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322 results for "iulius"
1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 345 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338
345. On guest or suppliant or, by wrong beguiled,
2. Homer, Iliad, 6.208 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 230
6.208. / and his daughter was slain in wrath by Artemis of the golden reins. But Hippolochus begat me and of him do I declare that I am sprung; and he sent me to Troy and straitly charged me ever to be bravest and pre-eminent above all, and not bring shame upon the race of my fathers,
3. Homer, Odyssey, 11.601-11.604 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 169
4. Pindar, Fragments, 169.36 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338
5. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 135 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338
135. σύθην δʼ ἀπέδιλος ὄχῳ πτερωτῷ. Προμηθεύς 135. unsandalled I have hastened in a winged car. Prometheus
6. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 176
24b. ταῦτά ἐστιν. καὶ ἐάντε νῦν ἐάντε αὖθις ζητήσητε ταῦτα, οὕτως εὑρήσετε. 24b. this now or hereafter, you will find that it is so.Now so far as the accusations are concerned which my first accusers made against me, this is a sufficient defence before you; but against Meletus, the good and patriotic, as he says, and the later ones, I will try to defend myself next. So once more, as if these were another set of accusers, let us take up in turn their sworn statement. It is about as follows: it states that Socrates is a wrongdoer because he corrupts the youth and does not believe in the gods the state believes in, but in other
7. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •drusus, iulius caesar •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 216
8. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 2
9. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86
10. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22, 1.23.4-1.23.6, 1.97.2, 2.2.1, 2.75-2.77, 2.75.5, 3.82.4, 3.92.2, 4.12.1, 4.18, 4.20, 5.19.1, 5.20, 5.26.1, 6.17, 6.98.2, 7.69.2, 7.71 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 277, 278, 285, 288, 289, 290; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 104
1.23.4. ἤρξαντο δὲ αὐτοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι λύσαντες τὰς τριακοντούτεις σπονδὰς αἳ αὐτοῖς ἐγένοντο μετὰ Εὐβοίας ἅλωσιν. 1.23.5. διότι δ’ ἔλυσαν, τὰς αἰτίας προύγραψα πρῶτον καὶ τὰς διαφοράς, τοῦ μή τινα ζητῆσαί ποτε ἐξ ὅτου τοσοῦτος πόλεμος τοῖς Ἕλλησι κατέστη. 1.23.6. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεστάτην πρόφασιν, ἀφανεστάτην δὲ λόγῳ, τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡγοῦμαι μεγάλους γιγνομένους καὶ φόβον παρέχοντας τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀναγκάσαι ἐς τὸ πολεμεῖν: αἱ δ’ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν λεγόμεναι αἰτίαι αἵδ’ ἦσαν ἑκατέρων, ἀφ’ ὧν λύσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἐς τὸν πόλεμον κατέστησαν. 1.97.2. ἔγραψα δὲ αὐτὰ καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην διὰ τόδε, ὅτι τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἅπασιν ἐκλιπὲς τοῦτο ἦν τὸ χωρίον καὶ ἢ τὰ πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν Ἑλληνικὰ ξυνετίθεσαν ἢ αὐτὰ τὰ Μηδικά: τούτων δὲ ὅσπερ καὶ ἥψατο ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ξυγγραφῇ Ἑλλάνικος, βραχέως τε καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις οὐκ ἀκριβῶς ἐπεμνήσθη. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν οἵῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη. 2.2.1. τέσσαρα μὲν γὰρ καὶ δέκα ἔτη ἐνέμειναν αἱ τριακοντούτεις σπονδαὶ αἳ ἐγένοντο μετ’ Εὐβοίας ἅλωσιν: τῷ δὲ πέμπτῳ καὶ δεκάτῳ ἔτει, ἐπὶ Χρυσίδος ἐν Ἄργει τότε πεντήκοντα δυοῖν δέοντα ἔτη ἱερωμένης καὶ Αἰνησίου ἐφόρου ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ Πυθοδώρου ἔτι δύο μῆνας ἄρχοντος Ἀθηναίοις, μετὰ τὴν ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ μάχην μηνὶ ἕκτῳ καὶ ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ Θηβαίων ἄνδρες ὀλίγῳ πλείους τριακοσίων ʽἡγοῦντο δὲ αὐτῶν βοιωταρχοῦντες Πυθάγγελός τε ὁ Φυλείδου καὶ Διέμπορος ὁ Ὀνητορίδοὐ ἐσῆλθον περὶ πρῶτον ὕπνον ξὺν ὅπλοις ἐς Πλάταιαν τῆς Βοιωτίας οὖσαν Ἀθηναίων ξυμμαχίδα. 2.75.5. ξύνδεσμος δ’ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ ξύλα, τοῦ μὴ ὑψηλὸν γιγνόμενον ἀσθενὲς εἶναι τὸ οἰκοδόμημα, καὶ προκαλύμματα εἶχε δέρσεις καὶ διφθέρας, ὥστε τοὺς ἐργαζομένους καὶ τὰ ξύλα μήτε πυρφόροις οἰστοῖς βάλλεσθαι ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ τε εἶναι. 3.82.4. καὶ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν ἀξίωσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐς τὰ ἔργα ἀντήλλαξαν τῇ δικαιώσει. τόλμα μὲν γὰρ ἀλόγιστος ἀνδρεία φιλέταιρος ἐνομίσθη, μέλλησις δὲ προμηθὴς δειλία εὐπρεπής, τὸ δὲ σῶφρον τοῦ ἀνάνδρου πρόσχημα, καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἅπαν ξυνετὸν ἐπὶ πᾶν ἀργόν: τὸ δ’ ἐμπλήκτως ὀξὺ ἀνδρὸς μοίρᾳ προσετέθη, ἀσφαλείᾳ δὲ τὸ ἐπιβουλεύσασθαι ἀποτροπῆς πρόφασις εὔλογος. 3.92.2. Μηλιῆς οἱ ξύμπαντες εἰσὶ μὲν τρία μέρη, Παράλιοι Ἰριῆς Τραχίνιοι: τούτων δὲ οἱ Τραχίνιοι πολέμῳ ἐφθαρμένοι ὑπὸ Οἰταίων ὁμόρων ὄντων, τὸ πρῶτον μελλήσαντες Ἀθηναίοις προσθεῖναι σφᾶς αὐτούς, δείσαντες δὲ μὴ οὐ σφίσι πιστοὶ ὦσι, πέμπουσιν ἐς Λακεδαίμονα, ἑλόμενοι πρεσβευτὴν Τεισαμενόν. 4.12.1. καὶ ὁ μὲν τούς τε ἄλλους τοιαῦτα ἐπέσπερχε καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ κυβερνήτην ἀναγκάσας ὀκεῖλαι τὴν ναῦν ἐχώρει ἐπὶ τὴν ἀποβάθραν: καὶ πειρώμενος ἀποβαίνειν ἀνεκόπη ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ τραυματισθεὶς πολλὰ ἐλιποψύχησέ τε καὶ πεσόντος αὐτοῦ ἐς τὴν παρεξειρεσίαν ἡ ἀσπὶς περιερρύη ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ ἐξενεχθείσης αὐτῆς ἐς τὴν γῆν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀνελόμενοι ὕστερον πρὸς τὸ τροπαῖον ἐχρήσαντο ὃ ἔστησαν τῆς προσβολῆς ταύτης. 5.19.1. ‘ἄρχει δὲ τῶν σπονδῶν <ἐν μὲν Λακεδαίμονι> ἔφορος Πλειστόλας Ἀρτεμισίου μηνὸς τετάρτῃ φθίνοντος, ἐν δὲ Ἀθήναις ἄρχων Ἀλκαῖος Ἐλαφηβολιῶνος μηνὸς ἕκτῃ φθίνοντος. ὤμνυον δὲ οἵδε καὶ ἐσπένδοντο. 5.26.1. γέγραφε δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ὁ αὐτὸς Θουκυδίδης Ἀθηναῖος ἑξῆς, ὡς ἕκαστα ἐγένετο, κατὰ θέρη καὶ χειμῶνας, μέχρι οὗ τήν τε ἀρχὴν κατέπαυσαν τῶν Ἀθηναίων Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ κατέλαβον. ἔτη δὲ ἐς τοῦτο τὰ ξύμπαντα ἐγένετο τῷ πολέμῳ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι. 6.98.2. καὶ καταστήσαντες ἐν τῷ Λαβδάλῳ φυλακὴν ἐχώρουν πρὸς τὴν Συκῆν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἵναπερ καθεζόμενοι ἐτείχισαν τὸν κύκλον διὰ τάχους. καὶ ἔκπληξιν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις παρέσχον τῷ τάχει τῆς οἰκοδομίας: καὶ ἐπεξελθόντες μάχην διενοοῦντο ποιεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν. 7.69.2. ὁ δὲ Νικίας ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων ἐκπεπληγμένος καὶ ὁρῶν οἷος ὁ κίνδυνος καὶ ὡς ἐγγὺς ἤδη [ἦν], ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὅσον οὐκ ἔμελλον ἀνάγεσθαι, καὶ νομίσας, ὅπερ πάσχουσιν ἐν τοῖς μεγάλοις ἀγῶσι, πάντα τε ἔργῳ ἔτι σφίσιν ἐνδεᾶ εἶναι καὶ λόγῳ αὐτοῖς οὔπω ἱκανὰ εἰρῆσθαι, αὖθις τῶν τριηράρχων ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀνεκάλει, πατρόθεν τε ἐπονομάζων καὶ αὐτοὺς ὀνομαστὶ καὶ φυλήν, ἀξιῶν τό τε καθ’ ἑαυτόν, ᾧ ὑπῆρχε λαμπρότητός τι, μὴ προδιδόναι τινὰ καὶ τὰς πατρικὰς ἀρετάς, ὧν ἐπιφανεῖς ἦσαν οἱ πρόγονοι, μὴ ἀφανίζειν, πατρίδος τε τῆς ἐλευθερωτάτης ὑπομιμνῄσκων καὶ τῆς ἐν αὐτῇ ἀνεπιτάκτου πᾶσιν ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ἐξουσίας, ἄλλα τε λέγων ὅσα ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ ἤδη τοῦ καιροῦ ὄντες ἄνθρωποι οὐ πρὸς τὸ δοκεῖν τινὶ ἀρχαιολογεῖν φυλαξάμενοι εἴποιεν ἄν, καὶ ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων παραπλήσια ἔς τε γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας καὶ θεοὺς πατρῴους προφερόμενα, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῇ παρούσῃ ἐκπλήξει ὠφέλιμα νομίζοντες ἐπιβοῶνται. 1.23.4. which was begun by the Athenians and Peloponnesians by the dissolution of the thirty years' truce made after the conquest of Euboea . 1.23.5. To the question why they broke the treaty, I answer by placing first an account of their grounds of complaint and points of difference, that no one may ever have to ask the immediate cause which plunged the Hellenes into a war of such magnitude. 1.23.6. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens , and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon , made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. 1.97.2. My excuse for relating these events, and for venturing on this digression, is that this passage of history has been omitted by all my predecessors, who have confined themselves either to Hellenic history before the Median war, or to the Median war itself. Hellanicus, it is true, did touch on these events in his Athenian history; but he is somewhat concise and not accurate in his dates. Besides, the history of these events contains an explanation of the growth of the Athenian empire. 