy out our liberty which we have in Christ Jesus, that they mightbring us into bondage; 2.11. But when Peter came to Antioch, I resisted him to the face,because he stood condemned. 2.12. For before some people came fromJames, he ate with the Gentiles. But when they came, he drew back andseparated himself, fearing those who were of the circumcision. 2.14. But when I sawthat they didn't walk uprightly according to the truth of the gospel, Isaid to Peter before them all, "If you, being a Jew, live as theGentiles do, and not as the Jews do, why do you compel the Gentiles tolive as the Jews do? 2.15. "We, being Jews by nature, and not Gentile sinners, 2.16. yet knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law butthrough the faith of Jesus Christ, even we believed in Christ Jesus,that we might be justified by faith in Christ, and not by the works ofthe law, because no flesh will be justified by the works of the law. 2.17. But if, while we sought to be justified in Christ, we ourselvesalso were found sinners, is Christ a servant of sin? Certainly not! 2.18. For if I build up again those things which I destroyed, I provemyself a law-breaker. 2.19. For I, through the law, died to the law,that I might live to God. 2.20. I have been crucified with Christ, andit is no longer I that live, but Christ living in me. That life which Inow live in the flesh, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me,and gave himself up for me. 2.21. I don't make void the grace of God.For if righteousness is through the law, then Christ died for nothing! 3.1. Foolish Galatians, who has bewitched you not to obey thetruth, before whose eyes Jesus Christ was openly set forth among you as crucified? 3.4. Did you suffer so many things in vain, if it is indeedin vain? 5.2. Behold, I, Paul, tell you that if you receive circumcision, Christ willprofit you nothing. 5.3. Yes, I testify again to every man whoreceives circumcision, that he is a debtor to do the whole law.
34. New Testament, Philippians, 3.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 376
3.2. Βλέπετε τοὺς κύνας, βλέπετε τοὺς κακοὺς ἐργάτας, βλέπετε τὴν κατατομήν. 3.2. Beware of the dogs, beware of the evil workers, beware of the false circumcision.
35. New Testament, Romans, 1.13, 1.16, 1.22, 1.23, 1.24, 1.25, 1.26, 1.27, 1.28, 2, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.15, 2.16, 2.21, 2.22, 2.23, 2.24, 2.25, 2.26, 2.27, 2.28, 2.29, 3.1, 3.2, 3.8, 3.9, 3.23, 9, 10, 11, 11.13, 11.17, 11.32, 12, 13, 13.1, 13.2, 13.3, 13.4, 13.5, 13.6, 13.7, 14, 14.1-15.13, 14.10, 14.14, 15.7, 15.8, 15.9, 15.10, 15.11, 15.12, 15.24, 15.30, 15.31, 15.32, 16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 381
2.22. ὁ λέγων μὴ μοιχεύειν μοιχεύεις; ὁ βδελυσσόμενος τὰ εἴδωλα ἱεροσυλεῖς; 2.22. You who say a man shouldn't commit adultery, do you commit adultery? You who abhor idols, do you rob temples?
36. New Testament, John, 1.46, 2.6, 4.9, 5.18, 6.4, 6.41, 6.52, 7.1-7.2, 7.10, 7.13, 7.19-7.23, 7.41, 8.37, 8.40, 11.7, 11.53, 12.10, 12.21, 16.2, 18.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 180, 218, 299
1.46. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ναθαναήλ Ἐκ Ναζαρὲτ δύναταί τι ἀγαθὸν εἶναι; λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Φίλιππος Ἔρχου καὶ ἴδε. 2.6. ἦσαν δὲ ἐκεῖ λίθιναι ὑδρίαι ἓξ κατὰ τὸν καθαρισμὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων κείμεναι, χωροῦσαι ἀνὰ μετρητὰς δύο ἢ τρεῖς. 4.9. λέγει οὖν αὐτῷ ἡ γυνὴ ἡ Σαμαρεῖτις Πῶς σὺ Ἰουδαῖος ὢν παρʼ ἐμοῦ πεῖν αἰτεῖς γυναικὸς Σαμαρείτιδος οὔσης; [οὐ γὰρ συνχρῶνται Ἰουδαῖοι Σαμαρείταις.] 5.18. διὰ τοῦτο οὖν μᾶλλον ἐζήτουν αὐτὸν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἀποκτεῖναι ὅτι οὐ μόνον ἔλυε τὸ σάββατον ἀλλὰ καὶ πατέρα ἴδιον ἔλεγε τὸν θεόν, ἴσον ἑαυτὸν ποιῶν τῷ θεῷ. 6.4. ἦν δὲ ἐγγὺς τὸ πάσχα, ἡ ἑορτὴ τῶν Ἰουδαίων. 6.41. Ἐγόγγυζον οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι περὶ αὐτοῦ ὅτι εἶπεν Ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ ἄρτος ὁ καταβὰς ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ ἔλεγον 6.52. Ἐμάχοντο οὖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι λέγοντες Πῶς δύναται οὗτος ἡμῖν δοῦναι τὴν σάρκα [αὐτοῦ] φαγεῖν; 7.1. ΚΑΙ ΜΕΤΑ ΤΑΥΤΑ περιεπάτει [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ, οὐ γὰρ ἤθελεν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ περιπατεῖν, ὅτι ἐζήτουν αὐτὸν οἰ Ἰουδαῖοι ἀποκτεῖναι. 7.2. ἦν δὲ ἐγγὺς ἡ ἑορτὴ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἡ σκηνοπηγία. 7.10. Ὡς δὲ ἀνέβησαν οἰ ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν ἑορτήν, τότε καὶ αὐτὸς ἀνέβη, οὐ φανερῶς ἀλλὰ ὡς ἐν κρυπτῷ. 7.13. οὐδεὶς μέντοι παρρησίᾳ ἐλάλει περὶ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν φόβον τῶν Ἰουδαίων. 7.19. οὐ Μωυσῆς ἔδωκεν ὑμῖν τὸν νόμον; καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐξ ὑμῶν ποιεῖ τὸν νόμον. τί με ζητεῖτε ἀποκτεῖναι; 7.20. ἀπεκρίθη ὁ ὄχλος Δαιμόνιον ἔχεις· τίς σε ζητεῖ 7.21. ἀποκτεῖναι; ἀπεκρίθη Ἰησοῦς καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ἓν ἔργον ἐποίησα καὶ πάντες θαυμάζετε. 7.22. διὰ τοῦτο Μωυσῆς δέδωκεν ὑμῖν τὴν περιτομήν, — οὐχ ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ Μωυσέως ἐστὶν ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν πατέρων, — καὶ [ἐν] σαββάτῳ περιτέμνετε ἄνθρωπον. 7.23. εἰ περιτομὴν λαμβάνει [ὁ] ἄνθρωπος ἐν σαββάτῳ ἵνα μὴ λυθῇ ὁ νόμος Μωυσέως, ἐμοὶ χολᾶτε ὅτι ὅλον ἄνθρωπον ὑγιῆ ἐποίησα ἐν σαββάτῳ; 7.41. ἄλλοι ἔλεγον Οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ χριστός· οἱ δὲ ἔλεγον Μὴ γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ὁ χριστὸς ἔρχεται; 8.37. οἶδα ὅτι σπέρμα Ἀβραάμ ἐστε· ἀλλὰ ζητεῖτέ με ἀποκτεῖναι, ὅτι ὁ λόγος ὁ ἐμὸς οὐ χωρεῖ ἐν ὑμῖν. 8.40. νῦν δὲ ζητεῖτέ με ἀποκτεῖναι, ἄνθρωπον ὃς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ὑμῖν λελάληκα ἣν ἤκουσα παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ· τοῦτο Ἀβραὰμ οὐκ ἐποίησεν. 11.7. ἔπειτα μετὰ τοῦτο λέγει τοῖς μαθηταῖς Ἄγωμεν εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν πάλιν. 11.53. Ἀπʼ ἐκείνης οὖν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐβουλεύσαντο ἵνα ἀποκτείνωσιν αὐτόν. 12.10. ἐβουλεύσαντο δὲ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἵνα καὶ τὸν Λάζαρον ἀποκτείνωσιν, 12.21. οὗτοι οὖν προσῆλθαν Φιλίππῳ τῷ ἀπὸ Βηθσαιδὰ τῆς Γαλιλαίας, καὶ ἠρώτων αὐτὸν λέγοντες Κύριε, θέλομεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἰδεῖν. 16.2. ἀποσυναγώγους ποιήσουσιν ὑμᾶς· ἀλλʼ ἔρχεται ὥρα ἵνα πᾶς ὁ ἀποκτείνας [ὑμᾶς] δόξῃ λατρείαν προσφέρειν τῷ θεῷ. 18.31. εἶπεν οὖν αὐτοῖς Πειλᾶτος Λάβετε αὐτὸν ὑμεῖς, καὶ κατὰ τὸν νόμον ὑμῶν κρίνατε αὐτόν. εἶπον αὐτῷ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι Ἡμῖν οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἀποκτεῖναι οὐδένα· 1.46. Nathanael said to him, "Can any good thing come out of Nazareth?"Philip said to him, "Come and see." 2.6. Now there were six water pots of stone set there after the Jews' manner of purifying, containing two or three metretes apiece. 4.9. The Samaritan woman therefore said to him, "How is it that you, being a Jew, ask for a drink from me, a Samaritan woman?" (For Jews have no dealings with Samaritans.) 5.18. For this cause therefore the Jews sought all the more to kill him, because he not only broke the Sabbath, but also called God his own Father, making himself equal with God. 6.4. Now the Passover, the feast of the Jews, was at hand. 6.41. The Jews therefore murmured concerning him, because he said, "I am the bread which came down out of heaven." 6.52. The Jews therefore contended with one another, saying, "How can this man give us his flesh to eat?" 7.1. After these things, Jesus was walking in Galilee, for he wouldn't walk in Judea, because the Jews sought to kill him. 7.2. Now the feast of the Jews, the Feast of Booths, was at hand. 7.10. But when his brothers had gone up to the feast, then he also went up, not publicly, but as it were in secret. 7.13. Yet no one spoke openly of him for fear of the Jews. 7.19. Didn't Moses give you the law, and yet none of you keeps the law? Why do you seek to kill me?" 7.20. The multitude answered, "You have a demon! Who seeks to kill you?" 7.21. Jesus answered them, "I did one work, and you all marvel because of it. 7.22. Moses has given you circumcision (not that it is of Moses, but of the fathers), and on the Sabbath you circumcise a boy. 7.23. If a boy receives circumcision on the Sabbath, that the law of Moses may not be broken, are you angry with me, because I made a man every bit whole on the Sabbath? 7.41. Others said, "This is the Christ." But some said, "What, does the Christ come out of Galilee? 8.37. I know that you are Abraham's seed, yet you seek to kill me, because my word finds no place in you. 8.40. But now you seek to kill me, a man who has told you the truth, which I heard from God. Abraham didn't do this. 11.7. Then after this he said to the disciples, "Let's go into Judea again." 11.53. So from that day forward they took counsel that they might put him to death. 12.10. But the chief priests conspired to put Lazarus to death also, 12.21. These, therefore, came to Philip, who was from Bethsaida of Galilee, and asked him, saying, "Sir, we want to see Jesus." 16.2. They will put you out of the synagogues. Yes, the time comes that whoever kills you will think that he offers service to God. 18.31. Pilate therefore said to them, "Take him yourselves, and judge him according to your law."Therefore the Jews said to him, "It is not lawful for us to put anyone to death,"
37. New Testament, Mark, 7.1-7.15, 9.5, 13.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 133, 259, 560
7.1. Καὶ συνἄγονται πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καί τινες τῶν γραμματέων ἐλθόντες ἀπὸ Ἰεροσολύμων 7.2. καὶ ἰδόντες τινὰς τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ ὅτι κοιναῖς χερσίν, τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ἀνίπτοις, ἐσθίουσιν τοὺς ἄρτους. 7.3. —οἱ γὰρ Φαρισαῖοι καὶ πάντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἐὰν μὴ πυγμῇ νίψωνται τὰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἐσθίουσιν, κρατοῦντες τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, 7.4. καὶ ἀπʼ ἀγορᾶς ἐὰν μὴ ῥαντίσωνται οὐκ ἐσθίουσιν, καὶ ἄλλα πολλά ἐστιν ἃ παρέλαβον κρατεῖν, βαπτισμοὺς ποτηρίων καὶ ξεστῶν καὶ χαλκίων. 7.5. —καὶ ἐπερωτῶσιν αὐτὸν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς Διὰ τί οὐ περιπατοῦσιν οἱ μαθηταί σου κατὰ τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, ἀλλὰ κοιναῖς χερσὶν ἐσθίουσιν τὸν ἄρτον; 7.6. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Καλῶς ἐπροφήτευσεν Ἠσαίας περὶ ὑμῶν τῶν ὑποκριτῶν, ὡς γέγραπται ὅτι Οὗτος ὁ λαὸς τοῖς χείλεσίν με τιμᾷ, ἡ δὲ καρδία αὐτῶν πόρρω ἀπέχει ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ· 7.7. μάτην δὲ σέβονταί με, διδάσκοντες διδασκαλίας ἐντάλματα ἀνθρώπων· 7.8. ἀφέντες τὴν ἐντολὴν τοῦ θεοῦ κρατεῖτε τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων. 7.9. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Καλῶς ἀθετεῖτε τὴν ἐντολὴν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἵνα τὴν παράδοσιν ὑμῶν τηρήσητε· 7.10. Μωυσῆς γὰρ εἶπεν Τίμα τὸν πατέρα σου καὶ τὴν μητέρα σου, καί Ὁ κακολογῶν πατέρα ἢ μητερα θανάτῳ τελευτάτω· 7.11. ὑμεῖς δὲ λέγετε Ἐὰν εἴπῃ ἄνθρωπος τῷ πατρὶ ἢ τῇ μητρί Κορβάν, ὅ ἐστιν Δῶρον, ὃ ἐὰν ἐξ ἐμοῦ ὠφεληθῇς, 7.12. οὐκέτι ἀφίετε αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ποιῆσαι τῷ πατρὶ ἢ τῇ μητρί, 7.13. ἀκυροῦντες τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ παραδόσει ὑμῶν ᾗ παρεδώκατε· καὶ παρόμοια τοιαῦτα πολλὰ ποιεῖτε. 7.14. Καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος πάλιν τὸν ὄχλον ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Ἀκούσατέ μου πάντες καὶ σύνετε. 7.15. οὐδὲν ἔστιν ἔξωθεν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου εἰσπορευόμενον εἰς αὐτὸν ὃ δύναται κοινῶσαι αὐτόν· ἀλλὰ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκπορευόμενά ἐστιν τὰ κοινοῦντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 9.5. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Πέτρος λέγει τῷ Ἰησοῦ Ῥαββεί, καλόν ἐστιν ἡμᾶς ὧδε εἶναι, καὶ ποιήσωμεν τρεῖς σκηνάς, σοὶ μίαν καὶ Μωυσεῖ μίαν καὶ Ἠλείᾳ μίαν. 13.28. Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς συκῆς μάθετε τὴν παραβολήν· ὅταν ἤδη ὁ κλάδος αὐτῆς ἁπαλὸς γένηται καὶ ἐκφύῃ τὰ φύλλα, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐγγὺς τὸ θέρος ἐστίν· 7.1. Then the Pharisees, and some of the scribes gathered together to him, having come from Jerusalem. 7.2. Now when they saw some of his disciples eating bread with defiled, that is, unwashed, hands, they found fault. 7.3. (For the Pharisees, and all the Jews, don't eat unless they wash their hands and forearms, holding to the tradition of the elders. 7.4. They don't eat when they come from the marketplace, unless they bathe themselves, and there are many other things, which they have received to hold to: washings of cups, pitchers, bronze vessels, and couches.) 7.5. The Pharisees and the scribes asked him, "Why don't your disciples walk according to the tradition of the elders, but eat their bread with unwashed hands?" 7.6. He answered them, "Well did Isaiah prophesy of you hypocrites, as it is written, 'This people honors me with their lips, But their heart is far from me. 7.7. But in vain do they worship me, Teaching as doctrines the commandments of men.' 7.8. "For you set aside the commandment of God, and hold tightly to the tradition of men -- the washing of pitchers and cups, and you do many other such things." 7.9. He said to them, "Full well do you reject the commandment of God, that you may keep your tradition. 7.10. For Moses said, 'Honor your father and your mother;' and, 'He who speaks evil of father or mother, let him be put to death.' 7.11. But you say, 'If a man tells his father or his mother, "Whatever profit you might have received from me is Corban, that is to say, given to God;"' 7.12. then you no longer allow him to do anything for his father or his mother, 7.13. making void the word of God by your tradition, which you have handed down. You do many things like this." 7.14. He called all the multitude to himself, and said to them, "Hear me, all of you, and understand. 7.15. There is nothing from outside of the man, that going into him can defile him; but the things which proceed out of the man are those that defile the man. 9.5. Peter answered Jesus, "Rabbi, it is good for us to be here. Let's make three tents: one for you, one for Moses, and one for Elijah." 13.28. "Now from the fig tree, learn this parable. When the branch has now become tender, and puts forth its leaves, you know that the summer is near;
38. Mishnah, Hulin, 2.7 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 377
2.7. "הַשּׁוֹחֵט לְנָכְרִי, שְׁחִיטָתוֹ כְשֵׁרָה. וְרַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר פּוֹסֵל. אָמַר רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר, אֲפִלּוּ שְׁחָטָהּ שֶׁיֹּאכַל הַנָּכְרִי מֵחֲצַר כָּבֵד שֶׁלָּהּ, פְּסוּלָה, שֶׁסְּתָם מַחֲשֶׁבֶת נָכְרִי לַעֲבוֹדָה זָרָה. אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹסֵי, קַל וָחֹמֶר הַדְּבָרִים, וּמַה בִּמְקוֹם שֶׁהַמַּחֲשָׁבָה פוֹסֶלֶת, בְּמֻקְדָּשִׁין, אֵין הַכֹּל הוֹלֵךְ אֶלָּא אַחַר הָעוֹבֵד, מְקוֹם שֶׁאֵין מַחֲשָׁבָה פוֹסֶלֶת, בְּחֻלִּין, אֵינוֹ דִין שֶׁלֹּא יְהֵא הַכֹּל הוֹלֵךְ אֶלָּא אַחַר הַשּׁוֹחֵט: \n", 2.7. "If one slaughtered for a non-Jew, the slaughtering is valid. Rabbi Eliezer declares it invalid. Rabbi Eliezer said: even if one slaughtered a beast with the intention that a non-Jew should eat [only] its liver, the slaughtering is invalid, for the thoughts of a non-Jew are usually directed towards idolatry. Rabbi Yose said: is there not a kal vehomer argument? For if in the case of consecrated animals, where a wrongful intention can render invalid, it is established that everything depends solely upon the intention of him who performs the service, how much more in the case of unconsecrated animals, where a wrongful intention cannot render invalid, is it not logical that everything should depend solely upon the intention of him who slaughters!",
39. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 202, 215
1.4. As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skilful in the knowledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks themselves. I will also show, that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us, are to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary.
40. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 61.3, 71.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146
61.3. ἦρχον δὲ Ἀντώνιος μὲν τῆς ἀπʼ Εὐφράτου καὶ Ἀρμενίας μέχρι πρὸς τὸν Ἰόνιον καὶ Ἰλλυριούς, Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀπʼ Ἰλλυριῶν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ἑσπέριον ὠκεανὸν καθηκούσης καὶ τῆς ἀπʼ ὠκεανοῦ πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν καὶ Σικελικὸν πέλαγος. Λιβύης δὲ τὴν Ἰταλία καὶ Γαλατίᾳ καὶ Ἰβηρίᾳ μέχρι στηλῶν Ἡρακλείων ἀντιπαρήκουσαν εἶχε Καῖσαρ· τὰ δὲ ἀπὸ Κυρήνης μέχρις Αἰθιοπίας Ἀντώνιος. 71.1. ταῦτα μὲν περὶ Τίμωνος ἀπὸ πολλῶν ὀλίγα. τῷ δὲ Ἀντωνίῳ Κανίδιός τε τῆς ἀποβολῆς τῶν ἐν Ἀκτίῳ δυνάμεων αὐτάγγελος ἦλθε, καὶ τὸν Ἰουδαῖον Ἡρώδην ἔχοντά τινα τάγματα καὶ σπείρας ἤκουσε Καίσαρι προσκεχωρηκέναι, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὁμοίως δυνάστας ἀφίστασθαι καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι συμμένειν τῶν ἐκτός. 61.3. 71.1.
41. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.123, 11.146, 12.8, 13.1, 13.258, 14.8-14.9, 14.74-14.75, 14.110, 14.187, 14.255, 14.353-14.364, 14.381-14.382, 14.390-14.391, 14.396-14.400, 15.76, 15.409, 17.149-17.164, 17.223, 17.229, 17.318-17.320, 17.342, 17.355, 18.1-18.4, 18.9, 18.259, 19.274-19.275, 19.299, 19.326-19.327, 19.338-19.342, 20.97-20.215 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) •judea (district/region), added to agrippas kingdom by claudius •judea (district/region), confused with idumea in ancient authors •judea (district/region), annual income of, with other territories •judea (district/region), annexation of, in •judea (district/region), national rebellion in Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146, 149, 180, 192, 202, 376, 377, 378, 381, 560; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 139, 140, 156, 157, 158, 181, 207
11.123. Accordingly, the king wrote the following epistle to those governors: “Xerxes, king of kings, to Esdras the priest, and reader of the divine law, greeting. I think it agreeable to that love which I bear to mankind, to permit those of the Jewish nation that are so disposed, as well as those of the priests and Levites that are in our kingdom, to go together to Jerusalem. 11.146. So Esdras hearkened to this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they would put away those wives and children, according to the advice of Jechonias. 12.8. And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of oaths and covets; and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care. 13.1. 1. By what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom when they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and what struggles, and how many great battles, Judas, the general of their army, ran through, till he was slain as he was fighting for them, hath been related in the foregoing book; 13.258. and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. 14.8. 3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. 14.9. It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter. 14.74. and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.75. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: 14.110. 2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times. 14.187. for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, 14.255. as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records.” 14.353. He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with him; and set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and sister, and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne,] the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mother, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their servants, and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and without the enemy’s privity pursued his way to Idumea. 14.354. Nor could any enemy of his who then saw him in this case be so hardhearted, but would have commiserated his fortune, while the women drew along their infant children and left their own country, and their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a melancholy nature. 14.355. 8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every one to be of good cheer, and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only hope of safety that they had. 14.356. Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted them to do; yet was he once almost going to kill himself, upon the overthrow of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of being killed; and this on two accounts, because of his great concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit: 14.357. but as he was drawing his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those that were present restrained him, and being so many in number, were too hard for him; and told him that he ought not to desert them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave man to free himself from the distresses he was in, and to overlook his friends that were in the same distresses also. 14.358. So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly out of regard to the great number of those that would not permit him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his mother, and took all the care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes with such of the Parthians as attacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror in them all. 14.359. 9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in his flight; for by that time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand with him, 14.360. whom he also put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace, and a city round about it, and called it Herodium. 14.361. And when he was come to Idumea, at a place called Thressa, his brother Joseph met him, and he then held a council to take advice about all his affairs, and what was fit to be done in his circumstances, since he had a great multitude that followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the place Masada, whither he proposed to fly, was too small to contain so great a multitude; 14.362. o he sent away the greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and bid them go, some one way, and some another, and so save themselves in Idumea, and gave them what would buy them provisions in their journey. But he took with him those that were the least encumbered, and were most intimate with him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers, being eight hundred in number, there being in the place a sufficient quantity of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went directly for Petra, in Arabia. 14.363. But when it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus’s money, which was three hundred talents. 14.364. A great deal of Herod’s money escaped, and principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand; nor indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the city Marissa. 14.381. 4. This account made Antony commiserate the change that had happened in Herod’s condition; and reasoning with himself that this was a common case among those that are placed in such great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations that come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he desired, and this because he called to mind the friendship he had had with Antipater 14.382. because Herod offered him money to make him king, as he had formerly given it to him to make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus; for he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also the forwarder to raise Herod’s dignity, and to give him his assistance in what he desired, 14.390. 6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had plenty of all other necessaries, but were only in want of water insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod’s brother, was contriving to run away from it, with two hundred of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Malchus repented of the offenses he had been guilty of with regard to Herod; 14.391. but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented his going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was under no necessity of running away on that account; but they were now of good courage, and the more so, because the sending that plenty of water which they had been in want of seemed a mark of Divine Providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand to hand with Antigonus’s soldiers, (with some openly, with some privately,) and destroyed a great number of them. 14.396. but as he was marching to those that were in Masada, (for he was obliged to endeavor to save those that were in that fortress now they were besieged, because they were his relations,) Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that place first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong hold might be left in his enemies’ hands behind him when he should go to Jerusalem. 14.397. And when Silo made this a pretense for rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set free those of his family that were in Masada. 14.398. Now of the people of the country, some joined him because of the friendship they had had with his father, and some because of the splendid appearance he made, and others by way of requital for the benefits they had received from both of them; but the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom. 14.399. 2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes in the passes and places most proper for them; but in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the enemy. 14.400. So Herod received those of his family out of Masada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of the citizens, being afraid of his power; 15.76. for Antony said that it was not good to require an account of a king, as to the affairs of his government, for at this rate he could be no king at all, but that those who had given him that authority ought to permit him to make use of it. He also said the same things to Cleopatra, that it would be best for her not busily to meddle with the acts of the king’s government. 15.409. And that these things were so, the afflictions that happened to us afterwards [about them] are sufficient evidence. But for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia. 17.149. 2. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men wellbeloved by the people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. 17.150. These men, when they found that the king’s distemper was incurable, excited the young men that they would pull down all those works which the king had erected contrary to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on account of Herod’s rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden, that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; 17.151. for Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images or representations of any living creature. 17.152. So these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire an everlasting fame and commendation; since they would be both commended by the present generation, and leave an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity; 17.153. ince that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore it is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may carry them out of the world with praise and honor; 17.154. and that this will alleviate death to a great degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation behind them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward. 17.155. 3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men’s persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple. 17.156. And now the king’s captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated to God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what was for their advantage; 17.157. o he caught no fewer than forty of the young men, who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it an ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king. 17.158. And when they were come to the king, and he asked them if they had been so bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, “Yes, (said they,) what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been performed we performed it, and that with such a virtuous courage as becomes men; for we have given our assistance to those things which were dedicated to the majesty of God, 17.159. and we have provided for what we have learned by hearing the law; and it ought not to be wondered at, if we esteem those laws which Moses had suggested to him, and were taught him by God, and which he wrote and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy commands. Accordingly we will undergo death, and all sorts of punishments which thou canst inflict upon us, with pleasure, since we are conscious to ourselves that we shall die, not for any unrighteous actions, but for our love to religion.” 17.160. And thus they all said, and their courage was still equal to their profession, and equal to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And when the king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and called together the principal men among the Jews; 17.161. and when they were come, he made them assemble in the theater, and because he could not himself stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labors that he had long endured on their account, 17.162. and his building of the temple, and what a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform any so great a work for the honor of God as that was; 17.163. that he had also adorned it with very valuable donations, on which account he hoped that he had left himself a memorial, and procured himself a reputation after his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from affronting him, even in his lifetime, but that in the very day time, and in the sight of the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to fall upon what he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it down to the ground. They pretended, indeed, that they did it to affront him; but if any one consider the thing truly, they will find that they were guilty of sacrilege against God therein. 17.164. 4. But the people, on account of Herod’s barbarous temper, and for fear he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for Herod, he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he deprived Matthias of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made Joazar, who was Matthias’s wife’s brother, high priest in his stead. 17.223. He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all those that had the charge of Herod’s effects, and declared publicly that he should require them to give an account of what they had; and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them; and their pretense was, that they kept them all for Caesar. 17.229. but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus’s and Sabinus’s letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them. 17.318. But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod’s sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents, 17.319. while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude. 17.320. There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute to Archelaus: Strato’s Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which Caesar separated from his government, and added them to the province of Syria. Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from his own dominions amounted to six hundred talents. 17.342. 2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus’s government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them. 18.1. 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 18.3. but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. 18.4. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; 18.9. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal, 18.259. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations; 19.274. 1. Now when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom he suspected, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and therein commended the king highly. He also made an addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; 19.275. and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: 19.299. 3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. 19.326. 2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new city [Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the public, and built them wider in breadth, and higher in altitude; and he had made them too strong for all human power to demolish, unless Marcus, the then president of Syria, had by letter informed Claudius Caesar of what he was doing. 19.327. And when Claudius had some suspicion of attempts for innovation, he sent to Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls presently. So he obeyed, as not thinking it proper to contradict Claudius. 19.338. 1. When Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among other kings. Accordingly there came to him Antiochus, king of Commagene, Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. 19.339. All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind, and so as to appear worthy of those respects which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. 19.340. However, while these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came thither. So the king, in order to preserve the respect that was due to the Romans, went out of the city to meet him, as far as seven furlongs. 19.341. But this proved to be the beginning of a difference between him and Marcus; for he took with him in his chariot those other kings as his assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what the meaning could be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of them, and enjoined them to go their ways home without further delay. 19.342. This was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now he took the high priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son of Cantheras, high priest in his stead. 20.97. 1. Now it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a certain magician, whose name was Theudas, persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an easy passage over it; 20.98. and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. 20.99. This was what befell the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus’s government. 20.100. 2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was a principal person among all his contemporaries, both for his family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion of his country. 20.101. Under these procurators that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have related already. 20.102. And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. 20.103. But now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made Aias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; 20.104. as also that Herod, brother of Agrippa the great king, departed this life, in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Caesar. He left behind him three sons; Aristobulus, whom he had by his first wife, with Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by Bernice his brother’s daughter. But Claudius Caesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa, junior. 20.105. 3. Now while the Jewish affairs were under the administration of Cureanus, there happened a great tumult at the city of Jerusalem, and many of the Jews perished therein. But I shall first explain the occasion whence it was derived. 20.106. When that feast which is called the passover was at hand, at which time our custom is to use unleavened bread, and a great multitude was gathered together from all parts to that feast, Cumanus was afraid lest some attempt of innovation should then be made by them; so he ordered that one regiment of the army should take their arms, and stand in the temple cloisters, to repress any attempts of innovation, if perchance any such should begin; 20.107. and this was no more than what the former procurators of Judea did at such festivals. 20.108. But on the fourth day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his breeches, and exposed his privy members to the multitude, which put those that saw him into a furious rage, and made them cry out that this impious action was not done to reproach them, but God himself; nay, some of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended that the soldier was set on by him, 20.109. which, when Cumanus heard, he was also himself not a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon him; yet did he exhort them to leave off such seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult at the festival. 20.110. But when he could not induce them to be quiet for they still went on in their reproaches to him, he gave order that the whole army should take their entire armor, and come to Antonia, which was a fortress, as we have said already, which overlooked the temple; 20.111. but when the multitude saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at them, and ran away hastily; but as the passages out were but narrow, and as they thought their enemies followed them, they were crowded together in their flight, and a great number were pressed to death in those narrow passages; 20.112. nor indeed was the number fewer than twenty thousand that perished in this tumult. So instead of a festival, they had at last a mournful day of it; and they all of them forgot their prayers and sacrifices, and betook themselves to lamentation and weeping; so great an affliction did the impudent obsceneness of a single soldier bring upon them. 20.113. 4. Now before this their first mourning was over, another mischief befell them also; for some of those that raised the foregoing tumult, when they were traveling along the public road, about a hundred furlongs from the city, robbed Stephanus, a servant of Caesar, as he was journeying, and plundered him of all that he had with him; 20.114. which things when Cureanus heard of, he sent soldiers immediately, and ordered them to plunder the neighboring villages, and to bring the most eminent persons among them in bonds to him. 20.115. Now as this devastation was making, one of the soldiers seized the laws of Moses that lay in one of those villages, and brought them out before the eyes of all present, and tore them to pieces; and this was done with reproachful language, and much scurrility; 20.116. which things when the Jews heard of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down to Caesarea, where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge, not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had been affronted; for that they could not bear to live any longer, if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted after this manner. 20.117. Accordingly Cumanus, out of fear lest the multitude should go into a sedition, and by the advice of his friends also, took care that the soldier who had offered the affront to the laws should be beheaded, and thereby put a stop to the sedition which was ready to be kindled a second time. 20.118. 1. Now there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans; and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them. 20.119. But when the principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of those that were killed; but he was induced by the Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter; 20.120. upon which the Galileans were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable, 20.121. And when their principal men endeavored to pacify them, and promised to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans. 20.122. When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive; 20.123. whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children, which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them. 20.124. So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun with robberies. 20.125. 2. But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them; 20.126. and said withal, that they were not so much displeased at what they had suffered, as they were at the contempt thereby shown to the Romans; while if they had received any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done, and not presently to make such devastation, as if they had not the Romans for their governors; 20.127. on which account they came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of those that were slain in silence;— 20.128. which allegations when Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence when he should come into Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge of the truth of that matter. 20.129. So these men went away without success. Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives. 20.130. From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans; 20.131. whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Aias the high priest, and Aus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. 20.132. He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another. 20.133. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch. 20.134. 3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another. 20.135. But now Caesar’s freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government:— 20.136. whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain. 20.137. 1. So Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea; 20.138. and when he had already completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added thereto Trachonites, with Abila; which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took from him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years. 20.139. And when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the son of king Antiochus, had refused to marry her, because, after he had promised her father formerly to come over to the Jewish religion, he would not now perform that promise. 20.140. He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to whom she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa her father; from which marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Bernice. 20.141. 2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion: 20.142. While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman. 20.143. Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice’s envy, for she was very ill treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son by her, he named him Agrippa. 20.144. But after what manner that young man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain Vesuvius, in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter. 20.145. 3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false; 20.146. and Poleme was prevailed upon, and that chiefly on account of her riches. Yet did not this matrimony endure long; but Bernice left Poleme, and, as was said, with impure intentions. So he forsook at once this matrimony, and the Jewish religion; 20.147. and, at the same time, Mariamne put away Archelaus, and was married to Demetrius, the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat more exactly. 20.148. 1. Now Claudius Caesar died when he had reigned thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days; and a report went about that he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus, the brother of Caesar. Her husband was Domitius Aenobarbus, one of the most illustrious persons that was in the city of Rome; 20.149. after whose death, and her long continuance in widowhood, Claudius took her to wife. She brought along with her a son, Domtitus, of the same name with his father. He had before this slain his wife Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had his children Britannicus and Octavia; 20.150. their eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by Pelina his first wife. He also married Octavia to Nero; for that was the name that Caesar gave him afterward, upon his adopting him for his son. 20.151. 2. But now Agrippina was afraid, lest, when Britannicus should come to man’s estate, he should succeed his father in the government, and desired to seize upon the principality beforehand for her own son [Nero]; upon which the report went that she thence compassed the death of Claudius. 20.152. Accordingly, she sent Burrhus, the general of the army, immediately, and with him the tribunes, and such also of the freed-men as were of the greatest authority, to bring Nero away into the camp, and to salute him emperor. 20.153. And when Nero had thus obtained the government, he got Britannicus to be so poisoned, that the multitude should not perceive it; although he publicly put his own mother to death not long afterward, making her this requital, not only for being born of her, but for bringing it so about by her contrivances that he obtained the Roman empire. He also slew Octavia his own wife, and many other illustrious persons, under this pretense, that they plotted against him. 20.154. 3. But I omit any further discourse about these affairs; for there have been a great many who have composed the history of Nero; some of which have departed from the truth of facts out of favor, as having received benefits from him; while others, out of hatred to him, and the great ill-will which they bare him, have so impudently raved against him with their lies, that they justly deserve to be condemned. 20.155. Nor do I wonder at such as have told lies of Nero, since they have not in their writings preserved the truth of history as to those facts that were earlier than his time, even when the actors could have no way incurred their hatred, since those writers lived a long time after them. 20.156. But as to those that have no regard to truth, they may write as they please; for in that they take delight: 20.157. but as to ourselves, who have made truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what only belongs remotely to this undertaking, but shall relate what hath happened to us Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge our pains in giving an account both of the calamities we have suffered, and of the crimes we have been guilty of. I will now therefore return to the relation of our own affairs. 20.158. 4. For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of Azizus, king of Emesa, Soemus, his brother, succeeded in his kingdom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the government of the Lesser Armenia. 20.159. Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae, and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it. 20.160. 5. Now as for the affairs of the Jews, they grew worse and worse continually, for the country was again filled with robbers and impostors, who deluded the multitude. 20.161. Yet did Felix catch and put to death many of those impostors every day, together with the robbers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of Dineas, who had gotten together a company of robbers; and this he did by treachery; for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no harm, and thereby persuaded him to come to him; but when he came, he bound him, and sent him to Rome. 20.162. Felix also bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high priest, because he frequently gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs better than he did, lest he should himself have complaints made of him by the multitude, since he it was who had desired Caesar to send him as procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a method whereby he might get rid of him, now he was become so continually troublesome to him; for such continual admonitions are grievous to those who are disposed to act unjustly. 20.163. Wherefore Felix persuaded one of Jonathan’s most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner: 20.164. Certain of those robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to worship God, while they had daggers under their garments, and by thus mingling themselves among the multitude they slew Jonathan, 20.165. and as this murder was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude, they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to other men for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of the city, but in the temple itself also; for they had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty. 20.166. And this seems to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men’s wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to make us wiser by our calamities. 20.167. 6. These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, 20.168. and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them. 20.169. Moreover, there came out of Egypt about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs. 20.170. He said further, that he would show them from hence how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall down; and he promised them that he would procure them an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were fallen down. 20.171. Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. 20.172. But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them. 20.173. 7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Caesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Caesarea, and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Caesarea was formerly called Strato’s Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. 20.174. When the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them on both sides, and tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a time. 20.175. But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached them again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches. 20.176. However, the Syrians, though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there were either of Caesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful language to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors. 20.177. But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches. 20.178. Now those Jews that were more moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves, and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so. 20.179. 8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. 20.180. And now arose a sedition between the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it. 20.181. And such was the impudence and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice. 20.182. 9. Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Caesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in the greatest honor by him. 20.183. Two of the principal Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. 20.184. So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Caesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled. 20.185. 10. Upon Festus’s coming into Judea, it happened that Judea was afflicted by the robbers, while all the villages were set on fire, and plundered by them. 20.186. And then it was that the sicarii, as they were called, who were robbers, grew numerous. They made use of small swords, not much different in length from the Persian acinacae, but somewhat crooked, and like the Roman sicae, [or sickles,] as they were called; and from these weapons these robbers got their denomination; and with these weapons they slew a great many; 20.187. for they mingled themselves among the multitude at their festivals, when they were come up in crowds from all parts to the city to worship God, as we said before, and easily slew those that they had a mind to slay. They also came frequently upon the villages belonging to their enemies, with their weapons, and plundered them, and set them on fire. 20.188. So Festus sent forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon those that had been seduced by a certain impostor, who promised them deliverance and freedom from the miseries they were under, if they would but follow him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those forces that were sent destroyed both him that had deluded them, and those that were his followers also. 20.189. 11. About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico. 20.190. Now this palace had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a most delightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done in the temple; 20.191. which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw they were very much displeased at it; for it was not agreeable to the institutions of our country or law that what was done in the temple should be viewed by others, especially what belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall upon the uppermost building which belonged to the inner court of the temple towards the west, 20.192. which wall when it was built, did not only intercept the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the temple also, where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at the festivals. 20.193. At these doings both king Agrippa, and principally Festus the procurator, were much displeased; and Festus ordered them to pull the wall down again: but the Jews petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage about this matter to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the temple should be demolished; 20.194. and when Festus had given them leave so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ismael the high priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasure. 20.195. And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only forgave them what they had already done, but also gave them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero’s wife, who was a religious woman, and had requested these favors of Nero, and who gave order to the ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself. 20.196. As soon as the king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, who was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high priest. 20.197. 1. And now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Aus, who was also himself called Aus. 20.198. Now the report goes that this eldest Aus proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high priests. 20.199. But this younger Aus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; 20.200. when, therefore, Aus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: 20.201. but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; 20.202. nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Aus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent. 20.203. Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Aus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest. 20.204. 2. Now as soon as Albinus was come to the city of Jerusalem, he used all his endeavors and care that the country might be kept in peace, and this by destroying many of the Sicarii. 20.205. But as for the high priest, Aias he increased in glory every day, and this to a great degree, and had obtained the favor and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of the high priest [Jesus], by making them presents; 20.206. he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them. 20.207. So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food. 20.208. 3. But now the Sicarii went into the city by night, just before the festival, which was now at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the governor of the temple, whose name was Eleazar, who was the son of Aus [Aias] the high priest, and bound him, and carried him away with them; 20.209. after which they sent to Aias, and said that they would send the scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners which he had caught of their party; so Aias was plainly forced to persuade Albinus, and gained his request of him. 20.210. This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually contrived to catch some of Aias’s servants; and when they had taken them alive, they would not let them go, till they thereby recovered some of their own Sicarii. And as they were again become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great affliction to the whole country. 20.211. 4. About this time it was that king Agrippa built Caesarea Philippi larger than it was before, and, in honor of Nero, named it Neronias. And when he had built a theater at Berytus, with vast expenses, he bestowed on them shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae]; 20.212. he also gave the people a largess of corn, and distributed oil among them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own donation, and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he almost transferred all that was most ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This made him more than ordinarily hated by his subjects, because he took those things away that belonged to them to adorn a foreign city. 20.213. And now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in the high priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which account a sedition arose between the high priests, with regard to one another; for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing of stones at each other. But Aias was too hard for the rest, by his riches, which enabled him to gain those that were most ready to receive. 20.214. Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves get together a multitude of wicked wretches, and this because they were of the royal family; and so they obtained favor among them, because of their kindred to Agrippa; but still they used violence with the people, and were very ready to plunder those that were weaker than themselves. And from that time it principally came to pass that our city was greatly disordered, and that all things grew worse and worse among us. 20.215. 5. But when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all those prisoners who seemed to him to be the most plainly worthy of death, and ordered them to be put to death accordingly. But as to those who had been put into prison on some trifling occasions, he took money of them, and dismissed them; by which means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with robbers.