2.2.1. The thirty years' truce which was entered into after the conquest of Euboea lasted fourteen years. In the fifteenth, in the forty-eighth year of the priestess-ship of Chrysis at Argos , in the Ephorate of Aenesias at Sparta , in the last month but two of the Archonship of Pythodorus at Athens , and six months after the battle of Potidaea , just at the beginning of spring, a Theban force a little over three hundred strong, under the command of their Boeotarchs, Pythangelus, son of Phyleides, and Diemporus, son of Onetorides, about the first watch of the night, made an armed entry into Plataea , a town of Boeotia in alliance with Athens . 2.75.5. The timbers served to bind the building together, and to prevent its becoming weak as it advanced in height; it had also a covering of skins and hides, which protected the wood-work against the attacks of burning missiles and allowed the men to work in safety. 3.82.4. Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. 3.92.2. The Malians form in all three tribes, the Paralians, the Hiereans, and the Trachinians. The last of these having suffered severely in a war with their neighbors the Oetaeans, at first intended to give themselves up to Athens ; but afterwards fearing not to find in her the security that they sought, sent to Lacedaemon , having chosen Tisamenus for their ambassador. 4.12.1. Not content with this exhortation, he forced his own steersman to run his ship ashore, and stepping on to the gangway, was endeavoring to land, when he was cut down by the Athenians, and after receiving many wounds fainted away. Falling into the bows, his shield slipped off his arm into the sea, and being thrown ashore was picked up by the Athenians, and afterwards used for the trophy which they set up for this attack. 5.19.1. The treaty begins from the Ephoralty of Pleistolas in Lacedaemon , on the 27th day of the month of Artemisium , and from the Archonship of Alcaeus at Athens , on the 25th day of the month of Elaphebolion. 5.26.1. The history of this period has been also written by the same Thucydides, an Athenian, in the chronological order of events by summers and winters, to the time when the Lacedaemonians and their allies put an end to the Athenian empire, and took the Long Walls and Piraeus . The war had then lasted for twenty-seven years in all. 6.98.2. After posting a garrison in Labdalum , they advanced to Syca, where they sate down and quickly built the Circle or centre of their wall of circumvallation. The Syracusans, appalled at the rapidity with which the work advanced, determined to go out against them and give battle and interrupt it; 7.69.2. Meanwhile Nicias, appalled by the position of affairs, realizing the greatness and the nearness of the danger now that they were on the point of putting out from shore, and thinking, as men are apt to think in great crises, that when all has been done they have still something left to do, and when all has been said that they have not yet said enough, again called on the captains one by one, addressing each by his father's name and by his own, and by that of his tribe, and adjured them not to belie their own personal renown, or to obscure the hereditary virtues for which their ancestors were illustrious; he reminded them of their country, the freest of the free, and of the unfettered discretion allowed in it to all to live as they pleased; and added other arguments such as men would use at such a crisis, and which, with little alteration, are made to serve on all occasions alike—appeals to wives, children, and national gods,—without caring whether they are thought common-place, but loudly invoking them in the belief that they will be of use in the consternation of the moment.
11. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 5.4.11-5.4.15, 5.4.27-5.4.34, 6.4.1-6.4.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 287
5.4.11. ἐπὶ τούτοις πιστὰ δόντες καὶ λαβόντες ᾤχοντο. καὶ ἧκον τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἄγοντες τριακόσια πλοῖα μονόξυλα καὶ ἐν ἑκάστῳ τρεῖς ἄνδρας, ὧν οἱ μὲν δύο ἐκβάντες εἰς τάξιν ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα, ὁ δὲ εἷς ἔμενε. 5.4.12. καὶ οἱ μὲν λαβόντες τὰ πλοῖα ἀπέπλευσαν, οἱ δὲ μένοντες ἐξετάξαντο ὧδε. ἔστησαν ὥσπερ ἀνὰ ἑκατὸν μάλιστα οἷον χοροὶ ἀντιστοιχοῦντες ἀλλήλοις, ἔχοντες γέρρα πάντες λευκῶν βοῶν δασέα, ᾐκασμένα κιττοῦ πετάλῳ, ἐν δὲ τῇ δεξιᾷ παλτὸν ὡς ἕξπηχυ, ἔμπροσθεν μὲν λόγχην ἔχον, ὄπισθεν δὲ τοῦ ξύλου σφαιροειδές. 5.4.13. χιτωνίσκους δὲ ἐνεδεδύκεσαν ὑπὲρ γονάτων, πάχος ὡς λινοῦ στρωματοδέσμου, ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ δὲ κράνη σκύτινα οἷάπερ τὰ Παφλαγονικά, κρωβύλον ἔχοντα κατὰ μέσον, ἐγγύτατα τιαροειδῆ· εἶχον δὲ καὶ σαγάρεις σιδηρᾶς. 5.4.14. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξῆρχε μὲν αὐτῶν εἷς, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἅπαντες ἐπορεύοντο ᾄδοντες ἐν ῥυθμῷ, καὶ διελθόντες διὰ τῶν τάξεων καὶ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐπορεύοντο εὐθὺς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπὶ χωρίον ὃ ἐδόκει ἐπιμαχώτατον εἶναι. 5.4.15. ᾠκεῖτο δὲ τοῦτο πρὸ τῆς πόλεως τῆς Μητροπόλεως καλουμένης αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐχούσης τὸ ἀκρότατον τῶν Μοσσυνοίκων. καὶ περὶ τούτου ὁ πόλεμος ἦν· οἱ γὰρ ἀεὶ τοῦτʼ ἔχοντες ἐδόκουν ἐγκρατεῖς εἶναι καὶ πάντων Μοσσυνοίκων, καὶ ἔφασαν τούτους οὐ δικαίως ἔχειν τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ κοινὸν ὂν καταλαβόντας πλεονεκτεῖν. 5.4.27. οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες διαρπάζοντες τὰ χωρία ηὕρισκον θησαυροὺς ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἄρτων νενημένων περυσινῶν, ὡς ἔφασαν οἱ Μοσσύνοικοι, τὸν δὲ νέον σῖτον ξὺν τῇ καλάμῃ ἀποκείμενον· ἦσαν δὲ ζειαὶ αἱ πλεῖσται. 5.4.28. καὶ δελφίνων τεμάχη ἐν ἀμφορεῦσιν ηὑρίσκετο τεταριχευμένα καὶ στέαρ ἐν τεύχεσι τῶν δελφίνων, ᾧ ἐχρῶντο οἱ Μοσσύνοικοι καθάπερ οἱ Ἕλληνες τῷ ἐλαίῳ· 5.4.29. κάρυα δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνώγεων ἦν πολλὰ τὰ πλατέα οὐκ ἔχοντα διαφυὴν οὐδεμίαν. τούτων καὶ πλείστῳ σίτῳ ἐχρῶντο ἕψοντες καὶ ἄρτους ὀπτῶντες. οἶνος δὲ ηὑρίσκετο ὃς ἄκρατος μὲν ὀξὺς ἐφαίνετο εἶναι ὑπὸ τῆς αὐστηρότητος, κερασθεὶς δὲ εὐώδης τε καὶ ἡδύς. 5.4.30. οἱ μὲν δὴ Ἕλληνες ἀριστήσαντες ἐνταῦθα ἐπορεύοντο εἰς τὸ πρόσω, παραδόντες τὸ χωρίον τοῖς ξυμμαχήσασι τῶν Μοσσυνοίκων. ὁπόσα δὲ καὶ ἄλλα παρῇσαν χωρία τῶν ξὺν τοῖς πολεμίοις ὄντων, τὰ εὐπροσοδώτατα οἱ μὲν ἔλειπον, οἱ δὲ ἑκόντες προσεχώρουν. 5.4.31. τὰ δὲ πλεῖστα τοιάδε ἦν τῶν χωρίων. ἀπεῖχον αἱ πόλεις ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων στάδια ὀγδοήκοντα, αἱ δὲ πλέον αἱ δὲ μεῖον· ἀναβοώντων δὲ ἀλλήλων ξυνήκουον εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας πόλεως· οὕτως ὑψηλή τε καὶ κοίλη ἡ χώρα ἦν. 5.4.32. ἐπεὶ δὲ πορευόμενοι ἐν τοῖς φίλοις ἦσαν, ἐπεδείκνυσαν αὐτοῖς παῖδας τῶν εὐδαιμόνων σιτευτούς, τεθραμμένους καρύοις ἑφθοῖς, ἁπαλοὺς καὶ λευκοὺς σφόδρα καὶ οὐ πολλοῦ δέοντας ἴσους τὸ μῆκος καὶ τὸ πλάτος εἶναι, ποικίλους δὲ τὰ νῶτα καὶ τὰ ἔμπροσθεν πάντα, ἐστιγμένους ἀνθέμια. 5.4.33. ἐζήτουν δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἑταίραις ἃς ἦγον οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐμφανῶς ξυγγίγνεσθαι· νόμος γὰρ ἦν οὗτός σφισι. λευκοὶ δὲ πάντες οἱ ἄνδρες καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες. 5.4.34. τούτους ἔλεγον οἱ στρατευσάμενοι βαρβαρωτάτους διελθεῖν καὶ πλεῖστον τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν νόμων κεχωρισμένους. ἔν τε γὰρ ὄχλῳ ὄντες ἐποίουν ἅπερ ἂν ἄνθρωποι ἐν ἐρημίᾳ ποιήσειαν, μόνοι τε ὄντες ὅμοια ἔπραττον ἅπερ ἂν μετʼ ἄλλων ὄντες, διελέγοντό τε αὑτοῖς καὶ ἐγέλων ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῖς καὶ ὠρχοῦντο ἐφιστάμενοι ὅπου τύχοιεν, ὥσπερ ἄλλοις ἐπιδεικνύμενοι. 6.4.1. ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτοῦ ηὐλίζοντο ἐπὶ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ πρὸς τῷ λιμένι. τὸ δὲ χωρίον τοῦτο ὃ καλεῖται Κάλπης λιμὴν ἔστι μὲν ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ τῇ ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ· ἀρξαμένη δὲ ἡ Θρᾴκη αὕτη ἐστὶν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος τοῦ Πόντου μέχρι Ἡρακλείας ἐπὶ δεξιὰ εἰς τὸν Πόντον εἰσπλέοντι. 6.4.2. καὶ τριήρει μέν ἐστιν εἰς Ἡράκλειαν ἐκ Βυζαντίου κώπαις ἡμέρας μακρᾶς πλοῦς· ἐν δὲ τῷ μέσῳ ἄλλη μὲν πόλις οὐδεμία οὔτε φιλία οὔτε Ἑλληνίς, ἀλλὰ Θρᾷκες Βιθυνοί· καὶ οὓς ἂν λάβωσι τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐκπίπτοντας ἢ ἄλλως πως δεινὰ ὑβρίζειν λέγονται τοὺς Ἕλληνας. 6.4.3. ὁ δὲ Κάλπης λιμὴν ἐν μέσῳ μὲν κεῖται ἑκατέρωθεν πλεόντων ἐξ Ἡρακλείας καὶ Βυζαντίου, ἔστι δʼ ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ προκείμενον χωρίον, τὸ μὲν εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καθῆκον αὐτοῦ πέτρα ἀπορρώξ, ὕψος ὅπῃ ἐλάχιστον οὐ μεῖον εἴκοσιν ὀργυιῶν, ὁ δὲ αὐχὴν ὁ εἰς τὴν γῆν ἀνήκων τοῦ χωρίου μάλιστα τεττάρων πλέθρων τὸ εὖρος· τὸ δʼ ἐντὸς τοῦ αὐχένος χωρίον ἱκανὸν μυρίοις ἀνθρώποις οἰκῆσαι. 6.4.4. λιμὴν δʼ ὑπʼ αὐτῇ τῇ πέτρᾳ τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέραν αἰγιαλὸν ἔχων. κρήνη δὲ ἡδέος ὕδατος καὶ ἄφθονος ῥέουσα ἐπʼ αὐτῇ τῇ θαλάττῃ ὑπὸ τῇ ἐπικρατείᾳ τοῦ χωρίου. ξύλα δὲ πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα, πάνυ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ καλὰ ναυπηγήσιμα ἐπʼ αὐτῇ τῇ θαλάττῃ. 6.4.5. τὸ δὲ ὄρος εἰς μεσόγειαν μὲν ἀνήκει ὅσον ἐπὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους, καὶ τοῦτο γεῶδες καὶ ἄλιθον· τὸ δὲ παρὰ θάλατταν πλέον ἢ ἐπὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους δασὺ πολλοῖς καὶ παντοδαποῖς καὶ μεγάλοις ξύλοις. 6.4.6. ἡ δὲ ἄλλη χώρα καλὴ καὶ πολλή, καὶ κῶμαι ἐν αὐτῇ εἰσι πολλαὶ καὶ οἰκούμεναι· φέρει γὰρ ἡ γῆ καὶ κριθὰς καὶ πυροὺς καὶ ὄσπρια πάντα καὶ μελίνας καὶ σήσαμα καὶ σῦκα ἀρκοῦντα καὶ ἀμπέλους πολλὰς καὶ ἡδυοίνους καὶ τἆλλα πάντα πλὴν ἐλαῶν. 5.4.11. Thence he marched three stages, fifteen parasangs, to the Euphrates river, the width of which was four stadia; and on the river was situated a large and prosperous city named Thapsacus . There he remained five days. And Cyrus summoned the generals of the Greeks and told them that the march was to be to Babylon , against the Great King; he directed them, accordingly, to explain this to the soldiers and try to persuade them to follow. 5.4.11. After confirming this agreement by giving and receiving pledges they departed. The next day they returned, bringing with them three hundred canoes, each made out of a single log and each containing three men, two of whom disembarked and fell into line under arms, while the third remained in the canoe. 5.4.12. So the generals called an assembly and made this announcement; and the soldiers were angry with the generals, and said that they had known about this for a long time, but had been keeping it from the troops; furthermore, they refused to go on unless they were given money, The troops are not now asking for additional pay, as at Tarsus ( Xen. Anab. 1.3.21 ), but for a special donation. See below. as were the men who made the journey with Cyrus before, See Xen. Anab. 1.1.2 . when he went to visit his father; they had received the donation, even though they marched, not to battle, but merely because Cyru s’ father summoned him. 5.4.12. Then the second group took their canoes and sailed back again, and those who stayed behind marshalled themselves in the following way. They took position in lines of about a hundred each, like choral dancers ranged opposite one another, all of them with wicker shields covered with white, shaggy ox-hide and like an ivy leaf in shape, and each man holding in his right hand a lance about six cubits long, with a spearhead at one end cp. Xen. Anab. 4.7.16 and note thereon. and a round ball at the butt end of the shaft. 5.4.13. All these things the generals reported back to Cyrus , and he promised that he would give every man five minas The Attic mina was equivalent (but see note on Xen. Anab. 1.1.9 ) to about 3 1 5s. or 5.4.13. They wore short tunics which did not reach their knees and were as thick as a linen bag for bedclothes, and upon their heads leathern helmets just such as the Paphlagonian helmets, with a tuft in the middle very like a tiara in shape; and they had also iron battle-axes. 5.4.14. After they had formed their lines one of them led off, and the rest after him, every man of them, fell into a rhythmic march and song, and passing through the battalions and through the quarters of the Greeks they went straight on against the enemy, toward a stronghold which seemed to be especially assailable. 5.4.15. It was situated in front of the city which is called by them Metropolis and contains the chief citadel of the Mossynoecians. In fact, it was for the possession of this citadel that the war was going on; for those who at any time held it were deemed to be masters of all the other Mossynoecians, and they said that the present occupants did not hold it by right, but that it was common property and they had seized it in order to gain a selfish advantage. 5.4.27. In plundering the strongholds the Greeks found in the houses ancestral stores, as the Mossynoecians described them, of heaped up loaves, while the new corn was laid away with the straw, the most of it being spelt. 5.4.28. They also found slices of dolphin salted away in jars, and in other vessels dolphin blubber, which the Mossynoecians used in the same way as the Greeks use olive oil; 5.4.29. and on the upper floors of the houses there were large quantities of flat nuts, without any divisions. i. e., such as walnuts have. Xenophon probably means chestnuts. Out of these nuts, by boiling them and baking them into loaves, they made the bread which they used most. The Greeks also found wine, which by reason of its harshness appeared to be sharp when taken unmixed, but mixed with water was fragrant and delicious. 5.4.30. When they had breakfasted there, the Greeks took up their onward march, after handing over the fortress to the Mossynoecians who had helped them in the fighting. As for the other strongholds which they passed by, belonging to those who sided with the enemy, the most accessible were in some cases abandoned by their occupants, in other cases surrendered voluntarily. 5.4.31. The greater part of these places were of the following description: The towns were eighty stadia distant from one another, some more, and some less; but the inhabitants could hear one another shouting from one town to the next, such heights and valleys there were in the country. 5.4.32. And when the Greeks, as they proceeded, were among the friendly Mossynoecians, they would exhibit to them fattened children of the wealthy inhabitants, who had been nourished on boiled nuts and were soft and white to an extraordinary degree, and pretty nearly equal in length and breadth, with their backs adorned with many colours and their fore parts all tattooed with flower patterns. 5.4.33. These Mossynoecians wanted also to have intercourse openly with the women who accompanied the Greeks, for that was their own fashion. And all of them were white, the men and the women alike. 5.4.34. They were set down by the Greeks who served through the expedition, as the most uncivilized people whose country they traversed, the furthest removed from Greek customs. For they habitually did in public the things that other people would do only in private, and when they were alone they would behave just as if they were in the company of others, talking to themselves, laughing at themselves, and dancing in whatever spot they chanced to be, as though they were giving an exhibition to others. 6.4.1. During that day they bivouacked where they were, upon the beach by the harbour. Now this place which is called Calpe Harbour is situated in Thrace -in-Asia; and this portion of Thrace begins at the mouth of the Euxine and extends as far as Heracleia, being on the right as one sails into the Euxine. 6.4.2. It is a long day’s journey for a trireme to row from Byzantium to Heracleia, and between the two places there is no other city, either friendly or Greek, only Bithynian Thracians; and they are said to abuse outrageously any Greeks they may find shipwrecked or may capture in any other way. 6.4.3. As for Calpe Harbour, it lies midway of the voyage between Heracleia and Byzantium and is a bit of land jutting out into the sea, the part of it which extends seaward being a precipitous mass of rock, not less than twenty fathoms high at its lowest point, and the isthmus which connects this head with the mainland being about four plethra in width; and the space to the seaward of the isthmus is large enough for ten thousand people to dwell in. 6.4.4. At the very foot of the rock there is a harbour whose beach faces toward the west, and an abundantly flowing spring of fresh water close to the shore of the sea and commanded by the headland. There is also a great deal of timber of various sorts, but an especially large amount of fine ship-timber, on the very shore of the sea. 6.4.5. The ridge extends back into the interior for about twenty stadia, and this stretch is deep-soiled and free from stones, while the land bordering the coast is thickly covered for a distance of more than twenty stadia with an abundance of heavy timber of all sorts. 6.4.6. The rest of the region is fair and extensive, and contains many inhabited villages; for the land produces barley, wheat, beans of all kinds, millet and sesame, a sufficient quantity of figs, an abundance of grapes which yield a good sweet wine, and in fact everything except olives.
12. Herodotus, Histories, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 106
2.102. Leaving the latter aside, then, I shall speak of the king who came after them, whose name was Sesostris . ,This king, the priests said, set out with a fleet of long ships from the Arabian Gulf and subjugated all those living by the Red Sea , until he came to a sea which was too shallow for his vessels. ,After returning from there back to Egypt , he gathered a great army (according to the account of the priests) and marched over the mainland, subjugating every nation to which he came. ,When those that he met were valiant men and strove hard for freedom, he set up pillars in their land, the inscription on which showed his own name and his country's, and how he had overcome them with his own power; ,but when the cities had made no resistance and been easily taken, then he put an inscription on the pillars just as he had done where the nations were brave; but he also drew on them the private parts of a woman, wishing to show clearly that the people were cowardly.
13. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 375
14. Theocritus, Idylls, 24.36 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338
15. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 155, 156, 157
16. Plautus, Trinummus, 1, 10-19, 2, 20-22, 3-9 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 18
17. Plautus, Casina, 963 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13
18. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 33.56 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 106; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 150
19. Cicero, Pro Murena, 13, 61, 74-77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 72
77. quod habes nomenclatorem? in eo quidem fallis et decipis. nam, si nomine appellari abs te civis tuos honestum est, turpe est eos notiores esse servo tuo quam tibi. sin iam iam scripst : etiam codd. : etiam si Lambinus noris, tamen ne tamenne scripsi : tamen codd. per monitorem appellandi sunt cum cum scripst : curam (cur ante y2, Naugerius ) codd. petis, quasi quasi Zumpt : quam codd. incertus sis incertus sis scripsi : incertum sit Lag. 9: inceravit (narravit y2 ) mei : insusurravit Naugerius ) ? quid quod, cum quid quod cum Priscian ( K. ii. 592): aquid quod S : a (ad y2 ) quid cum xy2 : quid quom A p : a quid quom y : quid quomodo w admoneris, tamen, quasi tute noris, ita salutas? quid quid quidem (quid enim y2 ) xy : quod Lag. 9, postea quam es designatus, multo salutas neglegentius? haec omnia ad rationem civitatis si derigas, recta sunt; sin perpendere ad disciplinae praecepta velis, reperiantur pravissima. qua re nec plebi Romanae eripiendi fructus isti sunt ludorum, gladiatorum, conviviorum, quae omnia maiores nostri comparaverunt, nec candidatis ista benignitas adimenda est quae liberalitatem magis significat quam largitionem.
20. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 24, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246
14. If, then, this had been a popular sort of proceeding, if it had had the least particle of equity or justice in it, would Caius Gracchus have passed it over? Forsooth, I suppose, the death of your uncle was a greater affliction to you, than the loss of his brother was to Caius Gracchus. And the death of that uncle whom you never saw is more painful to you, than the death of that brother, with whom he lived on the terms of the most cordial affection, was to him. And you avenge the death of your uncle just as he would have wished to avenge the death of his brother, if he had been inclined to act on your principles. And that great Labienus, your illustrious uncle, whoever he was, left quite as great a regret behind him in the bosoms of the Roman people, as Tiberius Gracchus left? Was your piety greater than that of Gracchus? or your courage? or your wisdom? or your wealth? or your influence? or your eloquence? And yet all those qualities, if he had had ever so little of them, would have been thought great in him in comparison of your qualifications.
21. Cicero, Pro Quinctio, 79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 118
22. Varro, On The Latin Language, 6.13, 6.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, reform •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 77; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 113
23. Cicero, Philippicae, 1.3, 2.21, 2.58-2.62, 2.71, 2.87-2.88, 2.91, 3.9, 5.9, 5.45-5.46, 11.24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 92; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 78; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 337, 343; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 141, 142; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 204; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 121, 122
24. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 98-99 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 73
25. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.28, 5.64-5.66 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (g. iulius caesar), stellar imagery of •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156, 157; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 207
1.28. ex hoc et nostrorum opinione Romulus in caelo cum diis agit aevum ann. 115, ut famae adsentiens dixit Ennius, et apud Graecos indeque perlapsus ad nos et usque ad Oceanum Hercules et ante retin. add. V c et perm.... 20 hercules fere omnia in r. V 1 tantus et tam praesens habetur deus; hinc Liber Semela natus eademque famae celebritate Tyndaridae fratres, qui non modo adiutores in proeliis victoriae populi Romani, sed etiam nuntii fuisse perhibentur. quid? Ino ino sed o in r. V 1 Cadmi inhoc admi G 1 filia nonne nonne ex nomine K 2 LEGKOE |ea R LEGKOQEA GKV ( Q in r. ) *leukoqe/a nominata a Graecis Matuta mutata K 1 V 1 (ut v.) Nonii L 1 habetur a nostris? Quid?...nostris Non. 66, 13 quid? totum prope caelum, ne pluris persequar, persequar pluris K nonne humano genere completum est? 5.64. ex eadem urbe humilem homunculum a pulvere et radio excitabo, qui multis annis post fuit, Archimedem. cuius ego quaestor ignoratum ab Syracusanis, cum esse omnino negarent, saeptum septum X undique et vestitum vestitutum V 1 vepribus et dumetis indagavi sepulcrum. tenebam enim quosdam senariolos, quos in eius monumento esse inscriptos acceperam, qui declarabant in summo sepulcro sphaeram spheram X (18 spherae RV sphaere GK) esse positam cum cylindro. 5.65. ego autem cum omnia conlustrarem oculis—est enim ad ad a GRV 1 ( corr. V 3 ) portas Agragantinas ego ducem cum...16 portas gaianas Non.335,24 agragantinas Came rarius agragianas X gaianas (gafanas L 1 ) Non. agragentinas Sey. ( cf. Th.l.l.l.1428 ) magna frequentia sepulcrorum—, animum adverti columellam non multum e dumis eminentem, in qua inerat sphaerae figura et cylindri. atque ego statim Syracusanis— erant autem principes mecum—dixi me illud ipsum arbitrari esse, quod quaererem. inmissi cum inmissi cum s V 3 inmusicum X (inmuscum K) falcibus multi multi famuli Lattmann milites olim Sey. purgarunt et aperuerunt locum. 5.66. quo cum patefactus patefactum X esset aditus, ad adversam a ddit' adadv. G basim bassim X ( corr. G 1 ) accessimus. accessimus R sed -ss- e corr. ( fuit fort. accedimus) acces imus V apparebat epigramma epygramma KRV exesis posterioribus partibus versiculorum dimidiatum dimidiatis X (di prius in r. R 1 ) corr. Bentl. (dimidiatus de versiculis vel de epigrammate dici poterat, de partibus non poterat cf. Gell. 3, 14 ) fere. ita nobilissima Graeciae civitas, quondam vero etiam doctissima, sui civis unius acutissimi monumentum ignorasset, nisi ab homine Arpinate Arpinati We.cl.leg.1, 4 al. didicisset. sed redeat, reddeat X ( corr. G 1 ) unde aberravit oratio: quis est omnium, qui qui quo V 1 modo cum Musis, id est cum humanitate humilitate K 1 ut v. et cum doctrina, habeat aliquod commercium, qui se non hunc mathematicum malit quam illum tyrannum? si vitae modum actionemque quaerimus, alterius mens rationibus agitandis exquirendisque alebatur cum oblectatione sollertiae, qui est unus suavissimus pastus patus K 1 ( r ss. c ) animorum, alterius in caede et iniuriis cum et diurno et nocturno metu. age confer Democritum Pythagoram, Anaxagoram: quae regna, quas opes studiis eorum et delectationibus antepones?
26. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 26
27. Cicero, Pro Marcello, 23, 27-28, 8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156
28. Cicero, Brutus, 211, 252-262, 42, 212 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 203
212. Quid Crassum, inquam, ilium censes, istius Liciniae filium, Crassi testamento qui fuit adoptatus? Summo iste quidem 30 dicitur ingenio fuisse, inquit; et vero hic Scipio, conlega meus, mihi sane bene et loqui videtur et dicere. Recte, inquam, iudicas, Brute. Etenim istius genus est ex ipsius sapientiae stirpe generatum. Nam et de duobus avis iam diximus, Scipione et Crasso, et de tribus proavis, Q. Metello, cuius quattuor illi filii quattuor illi filii Jahn : quattuor filii L : quattuor filii consulates Campe , P. Scipione, qui ex dominatu Ti. Gracchi privatus in libertatem rem publicam vindicavit, Q. Scaevola augure, qui peritissimus iuris idemque percomis est habitus. Iam duorum abavorum quam est inlustre nomen,
29. Cicero, Orator, 2.62-2.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 290
30. Cicero, Oratio Pro Rege Deiotaro, 1-4, 26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 288, 290, 314
31. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.67, 2.1.72, 2.2.129 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as •caesar (g. iulius caesar) •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 69; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 73; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 112
32. Cicero, In Vatinium, 8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 32
33. Cicero, In Pisonem, 49-50, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 124
34. Cicero, In Catilinam, 3.14-3.15, 4.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72
35. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 26.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •germanicus iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232
36. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.25, 2.16.2, 2.17.6, 4.4.3-4.4.4, 4.5-4.6, 4.7.4, 4.11-4.12, 5.12, 5.12.5, 5.12.8, 5.14-5.15, 6.6.7, 7.2.4, 7.23, 7.30.1, 8.4.1, 8.8.5, 10.12.3, 12.21, 12.25.3, 12.30.7, 14.7, 14.11.3, 15.1-15.2, 15.3.2, 15.4.2-15.4.10, 18.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 22; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 69; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 17; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 274, 279, 291, 335; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 49, 68, 69, 70, 73, 133, 138, 142, 289; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 246; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 241; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 70, 124, 150
37. Cicero, Letters, 1.5.4, 23.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 171; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 122