42. Suetonius, Augustus, 48 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (district/region), added to agrippas kingdom by claudius Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 158
43. Tacitus, Histories, 5.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (district/region), confused with idumea in ancient authors Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 139
5.9.  The first Roman to subdue the Jews and set foot in their temple by right of conquest was Gnaeus Pompey; thereafter it was a matter of common knowledge that there were no representations of the gods within, but that the place was empty and the secret shrine contained nothing. The walls of Jerusalem were razed, but the temple remained standing. Later, in the time of our civil wars, when these eastern provinces had fallen into the hands of Mark Antony, the Parthian prince, Pacorus, seized Judea, but he was slain by Publius Ventidius, and the Parthians were thrown back across the Euphrates: the Jews were subdued by Gaius Sosius. Antony gave the throne to Herod, and Augustus, after his victory, increased his power. After Herod's death, a certain Simon assumed the name of king without waiting for Caesar's decision. He, however, was put to death by Quintilius Varus, governor of Syria; the Jews were repressed; and the kingdom was divided into three parts and given to Herod's sons. Under Tiberius all was quiet. Then, when Caligula ordered the Jews to set up his statue in their temple, they chose rather to resort to arms, but the emperor's death put an end to their uprising. The princes now being dead or reduced to insignificance, Claudius made Judea a province and entrusted it to Roman knights or to freedmen; one of the latter, Antonius Felix, practised every kind of cruelty and lust, wielding the power of king with all the instincts of a slave; he had married Drusilla, the grand-daughter of Cleopatra and Antony, and so was Antony's grandson-in‑law, while Claudius was Antony's grandson.
44. Appian, Civil Wars, 5.7, 5.75 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (district/region), relationship of, to idumea and samaria Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 138
45. Appian, The Syrian Wars, 11.8.50 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (district/region), confused with idumea in ancient authors Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 140
46. Tosefta, Avodah Zarah, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
47. Tosefta, Kiddushin, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
5.4. "בת חלל זכר פסולה מן הכהונה לעולם רבי יהודה אומר בת גר זכר כבת חלל זכר ופסולה מן הכהונה עיסה פסולה [לכהונה] נשאת לישראל בתה כשרה לכהונה גיורת וחללה פסולה לכהונה נשאת לישראל בתה כשרה לכהונה שבויה פסולה לכהונה נשאת לישראל בתה כשרה לכהונה שפחה פסולה לכהונה נשאת לישראל בתה כשרה לכהונה נמצאו ישראל מקוה לכהנים ושפחה מקוה לכל הפסולין.", 5.4. "A daughter of a male disqualified priest (halal) is disqualified from [marrying into] the priesthood forever. Rabbi (sic!, based on Ehrfurt manuscript) says: A daughter of a male convert is like the daughter of a male halal and disqualified from the priesthood. An isah is disqualified from the priesthood (see previous halakhah); if she [the isah] got married to a Yisrael, her daughter is fit [to marry into] the priesthood. A captive woman is disqualified from the priesthood; if she got married to a Yisrael, her daughter is fit for the priesthood. A freed handmaid is disqualified from the priesthood; if she is married to a Yisrael, her daughter is fit for the priesthood. It turns out that Yisrael is a mikveh for priests [since the daughter of a pesulah with a male Yisrael is no longer pesulah] and a handmaid is a mikveh for all disqualifications.",
48. Tosefta, Nedarim, 7.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
7.8. "חומר בהקם שאין בהפר ובהפר שאין בהקם שהשתיקה מקיימת ואין שתיקה מבטלת האיש מקים בלבו ואין האשה [מבטל בלבו] יש בהקם שאין בהפר ויש בהפר שאין בהקם משהקם אין יכול להפר ומשהפר אין יכול להקם.",
49. Tosefta, Sanhedrin, 13.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 377
50. Tosefta, Yevamot, 14.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
14.7. "נפל [לבור שמלא נחשים ועקרבים] מעידין עליו ר' יהודה בן בתירה אומר [חוששין שמא חבר הוא נפל ליורה של שמן ושל יין] מעידין עליו ר' אחא [אומר] של שמן מעידין עליו ושל יין אין מעידין עליו אליעזר בן מהבאי אומר מעידין על השומא מת פלוני אבד פלוני נהרג פלוני אין פלוני בעולם אין ממנו כלום [תנשא אשתו] אין מעידין עליו.",
51. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.1, 1.156, 1.263-1.269, 1.282, 1.286-1.287, 1.292-1.294, 1.648-1.655, 2.18, 2.20.3, 2.25, 2.95-2.99, 2.111, 2.117-2.118, 2.183, 2.215-2.216, 2.223-2.407, 2.409, 2.566, 7.253 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 202, 377, 381; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 139, 140, 156, 157, 158, 181, 207
1.1. 1. Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner; 1.156. and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. 1.263. 7. Now, as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this without their enemies being apprised of it. 1.264. But as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to the stronghold of Masada. 1.265. 8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now, in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications, and called it, from his own name, Herodium. 1.266. Now, as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand. 1.267. Herod complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he made haste himself to Petra of Arabia. 1.268. 9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king’s palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus’s money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men’s money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. 1.269. But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his hands, in order to their being tormented by him. 1.282. 4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; 1.286. 1. Now during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want of water; on which account Joseph, Herod’s brother, was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he had heard that Malichus repented of his offenses with regard to Herod; 1.287. and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which, therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus’s party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush; nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were beaten, and ran away. 1.292. So he proposed to himself to set about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take that city first, which was in the enemies’ hands, that when he should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies’ power behind him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pursued him, and pressed upon him [in his retreat], Herod made an excursion upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in distress. 1.293. 4. After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him; some induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on his side, was the hopes from him, when he should be established in his kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be conquered. 1.294. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the city, from a dread of his power. 1.648. 2. There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city [Jerusalem], who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their country, and were on that account held in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the son of Margalus. 1.649. There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their country; 1.650. for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down; and told them, that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account; while the mean-spirited, and those that were not wise enough to show a right love of their souls, preferred death by a disease, before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior. 1.651. 3. At the same time that these men made this speech to their disciples, a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater boldness; they therefore let themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords, and this at midday, and while a great number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden eagle with axes. 1.652. This was presently told to the king’s captain of the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers, and caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the king. 1.653. And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been so hardy as to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when he asked them by whose command they had done it, they replied, at the command of the law of their country; and when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they were to be put to death, they replied, because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead. 1.654. 4. At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he overcame his disease [for the time], and went out and spake to the people; wherein he made a terrible accusation against those men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretense of their law, and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons. 1.655. Whereupon the people were afraid lest a great number should be found guilty and desired that when he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down, together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the rest that were caught to the proper officers to be put to death by them. 2.18. but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards [of the king’s private affairs], he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels. 2.25. And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together (in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat) and gave the pleaders leave to speak. 2.95. Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno’s house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip; 2.96. while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. 2.97. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato’s Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. 2.98. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. 2.99. And for the rest of Herod’s offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod’s two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras: 2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury. 2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 2.118. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders. 2.183. These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him. 2.215. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still, besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias. 2.216. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol. 2.223. 1. Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, over his uncle’s kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews’ ruin came on; 2.224. for when the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple(for they always were armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make), one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a posture. 2.225. At this the whole multitude had indignation, and made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous, fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at the soldiers. 2.226. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city; 2.227. and the violence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented [their own relations]. 2.228. 2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Bethhoron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. 2.229. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire. 2.230. Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Caesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. 2.231. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways. 2.232. 3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situated in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; 2.233. and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success. 2.234. 4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set over them, 2.235. but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were in the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire. 2.236. 5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Caesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. 2.237. And as for the rest of the multitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem ran out, clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their heads, and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only. 2.238. The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still there were a great number who betook themselves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort happened over the whole country. 2.239. And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished: 2.240. the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Aus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder. 2.241. 6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Caesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; 2.242. and when from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that fight, and beheaded them; 2.243. but he sent two others of those that were of the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Aias, the high priests, as also Aus the son of this Aias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as he did in like manner by the most illustrious of the Samaritans. 2.244. He also ordered that Cumanus [the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to give an account of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any tumult, he returned to Antioch. 2.245. 7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say (where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like manner many of the great men stood by Cumanus), he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should be put to death; he banished Cumanus, 2.246. and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, and then beheaded. 2.247. 8. After this Caesar sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanea, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed. 2.248. But Claudius himself, when he had administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had adopted by his Wife Agrippina’s delusions, in order to be his successor, although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia, 2.249. whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was Antonia. 2.250. 1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; 2.251. and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in the scenes, and upon the theater,—I omit to say any more about them, because there are writers enough upon those subjects everywhere; but I shall turn myself to those actions of his time in which the Jews were concerned. 2.252. 2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod’s son, and he added to Agrippa’s kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Taricheae also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. 2.253. This Felix took Eleazar the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated. 2.254. 3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the daytime, and in the midst of the city; 2.255. this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. 2.256. The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; 2.257. and while everybody expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance. 2.258. 4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. 2.259. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. 2.260. But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them. 2.261. 5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; 2.262. these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. 2.263. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves. 2.264. 6. Now, when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; 2.265. for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war. 2.266. 7. There was also another disturbance at Caesarea:—those Jews who were mixed with the Syrians that lived there, raising a tumult against them. The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built it was a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not design it for Jews. 2.267. On which account both parties had a contest with one another; and this contest increased so much, that it came at last to arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the Greeks thought it a shame for them to be overcome by the Jews. 2.268. Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it. 2.269. However, the governors of the city were concerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with stripes and bonds. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright the remainder, or make them desist; but they were still more and more exasperated, and deeper engaged in the sedition. 2.270. And as Felix came once into the marketplace, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges. 2.271. 1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them. 2.272. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named but he had a hand in it. 2.273. Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one’s substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and nobody remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing. 2.274. At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the principal men among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus; 2.275. and everyone of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers, while he himself, like an arch-robber, or a tyrant, made a figure among his company, and abused his authority over those about him, in order to plunder those that lived quietly. 2.276. The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction. 2.277. 2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus who succeeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person, upon the comparison; for the former did the greatest part of his rogueries in private, and with a sort of dissimulation; but Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompous manner; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation; 2.278. where the case was really pitiable, he was most barbarous, and in things of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could anyone outdo him in disguising the truth; nor could anyone contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they got. 2.279. Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparchies were brought to desolation, and a great many of the people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces. 2.280. 3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions: these besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country. 2.281. But as he was present, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them that he would take care that Florus should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch. 2.282. Florus also conducted him as far as Caesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities; 2.283. for he expected that if the peace continued, he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar; but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge, by a misery that was so much greater; he therefore did every day augment their calamities, in order to induce them to a rebellion. 2.284. 4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Caesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius [Jyar]. 2.285. Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Caesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; 2.286. but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made workingshops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; 2.287. but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. 2.288. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. 2.289. 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. 2.290. Whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditious also among [the Gentiles of] Caesarea stood ready for the same purpose; for they had, by agreement, sent the man to sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him] so that it soon came to blows. 2.291. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs. 2.292. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Caesarea. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.294. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. 2.295. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; 2.296. and instead of coming to Caesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward [of eight talents], he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection. 2.297. 7. But the people were desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves in order to receive him very submissively. 2.298. But he sent Capito, a centurion, beforehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully reproached before; 2.299. and said that it was incumbent on them, in case they had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with their weapons also. 2.300. With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito’s horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face. 2.301. 8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; 2.302. upon which Florus commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these demonstrated that the people were peaceably disposed, and they begged forgiveness for those that had spoken amiss; 2.303. for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be, and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also; and that it was impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what would follow: 2.304. that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the Romans, and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked to put so large and good a body of men into disorder. 2.305. 9. Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market-place, and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into every house, they slew its inhabitants; 2.306. o the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. 2.307. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children (for they did not spare even the infants themselves), was about three thousand and six hundred. 2.308. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. 2.309. 1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; 2.310. but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaughters; 2.311. but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering; 2.312. nay, this violence of the soldiers broke out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had staid there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers. 2.313. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vow which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head. 2.314. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus’s tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself. 2.315. 2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now, on the next day, the multitude, who were in a great agony, ran together to the Upper Marketplace, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus; 2.316. at which the men of power were affrighted, together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already suffered. 2.317. Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of reverence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries. 2.318. 3. So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and endeavored to kindle that flame again, and sent for the high priests, with the other eminent persons, and said, the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this,—that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Caesarea, whence two cohorts were coming; 2.319. and while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that were under them not to return the Jews’ salutations; and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons. 2.320. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action. 2.321. 4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things.—The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures. 2.322. You might also see then the high priests themselves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the eminent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste; 2.323. aying, “What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them? 2.324. and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all further sufferings; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to force the others to act soberly.” 2.325. 5. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made no answer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for falling upon them. 2.326. The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently, and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another. 2.327. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while everybody was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, and broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral; 2.328. the soldiers also who beat them, fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Bezetha, as they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple, and the tower Antonia. Florus also being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king’s palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia]; 2.329. but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him, and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace. 2.330. 6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get possession of the temple, through Antonia; so they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down. 2.331. This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple], and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt; he then sent for the high priests and the Sanhedrin, and told them that he was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire. 2.332. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Caesarea. 2.333. 1. However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews falsely of revolting [from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Florus had been guilty against the city; 2.334. who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains [what he should do]. Now some of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. 2.335. Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errand he was sent. 2.336. 2. And here it was that the high priests, and men of power among the Jews, as well as the Sanhedrin, came to congratulate the king [upon his safe return]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus. 2.337. At which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves. 2.338. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; 2.339. but the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the marketplace was made desolate, and the houses plundered. 2.340. They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple, 2.341. where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace; and having performed such parts of Divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do, he returned to Cestius. 2.342. 3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king, and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasion of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it; 2.343. and it appeared openly that they would not be quiet, if anybody should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook them, as they were in a disposition for war. 2.344. He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be seen by them (which house was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery), and spake to them as follows:— 2.345. 4. “Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. 2.346. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought it proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. 2.347. And let not anyone be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say does not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. 2.348. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight,—I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; 2.349. for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaints against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. 2.350. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; 2.351. but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. 2.352. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. 2.353. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one: to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: 2.354. nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue forever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. 2.355. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; 2.356. but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. 2.357. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. 2.358. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia as the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. 2.359. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. 2.360. These Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. 2.361. Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? 2.362. Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? 2.363. nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. 2.364. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? 2.365. Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. 2.366. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, 2.367. who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? 2.368. How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? 2.369. Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians. And for the 2.370. Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. 2.371. Moreover, if great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. 2.372. Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; 2.373. and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; 2.374. nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. 2.375. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. 2.376. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere; 2.377. yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in a rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. 2.378. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than [the continent of] this habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island: 2.379. And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. 2.380. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. 2.381. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. 2.382. And as for the third part of the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. 2.383. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. 2.384. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? 2.385. This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven million five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, 2.386. its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; 2.387. yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. 2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 2.389. (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do); for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covets between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. 2.390. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence. 2.391. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? 2.392. and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be prevailed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. 2.393. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; 2.394. and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. 2.395. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. 2.396. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without foreseeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. 2.397. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. 2.398. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, 2.399. whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. 2.400. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 2.401. I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back anything that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge your passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.” 2.402. 5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people; but still they cried out, that they would not fight against the Romans, but against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means. 2.403. To which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans; “for you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar and you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from joining to the tower Antonia. 2.404. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus.” 2.405. 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. 2.406. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him; but they were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches upon the king, and got him excluded out of the city; nay, some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him. 2.407. So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being very angry at the contumelies he had received, he sent their rulers, together with their men of power, to Florus, to Caesarea, that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country, while he retired into his own kingdom. 2.409. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Aias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; 2.566. 4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Aias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those forenamed commanders. 7.253. It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one;
52. Tosefta, Yadayim, 2.17-2.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
53. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 48.26.2, 48.34.1, 48.41.4-48.41.5, 49.22.6, 49.32.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (district/region), confused with idumea in ancient authors •judea (district/region), relationship of, to idumea and samaria Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 138, 139, 140
48.26.2.  They accordingly continued to be proof against capture, but Pacorus secured all the rest of Syria. He then invaded Palestine and deposed Hyrcanus, who was at the moment in charge of affairs there, having been appointed by the Romans, and in his stead set up his brother Aristobulus as a ruler because of the enmity existing between them. 48.34.1.  These were the events of the two years; the next year, when Lucius Marcius and Gaius Sabinus held the consulship, the acts of the triumvirs from the time they had formed their oligarchy received ratification at the hands of the senate, 48.41.4.  For Ventidius fell upon the barbarians when they were not expecting him and were at the same time in smaller force, and slew Pharnapates and many others. In this way he took over Syria without a battle, now that it was deserted by the Parthians, with the exception of the Aradii, and later occupied Palestine without trouble, after he had frightened the king, Antigonus, out of the country. 48.41.5.  Besides accomplishing all this he exacted large sums of money from the rest individually, and large sums also from Antigonus and Antiochus and Malchus the Nabataean, because they had given help to Pacorus. Ventidius himself received no reward for these achievements from the senate, since he was not acting with independent authority but as lieutet to another; but Antony was honoured with eulogies and thanksgivings. 49.22.6.  These people Antony entrusted to a certain Herod to govern; but Antigonus he bound to a cross and flogged, — a punishment no other king had suffered at the hands of the Romans, — and afterwards slew him. 49.32.3.  Antony, in addition to making the arrangements mentioned above, assigned principalities, giving Galatia to Amyntas, though he had been only the secretary of Deiotarus, and also adding to his domain Lycaonia with portions of Pamphylia, and bestowing upon Archelaus Cappadocia, after driving out Ariarathes. This Archelaus belonged on his father's side to those Archelauses who had contended against the Romans, but on his mother's side was the son of Glaphyra, an hetaera.
54. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 4.22.142 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 133
55. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 6.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (district/region), confused with idumea in ancient authors Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 140
56. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 22.4 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 115
22.4. דָּבָר אַחֵר, וְיִתְרוֹן אֶרֶץ, עוֹבָדָא הֲוָה בְּחַד גַּבְרָא דַּהֲוָה קָאֵים עַל גַּבֵּי נַהֲרָא וְחָמָא חָדָא אוּרְדְּעָן טָעֲנָא חָדָא עַקְרָב וּמְגִזְתֵּיהּ נַהֲרָא, אָמַר זוֹ מוּכֶנֶת לַעֲשׂוֹת שְׁלִיחוּתָא אַגִּיזְתָּא נַהֲרָא וַאֲזָלַת וַעֲבָדַת שְׁלִיחוּתָהּ וַחֲזָרַת יָתָהּ לְאַתְרָהּ, וְנִשְׁמַע קוֹל יְלָלָה בָּעִיר פְּלוֹנִי נְשָׁכוֹ עַקְרָב וָמֵת. רַבִּי פִּנְחָס בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי חָנִין דְּצִפּוֹרִי אָמַר עוֹבָדָא הֲוָה בְּחַד גַּבְרָא דַּהֲוָה קָאֵים וְחָפַר בַּהֲדָא בִּקְעַת בֵּית שׁוֹפָרֵי, חָמָא חַד עֵשֶׂב וְלָקֵיט יָתֵיהּ וְעָבְדָא כְּלִילָא לְרֵאשֵׁיהּ, אָזַל חַד חִוְיָא וּמָחָא יָתֵיהּ וְקָטַל יָתֵיהּ, אָתָא חַד חָבֵר וְקָם לֵיהּ סָקַר בְּהַהוּא חִוְיָא אָמַר תָּמַהּ אֲנָא עַל מַאן דְּקָטַל הֲדָא חִוְיָא, אֲמַר הַהוּא גַבְרָא אֲנָא קְטָלִית יָתֵיהּ, תָּלָה אַפּוֹי וְחָמָא הַהוּא עִשְׂבָּא עָבֵיד בָּהּ כְּלִילָא עַל רֵישֵׁיהּ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ מִן קוּשְׁטָא אֲנָא קְטָלִית יָתֵיהּ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ אַתְּ יָכֵיל מֵרִים הָדֵין עִשְׂבָּא מִן רֵישָׁא, אָמַר לֵיהּ אִין, כֵּיוָן דְּאָרֵים יָתֵיהּ אֲמַר לֵיהּ אַתְּ יָכֵיל קָרֵב הָדֵין חִוְיָא בְּהָדֵין חוּטְרָא, אֲמַר לֵיהּ אִין, כֵּיוָן דְּקָרַב לְהַהוּא חִוְיָא מִיָּד נָשְׁלוּ אֵבָרָיו. רַבִּי יַנַּאי הֲוָה יָתֵיב מַתְנֵי עַל תְּרַע קַרְתָּא, וְרָאָה נָחָשׁ אֶחָד מַרְתִּיעַ וּבָא וַהֲוָה מְרַדֵּף לֵיהּ מִן הָדֵין סִטְרָא וְהוּא חָזַר מִן הָדֵין סִטְרָא, אָמַר זֶה מוּכָן לַעֲשׂוֹת שְׁלִיחוּתוֹ, מִיָּד נָפְלָה הֲבָרָה בָּעִיר אִישׁ פְּלוֹנִי נְשָׁכוֹ נָחָשׁ וָמֵת. רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר הֲוָה יָתֵיב וּמְטַיֵּיל בְּבֵית הַכִּסֵּא, אָתָא חַד רוֹמִי וּמְקִים יָתֵיהּ וִיתֵיב, אֲמַר הֲדָא לָא עַל מַגָּן, מִיָּד נָפְקָא חַד חִוְיָא וּמָחָא יָתֵיהּ וְקָטְלֵיהּ, קָרֵי עֲלֵיהּ (ישעיה מג, ד): וְאֶתֵּן אָדָם תַּחְתֶּיךָ. רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר הֲוָה קָאֵים עַל חָדָא שׁוּנִיתָא דְּיַמָּא דְקֵיסָרִין וְרָאָה קוּלְיָא אַחַת שֶׁהָיְתָה מִתְגַּלְגֶּלֶת וּבָאָה וַהֲוָה מַצְנַע לָהּ וְהָא מִתְגַּלְגְּלָא, אָמַר זוֹ מוּכֶנֶת לַעֲשׂוֹת שְׁלִיחוּתָא, לְבָתַר יוֹמִין עָבַר חַד בַּלְדָּר, אִתְגַּלְגְּלַת בֵּין רַגְלָיו וְנִכְשַׁל בָּהּ וְנָפַל וּמֵת, אָזְלִין וּפַשְׁפְּשׁוּנֵיהּ וְאַשְׁכְּחוּן יָתֵיהּ טָעַן כְּתָבִין בִּישִׁין עַל יְהוּדָאי דְקֵיסָרִין. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן הֲוָה עַסְקָן בִּדְבָרִים, הֲוָה לֵיהּ חַד פַּרְדֵּס, חַד זְמַן הֲוָה יָתֵיב בֵּיהּ וַהֲוָה בֵּיהּ חַד סַדָּן, חָמָא הֲדָא דוּכִיפַת דְּעָבֵיד לֵיהּ קֵן בְּגַוָּהּ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ מַה בָּעֵי הָדֵין עוֹפָא מְסָאֲבָא בַּהֲדֵין פַּרְדֵּס, אָזַל רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן וְסָתְרֵיהּ לְהַהוּא קִנָּא, אָזַל הַהוּא דוּכִיפַת וְתַקְנֵיהּ, מָה עֲבַד רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן אָזַל אַיְיתֵי חַד לוּחַ וְיַהֲבָהּ בְּאַפּוֹי דְהַהוּא קִנָּא וִיהַב בֵּיהּ חַד מַסְמֵר. מָה עֲבַד הַהוּא דוּכִיפַת אָזַל אַיְיתֵי חַד עֵשֶׂב וְיַהֲבֵיהּ עַל הַהוּא מַסְמְרָא וְשָׂרְפֵהּ. מָה עֲבַד רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן אָמַר טוֹב לְמִגְנְזָא הָדֵין עִשְׂבָּא דְּלָא יֵילְפוּן גַּנָּבַיָא לְמֶעְבַּד כֵּן וְיַחְרְבוּן בְּרִיָּיתָא. חֲמַרְתָּא דְּרַבִּי יַנַּאי אֲכָלַת עִשְׂבָּא וְאִיסְתַּמֵּית וַאֲכָלַת עִשְׂבָּא אָחֳרִי וְאִתְפַּתְּחַת. עוֹבָדָא הֲוָה בִּתְרֵין גַּבְרֵי דַּהֲווֹ עָיְלִין בְּאִילֵין שְׁבִילַיָּא דִּטְבֶרְיָא, חַד סַמְיָא וְחַד מְפַתַּח, וַהֲוָה הַהִיא פְּתִיחָה גָּדֵישׁ לֵיהּ לְהַהוּא סַמְיָא, יָתְבוּן לְמִקַרְטָא בְּאוֹרְחָא וַאֲרָעַת שַׁעְתָּא וְאָכְלִין מִן עִשְׂבָּא, דֵין דַּהֲוָה סַמֵּי אִתְפַּתַּח וְדֵין דַּהֲוָה פָּתִיחַ אִסְתַּמֵּי, וְלָא עָלוּן מִן תַּמָּן עַד דִּגְדַשׁ הַהוּא סַמְיָא לִפְתִיחָא. עוֹבָדָא הֲוָה בְּחַד גַּבְרָא דַּהֲוָה סָלֵיק מִן בָּבֶל, יָתֵיב לְמִקַרְטָא בְּאוֹרְחָא, וְחָמָא תַּרְתֵּין צִפֳּרִין מִתְנַצְיָין חָדָא עִם חָדָא, וְקָטְלַת חָדָא מִנְּהוֹן חֲבֶרְתָּהּ, אָזְלַת הַהִיא אַחְרִיתֵּי וְאַתְיָא עִשְׂבָּא וִיהַב עֲלָהּ וְאַחְיַית יָתָהּ, אֲמַר טַב לִי נְסַב מִן הָדֵין עִשְׂבָּא וְאַחְיֵה בֵּיהּ מֵתַיָא דְאַרְעָא דְיִשְׂרָאֵל, כִּי פָרֵי וְסָלַק חָמָא חַד תַּעֲלָא מִית מִקְלַק בְּאוֹרְחָא, אֲמַר טַב לִי מְנַסְיָא בַּהֲדֵין תַּעֲלָא, וִיהַב עֲלֵיהּ וְאַחְיֵיהּ, וְסָלֵיק עַד שֶׁהִגִּיעַ לְסוּלַמֵּי צוֹר, כֵּיוָן שֶׁהִגִּיעַ לְסוּלַמֵּי צוֹר חָמֵי חַד אֲרִי קְטֵיל וּמִקְלַק בְּאָרְחָא, אֲמַר טַב לִי מְנַסְיָא בַּהֲדֵין אֲרִי, וִיהַב עֲלוֹהִי מִן עִשְׂבָּא וַחֲיָה, וְקָם וַאֲכַל יָתֵיהּ, הוּא דִּבְרִיָּתָא אָמְרֵי טַב לְבִישׁ עֲבַדְתְּ בִּישָׁא עֲבַדְתְּ, טַב לְבִישׁ לָא תַעֲבֵיד וּבִישׁ לָא מָטֵי לָךְ. אָמַר רַבִּי תַּנְחוּמָא אֲפִלּוּ בְּמַיִם הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא עוֹשֶׂה שְׁלִיחוּתוֹ. מַעֲשֶׂה בְּמֻכֶּה שְׁחִין אֶחָד שֶׁיָּרַד לִטְבֹּל בִּטְבֶרְיָא וַאֲרָעַת שַׁעְתָּא וְטָפַת לְבֵירָא דְמִרְיָם וְאַסְחֵי וְאִתְּסֵי, וְהֵיכָן הִיא בְּאֵרָהּ שֶׁל מִרְיָם אָמַר רַבִּי חִיָּא בַּר אַבָּא כְּתִיב (במדבר כא, כ): וְנִשְׁקָפָה עַל פְּנֵי הַיְשִׁימֹן, שֶׁכָּל מִי שֶׁהוּא עוֹלֶה עַל רֹאשׁ הַר יְשִׁימוֹן וְרוֹאֶה כְּמִין כְּבָרָה קְטַנָּה בְּיַם טְבֶרְיָא, זוֹ הִיא בְּאֵרָהּ שֶׁל מִרְיָם. אָמַר רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן בֶּן נוּרִי שַׁעֲרוּתָא רַבָּנָן וְהוּא מְכַוְּנָא כָּל קְבֵיל תַּרְעֵי מְצִיעַיָא דִכְנִשְׁתָּא עַתִּיקָא דִטְבֶרְיָא.
57. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 11.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146
11.5. טוּרְנוֹסְרוּפּוּס הָרָשָׁע שָׁאַל אֶת רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא, אָמַר מַה יּוֹם מִיּוֹמַיִם, אֲמַר לֵיהּ וּמַה גְּבַר מִן גּוּבְרִין. אֲמַר מָה אֲמָרִית לָךְ, וּמָה אֲמַרְתְּ לִי. אֲמַר לֵיהּ אֲמַרְתְּ לִי מַה יּוֹם מִיּוֹמַיִם, מַאי שְׁנָא יוֹמָא דְשַׁבַּתָּא מִכָּל יוֹמָא, וַאֲמָרִית לָךְ וּמָן גֶּבֶר מִגּוּבְרִין, מַאי שְׁנָא טוּרְנוּסְרוּפּוֹס מִכָּל גּוּבְרִין. אֲמַר לֵיהּ שֶׁרָצָה הַמֶּלֶךְ לְכַבְּדֵנִי. אֲמַר לֵיהּ אַף זוֹ שֶׁרָצָה הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְכַבְּדָהּ. אֲמַר לֵיהּ מְנָאן אַתְּ מוֹדַע לִי, אֲמַר לֵיהּ הֲרֵי נְהַר סַמְבַּטְיוֹן יוֹכִיחַ, שֶׁמּוֹשֵׁךְ אֲבָנִים כָּל יְמוֹת הַשַּׁבָּת, וּבְשַׁבָּת הוּא נָח. אֲמַר לֵיהּ לְנַגְדָא אַתְּ נָגֵיד לִי, אֶתְמְהָא. אֲמַר לֵיהּ וַהֲרֵי הַמַּעֲלֶה אֶת הַמֵּת בִּזְכוּרוֹ יוֹכִיחַ, שֶׁהוּא עוֹלֶה כָּל יְמוֹת הַשַּׁבָּת וּבְשַׁבָּת אֵינוֹ עוֹלֶה, וְהַהוּא גַּבְרָא לֶהֱוֵי בָּדַק בַּאֲבוּהִי. חַד זְמַן צָרִיךְ וּבָדַק בַּאֲבוּהוֹ, וּסְלֵק כָּל יוֹמָא דְּשַׁבַּתָּא, וּבְשַׁבַּתָּא לָא סְלֵק. בְּחַד שַׁבַּתָּא אַסְקֵיהּ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ אַבָּא מִן דְּמִיתַת אִתְעַבְדֵית יְהוּדִי, אֶתְמְהָא. מִפְּנֵי מָה עָלִיתָ כָּל יְמוֹת הַשַּׁבָּת, וְשַׁבָּת לֹא עָלִיתָ. אֲמַר לֵיהּ כָּל מִי שֶׁאֵינוֹ מְשַׁמֵּר אֶת הַשַּׁבָּת אֶצְלְכֶם בִּרְצוֹנוֹ, כָּאן הוּא מְשַׁמֵּר אוֹתוֹ בְּעַל כָּרְחוֹ. אֲמַר לֵיהּ וְכִי עָמָל יֵשׁ לָכֶם שֶׁאַתֶּם עֲמֵלִים כָּל יְמוֹת הַשַּׁבָּת, וּבְשַׁבָּת אַתֶּם נוֹחִין. אֲמַר לֵיהּ כָּל יְמוֹת הַשַּׁבָּת אָנוּ נִדּוֹנִין וּבְשַׁבָּת אָנוּ נוֹחִין. חָזַר אֵצֶל רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא, אָמַר לוֹ אִם כִּדְבָרֶיךָ שֶׁהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מְכַבֵּד אֶת הַשַּׁבָּת, אַל יַשֵּׁב בָּהּ רוּחוֹת, אַל יוֹרִיד בָּהּ גְּשָׁמִים, אַל יַצְמִיחַ בָּהּ עֵשֶׂב. אֲמַר לֵיהּ תִּפַּח רוּחֵיהּ דְּהַהוּא גַבְרָא, אֶמְשֹׁל לְךָ מָשָׁל, לִשְׁנַיִם שֶׁהָיוּ דָּרִין בְּחָצֵר אַחַת, אִם אֵין זֶה נוֹתֵן עֵרוּב וְזֶה נוֹתֵן עֵרוּב, שֶׁמָּא מֻתָּרִין לְטַלְטֵל בֶּחָצֵר. אֲבָל אִם הָיָה אֶחָד דָּר בֶּחָצֵר, הֲרֵי הוּא מֻתָּר בְּכָל הֶחָצֵר כֻּלָּהּ, אַף כָּאן הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְפִי שֶׁאֵין רְשׁוּת אַחֶרֶת עִמּוֹ, וְכָל הָעוֹלָם כֻּלּוֹ שֶׁלּוֹ, מֻתָּר בְּכָל עוֹלָם כֻּלּוֹ. וְלֹא עוֹד אֶלָּא שֶׁהֲרֵי אוֹכְלֵי הַמָּן מְעִידִין עָלָיו, שֶׁכָּל יְמוֹת הַשַּׁבָּת הָיָה יוֹרֵד וּבְשַׁבָּת לֹא הָיָה יוֹרֵד.
58. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 377
13b. ושימש תלמידי חכמים הרבה מפני מה מת בחצי ימיו ולא היה אדם מחזירה דבר פעם אחת נתארחתי אצלה והיתה מסיחה כל אותו מאורע ואמרתי לה בתי בימי נדותך מה הוא אצלך אמרה לי חס ושלום אפי' באצבע קטנה לא נגע [בי] בימי לבוניך מהו אצלך אכל עמי ושתה עמי וישן עמי בקירוב בשר ולא עלתה דעתו על דבר אחר ואמרתי לה ברוך המקום שהרגו שלא נשא פנים לתורה שהרי אמרה תורה (ויקרא יח, יט) ואל אשה בנדת טומאתה לא תקרב כי אתא רב דימי אמר מטה חדא הואי במערבא אמרי אמר רב יצחק בר יוסף סינר מפסיק בינו לבינה:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ואלו מן ההלכות שאמרו בעליית חנניה בן חזקיה בן גרון שעלו לבקרו נמנו ורבו ב"ש על ב"ה וי"ח דברים גזרו בו ביום:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big א"ל אביי לרב יוסף אלו תנן או ואלו תנן ואלו תנן הני דאמרן או אלו תנן דבעינן למימר קמן תא שמע אין פולין לאור הנר ואין קורין לאור הנר ואלו מן ההלכות שאמרו בעליית חנניה בן חזקיה בן גרון ש"מ ואלו תנן ש"מ:,ת"ר מי כתב מגילת תענית אמרו חנניה בן חזקיה וסיעתו שהיו מחבבין את הצרות,אמר רשב"ג אף אנו מחבבין את הצרות אבל מה נעשה שאם באנו לכתוב אין אנו מספיקין,ד"א אין שוטה נפגע,ד"א אין בשר המת מרגיש באיזמל איני והאמר רב יצחק קשה רימה למת כמחט בבשר החי שנא' (איוב יד, כב) אך בשרו עליו יכאב ונפשו עליו תאבל אימא אין בשר המת שבחי מרגיש באיזמל,אמר רב יהודה אמר רב ברם זכור אותו האיש לטוב וחנניה בן חזקיה שמו שאלמלא הוא נגנז ספר יחזקאל שהיו דבריו סותרין דברי תורה מה עשה העלו לו ג' מאות גרבי שמן וישב בעלייה ודרשן:,ושמנה עשר דבר גזרו: מאי נינהו שמנה עשר דבר דתנן אלו פוסלין את התרומה האוכל אוכל ראשון והאוכל אוכל שני והשותה משקין טמאין והבא ראשו ורובו במים שאובין וטהור שנפלו על ראשו ורובו שלשה לוגין מים שאובין והספר והידים והטבול יום והאוכלים והכלים שנטמאו במשקין,מאן תנא האוכל אוכל ראשון והאוכל אוכל שני מפסל פסלי טמויי 13b. b and served Torah scholars extensively, why did he die at half his days? /b Where is the length of days promised him in the verse? b No one would respond to her /b astonishment b at all. /b Eliyahu said: b One time I was a guest in her /b house, b and she was relating that entire event /b with regard to the death of her husband. b And I said to her: My daughter, during the period of your menstruation, how /b did b he /b act b toward you? She said to me: Heaven forbid, he did not touch me even with /b his b little finger. /b And I asked her: b In the days of your white /b garments, after the menstrual flow ended, and you were just counting clean days, b how did he act toward you /b then? She said to me: b He ate with me, and drank with me, and slept with me with bodily contact and, /b however, b it did not enter his mind about something else, /b i.e., conjugal relations. b And I said to her: Blessed is the Omnipresent who killed him /b for this sin, b as /b your husband b did not show respect to the Torah. The Torah said: “And to a woman in the separation of her impurity you should not approach” /b (Leviticus 18:19), even mere affectionate contact is prohibited. The Gemara relates that b when Rav Dimi came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, b he said: /b That student did not actually sleep with her with bodily contact; rather, b it was /b in b one bed /b that they slept without contact. b In the West, /b in Eretz Yisrael, b they say /b that b Rav Yitzḥak bar Yosef said: /b When they would sleep together in one bed, she wore b a belt [ i sinar /i ] /b from the waist down that b would separate between him and her. /b Nevertheless, since the matter is prohibited, that student was punished., strong MISHNA: /strong b And these are among the i halakhot /i that /b the Sages, b who went up to visit him, said in the upper story of Ḥaya ben Ḥizkiya ben Garon. /b The precise nature of these i halakhot /i will be explained in the Gemara. These i halakhot /i are considered one unit because they share a distinctive element. Since many Sages were there, among them most of the generation’s Torah scholars in Eretz Yisrael, they engaged in discussion of various i halakhot /i of the Torah. It turned out that when the people expressing opinions b were counted, /b the students of b Beit Shammai outnumbered /b the students of b Beit Hillel, and they issued decrees /b with regard to b eighteen matters on that day /b in accordance with the opinion of Beit Shammai., strong GEMARA: /strong With regard to the language that introduces our mishna, b Abaye said to Rav Yosef: Did we learn /b in our mishna: b These are /b among the i halakhot /i , b or did we learn /b in our mishna: b And these are /b among the i halakhot /i ? The difference is significant. b Did we learn: And these, /b and if so, the reference would be to b those that we said /b earlier, i.e., that those i halakhot /i are included in the decrees? b Or did we learn: These, /b and if so the reference would be to b those that we seek to mention below? Come /b and b hear /b a solution to this dilemma from the fact that these matters were taught together in a i baraita /i : b One may not shake /b garments to rid them of lice b by the light of the lamp and one may not read by the light of the lamp; and these are among the i halakhot /i that /b the Sages b said in the attic of Ḥaya ben Ḥizkiya ben Garon. Conclude from this /b that b we learned: And these /b in the mishna, and the reference is to the decrees mentioned earlier., b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i with regard to i Megillat Ta’anit /i , which is a list of days of redemption that were established as celebrations for generations: b Who wrote i Megillat Ta’anit /i ? /b This scroll was written by b Ḥaya ben Ḥizkiya /b ben Garon b and his faction, who held dear /b the memory of b the troubles /b that befell Israel and their salvation from them., b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel said: We also hold dear /b the memory of b the troubles /b from which Israel was saved, b but what can we do? If we came to write /b all the days of that kind, b we would not manage to /b do so, as the troubles that Israel experienced in every generation and era are numerous, and on each day there is an event worthy of commemoration., b Alternatively: /b Why do we not record the days of salvation from troubles? Just as b a crazy person is not hurt, /b as he is not aware of the troubles that befall him, so too, we cannot appreciate the magnitude of the calamities that befall us., b Alternatively: The flesh of a dead person does not feel the scalpel /b [ b i izemel /i /b ] cutting into him, and we, too, are in such a difficult situation that we no longer feel the pains and troubles. With regard to the last analogy, the Gemara asks: b Is that so? Didn’t Rav Yitzḥak say: The /b gnawing of b maggots is as excruciating to the dead as /b the stab of b a needle is to the flesh of the living, /b as b it is stated /b with regard to the dead: b “But his flesh shall hurt him, and his soul mourns over him” /b (Job 14:22)? Rather, b say /b and explain the matter: b The dead flesh /b in parts of the body b of the living person /b that are insensitive to pain b does not feel the scalpel /b that cuts him., b Rav Yehuda said /b that b Rav said: Truly, that man is remembered for the good, and his name is Ḥaya ben Ḥizkiya, as if not for him, the book of Ezekiel would have been suppressed because its contents, /b in many details, b contradict matters of Torah. /b The Sages sought to suppress the book and exclude it from the canon. b What did he, /b Ḥaya ben Ḥizkiya, b do? They brought him three hundred jugs of oil, /b for light and food, b up /b to his upper story, b and he sat /b isolated b in the upper story /b and did not move from there until b he homiletically interpreted /b all of those verses in the book of Ezekiel that seemed contradictory, and resolved the contradictions.,We learned in the mishna that when the Sages went up to the upper story of the house of Ḥaya ben Ḥizkiya ben Garon, they were counted b and issued eighteen decrees /b in accordance with the opinion of Beit Shammai. The Gemara asks: b What are those eighteen matters? /b The Gemara answers: b As we learned /b in a mishna, a list of the decrees that the Sages issued with regard to items whose level of impurity is such that if they come into contact with i teruma /i they disqualify it. By means of that contact, the i teruma /i itself becomes impure, but it does not transmit impurity to other items. b These disqualify i teruma /i : One who eats food /b with b first /b degree ritual impurity status acquired as a result of contact with a primary source of ritual impurity, e.g., a creeping animal; b and one who eats food /b with b second /b degree ritual impurity status acquired as a result of contact with an item with first degree ritual impurity status; b and one who drinks impure liquids /b of any degree of impurity; b and one whose head and most of his /b body b come into drawn water /b after he immersed himself in a ritual bath to purify himself; b and a ritually pure person that three i log /i /b of b drawn water fell on his head and most of his /b body; b and a Torah scroll; and the hands /b of any person who did not purify himself for the purpose of handling i teruma /i ; b and /b one b who immersed himself during the day, /b i.e., one who was impure and immersed himself, and until evening he is not considered completely pure; b and foods and vessels that became impure by /b coming into contact with impure b liquids. /b Contact with any of these disqualifies the i teruma /i . The Gemara seeks to clarify these matters.,The Gemara asks first: b Who is the i tanna /i /b who holds that b one who eats food /b with b first /b degree ritual impurity status, b and one who eats food /b with b second /b degree ritual impurity status, b disqualify /b the i teruma, /i but
59. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 377
105a. דקאתי מיהודה מואב סיר רחצי זה גחזי שלקה על עסקי רחיצה על אדום אשליך נעלי זה דואג האדומי עלי פלשת התרועעי אמרו מלאכי השרת לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע אם יבא דוד שהרג את הפלשתי והוריש את בניך גת מה אתה עושה לו אמר להן עלי לעשותן ריעים זה לזה,(ירמיהו ח, ה) מדוע שובבה העם הזה ירושלים משובה נצחת וגו' אמר רב תשובה נצחת השיבה כנסת ישראל לנביא אמר להן נביא לישראל חזרו בתשובה אבותיכם שחטאו היכן הם אמרו להן ונביאיכם שלא חטאו היכן הם שנאמר (זכריה א, ה) אבותיכם איה הם והנביאים הלעולם יחיו אמר להן (אבותיכם) חזרו והודו שנאמר (זכריה א, ו) אך דברי וחוקי אשר צויתי את עבדי הנביאים וגו',שמואל אמר באו עשרה בני אדם וישבו לפניו אמר להן חזרו בתשובה אמרו לו עבד שמכרו רבו ואשה שגרשה בעלה כלום יש לזה על זה כלום אמר לו הקב"ה לנביא לך אמור להן (ישעיהו נ, א) איזה ספר כריתות אמכם אשר שלחתיה או מי מנושי אשר מכרתי אתכם לו הן בעונותיכם נמכרתם ובפשעכם שלחה אמכם,והיינו דאמר ריש לקיש מאי דכתיב דוד עבדי (ירמיהו מג, י) נבוכדנצר עבדי גלוי וידוע לפני מי שאמר והיה העולם שעתידין ישראל לומר כך לפיכך הקדים הקב"ה וקראו עבדו עבד שקנה נכסים עבד למי נכסים למי,(יחזקאל כ, לב) והעולה על רוחכם היה לא תהיה אשר אתם אומרים נהיה כגוים כמשפחות הארצות לשרת עץ ואבן חי אני נאם ה' אלהים אם לא ביד חזקה ובזרוע נטויה ובחימה שפוכה אמלוך עליכם אמר רב נחמן כל כי האי ריתחא לירתח רחמנא עלן ולפרוקינן,(ישעיהו כח, כו) ויסרו למשפט אלהיו יורנו אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר להן נביא לישראל חזרו בתשובה אמרו לו אין אנו יכולין יצר הרע שולט בנו אמר להם יסרו יצריכם אמרו לו אלהיו יורנו:,ארבעה הדיוטות בלעם ודואג ואחיתופל וגחזי: בלעם בלא עם דבר אחר בלעם שבלה עם בן בעור שבא על בעיר,תנא הוא בעור הוא כושן רשעתים הוא לבן הארמי בעור שבא על בעיר כושן רשעתים דעבד שתי רשעיות בישראל אחת בימי יעקב ואחת בימי שפוט השופטים ומה שמו לבן הארמי שמו,כתיב (במדבר כב, ה) בן בעור וכתיב (במדבר כד, ג) בנו בעור אמר רבי יוחנן אביו בנו הוא לו בנביאות,בלעם הוא דלא אתי לעלמא דאתי הא אחריני אתו מתניתין מני,רבי יהושע היא דתניא ר"א אומר (תהלים ט, יח) ישובו רשעים לשאולה כל גוים שכחי אלהים ישובו רשעים לשאולה אלו פושעי ישראל כל גוים שכחי אלהים אלו פושעי עובדי כוכבים דברי ר"א אמר לו ר' יהושע וכי נאמר בכל גוים והלא לא נאמר אלא כל גוים שכחי אלהים אלא ישובו רשעים לשאולה מאן נינהו כל גוים שכחי אלהים,ואף אותו רשע נתן סימן בעצמו אמר (במדבר כג, י) תמות נפשי מות ישרים אם תמות נפשי מות ישרים תהא אחריתי כמוהו ואם לאו הנני הולך לעמי,וילכו זקני מואב וזקני מדין תנא מדין ומואב לא היה להם שלום מעולם משל לשני כלבים שהיו בעדר והיו צהובין זה לזה בא זאב על האחד אמר האחד אם איני עוזרו היום הורג אותו ולמחר בא עלי הלכו שניהם והרגו הזאב אמר רב פפא היינו דאמרי אינשי כרכושתא ושונרא עבדו הלולא מתרבא דביש גדא,(במדבר כב, ח) וישבו שרי מואב עם בלעם ושרי מדין להיכן אזול כיון דאמר להו (במדבר כב, ח) לינו פה הלילה והשבותי אתכם דבר אמרו כלום יש אב ששונא את בנו,אמר רב נחמן חוצפא אפילו כלפי שמיא מהני מעיקרא כתיב לא תלך עמהם ולבסוף כתיב קום לך אתם אמר רב ששת חוצפא מלכותא בלא תאגא היא דכתיב (שמואל ב ג, לט) ואנכי היום רך ומשוח מלך והאנשים האלה בני צרויה קשים ממני וגו',א"ר יוחנן בלעם חיגר ברגלו אחת היה שנאמר (במדבר כג, ג) וילך שפי שמשון בשתי רגליו שנאמר (בראשית מט, יז) שפיפון עלי אורח הנושך עקבי סוס בלעם סומא באחת מעיניו היה שנאמר (במדבר כד, ג) שתום העין,קוסם באמתו היה כתיב הכא נופל וגלוי עינים וכתיב התם (אסתר ז, ח) והנה המן נופל על המטה וגו' איתמר מר זוטרא אמר קוסם באמתו היה מר בריה דרבינא אמר שבא על אתונו מ"ד קוסם באמתו היה כדאמרן ומ"ד בא על אתונו היה כתיב הכא (במדבר כד, ט) כרע שכב וכתיב התם (שופטים ה, כז) בין רגליה 105a. b who comes from /b the tribe of b Judah. “Moab is My washing pot”; this /b is referring to b Gehazi, who was afflicted /b with leprosy b over matters of washing, /b as he took money from Naaman, who he instructed to immerse in the Jordan River. b “Over Edom I will cast My shoe”; this /b is referring to b Doeg the Edomite. “Philistia, cry aloud [ i hitroa’i /i ] because of Me”; /b this is referring to the fact that b the ministering angels said before the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, if David, who killed the Philistine and bequeathed /b the city of b Gath to your sons, will come /b and complain that You gave a share in the World-to-Come to his enemies Doeg and Ahithophel, b what will You do concerning him? /b Will you accept his complaint? God b said to /b the ministering angels: b It is upon me to render /b David and his enemies b friends [ i re’im /i ] with each other, /b and even David will agree.,§ With regard to the verse: b “Why is this people of Jerusalem slid back in perpetual backsliding?” /b (Jeremiah 8:5), b Rav says: The congregation of Israel answered /b with b a convincing response to the prophet. The prophet said to the Jewish people: Repent, /b as b your ancestors sinned, /b and b where are they? They said /b to the prophets: b And your prophets who did not sin, where are they? /b They too died, b as it is stated: “Your fathers, where are they, and the prophets; do they live forever?” /b (Zechariah 1:5). The prophet b said to /b the Jewish people: b Your ancestors reconsidered and conceded /b that the admonitions of the prophets were fulfilled, b as it is stated: “By my words and My statutes, which I commanded My servants the prophets, /b did they not overtake your fathers? And they repented and said: As the Lord of hosts intended to do to us, according to our ways, and according to our doings, so has He dealt with us” (Zechariah 1:6)., b Shmuel says /b that this was the convincing answer: b Ten people came and sat before /b the prophet Ezekiel. b He said to them: Repent. They said to /b Ezekiel: In the case of b a slave sold by his owner /b to another master, b or a woman divorced by her husband, does this /b person b have any /b claim b upon that /b person? Since God gave the Jewish people to other masters, the ties that existed between Him and us were severed. b The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to the prophet: Go say to them: “Where is your mother’s scroll of severance, with which I sent her away? Or to which of My creditors have I sold you? For your iniquities you sold yourselves and for your transgressions was your mother sent away” /b (Isaiah 50:1). Learn from this that God did not sever His ties to the Jewish people., b And that is what Reish Lakish says: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “David, My slave” /b (II Samuel 3:18), and: b “Nebuchadnezzar, my slave” /b (Jeremiah 43:10)? How can the wicked Nebuchadnezzar be depicted as a slave of God in the same manner that David was depicted? Rather, b it is revealed and known before the One Who spoke and the world came into being, that the Jewish people are destined to say that /b God sold them to the nations and they no longer have ties to Him. b Therefore, the Holy One, Blessed be He, preemptively called /b Nebuchadnezzar b His slave. /b With regard to the i halakha /i concerning b a slave who acquires property, the slave /b belongs b to whom /b and b the property /b belongs b to whom? /b They both belong to the master, in this case, the Holy One, Blessed be He.,With regard to the verse: b “And what comes into your mind shall never come to be, that you say: We will be like the nations, like the families of the countries, to serve wood and stone. As I live, says the Lord God, surely with a mighty hand, and an outstretched arm, and with wrath poured out, will I rule over you” /b (Ezekiel 20:32–33), b Rav Naḥman says: Let the Merciful One become wrathful at us /b with b all that wrath, and redeem us. /b ,With regard to the verse: b “And chastise in judgment; his God will instruct him” /b (Isaiah 28:26), b Rabba bar bar Ḥana says /b that b the prophet said to the Jewish people: Repent. They said to him: We cannot, /b since b the evil inclination dominates us. He said to them: Chastise your inclinations. They said to him: “His God will instruct him,” /b i.e., God should instruct the evil inclination to allow us to overcome him, as we are incapable of doing so on our own.,§ The mishna teaches that b four /b prominent b commoners, Balaam, Doeg, Ahithophel, and Gehazi, /b have no share in the World-to-Come. The Gemara elaborates: The name b Balaam /b is interpreted as a contraction of: b Without a nation [ i belo am /i ], /b or one who has no share in the World-to-Come with the Jewish nation. b Alternatively, /b the name b Balaam /b is interpreted as one b who wore down the /b Jewish b people [ i bila am /i ]. /b He is the b son of Beor, /b one b who engaged in bestiality [ i be’ir /i ]. /b ,It was b taught /b in a i baraita /i : b He is Beor, /b father of Balaam, b he is Cushan-Rishathaim, he is Laban the Aramean. /b He was called b Beor because he engaged in bestiality. /b He was called b Cushan-Rishathaim because he performed two evil deeds [ i rishiyyot /i ] to the Jewish people, one during the time of Jacob, /b when he pursued him intending to kill him, b and one during the time when the judges judged. And what was his /b actual b name? His name was Laban the Aramean. /b , b It is written: “Son of Beor” /b (Numbers 22:5), b and it is written /b elsewhere: b “His son Beor” /b (Numbers 24:3). b Rabbi Yoḥa says /b in resolving the apparent contradiction: Balaam’s b father was his son in /b terms of b prophecy, /b as Balaam was a much greater prophet.,The Gemara infers from the mishna: b Balaam is /b the b one who does not come into the World-to-Come; but other /b gentiles b come /b into the World-to-Come. b Whose /b opinion is expressed in b the mishna? /b , b It is /b in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yehoshua, as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer says: /b It is written: b “The wicked shall be turned back to the netherworld, all that nations that forget God” /b (Psalms 9:18). b “The wicked shall be turned back to the netherworld”; these are the sinners of the Jewish people, /b as only the sinners are sentenced to the netherworld. b “All the gentiles that forget God”; these are the sinners of the gentiles. /b From the fact that it is written: “All the gentiles,” it is apparent that none of the gentiles have a share in the World-to-Come. This is b the statement of Rabbi Eliezer. Rabbi Yehoshua said to him: But is it stated /b in the