38. Cicero, Letters, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 241
39. Cicero, Pro Ligario, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., and cicero in civil war Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 70
40. Cicero, Republic, 1.1-1.13, 2.4-2.20, 2.55, 6.9-6.29 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156, 163, 164; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 287
1.1. im petu liberavissent, nec C. Duelius, A. Atilius, L. Metellus terrore Karthaginis, non duo Scipiones oriens incendium belli Punici secundi sanguine suo restinxissent, nec id excitatum maioribus copiis aut Q. Maximus enervavisset aut M. Marcellus contudisset aut a portis huius urbis avolsum P. Africanus compulisset intra hostium moenia. M. vero Catoni, homini ignoto et novo, quo omnes, qui isdem rebus studemus, quasi exemplari ad industriam virtutemque ducimur, certe licuit Tusculi se in otio delectare salubri et propinquo loco. Sed homo demens, ut isti putant, cum cogeret eum necessitas nulla, in his undis et tempestatibus ad summam senectutem maluit iactari quam in illa tranquillitate atque otio iucundissime vivere. Omitto innumerabilis viros, quorum singuli saluti huic civitati fuerunt, et quia sunt haud procul ab aetatis huius memoria, commemorare eos desino, ne quis se aut suorum aliquem praetermissum queratur. Unum hoc definio, tantam esse necessitatem virtutis generi hominum a natura tantumque amorem ad communem salutem defendendam datum, ut ea vis omnia blandimenta voluptatis otiique vicerit. 1.1. Plin. Nat. praef. 7 nec docti/ssimis. †Manium Persium haec le/gere nolo, Iu/nium Congu/m volo. 1.2. Nec vero habere virtutem satis est quasi artem aliquam, nisi utare; etsi ars quidem, cum ea non utare, scientia tamen ipsa teneri potest, virtus in usu sui tota posita est; usus autem eius est maximus civitatis gubernatio et earum ipsarum rerum, quas isti in angulis persot, reapse, non oratione perfectio. Nihil enim dicitur a philosophis, quod quidem recte honesteque dicatur, quod non ab iis partum confirmatumque sit, a quibus civitatibus iura discripta sunt. Unde enim pietas aut a quibus religio? unde ius aut gentium aut hoc ipsum civile quod dicitur? unde iustitia, fides, aequitas? unde pudor, continentia, fuga turpitudinis, adpetentia laudis et honestatis? unde in laboribus et periculis fortitudo? Nempe ab iis, qui haec disciplinis informata alia moribus confirmarunt, sanxerunt autem alia legibus. 1.2. Non. p. 426M Sic, quoniam plura beneficia continet patria et est antiquior parens quam is, qui creavit, maior ei profecto quam parenti debetur gratia. 1.3. Quin etiam Xenocraten ferunt, nobilem in primis philosophum, cum quaereretur ex eo, quid adsequerentur eius discipuli, respondisse, ut id sua sponte facerent, quod cogerentur facere legibus. Ergo ille civis, qui id cogit omnis imperio legumque poena, quod vix paucis persuadere oratione philosophi possunt, etiam iis, qui illa disputant, ipsis est praeferendus doctoribus. Quae est enim istorum oratio tam exquisita, quae sit anteponenda bene constitutae civitati publico iure et moribus? Equidem quem ad modum 'urbes magnas atque imperiosas', ut appellat Ennius, viculis et castellis praeferendas puto, sic eos, qui his urbibus consilio atque auctoritate praesunt, iis, qui omnis negotii publici expertes sint, longe duco sapientia ipsa esse anteponendos. Et quoniam maxime rapimur ad opes augendas generis humani studemusque nostris consiliis et laboribus tutiorem et opulentiorem vitam hominum reddere et ad hanc voluptatem ipsius naturae stimulis incitamur, teneamus eum cursum, qui semper fuit optimi cuiusque, neque ea signa audiamus, quae receptui canunt, ut eos etiam revocent, qui iam processerint. 1.3. Non. p. 526M Nec tantum Karthago habuisset opum sescentos fere annos sine consiliis et disciplina. 1.4. His rationibus tam certis tamque inlustribus opponuntur ab iis, qui contra disputant, primum labores, qui sint re publica defendenda sustinendi, leve sane inpedimentum vigilanti et industrio, neque solum in tantis rebus, sed etiam in mediocribus vel studiis vel officiis vel vero etiam negotiis contemnendum. Adiunguntur pericula vitae, turpisque ab his formido mortis fortibus viris opponitur, quibus magis id miserum videri solet, natura se consumi et senectute, quam sibi dari tempus, ut possint eam vitam, quae tamen esset reddenda naturae, pro patria potissimum reddere. Illo vero se loco copiosos et disertos putant, cum calamitates clarissimorum virorum iniuriasque iis ab ingratis inpositas civibus colligunt. 1.4. Non. p. 276M Cognoscere mehercule, inquit, consuetudinem istam et studium sermonis. 1.5. Hinc enim illa et apud Graecos exempla, Miltiadem, victorem domitoremque Persarum, nondum sanatis volneribus iis, quae corpore adverso in clarissima victoria accepisset, vitam ex hostium telis servatam in civium vinclis profudisse, et Themistoclem patria, quam liberavisset, pulsum atque proterritum non in Graeciae portus per se servatos, sed in barbariae sinus confugisse, quam adflixerat; nec vero levitatis Atheniensium crudelitatisque in amplissimos civis exempla deficiunt; quae nata et frequentata apud illos etiam in gravissumam civitatem nostram dicuntur redundasse; 1.5. Lactant. Div. Inst. 3.16.5 Profecto omnis istorum disputatio, quamquam uberrimos fontes virtutis et scientiae continet, tamen collata cum eorum actis perfectisque rebus vereor ne non tantum videatur attulisse negotii hominibus, quantam oblectationem. 1.6. nam vel exilium Camilli vel offensio commemoratur Ahalae vel invidia Nasicae vel expulsio Laenatis vel Opimii damnatio vel fuga Metelli vel acerbissima C. Marii clades principum que caedes vel eorum multorum pestes, quae paulo post secutae sunt. Nec vero iam meo nomine abstinent et, credo, quia nostro consilio ac periculo sese in illa vita atque otio conservatos putant, gravius etiam de nobis queruntur et amantius. Sed haud facile dixerim, cur, cum ipsi discendi aut visendi causa maria tramittant 1.6. Arusianus Messius GL 7.457K A qua isti avocabant. 1.7. salvam esse consulatu abiens in contione populo Romano idem iurante iuravissem, facile iniuriarum omnium compensarem curam et molestiam. Quamquam nostri casus plus honoris habuerunt quam laboris neque tantum molestiae, quantum gloriae, maioremque laetitiam ex desiderio bonorum percepimus quam ex laetitia improborum dolorem. Sed si aliter, ut dixi, accidisset, qui possem queri? cum mihi nihil inproviso nec gravius, quam exspectavissem, pro tantis meis factis evenisset. Is enim fueram, cui cum liceret aut maiores ex otio fructus capere quam ceteris propter variam suavitatem studiorum, in quibus a pueritia vixeram, aut si quid accideret acerbius universis, non praecipuam, sed parem cum ceteris fortunae condicionem subire, non dubitaverim me gravissimis tempestatibus ac paene fulminibus ipsis obvium ferre conservandorum civium causa meisque propriis periculis parere commune reliquis otium. 1.8. Neque enim hac nos patria lege genuit aut educavit, ut nulla quasi alimenta exspectaret a nobis ac tantum modo nostris ipsa commodis serviens tutum perfugium otio nostro suppeditaret et tranquillum ad quietem locum, sed ut plurimas et maximas nostri animi, ingenii, consilii partis ipsa sibi ad utilitatem suam pigneraretur tantumque nobis in nostrum privatum usum, quantum ipsi superesse posset, remitteret. 1.9. Iam illa perfugia, quae sumunt sibi ad excusationem, quo facilius otio perfruantur, certe minime sunt audienda, cum ita dicunt, accedere ad rem publicam plerumque homines nulla re bona dignos, cum quibus comparari sordidum, confligere autem multitudine praesertim incitata miserum et periculosum sit. Quam ob rem neque sapientis esse accipere habenas, cum insanos atque indomitos impetus volgi cohibere non possit, neque liberi cum inpuris atque inmanibus adversariis decertantem vel contumeliarum verbera subire vel expectare sapienti non ferendas iniurias; proinde quasi bonis et fortibus et magno animo praeditis ulla sit ad rem publicam adeundi causa iustior, quam ne pareant inprobis neve ab isdem lacerari rem publicam patiantur, cum ipsi auxilium ferre, si cupiant, non queant. 1.10. Illa autem exceptio cui probari tandem potest, quod negant sapientem suscepturum ullam rei publicae partem, extra quam si eum tempus et necessitas coegerit? quasi vero maior cuiquam necessitas accidere possit, quam accidit nobis; in qua quid facere potuissem, nisi tum consul fuissem? Consul autem esse qui potui, nisi eum vitae cursum tenuissem a pueritia, per quem equestri loco natus pervenirem ad honorem amplissimum? Non igitur potestas est ex tempore, aut cum velis, opitulandi rei publicae, quamvis ea prematur periculis, nisi eo loco sis, ut tibi id facere liceat. 1.11. Maximeque hoc in hominum doctorum oratione mihi mirum videri solet, quod, qui tranquillo mari gubernare se negent posse, quod nec didicerint nec umquam scire curaverint, iidem ad gubernacula se accessuros profiteantur excitatis maximis fluctibus. Isti enim palam dicere atque in eo multum etiam gloriari solent, se de rationibus rerum publicarum aut constituendarum aut tuendarum nihil nec didicisse umquam nec docere, earumque rerum scientiam non doctis hominibus ac sapientibus, sed in illo genere exercitatis concedendam putant. Quare qui convenit polliceri operam suam rei publicae tum denique, si necessitate cogantur? cum, quod est multo proclivius, nulla necessitate premente rem publicam regere nesciant. Equidem, ut verum esset sua voluntate sapientem descendere ad rationes civitatis non solere, sin autem temporibus cogeretur, tum id munus denique non recusare, tamen arbitrarer hanc rerum civilium minime neglegendam scientiam sapienti, propterea quod omnia essent ei praeparanda, quibus nesciret an aliquando uti necesse esset. 1.12. Haec pluribus a me verbis dicta sunt ob eam causam, quod his libris erat instituta et suscepta mihi de re publica disputatio; quae ne frustra haberetur, dubitationem ad rem publicam adeundi in primis debui tollere. Ac tamen si qui sunt, qui philosophorum auctoritate moveantur, dent operam parumper atque audiant eos, quorum summa est auctoritas apud doctissimos homines et gloria; quos ego existimo, etiamsi qui ipsi rem publicam non gesserint, tamen, quoniam de re publica multa quaesierint et scripserint, functos esse aliquo rei publicae munere. Eos vero septem, quos Graeci sapientis nominaverunt, omnis paene video in media re publica esse versatos. Neque enim est ulla res, in qua propius ad deorum numen virtus accedat humana, quam civitatis aut condere novas aut conservare iam conditas. 1.13. Quibus de rebus, quoniam nobis contigit, ut iidem et in gerenda re publica aliquid essemus memoria dignum consecuti et in explicandis rationibus rerum civilium quandam facultatem non modo usu, sed etiam studio discendi et docendi † essemus auctores, cum superiores alii fuissent in disputationibus perpoliti, quorum res gestae nullae invenirentur, alii in gerendo probabiles, in disserendo rudes. Nec vero nostra quaedam est instituenda nova et a nobis inventa ratio, sed unius aetatis clarissimorum ac sapientissimorum nostrae civitatis virorum disputatio repetenda memoria est, quae mihi tibique quondam adulescentulo est a P. Rutilio Rufo, Smyrnae cum simul essemus compluris dies, exposita, in qua nihil fere, quod magno opere ad rationes omnium rerum pertineret, est praetermissum. 2.4. Hoc cum omnes adprobavissent, Quod habemus, inquit, institutae rei publicae tam clarum ac tam omnibus notum exordium quam huius urbis condendae principium profectum a Romulo? qui patre Marte natus (concedamus enim famae hominum, praesertim non inveteratae solum, sed etiam sapienter a maioribus proditae, bene meriti de rebus communibus ut genere etiam putarentur, non solum ingenio esse divino)—is igitur, ut natus sit, cum Remo fratre dicitur ab Amulio, rege Albano, ob labefactandi regni timorem ad Tiberim exponi iussus esse; quo in loco cum esset silvestris beluae sustentatus uberibus pastoresque eum sustulissent et in agresti cultu laboreque aluissent, perhibetur, ut adoleverit, et corporis viribus et animi ferocitate tantum ceteris praestitisse, ut omnes, qui tum eos agros, ubi hodie est haec urbs, incolebant, aequo animo illi libenterque parerent. Quorum copiis cum se ducem praebuisset, ut iam a fabulis ad facta veniamus, oppressisse Longam Albam, validam urbem et potentem temporibus illis, Amuliumque regem interemisse fertur. 2.5. Qua gloria parta urbem auspicato condere et firmare dicitur primum cogitavisse rem publicam. Urbi autem locum, quod est ei, qui diuturnam rem publicam serere conatur, diligentissime providendum, incredibili oportunitate delegit. Neque enim ad mare admovit, quod ei fuit illa manu copiisque facillimum, ut in agrum Rutulorum Aboriginumque procederet, aut in ostio Tiberino, quem in locum multis post annis rex Ancus coloniam deduxit, urbem ipse conderet, sed hoc vir excellenti providentia sensit ac vidit, non esse oportunissimos situs maritimos urbibus eis, quae ad spem diuturnitatis conderentur atque imperii, primum quod essent urbes maritimae non solum multis periculis oppositae, sed etiam caecis. 2.6. Nam terra continens adventus hostium non modo expectatos, sed etiam repentinos multis indiciis et quasi fragore quodam et sonitu ipso ante denuntiat; neque vero quisquam potest hostis advolare terra, quin eum non modo esse, sed etiam quis et unde sit, scire possimus. Maritimus vero ille et navalis hostis ante adesse potest, quam quisquam venturum esse suspicari queat, nec vero, cum venit, prae se fert, aut qui sit aut unde veniat aut etiam quid velit, denique ne nota quidem ulla, pacatus an hostis sit, discerni ac iudicari potest. 2.7. Est autem maritimis urbibus etiam quaedam corruptela ac demutatio morum; admiscentur enim novis sermonibus ac disciplinis et inportantur non merces solum adventiciae, sed etiam mores, ut nihil possit in patriis institutis manere integrum. Iam qui incolunt eas urbes, non haerent in suis sedibus, sed volucri semper spe et cogitatione rapiuntur a domo longius, atque etiam cum manent corpore, animo tamen exulant et vagantur. Nec vero ulla res magis labefactatam diu et Carthaginem et Corinthum pervertit aliquando quam hic error ac dissipatio civium, quod mercandi cupiditate et navigandi et agrorum et armorum cultum reliquerant. 2.8. Multa etiam ad luxuriam invitamenta perniciosa civitatibus subpeditantur mari, quae vel capiuntur vel inportantur; atque habet etiam amoenitas ipsa vel sumptuosas vel desidiosas inlecebras multas cupiditatum. Et, quod de Corintho dixi, id haud scio an liceat de cuncta Graecia verissime dicere; nam et ipsa Peloponnesus fere tota in mari est, nec praeter Phliuntios ulli sunt, quorum agri non contingant mare, et extra Peloponnesum Aenianes et Doris et Dolopes soli absunt a mari. Quid dicam insulas Graeciae? quae fluctibus cinctae natant paene ipsae simul cum civitatum institutis et moribus. 2.9. Atque haec quidem, ut supra dixi, veteris sunt Graeciae. Coloniarum vero quae est deducta a Graiis in Asiam, Thracam, Italiam, Siciliam, Africam praeter unam Magnesiam, quam unda non adluat? Ita barbarorum agris quasi adtexta quaedam videtur ora esse Graeciae; nam e barbaris quidem ipsis nulli erant antea maritumi praeter Etruscos et Poenos, alteri mercandi causa, latrocidi alteri. Quae causa perspicua est malorum commutationumque Graeciae propter ea vitia maritimarum urbium, quae ante paulo perbreviter adtigi. Sed tamen in his vitiis inest illa magna commoditas, et, quod ubique genitum est, ut ad eam urbem, quam incolas, possit adnare, et rursus ut id, quod agri efferant sui, quascumque velint in terras, portare possint ac mittere. 2.10. Qui potuit igitur divinius et utilitates conplecti maritimas Romulus et vitia vitare, quam quod urbem perennis amnis et aequabilis et in mare late influentis posuit in ripa? quo posset urbs et accipere a mari, quo egeret, et reddere, quo redundaret, eodemque ut flumine res ad victum cultumque maxime necessarias non solum mari †absorberet, sed etiam invectas acciperet ex terra, ut mihi iam tum divinasse ille videatur hanc urbem sedem aliquando et domum summo esse imperio praebituram; nam hanc rerum tantam potentiam non ferme facilius ulla in parte Italiae posita urbs tenere potuisset. 2.11. Urbis autem ipsius nativa praesidia quis est tam neglegens qui non habeat animo notata ac plane cognita? cuius is est tractus ductusque muri cum Romuli, tum etiam reliquorum regum sapientia definitus ex omni parte arduis praeruptisque montibus, ut unus aditus, qui esset inter Esquilinum Quirinalemque montem, maximo aggere obiecto fossa cingeretur vastissima, atque ut ita munita arx circumiectu arduo et quasi circumciso saxo niteretur, ut etiam in illa tempestate horribili Gallici adventus incolumis atque intacta permanserit. Locumque delegit et fontibus abundantem et in regione pestilenti salubrem; colles enim sunt, qui cum perflantur ipsi, tum adferunt umbram vallibus. 2.12. Atque haec quidem perceleriter confecit; nam et urbem constituit, quam e suo nomine Romam iussit nominari, et ad firmandam novam civitatem novum quoddam et subagreste consilium, sed ad muniendas opes regni ac populi sui magni hominis et iam tum longe providentis secutus est, cum Sabinas honesto ortas loco virgines, quae Romam ludorum gratia venissent, quos tum primum anniversarios in circo facere instituisset, Consualibus rapi iussit easque in familiarum amplissimarum matrimoniis collocavit. 2.13. Qua ex causa cum bellum Romanis Sabini intulissent proeliique certamen varium atque anceps fuisset, cum T. Tatio, rege Sabinorum, foedus icit matronis ipsis, quae raptae erant, orantibus; quo foedere et Sabinos in civitatem adscivit sacris conmunicatis et regnum suum cum illorum rege sociavit. 2.14. Post interitum autem Tatii cum ad eum dominatus omnis reccidisset, quamquam cum Tatio in regium consilium delegerat principes (qui appellati sunt propter caritatem patres) populumque et suo et Tatii nomine et Lucumonis, qui Romuli socius in Sabino proelio occiderat, in tribus tris curiasque triginta discripserat (quas curias earum nominibus nuncupavit, quae ex Sabinis virgines raptae postea fuerant oratrices pacis et foederis)—sed quamquam ea Tatio sic erant discripta vivo, tamen eo interfecto multo etiam magis Romulus patrum auctoritate consilioque regnavit. 2.15. Quo facto primum vidit iudicavitque idem, quod Spartae Lycurgus paulo ante viderat, singulari imperio et potestate regia tum melius gubernari et regi civitates, si esset optimi cuiusque ad illam vim dominationis adiuncta auctoritas. Itaque hoc consilio et quasi senatu fultus et munitus et bella cum finitimis felicissime multa gessit et, cum ipse nihil ex praeda domum suam reportaret, locupletare civis non destitit. 2.16. Tum, id quo retinemus hodie magna cum salute rei publicae, auspiciis plurimum obsecutus est Romulus. Nam et ipse, quod principium rei publicae fuit, urbem condidit auspicato et omnibus publicis rebus instituendis, qui sibi essent in auspiciis, ex singulis tribubus singulos cooptavit augures et habuit plebem in clientelas principum discriptam (quod quantae fuerit utilitati, post videro) multaeque dictione ovium et bovum (quod tum erat res in pecore et locorum possessionibus, ex quo pecuniosi et locupletes vocabantur), non vi et suppliciis coercebat. 2.17. Ac Romulus cum septem et triginta regnavisset annos et haec egregia duo firmamenta rei publicae peperisset, auspicia et senatum, tantum est consecutus, ut, cum subito sole obscurato non conparuisset, deorum in numero conlocatus putaretur; quam opinionem nemo umquam mortalis adsequi potuit sine eximia virtutis gloria. 2.18. Atque hoc eo magis est in Romulo admirandum, quod ceteri, qui dii ex hominibus facti esse dicuntur, minus eruditis hominum saeculis fuerunt, ut fingendi proclivis esset ratio, cum imperiti facile ad credendum inpellerentur, Romuli autem aetatem minus his sescentis annis iam inveteratis litteris atque doctrinis omnique illo antiquo ex inculta hominum vita errore sublato fuisse cernimus. Nam si, id quod Graecorum investigatur annalibus, Roma condita est secundo anno Olympiadis septumae, in id saeculum Romuli cecidit aetas, cum iam plena Graecia poetarum et musicorum esset minorque fabulis nisi de veteribus rebus haberetur fides. Nam centum et octo annis postquam Lycurgus leges scribere instituit, prima posita est Olympias, quam quidam nominis errore ab eodem Lycurgo constitutam putant; Homerum autem, qui minimum dicunt, Lycurgi aetati triginta annis anteponunt fere. 2.19. Ex quo intellegi potest permultis annis ante Homerum fuisse quam Romulum, ut iam doctis hominibus ac temporibus ipsis eruditis ad fingendum vix quicquam esset loci. Antiquitas enim recepit fabulas fictas etiam non numquam August. C.D. 22.6 incondite, haec aetas autem iam exculta praesertim eludens omne, quod fieri non potest, respuit. 