verse that the sinners of the Jewish people will be b like all of the gentiles? It is stated only: “All the gentiles that forget God.” Rather, the wicked shall be turned back to the netherworld, /b and b who are they? /b They are b all the gentiles that forget God. /b Gentiles who fear God do have a share in the World-to-Come., b And that wicked person, /b Balaam, b also provided a sign with regard to himself. He said: “Let me die the death of the righteous, /b and let my end be like his” (Numbers 23:10). b If I die the death of the righteous, /b by natural causes, b my end will be like his, /b i.e., I will receive a share in the World-to-Come like the Jewish people. b And if /b I do b not /b die by natural causes: b “I will go to my people” /b (Numbers 24:14), i.e., my fate will be that of the rest of the wicked people in my generation, who have no share in the World-to-Come.,With regard to the verse: b “And the elders of Moab and the elders of Midian set out /b with their divinations in their hands, and they came to Balaam” (Numbers 22:7), it was b taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Midian and Moab /b had previously b never had peace /b between them, and they were always at war with each other. What led them to make peace at that time? There is b a parable of two dogs that were with the flock, and they were hostile to one another. A wolf came /b and attacked b one. The /b other b one said: If I do not help him, today he kills him and tomorrow he comes to /b attack b me. They both went and killed the wolf. /b Moab and Midian joined together to face the potential common threat, the Jewish people. b Rav Pappa says /b that b this /b is in accordance with the adage b that people say: A weasel [ i karkushta /i ] and a cat made a wedding from the fat of the luckless. /b Despite their hatred of one another, they join together for their mutual benefit at the expense of a third party.,It is written: b “And the princes of Moab stayed with Balaam” /b (Numbers 22:8). The Gemara asks: b And to where did the princes of Midian /b who accompanied the princes of Moab b go? /b The Gemara answers: b Once /b Balaam b said to them: “Lodge here this night, and I will bring you word /b when the Lord speaks to me” (Numbers 22:8), the elders of Midian b said: /b If he seeks permission from the Lord, he will not join us, as b is there any father who hates his son? /b Certainly the Lord will help the Jewish people., b Rav Naḥman says: Impudence is effective even toward Heaven. /b How so? b Initially, it is written /b that God said to Balaam: b “You shall not go with them” /b (Numbers 22:12), b and ultimately /b after Balaam persisted and asked, b it is written: “Rise up and go with them” /b (Numbers 22:20). b Rav Sheshet says: Impudence is monarchy without a crown, /b as it is an assertion of leadership and lacks only the official coronation as king, b as it is written: “And I am this day weak, though anointed king; and these men the sons of Zeruiah are too hard for me” /b (II Samuel 3:39). The sons of Zeruiah, due to their impudence, were as formidable as David himself., b Rabbi Yoḥa says: Balaam was disabled in one of his legs, as it is stated /b concerning him: b “And he went limping [ i shefi /i ]” /b (Numbers 23:3). b Samson /b was disabled b in both his legs, as it is stated /b with regard to Samson, who was from the tribe of Dan, in the prophetic blessing of Jacob: “Dan shall be a serpent by the way, b an adder [ i shefifon /i ] in the path that bites the horse’s heels” /b (Genesis 49:17). Rabbi Yoḥa interprets i shefifon /i as the plural of i shefi /i , indicating disability in both legs. b Balaam was blind in one of his eyes, as it is stated: “Whose eye is open” /b (Numbers 24:3), indicating that one eye was open and the other was blind.,The Gemara relates: Balaam b was a diviner by /b using b his penis. It is written here: “Fallen, yet with opened eyes” /b (Numbers 24:4), b and it is written there: “And Haman was fallen upon the divan /b whereupon Esther was” (Esther 7:8), indicating that the verb fallen has sexual connotations. b It was stated /b that there is an amoraic dispute with regard to this matter. b Mar Zutra says: /b Balaam b was a diviner by /b using b his penis. Mar, son of Ravina, says: He engaged in bestiality with his donkey. The one who says /b that he b was a diviner by /b using b his penis /b derives it b as we stated. And the one who says /b that b he engaged in bestiality with his donkey /b derives it as follows: b It is written here: “He crouched, he lay down” /b (Numbers 24:9), b and it is written there: “Between her legs /b
60. Babylonian Talmud, Betzah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 377
16a. כל מזונותיו של אדם קצובים לו מראש השנה ועד יום הכפורים חוץ מהוצאת שבתות והוצאת י"ט והוצאת בניו לתלמוד תורה שאם פחת פוחתין לו ואם הוסיף מוסיפין לו,א"ר אבהו מאי קראה (תהלים פא, ד) תקעו בחדש שופר (בכסא) ליום חגנו איזהו חג שהחדש מתכסה בו הוי אומר זה ראש השנה וכתיב (תהלים פא, ה) כי חק לישראל הוא משפט לאלהי יעקב,מאי משמע דהאי חק לישנא דמזוני הוא דכתיב (בראשית מז, כב) ואכלו את חקם אשר נתן להם פרעה מר זוטרא אמר מהכא (משלי ל, ח) הטריפני לחם חקי,תניא אמרו עליו על שמאי הזקן כל ימיו היה אוכל לכבוד שבת מצא בהמה נאה אומר זו לשבת מצא אחרת נאה הימנה מניח את השניה ואוכל את הראשונה,אבל הלל הזקן מדה אחרת היתה לו שכל מעשיו לשם שמים שנאמר (תהלים סח, כ) ברוך ה' יום יום תניא נמי הכי בית שמאי אומרים מחד שביך לשבתיך ובית הלל אומרים ברוך ה' יום יום,א"ר חמא ברבי חנינא הנותן מתנה לחברו אין צריך להודיעו שנאמר (שמות לד, כט) ומשה לא ידע כי קרן עור פניו,מיתיבי (שמות לא, יג) לדעת כי אני ה' מקדשכם אמר לו הקב"ה למשה משה מתנה טובה יש לי בבית גנזי ושבת שמה ואני מבקש ליתנה לישראל לך והודיע אותם מכאן אמר רבן שמעון בן גמליאל הנותן פת לתינוק צריך להודיע לאמו,לא קשיא הא במתנה דעבידא לאגלויי הא במתנה דלא עבידא לאגלויי שבת נמי מתנה דעבידא לאגלויי מתן שכרה לא עבידא לאגלויי:,אמר מר מכאן אמר רשב"ג הנותן פת לתינוק צריך להודיע לאמו מאי עביד ליה שייף ליה משחא ומלי ליה כוחלא והאידנא דחיישינן לכשפים מאי אמר רב פפא שייף ליה מאותו המין,א"ר יוחנן משום ר' שמעון בן יוחי כל מצות שנתן להם הקב"ה לישראל נתן להם בפרהסיא חוץ משבת שנתן להם בצנעא שנאמר (שמות לא, יז) ביני ובין בני ישראל אות היא לעולם,אי הכי לא לענשו נכרים עלה שבת אודועי אודעינהו מתן שכרה לא אודעינהו ואי בעית אימא מתן שכרה נמי אודעינהו נשמה יתירה לא אודעינהו,דאמר ר' שמעון בן לקיש נשמה יתירה נותן הקב"ה באדם ערב שבת ולמוצאי שבת נוטלין אותה הימנו שנאמר (שמות לא, יז) שבת וינפש כיון ששבת ווי אבדה נפש:,עושה אדם תבשיל מערב יום טוב: אמר אביי לא שנו אלא תבשיל אבל פת לא,מאי שנא פת דלא אילימא מידי דמלפת בעינן ופת לא מלפתא והא דייסא נמי דלא מלפתא דאמר ר' זירא הני בבלאי טפשאי דאכלי נהמא בנהמא ואמר רב נחומי בר זכריה משמיה דאביי מערבין בדייסא אלא מידי דלא שכיח בעינן ופת שכיחא ודייסא לא שכיחא,איכא דאמרי אמר אביי לא שנו אלא תבשיל אבל פת לא מאי טעמא אילימא דמידי דלא שכיח בעינן ופת שכיחא והא דייסא לא שכיחא ואמר רב נחומי בר זכריה משמיה דאביי אין מערבין בדייסא אלא מידי דמלפת בעינן ופת לא מלפתא ודייסא נמי לא מלפתא דאמר ר' זירא הני בבלאי טפשאי דאכלי נהמא בנהמא,תני ר' חייא עדשים שבשולי קדרה סומך עליהן משום ערובי תבשילין וה"מ דאית בהו כזית אמר רב יצחק בריה דרב יהודה שמנונית שעל גבי הסכין גוררו וסומך עליו משום ערובי תבשילין והני מילי דאית בהו כזית,אמר רב אסי אמר רב דגים קטנים מלוחים אין בהם משום בשולי נכרים אמר רב יוסף ואם צלאן נכרי סומך עליהם משום ערובי תבשילין ואי עבדינהו נכרי כסא דהרסנא אסור,פשיטא מהו דתימא
61. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
122a. תלתא ריגלי אמר לה רב אדא בר אהבה זיל לקמיה דרב יוסף דחריף סכינא,אזלה קמיה פשט מהא מתניתין עובד כוכבים שהיה מוכר פירות בשוק ואמר פירות הללו של ערלה הן של עזיקה הן של נטע רבעי הן לא אמר כלום לא נתכוון אלא להשביח מקחו,אבא יודן איש ציידן אמר מעשה בישראל ועובד כוכבים שהלכו בדרך ובא עובד כוכבים ואמר חבל על יהודי שהיה עמי בדרך שמת בדרך וקברתיו והשיאו אשתו,ושוב מעשה בקולר של בני אדם שהיו מהלכין לאנטוכיא ובא עובד כוכבים אחד ואמר חבל על קולר של בני אדם שמתו וקברתים והשיאו את נשותיהם ושוב מעשה בששים בני אדם שהיו מהלכין לכרכום ביתר ובא עובד כוכבים ואמר חבל על ששים בני אדם שהיו מהלכין בדרך ביתר שמתו וקברתים והשיאו את נשותיהם:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big מעידין לאור הנר ולאור הלבנה ומשיאין על פי בת קול מעשה באחד שעמד על ראש ההר ואמר איש פלוני בן פלוני ממקום פלוני מת הלכו ולא מצאו שם אדם והשיאו את אשתו,ושוב מעשה בצלמון באחד שאמר אני איש פלוני בן איש פלוני נשכני נחש והרי אני מת והלכו ולא הכירוהו והלכו והשיאו את אשתו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big אמר רבה בר שמואל תנא בית שמאי אומרים אין משיאין על פי בת קול וב"ה אומרים משיאין על פי בת קול מאי קמ"ל מתני׳ היא הא קמ"ל דאי משתכחת סתמא דאין משיאין בית שמאי היא:,והלכו ולא מצאו: ודלמא שד הוה א"ר יהודה אמר רב שראו לו דמות אדם אינהו נמי דמו דחזו ליה בבואה,ואינהו נמי אית להו בבואה דחזו ליה בבואה דבבואה ודלמא לדידהו אית להו בבואה דבבואה אמר רבי חנינא אמר לי יונתן שידא בבואה אית להו בבואה דבבואה לית להו,ודלמא צרה הואי תנא דבי רבי ישמעאל בשעת הסכנה כותבין ונותנין אף על פי שאין מכירין:, big strongמתני' /strong /big אמר רבי עקיבא כשירדתי לנהרדעא לעבר השנה מצאתי נחמיה איש בית דלי אמר לי שמעתי שאין משיאין את האשה בארץ ישראל על פי עד אחד אלא יהודה בן בבא ונומיתי לו כן הדברים אמר לי אמור להם משמי אתם יודעים שהמדינה משובשת בגייסות מקובלני מר"ג הזקן שמשיאין את האשה על פי עד אחד,וכשבאתי והרציתי הדברים לפני ר"ג שמח לדברי ואמר מצאנו חבר לרבי יהודה בן בבא,מתוך הדבר נזכר ר"ג שנהרגו הרוגים בתל ארזא והשיא ר"ג נשותיהן על פי עד אחד והוחזקו להיות משיאין עד מפי עד מפי עבד מפי אשה מפי שפחה ר' אליעזר ורבי יהושע אומרים אין משיאין את האשה על פי עד אחד ר' עקיבא אומר לא ע"פ אשה ולא על פי עבד ולא על פי שפחה ולא על פי קרובים:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big וסבר רבי עקיבא ע"פ אשה לא והתניא רבי שמעון בן אלעזר אומר משום רבי עקיבא אשה נאמנת להביא גיטה מק"ו ומה נשים שאמרו חכמים אין נאמנות לומר מת בעלה נאמנות להביא גיטיהן זו שנאמנת לומר מת בעלה אינו דין שנאמנת להביא גיטה,נשים שאמרו חכמים הוא דלא מהימני אשה בעלמא מהימנא לא קשיא כאן קודם שהחזיקו כאן לאחר שהחזיקו:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big אמרו לו מעשה בבני לוי שהלכו לצוער עיר התמרים וחלה אחד מהם והביאוהו בפונדק ובחזרתם אמרו לפונדקית איה חברנו נומית להם מת וקברתיו והשיאו את אשתו ולא תהא כהנת כפונדקית,אמר להו לכשתהא כפונדקית נאמנת הפונדקית הוציאה להם מקלו ותרמילו וספר תורה שהיה בידו: 122a. for b three /b pilgrim b Festivals, /b on which the Sages gather together to study, but he could not resolve this uncertainty on any of those occasions. b Rav Adda bar Ahava said to her: Go before Rav Yosef, whose knife is sharp, /b i.e., he has keen insight into halakhic matters, and ask him to decide your case., b She went before him /b and b he resolved /b the case b based on this i baraita /i : /b With regard to b a gentile who was selling fruit at the market and said: These fruits are from the first three years of the tree’s growth [ i orla /i ]; /b or b they are from Azeka, /b i.e., land tilled on the Sabbatical Year, the produce of which it is prohibited to eat; or they b are fourth-year produce, /b which it is prohibited to eat outside of Jerusalem, b he /b has b said nothing /b of consequence. His statement is not deemed credible, since it is possible that b he intended only to enhance /b the reputation of b his goods, /b as he thought that his produce would fetch a higher price if he described it in that fashion. Rav Yosef derived from this i baraita /i that in the case of the missing Jew, the gentile’s statement could not be relied upon, as he may have stated it only to promote his own agenda., b Abba Yudan of Sidon said: An incident /b occurred b involving a Jew and a gentile who traveled on the road, and /b later b the gentile came and said: Alas for the Jew who was with me on the road, for he died, and I buried him. And /b the Sages relied upon this statement and b allowed his wife to marry. /b , b And /b there was b another incident involving /b a group of b people who /b had been taken prisoner, each of whom was shackled b with a collar [ i kolar /i ] /b around his neck, and they b were walking to Antokhya. And /b some time later b a certain gentile came and said: Alas for the /b group of b collared people, for they died, and I buried them. And /b the Sages b allowed their wives to marry. And /b there was yet b another incident involving sixty people who were walking to the siege [ i karkom /i ] of Beitar, and /b later b a gentile came and said: Alas for those sixty people who were walking on the road /b to b Beitar, for they died, and I buried them. And /b the Sages b allowed their wives to marry. /b , strong MISHNA: /strong Witnesses b may testify /b that an individual died even if they saw his corpse only b by candlelight or by moonlight. And /b the court b may allow /b a woman b to marry based on /b the statement of b a disembodied voice /b proclaiming that her husband died. There was b an incident with regard to a certain /b individual b who stood at the top of a mountain and said: So-and-so, son of so-and-so, from such and such a place died. They went and found no person there, but /b even so b they /b relied upon the statement and b allowed the wife of /b the individual declared dead b to marry. /b ,And there was b another incident in Tzalmon, /b a city in the Galilee, b where a particular /b man b said: I am so-and-so, son of so-and-so. A snake bit me and I am dying. And they went /b and found his corpse b but could not recognize him, /b yet b they went /b ahead b and allowed his wife to marry /b based on what he said in his dying moments., strong GEMARA: /strong b Rabba bar Shmuel said: /b It was b taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Beit Shammai say: /b The judges of a court b may not allow /b a woman b to marry based on /b the statement of b a disembodied voice; /b they require actual testimony. b And Beit Hillel say: /b The judges b may allow /b a woman b to marry based on /b the statement of b a disembodied voice. /b The Gemara asks: b What is /b Rabba bar Shmuel b teaching us /b here? b This is /b simply b our mishna, /b since the decisive ruling follows Beit Hillel’s opinion. The Gemara answers that he b teaches us this: That if an anonymous /b mishna or i baraita /i b is found /b that states b that /b the judges b may not allow /b a woman b to marry /b under such circumstances, b it is /b simply the opinion of b Beit Shammai, /b and is not the accepted ruling.,With regard to the incident where b they /b heard a disembodied voice but b went and found no /b person there, which is mentioned in the mishna, the Gemara asks: b Perhaps it was a demon. Rav Yehuda said /b that b Rav said: They saw that he had the form of a person, /b so they knew it was not a demon. The Gemara asks: b They, /b i.e., demons, b also appear similar /b to people. The Gemara answers: b They saw that he had a shadow. /b ,The Gemara asks: b But they also have a shadow. /b The Gemara answers: It was a case b where they saw that he had a shadow of a shadow. /b The Gemara asks: b But perhaps they also have a shadow of a shadow? Rabbi Ḥanina said: Yonatan the demon /b expert b said to me: They have a shadow, /b but b they do not have a shadow of a shadow. /b ,The Gemara asks: b And perhaps it was a rival /b wife, or some other enemy of that man’s wife, who cried out that her husband was dead and then fled, in order to trick her into disgracing herself by remarrying while her husband was still alive? The Gemara answers: b The school of Rabbi Yishmael taught: During a period of danger, one may write and give /b a bill of divorce to a woman, b although /b the witnesses b do not know /b the husband, because we do not raise many suspicions at such a time. This case was similar to a period of danger in that they did not find witnesses that her husband died, and therefore the court did not require further clarification., strong MISHNA: /strong b Rabbi Akiva said: When I descended to Neharde’a, /b in Babylonia, b to intercalate the year, I found /b the Sage b Neḥemya of Beit D’li. He said to me: I heard that /b the Sages b in Eretz Yisrael do not allow a woman to remarry based on /b the testimony of b a single witness, except for Yehuda ben Bava. And I told him: That is so. He said to me: Tell /b the Sages b in my name: You know that the country is confounded by /b army b troops, /b and I cannot come myself. I declare that b I received this tradition from Rabban Gamliel the Elder, that /b the court b may allow a woman to remarry based on /b the testimony of b a single witness. /b ,Rabbi Akiva continues: b And when I came and presented the matter before Rabban Gamliel /b of Yavne, the grandson of Rabban Gamliel the Elder, b he rejoiced at my words and said: We have found a companion /b who agrees b with Rabbi Yehuda ben Bava, /b and since his lenient opinion is no longer the opinion of a lone Sage, it may now be relied upon., b As a result of this event, Rabban Gamliel remembered that people were murdered in Tel Arza, and Rabban Gamliel /b then b allowed their wives to remarry based on /b only b one witness. And /b from then onward b they established /b as protocol b to allow /b a woman b to remarry based on hearsay testimony, a slave’s testimony, a woman’s testimony, /b or b a maidservant’s testimony. Rabbi Eliezer and Rabbi Yehoshua say: /b The court b may not allow a woman to remarry based on /b only b one witness. Rabbi Akiva says: /b The court may b not /b allow a woman to marry b based on /b the testimony of b a woman, nor based on /b the testimony of b a slave, nor based on /b the testimony of b a maidservant, nor based on /b the testimony of b close relatives. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara asks: b Does Rabbi Akiva hold /b that the court may b not /b allow a woman to remarry b based on /b another b woman’s testimony? But isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar says in the name of Rabbi Akiva: A woman is trusted to bring her /b own b bill of divorce /b and affirm in court that it was written and signed properly, and that trust is b based on /b the following b i a fortiori /i /b inference: b If women, /b e.g., a rival wife, b whom the Sages said are not deemed credible to say /b that another woman’s b husband died, are /b nevertheless b trusted to bring /b their b bills of divorce, /b then b is it not logical that this /b woman herself, b who is deemed credible to say /b that b her husband died, should be trusted to bring her /b own b bill of divorce? /b ,This statement indicates that according to Rabbi Akiva, b it is /b specifically b the women who the Sages mentioned who are not deemed credible. In general, a woman is deemed credible, /b and another woman is permitted to remarry on the basis of her testimony. The Gemara answers: b This /b is b not difficult. Here, /b where Rabbi Akiva disqualified the testimony of a woman, it was b before they established /b the protocol that a woman may be permitted to remarry on the basis of another woman’s testimony. b There, /b where he allowed it, it was b after they established /b that protocol., strong MISHNA: /strong b They said to /b Rabbi Akiva: Do we not rely upon a woman’s testimony? After all, b an incident occurred involving Levites who traveled to Tzoar, the city of date palms. And one of them became ill, and they brought him to an inn [ i pundak /i ] /b to rest, while they continued on their travels. b Upon their return /b to the inn b they said to the innkeeper, /b who was a woman: b Where is our friend? She told them: He died, and I buried him. And /b based on her testimony b they allowed his wife to remarry. And shouldn’t a priestess, /b or any Jewish woman who testifies that a man died, b be /b deemed as credible b as an innkeeper? /b ,Rabbi Akiva b said to them: When /b a woman b will be as /b convincing as b the innkeeper, /b then b she shall /b also b be deemed credible. The innkeeper brought them his staff, and his bag, and the Torah scroll that was in his possession, /b thereby providing supporting evidence to reinforce her claim.