2.20. us ne pos ei us, ut di xeru nt quidam, e x filia. Quo autem ille mor tuus, e odem est an no na tus Si moni des Ol ympia de se xta et quin qua gesima, ut f acilius intel legi pos sit tu m de Ro mu li inmortalitate creditum, cum iam inveterata vita hominum ac tractata esset et cognita. Sed profecto tanta fuit in eo vis ingenii atque virtutis, ut id de Romulo Proculo Iulio, homini agresti, crederetur, quod multis iam ante saeculis nullo alio de mortali homines credidissent; qui inpulsu patrum, quo illi a se invidiam interitus Romuli pellerent, in contione dixisse fertur a se visum esse in eo colle Romulum, qui nunc Quirinalis vocatur; eum sibi mandasse, ut populum rogaret, ut sibi eo in colle delubrum fieret; se deum esse et Quirinum vocari. 2.55. Itaque Publicola lege illa de provocatione perlata statim securis de fascibus demi iussit postridieque sibi collegam Sp. Lucretium subrogavit suosque ad eum, quod erat maior natu, lictores transire iussit instituitque primus, ut singulis consulibus alternis mensibus lictores praeirent, ne plura insignia essent inperii in libero populo quam in regno fuissent. Haud mediocris hic, ut ego quidem intellego, vir fuit, qui modica libertate populo data facilius tenuit auctoritatem principum. Neque ego haec nunc sine causa tam vetera vobis et tam obsoleta decanto, sed inlustribus in personis temporibusque exempla hominum rerumque definio, ad quae reliqua oratio derigatur mea. 6.9. OMNIUM Cum in Africam venissem M'. Manilio consuli ad quartam legionem tribunus, ut scitis, militum, nihil mihi fuit potius, quam ut Masinissam convenirem regem, familiae nostrae iustis de causis amicissimum. Ad quem ut veni, conplexus me senex conlacrimavit aliquantoque post suspexit ad caelum et: Grates, inquit, tibi ago, summe Sol, vobisque, reliqui Caelites, quod, ante quam ex hac vita migro, conspicio in meo regno et his tectis P. Cornelium Scipionem, cuius ego nomine ipso recreor; itaque numquam ex animo meo discedit illius optimi atque invictissimi viri memoria. Deinde ego illum de suo regno, ille me de nostra re publica percontatus est, multisque verbis ultro citroque habitis ille nobis consumptus est dies. 6.10. Post autem apparatu regio accepti sermonem in multam noctem produximus, cum senex nihil nisi de Africano loqueretur omniaque eius non facta solum, sed etiam dicta meminisset. Deinde, ut cubitum discessimus, me et de via fessum, et qui ad multam noctem vigilassem, artior quam solebat somnus complexus est. Hic mihi (credo equidem ex hoc, quod eramus locuti; fit enim fere, ut cogitationes sermonesque nostri pariant aliquid in somno tale, quale de Homero scribit Ennius, de quo videlicet saepissime vigilans solebat cogitare et loqui) Africanus se ostendit ea forma, quae mihi ex imagine eius quam ex ipso erat notior; quem ubi agnovi, equidem cohorrui, sed ille: Ades, inquit, animo et omitte timorem, Scipio, et, quae dicam, trade memoriae. 6.11. Videsne illam urbem, quae parere populo Romano coacta per me renovat pristina bella nec potest quiescere? (ostendebat autem Karthaginem de excelso et pleno stellarum illustri et claro quodam loco) ad quam tu oppugdam nunc venis paene miles. Hanc hoc biennio consul evertes, eritque cognomen id tibi per te partum, quod habes adhuc a nobis hereditarium. Cum autem Karthaginem deleveris, triumphum egeris censorque fueris et obieris legatus Aegyptum, Syriam, Asiam, Graeciam, deligere iterum consul absens bellumque maximum conficies, Numantiam excindes. Sed cum eris curru in Capitolium invectus, offendes rem publicam consiliis perturbatam nepotis mei. 6.12. Hic tu, Africane, ostendas oportebit patriae lumen animi, ingenii consiliique tui. Sed eius temporis ancipitem video quasi fatorum viam. Nam cum aetas tua septenos octiens solis anfractus reditusque converterit, duoque ii numeri, quorum uterque plenus alter altera de causa habetur, circuitu naturali summam tibi fatalem confecerint, in te unum atque in tuum nomen se tota convertet civitas, te senatus, te omnes boni, te socii, te Latini intuebuntur, tu eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus, ac, ne multa, dictator rem publicam constituas oportet, si impias propinquorum manus effugeris. Hic cum exclamasset Laelius ingemuissentque vehementius ceteri, leniter arridens Scipio: St! quaeso, inquit, ne me e somno excitetis, et parumper audite cetera. 6.13. Sed quo sis, Africane, alacrior ad tutandam rem publicam, sic habeto: omnibus, qui patriam conservaverint, adiuverint, auxerint, certum esse in caelo definitum locum, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur; nihil est enim illi principi deo, qui omnem mundum regit, quod quidem in terris fiat, acceptius quam concilia coetusque hominum iure sociati, quae civitates appellantur; harum rectores et conservatores hinc profecti huc revertuntur. 6.14. Hic ego, etsi eram perterritus non tam mortis metu quam insidiarum a meis, quaesivi tamen, viveretne ipse et Paulus pater et alii, quos nos extinctos arbitraremur. Immo vero, inquit, hi vivunt, qui e corporum vinculis tamquam e carcere evolaverunt, vestra vero, quae dicitur, vita mors est. Quin tu aspicis ad te venientem Paulum patrem? Quem ut vidi, equidem vim lacrimarum profudi, ille autem me complexus atque osculans flere prohibebat. 6.15. Atque ego ut primum fletu represso loqui posse coepi, Quaeso, inquam, pater sanctissime atque optime, quoniam haec est vita, ut Africanum audio dicere, quid moror in terris? quin huc ad vos venire propero? Non est ita, inquit ille. Nisi enim deus is, cuius hoc templum est omne, quod conspicis, istis te corporis custodiis liberaverit, huc tibi aditus patere non potest. Homines enim sunt hac lege generati, qui tuerentur illum globum, quem in hoc templo medium vides, quae terra dicitur, iisque animus datus est ex illis sempiternis ignibus, quae sidera et stellas vocatis, quae globosae et rotundae, divinis animatae mentibus, circulos suos orbesque conficiunt celeritate mirabili. Quare et tibi, Publi, et piis omnibus retinendus animus est in custodia corporis nec iniussu eius, a quo ille est vobis datus, ex hominum vita migrandum est, ne munus humanum adsignatum a deo defugisse videamini. 6.16. Sed sic, Scipio, ut avus hic tuus, ut ego, qui te genui, iustitiam cole et pietatem, quae cum magna in parentibus et propinquis, tum in patria maxima est; ea vita via est in caelum et in hunc coetum eorum, qui iam vixerunt et corpore laxati illum incolunt locum, quem vides, (erat autem is splendidissimo candore inter flammas circus elucens) quem vos, ut a Graiis accepistis, orbem lacteum nuncupatis; ex quo omnia mihi contemplanti praeclara cetera et mirabilia videbantur. Erant autem eae stellae, quas numquam ex hoc loco vidimus, et eae magnitudines omnium, quas esse numquam suspicati sumus, ex quibus erat ea minima, quae ultima a caelo, citima a terris luce lucebat aliena. Stellarum autem globi terrae magnitudinem facile vincebant. Iam ipsa terra ita mihi parva visa est, ut me imperii nostri, quo quasi punctum eius attingimus, paeniteret. 6.17. Quam cum magis intuerer, Quaeso, inquit Africanus, quousque humi defixa tua mens erit? Nonne aspicis, quae in templa veneris? Novem tibi orbibus vel potius globis conexa sunt omnia, quorum unus est caelestis, extumus, qui reliquos omnes complectitur, summus ipse deus arcens et continens ceteros; in quo sunt infixi illi, qui volvuntur, stellarum cursus sempiterni; cui subiecti sunt septem, qui versantur retro contrario motu atque caelum; ex quibus unum globum possidet illa, quam in terris Saturniam nomit. Deinde est hominum generi prosperus et salutaris ille fulgor, qui dicitur Iovis; tum rutilus horribilisque terris, quem Martium dicitis; deinde subter mediam fere regionem sol obtinet, dux et princeps et moderator luminum reliquorum, mens mundi et temperatio, tanta magnitudine, ut cuncta sua luce lustret et compleat. Hunc ut comites consequuntur Veneris alter, alter Mercurii cursus, in infimoque orbe luna radiis solis accensa convertitur. Infra autem iam nihil est nisi mortale et caducum praeter animos munere deorum hominum generi datos, supra lunam sunt aeterna omnia. Nam ea, quae est media et nona, tellus, neque movetur et infima est, et in eam feruntur omnia nutu suo pondera. 6.18. Quae cum intuerer stupens, ut me recepi, Quid? hic, inquam, quis est, qui conplet aures meas tantus et tam dulcis sonus? Hic est, inquit, ille, qui intervallis disiunctus inparibus, sed tamen pro rata parte ratione distinctis inpulsu et motu ipsorum orbium efficitur et acuta cum gravibus temperans varios aequabiliter concentus efficit; nec enim silentio tanti motus incitari possunt, et natura fert, ut extrema ex altera parte graviter, ex altera autem acute sonent. Quam ob causam summus ille caeli stellifer cursus, cuius conversio est concitatior, acuto et excitato movetur sono, gravissimo autem hic lunaris atque infimus; nam terra nona inmobilis manens una sede semper haeret complexa medium mundi locum. Illi autem octo cursus, in quibus eadem vis est duorum, septem efficiunt distinctos intervallis sonos, qui numerus rerum omnium fere nodus est; quod docti homines nervis imitati atque cantibus aperuerunt sibi reditum in hunc locum, sicut alii, qui praestantibus ingeniis in vita humana divina studia coluerunt. 6.19. Hoc sonitu oppletae aures hominum obsurduerunt; nec est ullus hebetior sensus in vobis, sicut, ubi Nilus ad illa, quae Catadupa nomitur, praecipitat ex altissimis montibus, ea gens, quae illum locum adcolit, propter magnitudinem sonitus sensu audiendi caret. Hic vero tantus est totius mundi incitatissima conversione sonitus, ut eum aures hominum capere non possint, sicut intueri solem adversum nequitis, eiusque radiis acies vestra sensusque vincitur. Haec ego admirans referebam tamen oculos ad terram identidem. 