62. Anon., Avot Derabbi Nathan A, 26 (6th cent. CE - 8th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 168
63. Anon., Megillat Taanit (Lichtenstein), 13  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 377
64. Anon., Pesikta Rabbati, 4.7  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 133, 377
65. Anon., Esther Rabbah, 7.13  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 155
7.13. אִם עַל הַמֶּלֶךְ טוֹב יִכָּתֵב לְאַבְּדָם (אסתר ג, ט), אָמַר רֵישׁ לָקִישׁ בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁאָמַר הָמָן הָרָשָׁע לַאֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ בּוֹא וּנְאַבֵּד אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל מִן הָעוֹלָם, אָמַר לוֹ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, לָא יָכֹלְתָּ לְהוֹן, בְּדִיל דֶּאֱלָהֲהוֹן לָא שָׁבֵיק לוֹן כָּל עִקָּר, תָּא חֲזֵי מָה עֲבֵיד לוֹן לְמַלְכִין קַמָּאֵי דַּהֲווֹן קוֹמֵינָן דַּהֲווֹן פָּשְׁטִין יְדֵיהוֹן עֲלֵיהוֹן, דַּהֲווֹן מַלְכַיָא רַבְרְבַיָא וְגוּבְרַיָא טְפֵי מִינָּן, וְכָל מַאן דְּאָתֵי עֲלֵיהוֹן לְמֵבְדִּינְהוּ מִן עָלְמָא וּדְיָעַץ עֲלֵיהוֹן, מִיבַּטֵּל מִן עָלְמָא וַהֲוֵי לִמְתָל לְכָל דָּרֵי עָלְמָא, וַאֲנַן דְּלָא מַעֲלֵינַן כְּוָתַיְהוּ עַל אַחַת כַּמָּה וְכַמָּה, שְׁבֵיק לָךְ מִלְמַלָּלָא, תּוּב בְּפִתְגָּמָא דְּנָא. וְאַף עַל פִּי כֵן הָיָה הָמָן הָרָשָׁע מְטָרֵד עַל אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ עַל פִּתְגָּמָא דְּנָא כָּל שַׁעְתָּא וְשַׁעְתָּא וּמְיָעֲצוֹ עֵצוֹת רָעוֹת עַל יִשְׂרָאֵל. אָמַר לוֹ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ הוֹאִיל וְכָךְ נִמָּלֵךְ בַּחֲכָמִים וּבַחַרְטֻמִּים. מִיָּד שָׁלַח וְקִבֵּץ אֶת כָּל חַכְמֵי אֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם, בָּאוּ כֻלָּן לְפָנָיו, אָמַר לָהֶם אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, רְצוֹנְכֶם שֶׁנְּאַבֵּד אֻמָּה זוֹ מִן הָעוֹלָם, אָמְרוּ לוֹ כֻּלָּן בְּבַת אַחַת מִי הוּא זֶה וְאֵיזֶה הוּא אֲשֶׁר מְלָאוֹ לִבּוֹ לַעֲשׂוֹת כֵּן וְרוֹצֶה לְהַשְׁלִיךְ בְּדָבָר זֶה, שֶׁאִם אַתָּה מְאַבֵּד יִשְׂרָאֵל מִן הָעוֹלָם אֵין הָעוֹלָם מִתְקַיֵּם אֶלָּא בִּשְׁבִיל הַתּוֹרָה שֶׁנִּתְּנָה לָהֶם לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (ירמיה לג, כה): אִם לֹא בְרִיתִי יוֹמָם וָלָיְלָה חֻקּוֹת שָׁמַיִם וָאָרֶץ לֹא שָׂמְתִּי. וְלֹא עוֹד אֶלָּא שֶׁכָּל הָעוֹבְדֵי גִּלּוּלִים נִקְרְאוּ נָכְרִים לִפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, [וישראל נקראים קרובים], הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (מלכים א ח, מא): וְגַם אֶל הַנָּכְרִי אֲשֶׁר לֹא מֵעַמְךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל הוּא. וְיִשְׂרָאֵל נִקְרְאוּ קְרוֹבִים, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (תהלים קמח, יד): לִבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל עַם קְרֹבוֹ. וְלֹא עוֹד אֶלָּא שֶׁנִּקְרְאוּ בָּנִים, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (שמות ד, כב): בְּנִי בְכֹרִי יִשְׂרָאֵל, (דברים יד, א): בָּנִים אַתֶּם לַה' אֱלֹהֵיכֶם. וְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא נִקְרָא קָרוֹב לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (תהלים קמה, יח): קָרוֹב ה' לְכָל קֹרְאָיו לְכֹל אֲשֶׁר יִקְרָאֻהוּ בֶאֱמֶת. וְאֵין אֻמָּה קְרוֹבָה לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אֶלָּא יִשְׂרָאֵל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים ד, ז): כַּה' אֱלֹהֵינוּ בְּכָל קָרְאֵנוּ אֵלָיו, וְאָדָם שֶׁרוֹצֶה לִשְׁלֹחַ יָד בִּקְרוֹבָיו וּבְבָנָיו שֶׁל הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא אֵיךְ יִמָּלֵט, לְפִי שֶׁהוּא שַׁלִּיט בָּעֶלְיוֹנִים וְתַחְתּוֹנִים, וְנֶפֶשׁ כָּל חַי, בְּיָדוֹ לְהַגְבִּיהַּ וּלְהַשְׁפִּיל, לְהָמִית וּלְהַחֲיּוֹת. לֵךְ הִתְבּוֹנֵן בַּמְלָכִים הָרִאשׁוֹנִים שֶׁעָבְרוּ עַל שֶׁפָּשְׁטוּ יְדֵיהֶם בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל, מָה עָלְתָה בָּהֶם, כְּמוֹ פַּרְעֹה וְסַנְחֵרִיב. מִיָּד אָמַר לוֹן הָמָן, אֱלוֹהַּ שֶׁטִּבַּע פַּרְעֹה בַּיָּם וְעָשָׂה לְיִשְׂרָאֵל נִסִּים וּגְבוּרוֹת שֶׁשְּׁמַעְתֶּם, כְּבָר הוּא זָקֵן וְאֵינוֹ יָכוֹל לַעֲשׂוֹת כְּלוּם, שֶׁכְּבָר עָלָה נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר וְהֶחֱרִיב בֵּיתוֹ, וְשָׂרַף אֶת הֵיכָלוֹ, וְהִגְלָה אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל וּפִזְרָן בֵּין הָאֻמּוֹת, וְהֵיכָן כֹּחוֹ וּגְבוּרָתוֹ שֶׁכְּבָר הִזְקִין, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים צד, ז): וַיֹּאמְרוּ לֹא יִרְאֶה יָהּ וְלֹא יָבִין אֱלֹהֵי יַעֲקֹב. כֵּיוָן שֶׁאָמַר לָהֶם כֵּן כָּעִנְיָן הַזֶּה, מִיָּד קִבְּלוּ דְבָרָיו וְהִסְכִּימָה דַעְתָּם לְכַלּוֹת אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְכָתְבוּ אִגְרוֹת וְחָתְמוּ. וְכֵן כָּתְבוּ בְּאוֹתָן אִגְרוֹת, שָׁלוֹם לָכֶם עַד אֵין חֵקֶר, יִוָּדַע לָכֶם שֶׁאָדָם יֵשׁ בֵּינֵינוּ, וְלֹא מִמְקוֹמֵנוּ הוּא אֶלָּא מִזֶּרַע הַמְלוּכָה הוּא, וּמִזַּרְעוֹ שֶׁל עֲמָלֵק וּמִגְּדוֹלֵי הַדּוֹר הוּא, וְהָמָן שְׁמוֹ, וְשָׁאַל מִמֶּנּוּ שְׁאֵלָה קְטַנָּה וְקַלָּה עַל עַם אֶחָד אֲשֶׁר יֵשׁ בֵּינֵינוּ, נִבְזֶה מִכָּל הָעַמִּים, וְדַעְתָּם גַּסָּה עֲלֵיהֶם, חֲפֵצִים בְּרָעָתֵנוּ וְקִלְּלַת הַמֶּלֶךְ שְׁגוּרָה בְּפִיהֶם, וּמַהוּ קְלָלָה שֶׁמְקַלְּלִין אוֹתָנוּ (תהלים י, טז): ה' מֶלֶךְ עוֹלָם וָעֶד אָבְדוּ גוֹיִם מֵאַרְצוֹ. וְעוֹד אוֹמְרִים (תהלים קמט, ז): לַעֲשׂוֹת נְקָמָה בַּגּוֹיִם תּוֹכֵחוֹת בַּלְאֻמִּים. וְכוֹפְרִים בְּמִי שֶׁעָשָׂה לָהֶם טוֹבָה, בּוֹאוּ וּרְאוּ מֵאוֹתוֹ עָנִי פַּרְעֹה מֶה עָשׂוּ, כְּשֶׁיָּרְדוּ לְמִצְרַיִם קִבְּלָם בְּסֵבֶר פָּנִים יָפוֹת, וְהוֹשִׁיבָם בְּמֵיטַב הָאָרֶץ, וְזָן אוֹתָן בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן, וְהֶאֱכִילָם כָּל טוּב שֶׁבְּאַרְצוֹ, פַּלְטֵרִים הָיוּ לוֹ לִבְנוֹת וְהָיוּ בּוֹנִין שָׁם, בְּכָל זֹאת לֹא הָיָה יָכוֹל לָהֶם, וְלֹא עוֹד אֶלָּא שֶׁבָּאוּ בַּעֲלִילָה וְאָמְרוּ לוֹ (שמות ה, ג): לִזְבֹּחַ לַה' אֱלֹהֵינוּ נֵלֵךְ דֶּרֶךְ שְׁלשֶׁת יָמִים, אַחַר כָּךְ נָשׁוּב, אִם רְצוֹנְךָ הַשְׁאִילֵנוּ כְּלֵי כֶסֶף וכְלֵי זָהָב וּשְׂמָלוֹת, וְהִשְׁאִילוּם כַּסְפָּם וּזְהָבָם וְכָל הַבְּגָדִים הַטּוֹבִים שֶׁלָּהֶם, וְטָעֲנוּ כָּל אֶחָד כַּמָּה חֲמוֹרִים שֶׁלָּהֶם לְאֵין מִסְפָּר, עַד שֶׁנִּצְּלוּ אֶת מִצְרַיִם, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (שמות יב, לו): וַיְנַצְּלוּ אֶת מִצְרָיִם, וּבָרְחוּ לָהֶם. כֵּיוָן שֶׁשָּׁמַע פַּרְעֹה שֶׁהָיוּ בּוֹרְחִים, הָלַךְ אַחֲרֵיהֶם לְהָשִׁיב אֶת מָמוֹנוֹ, מֶה עָשׂוּ לוֹ, הָיָה עִמָּהֶם אָדָם אֶחָד וּשְׁמוֹ משֶׁה בֶּן עַמְרָם, וּבִכְשָׁפָיו נָטַל מַקֵּל אֶחָד וְלָחַשׁ עָלָיו וְהִכָּה בּוֹ אֶת הַיָּם עַד שֶׁנֶּחֱרַב, וְנִכְנְסוּ כֻּלָּם בַּיַּבָּשָׁה בְּתוֹךְ הַיָּם וְעָבְרוּ כֻלָּם, וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ בַּמֶּה עָבְרוּ, וּבַמֶּה יִבְּשׁוּ הַמַּיִם. כֵּיוָן שֶׁרָאָה פַּרְעֹה נִכְנַס אַחֲרֵיהֶם לְהַחֲזִיר אֶת מָמוֹנוֹ, וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ בַּמֶּה דְּחָפוּהוּ בְּתוֹךְ הַיָּם, וְנִטְבַּע הוּא וְכָל חֵילוֹ בַּיָּם, וְלֹא זָכְרוּ הַטּוֹבָה שֶׁעָשָׂה לָהֶם, הֲלֹא תִשְׁמְעוּ שֶׁהֵם כְּפוּיֵי טוֹבָה. וְעוֹד מֶה עָשׂוּ לַעֲמָלֵק אֲבִי אַבָּא, בְּשָׁעָה שֶׁבָּא עֲלֵיהֶם לַמִּלְחָמָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמות יז, ח): וַיָּבֹא עֲמָלֵק וַיִּלָּחֶם עִם יִשְׂרָאֵל בִּרְפִידִים, וּמֵהֵיכָן בָּא עֲמָלֵק, אָמַר רַבִּי כְּרוּסְפְּדָאי בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן שֶׁבָּא מֵאֵצֶל בִּלְעָם הָרָשָׁע, שֶׁבָּא לִטֹּל עֵצָה מִמֶּנּוּ, וְאָמַר לוֹ יוֹדֵעַ אֲנִי שֶׁבַּעַל עֵצָה אַתָּה וְגַם בַּעַל מַחְשָׁבוֹת רָעוֹת, וְכָל הַנּוֹטֵל עֵצָה מִמְךָ אֵינוֹ נִכְשָׁל. אָמַר לוֹ רְאֵה מֶה עָשׂוּ אֻמָּה זוֹ לְמִצְרַיִם, שֶׁעָשׂוּ לָהֶם כַּמָּה טוֹבוֹת, וּמַה לְּמִצְרַיִם שֶׁעָשׂוּ לָהֶם כַּמָּה טוֹבוֹת עָשׂוּ לָהֶם כָּךְ, לִשְׁאָר אֻמּוֹת עַל אַחַת כַּמָּה וְכַמָּה, הֵיאַךְ אַתָּה יוֹעֲצֵנִי, אָמַר לוֹ בִּלְעָם, לֵךְ וַעֲשֵׂה עִמָּהֶם מִלְחָמָה, וְאִם אֵין אַתָּה עוֹשֶׂה עִמָּהֶם מִלְחָמָה אֵין אַתָּה יָכוֹל לָהֶם, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהֵן תְּלוּיִין בִּזְכוּתוֹ שֶׁל אַבְרָהָם אֲבִיהֶם, וְאַף אַתָּה שֶׁהוּא בֶּן בְּנוֹ שֶׁל אַבְרָהָם, תָּלוּי בִּזְכוּתוֹ שֶׁל אַבְרָהָם. מִיָּד בָּא עֲלֵיהֶם לַמִּלְחָמָה. מֶה עָשָׂה אוֹתוֹ משֶׁה פַּרְנָס שֶׁלָּהֶם, הָיָה לוֹ תַּלְמִיד אֶחָד יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בִּן נוּן שְׁמוֹ, וְהָיָה אַכְזָרִי עַד מְאֹד וְלֹא הָיָה לוֹ רַחֲמִים, אָמַר לוֹ אוֹתוֹ משֶׁה (שמות יז, ט): בְּחַר לָנוּ אֲנָשִׁים וְצֵא הִלָּחֵם בַּעֲמָלֵק, אֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ אוֹתָן אֲנָשִׁים שֶׁבָּחַר אִם בַּעֲלֵי כְשָׁפִים הֵם, אוֹ אִם גִּבּוֹרֵי מִלְחָמָה, מֶה עָשָׂה אוֹתוֹ משֶׁה נָטַל מַקֵּל בְּיָדוֹ וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ מֶה עָשָׂה בוֹ, וְכֵיוָן שֶׁבָּא עֲלֵיהֶם אֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ מַה לָּחַשׁ עֲלֵיהֶם וְרָפוּ יְדֵיהֶם וְנָפְלוּ לִפְנֵיהֶם, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (שמות יז, יג): וַיַּחֲלשׁ יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אֶת עֲמָלֵק וְאֶת עַמּוֹ לְפִי חָרֶב. בָּאוּ עַל סִיחוֹן וְעוֹג גִּבּוֹרֵי אַרְצֵנוּ, שֶׁאֵין כָּל בְּרִיָּה הָיְתָה יְכוֹלָה לַעֲמֹד בִּפְנֵיהֶם, וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ בַּמֶּה הֲרָגוּם. בָּאוּ עֲלֵיהֶם מַלְכֵי מִדְיָן, וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ בַּמֶּה הֲרָגָן. וְעוֹד מֶה עָשָׂה תַּלְמִיד שֶׁל אוֹתוֹ הָאִישׁ משֶׁה, הִכְנִיס אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל לְאֶרֶץ כְּנַעַן, וְלֹא דַי שֶׁנָּטַל אֶת אַרְצָם, אֶלָּא שֶׁהָרַג מֵהֶם שְׁלשִׁים וְאֶחָד מְלָכִים, וְחִלֵּק אֶת אַרְצָם לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, וְלֹא חָמַל עֲלֵיהֶן, וְאוֹתָן שֶׁלֹא בִּקֵּשׁ לַהֲרֹג הָיוּ לוֹ לַעֲבָדִים. בָּאוּ עֲלֵיהֶם סִיסְרָא וַהֲמוֹנוֹ וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ מֶה עָשׂוּ לוֹ לְנַחַל קִישׁוֹן שֶׁגְּרָפָם וּשְׁטָפָם וְהִשְׁלִיכָם לַיָּם הַגָּדוֹל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שופטים ה, כא): נַחַל קִישׁוֹן גְּרָפָם. וְהָיָה לָהֶם מֶלֶךְ רִאשׁוֹן שָׁאוּל שְׁמוֹ, וְהָלַךְ וְנִלְחַם בְּאֶרֶץ אֲבִי אַבָּא עֲמָלֵק, וְהָרַג מֵהֶם מֵאָה אֲלָפִים פָּרָשִׁים בְּיוֹם אֶחָד, וְגַם לֹא חָמַל עַל אִישׁ וְעַל אִשָּׁה וְלֹא עַל עוֹלֵל וְיוֹנֵק, וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ בַּמֶּה הֲרָגָם. וְעוֹד מֶה עָשָׂה לַאֲגַג זְקֵנִי שֶׁחָמְלוּ עָלָיו תְּחִלָּה, לַסּוֹף בָּא אָדָם מֵהֶם וּשְׁמוֹ שְׁמוּאֵל, חֲתָכוֹ וְנָתַן בְּשָׂרוֹ מַאֲכָל לְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם, כְּדִכְתִיב (שמואל א טו, לג): וַיְשַׁסֵּף שְׁמוּאֵל אֶת אֲגָג, וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ בַּמֶּה הֲרָגוֹ מִיתָה מְשֻׁנָּה כָּזֹאת שֶׁשְּׁמַעְתֶּם. וְאַחַר זֹאת הָיָה לָהֶם מֶלֶךְ אֶחָד דָּוִד בֶּן יִשַּׁי שְׁמוֹ, וְהָיָה מַשְׁחִית וּמְכַלֶּה אֶת כָּל הַמַּמְלָכוֹת וְלֹא הָיָה חוֹמֵל עֲלֵיהֶם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמואל א כז, יא): אִישׁ וְאִשָּׁה לֹא יְחַיֶּה דָּוִד. וְעָמַד אַחֲרָיו שְׁלֹמֹה בְּנוֹ וּבָנָה לָהֶן לְיִשְׂרָאֵל בַּיִת אֶחָד וְקָרָא לוֹ בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ מֶה הָיָה לָהֶם בְּתוֹכוֹ, כְּשֶׁבָּאִין לְמִלְחָמָה נִכְנָסִין בְּתוֹכוֹ וּמְכַשְׁפִים בְּתוֹכוֹ, וּכְשֶׁהֵן יוֹצְאִים מִמֶּנּוּ הוֹרְגִים וּמַחֲרִיבִים אֶת הָעוֹלָם. וּמֵרֹב טוֹבָה שֶׁהָיָה לָהֶם מָרְדוּ בֵּאלֹהֵיהֶם, וְעוֹד שֶׁהִזְקִין אוֹתוֹ אֱלוֹהַּ שֶׁלָּהֶם, וּבָא נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר וְשָׂרַף אוֹתוֹ בַּיִת שֶׁלָּהֶם, וְהִגְלָם מֵעַל אַדְמָתָם וְהֵבִיאָם בֵּינֵינוּ, וַעֲדַיִּן לֹא שִׁנּוּ מַעֲשֵׂיהֶם הַמְכֹעָרִין. וְאַף עַל פִּי שֶׁהֵם בַּגָּלוּת בֵּינֵינוּ, מַלְעִיגִין אוֹתָנוּ וְאֶת אֱמוּנַת אֱלֹהֵינוּ, וְעַכְשָׁיו הִסְכַּמְנוּ כֻּלָּנוּ לְדֵעָה אַחַת, וְהִפַּלְנוּ גוֹרָלוֹת לְאַבְּדָן מִן הָעוֹלָם, וּבְאֵיזֶה זְמַן יִתָּכֵן לָנוּ לְכַלּוֹתָם, וְנָפַל עֲלֵיהֶם הַגּוֹרָל בְּחֹדֶשׁ אֲדָר בִּשְׁלשָׁה עָשָׂר בּוֹ. וְעַכְשָׁו כְּשֶׁיַּגִּיעוּ אֲלֵיכֶם הָאִגְּרוֹת הַלָּלוּ תִּהְיוּ מְזֻמָּנִים לְאוֹתוֹ הַיּוֹם, לְהַשְּׁמִיד לַהֲרֹג אֶת כָּל הַיְּהוּדִים שֶׁבֵּינֵיכֶם, מִנַּעַר וְעַד זָקֵן טַף וְנָשִׁים בְּיוֹם אֶחָד, וְלֹא תַשְׁאִירוּ מֵהֶם שָׂרִיד וּפָלִיט. וּבְשָׁעָה שֶׁנֶּחְתְּמוּ אוֹתָן הָאִגְּרוֹת וְנִתְּנוּ בְּיַד הָמָן, וַיָּבוֹא שָׂמֵחַ הוּא וְכָל בְּנֵי חֲבוּרָתוֹ, וּפָגְעוּ בְּמָרְדֳּכַי שֶׁהוּא הוֹלֵךְ לִפְנֵיהֶם, וְרָאָה מָרְדֳּכַי שְׁלשָׁה תִּינוֹקוֹת שֶׁהָיוּ בָּאִים מִבֵּית הַסֵּפֶר, וְרָץ מָרְדֳּכַי אַחֲרֵיהֶם, וּכְשֶׁרָאָה הָמָן וְכָל חֲבוּרָתוֹ שֶׁהָיָה רָץ מָרְדֳּכַי אַחֲרֵי הַתִּינוֹקוֹת, הָלְכוּ אַחֲרֵי מָרְדֳּכַי לָדַעַת מַה יִּשְׁאַל מָרְדֳּכַי מֵהֶם, כֵּיוָן שֶׁהִגִּיעַ מָרְדֳּכַי אֵצֶל הַתִּינוֹקוֹת שָׁאַל לְאֶחָד מֵהֶם פְּסֹק לִי פְּסוּקֶיךָ, אָמַר לוֹ (משלי ג, כה): אַל תִּירָא מִפַּחַד פִּתְאֹם וּמִשֹּׁאַת רְשָׁעִים כִּי תָבֹא. פָּתַח הַשֵּׁנִי וְאָמַר, אֲנִי קָרִיתִי הַיּוֹם וּבָזֶה הַפָּסוּק עָמַדְתִּי מִבֵּית הַסֵּפֶר (ישעיה ח, י): עֻצוּ עֵצָה וְתֻפָר דַּבְּרוּ דָבָר וְלֹא יָקוּם כִּי עִמָּנוּ אֵל. פָּתַח הַשְּׁלִישִׁי וְאָמַר (ישעיה מו, ד): וְעַד זִקְנָה אֲנִי הוּא וְעַד שֵׂיבָה אֲנִי אֶסְבֹּל אֲנִי עָשִׂיתִי וַאֲנִי אֶשָֹּׂא וַאֲנִי אֶסְבֹּל וַאֲמַלֵּט. כֵּיוָן שֶׁשָּׁמַע מָרְדֳּכַי כָּךְ שָׂחַק וְהָיָה שָׂמֵחַ שִׂמְחָה גְדוֹלָה. אָמַר לוֹ הָמָן מָה הִיא זֹאת הַשִֹּׂמְחָה שֶׁשָֹּׂמַחְתָּ לְדִבְרֵי הַתִּינוֹקוֹת הַלָּלוּ, אָמַר עַל בְּשׂוֹרוֹת טוֹבוֹת שֶׁבִּשְׂרוּנִי שֶׁלֹא אֶפְחַד מִן הָעֵצָה הָרָעָה שֶׁיָּעַצְתָּ עָלֵינוּ. מִיָּד כָּעַס הָמָן הָרָשָׁע וְאָמַר אֵין אֲנִי שׁוֹלֵחַ יָדַי תְּחִלָּה אֶלָּא בְּאֵלּוּ הַתִּינוֹקוֹת. אָמַר רַבִּי יִצְחָק נַפְחָא, הָמָן הָרָשָׁע בַּעֲלִילָה גְדוֹלָה בָּא עַל יִשְׂרָאֵל, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (אסתר א, ה): וּבִמְלוֹאת הַיָּמִים הָאֵלֶּה עָשָׂה הַמֶּלֶךְ לְכָל הָעָם הַנִּמְצְאִים בְּשׁוּשַׁן הַבִּירָה וגו', וְאֵין הָעָם הָאָמוּר כָּאן אֶלָּא יִשְׂרָאֵל, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב (דברים לג, כט): אַשְׁרֶיךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל מִי כָמוֹךָ עַם נוֹשַׁע בַּה' וגו', אָמַר הָמָן לַאֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ אֱלֹהֵיהֶם שֶׁל אֵלּוּ שׂוֹנֵא זִמָּה, הַעֲמֵד לָהֶם זוֹנוֹת, וַעֲשֵׂה לָהֶם מִשְׁתֶּה וּגְזֹר עֲלֵיהֶם שֶׁיָּבוֹאוּ כֻּלָּם וְיֹאכְלוּ וְיִשְׁתּוּ וְיַעֲשׂוּ כִּרְצוֹנָם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (אסתר א, ח): לַעֲשׂוֹת כִּרְצוֹן אִישׁ וָאִישׁ. כֵּיוָן שֶׁרָאָה מָרְדֳּכַי כָּךְ עָמַד וְהִכְרִיז עֲלֵיהֶם וְאָמַר לָהֶם לֹא תֵלְכוּ לֶאֱכֹל בִּסְעוּדָתוֹ שֶׁל אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, שֶׁלֹא הִזְמִין אֶתְכֶם כִּי אִם לְלַמֵּד עֲלֵיכֶם קָטֵיגוֹרְיָא, כְּדֵי שֶׁיְהֵא פִּתְחוֹן פֶּה עִם מִדַּת הַדִּין לְקַטְרֵג עֲלֵיכֶם לִפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, וְלֹא שָׁמְעוּ לְדִבְרֵי מָרְדֳּכַי וְהָלְכוּ כֻּלָּם לְבֵית הַמִּשְׁתֶּה. אָמַר רַבִּי יִשְׁמָעֵאל שְׁמוֹנָה עָשָׂר אֶלֶף וַחֲמֵשׁ מֵאוֹת הָלְכוּ לְבֵית הַמִּשְׁתֶּה וְאָכְלוּ וְשָׁתוּ וְנִשְׁתַּכְּרוּ וְנִתְקַלְקְלוּ. מִיָּד עָמַד שָׂטָן וְהִלְשִׁין עֲלֵיהֶם לִפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, וְאָמַר לְפָנָיו רִבּוֹנוֹ שֶׁל עוֹלָם עַד מָתַי תִּדְבַּק בְּאֻמָּה זוֹ שֶׁהֵם מַפְרִישִׁין לְבָבָם וֶאֱמוּנָתָם מִמְךָ, אִם רְצוֹנְךָ אַבֵּד אֻמָּה זוֹ מִן הָעוֹלָם, כִּי אֵינָם בָּאִים בִּתְשׁוּבָה לְפָנֶיךָ. אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא תּוֹרָה מַה תְּהֵא עָלֶיהָ, אָמַר לְפָנָיו רִבּוֹנוֹ שֶׁל עוֹלָם תִּסְתַּפֵּק בָּעֶלְיוֹנִים, וְגַם הִשְׁוָה דַעְתּוֹ לִמְחוֹת אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל. בְּאוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לָמָּה לִי אֻמָּה שֶׁבִּשְׁבִילָהּ הִרְבֵּיתִי אוֹתוֹתַי וּמוֹפְתַי לְכָל הַקָּמִים עֲלֵיהֶם לְרָעָה (דברים לב, כו): אַשְׁבִּיתָה מֶאֱנוֹשׁ זִכְרָם. מִיָּד אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לַשָֹּׂטָן הָבֵא לִי מְגִלָּה וְאֶכְתֹּב עָלֶיהָ כְּלָיָה. בְּאוֹתָהּ הַשָּׁעָה הָלַךְ הַשָֹּׂטָן וְהֵבִיא לוֹ מְגִלָּה וְכָתַב עָלֶיהָ. מִיָּד יָצְתָה הַתּוֹרָה בְּבִגְדֵּי אַלְמְנוּת וְנָתְנָה קוֹלָהּ בִּבְכִי לִפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא, וְגַם מַלְאֲכֵי הַשָּׁרֵת צָעֲקוּ לְקוֹל בְּכִיָּתָהּ, וְאָמְרוּ לְפָנָיו רִבּוֹנוֹ שֶׁל עוֹלָם, אִם יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּטֵלִים מִן הָעוֹלָם אָנוּ לְמָה אָנוּ צְרִיכִין בָּעוֹלָם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה לג, ז): הֵן אֶרְאֶלָּם צָעֲקוּ חֻצָה מַלְאֲכֵי שָׁלוֹם מַר יִבְכָּיוּן, כֵּיוָן שֶׁשָּׁמְעוּ חַמָּה וּלְבָנָה כָּךְ, אָסְפוּ נָגְהָם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה נ, ג): אַלְבִּישׁ שָׁמַיִם קַדְרוּת וְשַׂק אָשִׂים כְּסוּתָם. בְּאוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה רָץ אֵלִיָּהוּ זָכוּר לַטּוֹב בְּבֶהָלָה אֵצֶל אֲבוֹת הָעוֹלָם וְאֵצֶל משֶׁה בֶּן עַמְרָם, וְאָמַר לָהֶם עַד מָתַי אֲבוֹת הָעוֹלָם רְדוּמִים בְּשֵׁנָה וְאִי אַתֶּם מַשְׁגִּיחִים עַל הַצָּרָה שֶׁבְּנֵיכֶם שְׁרוּיִין בָּהּ, כִּי מַלְאֲכֵי הַשָּׁרֵת וְחַמָּה וּלְבָנָה וְכוֹכָבִים וּמַזָּלוֹת וְשָׁמַיִם וָאָרֶץ וְכָל צְבָא הַמָּרוֹם בּוֹכִים בְּמֶרֶר, וְאַתֶּם עוֹמְדִים מִנֶּגֶד וְאֵינְכֶם מַשְׁגִּיחִים. אָמְרוּ לוֹ מִפְּנֵי מָה, אָמַר לָהֶם מִפְּנֵי שֶׁנֶּהֱנוּ מִסְּעוּדָתוֹ שֶׁל אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, וּבַעֲבוּר זֹאת נִגְזְרָה עֲלֵיהֶם גְּזֵרָה לְכַלּוֹתָם מִן הָעוֹלָם וּלְאַבֵּד אֶת זִכְרָם. אָמְרוּ לוֹ אַבְרָהָם יִצְחָק וְיַעֲקֹב אִם הֵם עָבְרוּ עַל דָּת הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא וְנֶחְתְּמָה גְּזֵרָתָם, מָה אָנוּ יְכוֹלִים לַעֲשׂוֹת. חָזַר אֵלִיָּהוּ וְאָמַר לוֹ לְמשֶׁה אִי רוֹעֶה נֶאֱמָן כַּמָּה פְּעָמִים עָמַדְתָּ עַל הַפֶּרֶץ לְיִשְׂרָאֵל וּבִטַּלְתָּ גְּזֵרָתָם לְבִלְתִּי הַשְׁחִית, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (תהלים קו, כג): לוּלֵי משֶׁה בְחִירוֹ עָמַד בַּפֶּרֶץ לְפָנָיו לְהָשִׁיב חֲמָתוֹ מֵהַשְׁחִית, מַה תַּעֲנֶה עַל הַצָּרָה הַזֹּאת (ישעיה לז, ג): כִּי בָאוּ בָנִים עַד מַשְׁבֵּר וגו'. אָמַר לוֹ משֶׁה כְּלוּם יֵשׁ אָדָם כָּשֵׁר בְּאוֹתוֹ הַדּוֹר, אָמַר לוֹ יֵשׁ, וּשְׁמוֹ מָרְדֳּכַי. אָמַר לוֹ לֵךְ וְהוֹדִיעוֹ כְּדֵי שֶׁיַּעֲמֹד הוּא מִשָּׁם בִּתְפִלָּה, וַאֲנִי מִכָּאן, וּנְבַקֵּשׁ רַחֲמִים עֲלֵיהֶם לִפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא. אָמַר לוֹ, רוֹעֶה נֶאֱמָן, כְּבָר נִכְתְּבָה אִגֶּרֶת כְּלָיָה עַל יִשְׂרָאֵל. אָמַר לוֹ משֶׁה אִם בְּטִיט הִיא חֲתוּמָה תְּפִלָּתֵנוּ נִשְׁמַעַת, וְאִם בְּדָם נֶחְתְּמָה מַה שֶּׁהָיָה הוּא, אָמַר לוֹ בְּטִיט הִיא חֲתוּמָה. אָמַר לוֹ משֶׁה רַבֵּנוּ לֵךְ וְהוֹדִיעַ לְמָרְדֳּכַי, מִיָּד הָלַךְ וְהוֹדִיעַ לְמָרְדֳּכַי, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב: וּמָרְדֳּכַי יָדַע אֶת כָּל אֲשֶׁר נַעֲשָׂה וַיִּקְרַע מָרְדֳּכַי אֶת בְּגָדָיו, כֵּיוָן שֶׁהִגִּידוּ לְאֶסְתֵּר, מִיָּד וַתִּתְחַלְחַל הַמַּלְכָּה מְאֹד. מַהוּ וַתִּתְחַלְחַל, מְלַמֵּד שֶׁפֵּרְסָה נִדָּה.
70. Septuagint, 4 Maccabees, 5.2, 5.4, 8.2, 9.6, 9.18  Tagged with subjects: •judea (region) Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 149
5.2. ordered the guards to seize each and every Hebrew and to compel them to eat pork and food sacrificed to idols. 5.4. And when many persons had been rounded up, one man, Eleazar by name, leader of the flock, was brought before the king. He was a man of priestly family, learned in the law, advanced in age, and known to many in the tyrant's court because of his philosophy. 8.2. For when the tyrant was conspicuously defeated in his first attempt, being unable to compel an aged man to eat defiling foods, then in violent rage he commanded that others of the Hebrew captives be brought, and that any who ate defiling food should be freed after eating, but if any were to refuse, these should be tortured even more cruelly. 9.6. And if the aged men of the Hebrews because of their religion lived piously while enduring torture, it would be even more fitting that we young men should die despising your coercive tortures, which our aged instructor also overcame. 9.18. Through all these tortures I will convince you that sons of the Hebrews alone are invincible where virtue is concerned."
72. Strabo, Geography, 16.2.46(765), 17.3.25  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 207
17.3.25. The division into provinces has varied at different periods, but at present it is that established by Augustus Caesar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon him by his country for life, and he had become the arbiter of peace and war, he divided the whole empire into two parts, one of which he reserved to himself, the other he assigned to the (Roman) people. The former consisted of such parts as required military defence, and were barbarian, or bordered upon nations not as yet subdued, or were barren and uncultivated, which though ill provided with everything else, were yet well furnished with strongholds. and might thus dispose the inhabitants to throw off the yoke and rebel. All the rest, which were peaceable countries, and easily governed without the assistance of arms, were given over to the (Roman) people. Each of these parts was subdivided into several provinces, which received respectively the titles of 'provinces of Caesar' and 'provinces of the People.'To the former provinces Caesar appoints governors and administrators, and divides the (various) countries sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, directing his political conduct according to circumstances.But the people appoint commanders and consuls to their own provinces, which are also subject to divers divisions when expediency requires it.(Augustus Caesar) in his first organization of (the Empire) created two consular governments, namely, the whole of Africa in possession of the Romans, excepting that part which was under the authority, first of Juba, but now of his son Ptolemy; and Asia within the Halys and Taurus, except the Galatians and the nations under Amyntas, Bithynia, and the Propontis. He appointed also ten consular governments in Europe and in the adjacent islands. Iberia Ulterior (Further Spain) about the river Baetis and Celtica Narbonensis (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, with Corsica; the fourth Sicily; the fifth and sixth Illyria, districts near Epirus, and Macedonia; the seventh Achaia, extending to Thessaly, the Aetolians, Acarians, and the Epirotic nations who border upon Macedonia; the eighth Crete, with Cyrenaea; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, with the Propontis and some parts of Pontus.Caesar possesses other provinces, to the government of which he appoints men of consular rank, commanders of armies, or knights; and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there are and ever have been kings, princes, and (municipal) magistrates.