6.20. Tum Africanus: Sentio, inquit, te sedem etiam nunc hominum ac domum contemplari; quae si tibi parva, ut est, ita videtur, haec caelestia semper spectato, illa humana contemnito. Tu enim quam celebritatem sermonis hominum aut quam expetendam consequi gloriam potes? Vides habitari in terra raris et angustis in locis et in ipsis quasi maculis, ubi habitatur, vastas solitudines interiectas, eosque, qui incolunt terram, non modo interruptos ita esse, ut nihil inter ipsos ab aliis ad alios manare possit, sed partim obliquos, partim transversos, partim etiam adversos stare vobis; a quibus expectare gloriam certe nullam potestis. 6.21. Cernis autem eandem terram quasi quibusdam redimitam et circumdatam cingulis, e quibus duos maxime inter se diversos et caeli verticibus ipsis ex utraque parte subnixos obriguisse pruina vides, medium autem illum et maximum solis ardore torreri. Duo sunt habitabiles, quorum australis ille, in quo qui insistunt, adversa vobis urgent vestigia, nihil ad vestrum genus; hic autem alter subiectus aquiloni, quem incolitis, cerne quam tenui vos parte contingat. Omnis enim terra, quae colitur a vobis, angustata verticibus, lateribus latior, parva quaedam insula est circumfusa illo mari, quod Atlanticum, quod magnum, quem Oceanum appellatis in terris, qui tamen tanto nomine quam sit parvus, vides. 6.22. Ex his ipsis cultis notisque terris num aut tuum aut cuiusquam nostrum nomen vel Caucasum hunc, quem cernis, transcendere potuit vel illum Gangen tranatare? Quis in reliquis orientis aut obeuntis solis ultimis aut aquilonis austrive partibus tuum nomen audiet? quibus amputatis cernis profecto quantis in angustiis vestra se gloria dilatari velit. Ipsi autem, qui de nobis loquuntur, quam loquentur diu? 6.23. Quin etiam si cupiat proles illa futurorum hominum deinceps laudes unius cuiusque nostrum a patribus acceptas posteris prodere, tamen propter eluviones exustionesque terrarum, quas accidere tempore certo necesse est, non modo non aeternam, sed ne diuturnam quidem gloriam adsequi possumus. Quid autem interest ab iis, qui postea nascentur, sermonem fore de te, cum ab iis nullus fuerit, qui ante nati sunt? 6.24. qui nec pauciores et certe meliores fuerunt viri, praesertim cum apud eos ipsos, a quibus audiri nomen nostrum potest, nemo unius anni memoriam consequi possit. Homines enim populariter annum tantum modo solis, id est unius astri, reditu metiuntur; cum autem ad idem, unde semel profecta sunt, cuncta astra redierint eandemque totius caeli discriptionem longis intervallis rettulerint, tum ille vere vertens annus appellari potest; in quo vix dicere audeo quam multa hominum saecula teneantur. Namque ut olim deficere sol hominibus exstinguique visus est, cum Romuli animus haec ipsa in templa penetravit, quandoque ab eadem parte sol eodemque tempore iterum defecerit, tum signis omnibus ad principium stellisque revocatis expletum annum habeto; cuius quidem anni nondum vicesimam partem scito esse conversam. 6.25. Quocirca si reditum in hunc locum desperaveris, in quo omnia sunt magnis et praestantibus viris, quanti tandem est ista hominum gloria, quae pertinere vix ad unius anni partem exiguam potest? Igitur alte spectare si voles atque hanc sedem et aeternam domum contueri, neque te sermonibus vulgi dedideris nec in praemiis humanis spem posueris rerum tuarum; suis te oportet inlecebris ipsa virtus trahat ad verum decus, quid de te alii loquantur, ipsi videant, sed loquentur tamen. Sermo autem omnis ille et angustiis cingitur iis regionum, quas vides, nec umquam de ullo perennis fuit et obruitur hominum interitu et oblivione posteritatis extinguitur. 6.26. Quae cum dixisset, Ego vero, inquam, Africane, siquidem bene meritis de patria quasi limes ad caeli aditum patet, quamquam a pueritia vestigiis ingressus patris et tuis decori vestro non defui, nunc tamen tanto praemio exposito enitar multo vigilantius. Et ille: Tu vero enitere et sic habeto, non esse te mortalem, sed corpus hoc; nec enim tu is es, quem forma ista declarat, sed mens cuiusque is est quisque, non ea figura, quae digito demonstrari potest. Deum te igitur scito esse, siquidem est deus, qui viget, qui sentit, qui meminit, qui providet, qui tam regit et moderatur et movet id corpus, cui praepositus est, quam hunc mundum ille princeps deus; et ut mundum ex quadam parte mortalem ipse deus aeternus, sic fragile corpus animus sempiternus movet. 6.27. Nam quod semper movetur, aeternum est; quod autem motum adfert alicui, quodque ipsum agitatur aliunde, quando finem habet motus, vivendi finem habeat necesse est. Solum igitur, quod sese movet, quia numquam deseritur a se, numquam ne moveri quidem desinit; quin etiam ceteris, quae moventur, hic fons, hoc principium est movendi. Principii autem nulla est origo; nam ex principio oriuntur omnia, ipsum autem nulla ex re alia nasci potest; nec enim esset id principium, quod gigneretur aliunde; quodsi numquam oritur, ne occidit quidem umquam. Nam principium exstinctum nec ipsum ab alio renascetur nec ex se aliud creabit, siquidem necesse est a principio oriri omnia. Ita fit, ut motus principium ex eo sit, quod ipsum a se movetur; id autem nec nasci potest nec mori; vel concidat omne caelum omnisque natura et consistat necesse est nec vim ullam ciscatur, qua a primo inpulsa moveatur. 6.28. Cum pateat igitur aeternum id esse, quod a se ipso moveatur, quis est, qui hanc naturam animis esse tributam neget? Iimum est enim omne, quod pulsu agitatur externo; quod autem est animal, id motu cietur interiore et suo; nam haec est propria natura animi atque vis; quae si est una ex omnibus, quae sese moveat, neque nata certe est et aeterna est. 6.29. Hanc tu exerce optimis in rebus! sunt autem optimae curae de salute patriae, quibus agitatus et exercitatus animus velocius in hanc sedem et domum suam pervolabit; idque ocius faciet, si iam tum, cum erit inclusus in corpore, eminebit foras et ea, quae extra erunt, contemplans quam maxime se a corpore abstrahet. Namque eorum animi, qui se corporis voluptatibus dediderunt earumque se quasi ministros praebuerunt inpulsuque libidinum voluptatibus oboedientium deorum et hominum iura violaverunt, corporibus elapsi circum terram ipsam volutantur nec hunc in locum nisi multis exagitati saeculis revertuntur. Ille discessit; ego somno solutus sum.
41. Cicero, De Oratore, 2.53, 2.62-2.63, 3.154, 3.214 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 108, 109, 246
2.53. Hanc similitudinem scribendi multi secuti sunt, qui sine ullis ornamentis monumenta solum temporum, hominum, locorum gestarumque rerum reliquerunt; itaque qualis apud Graecos Pherecydes, Hellanicus, Acusilas fuit aliique permulti, talis noster Cato et Pictor et Piso, qui neque tenent, quibus rebus ornetur oratio—modo enim huc ista sunt importata—et, dum intellegatur quid dicant, unam dicendi laudem putant esse brevitatem. 2.62. Sed illuc redeo: videtisne, quantum munus sit oratoris historia? Haud scio an flumine orationis et varietate maximum; neque eam reperio usquam separatim instructam rhetorum praeceptis; sita sunt enim ante oculos. Nam quis nescit primam esse historiae legem, ne quid falsi dicere audeat? Deinde ne quid veri non audeat? Ne quae suspicio gratiae sit in scribendo? Ne quae simultatis? 2.63. Haec scilicet fundamenta nota sunt omnibus, ipsa autem exaedificatio posita est in rebus et verbis: rerum ratio ordinem temporum desiderat, regionum descriptionem; vult etiam, quoniam in rebus magnis memoriaque dignis consilia primum, deinde acta, postea eventus exspectentur, et de consiliis significari quid scriptor probet et in rebus gestis declarari non solum quid actum aut dictum sit, sed etiam quo modo, et cum de eventu dicatur, ut causae explicentur omnes vel casus vel sapientiae vel temeritatis hominumque ipsorum non solum res gestae, sed etiam, qui fama ac nomine excellant, de cuiusque vita atque natura; 3.154. Novantur autem verba, quae ab eo, qui dicit, ipso gignuntur ac fiunt, vel coniungendis verbis, ut haec: tum pavor sapientiam omnem mi exanimato expectorat. num non vis huius me versutiloquas malitias videtis enim et "versutiloquas" et "expectorat" ex coniunctione facta esse verba, non nata; sed saepe vel sine coniunctione verba novantur ut "ille senius desertus," ut "di genitales," ut "bacarum ubertate incurvescere." 3.214. Quid fuit in Graccho, quem tu melius, Catule, meministi, quod me puero tanto opere ferretur? "Quo me miser conferam? Quo vertam? In Capitoliumne? At fratris sanguine madet. An domum? Matremne ut miseram lamentantem videam et abiectam?" Quae sic ab illo esse acta constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenere non possent. Haec ideo dico pluribus, quod genus hoc totum oratores, qui sunt veritatis ipsius actores, reliquerunt; imitatores autem veritatis, histriones, occupaverunt.
42. Cicero, On Duties, 1.54, 1.68, 1.92, 1.123, 2.56-2.64, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar (c. iulius caesar) •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 144; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 292
1.54. Nam cum sit hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant libidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso coniugio est, proxima in liberis, deinde una domus, communia omnia; id autem est principium urbis et quasi seminarium rei publicae. Sequuntur fratrum coniunctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque, qui cum una domo iam capi non possint, in alias domos tamquam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur conubia et affinitates, ex quibus etiam plures propinqui; quae propagatio et suboles origo est rerum publicarum. Sanguinis autem coniunctio et benivolentia devincit homines et caritate; 1.68. Non est autem consentaneum, qui metu non frangatur, eum frangi cupiditate nec, qui invictum se a labore praestiterit, vinci a voluptate. Quam ob rem et haec vitanda et pecuniae figienda cupiditas; nihil enim est tam angusti animi tamque parvi quam amare divitias, nihil honestius magnificentiusque quam pecuniam contemnere, si non habeas, si habeas, ad beneficentiam liberalitatemque conferre. Cavenda etiam est gloriae cupiditas, ut supra dixi; eripit enim libertatem, pro qua magimis viris omnis debet esse contentio. Nee vero imperia expetenda ac potius aut non accipienda interdum aut deponenda non numquam. 1.92. Illud autem sic est iudicandum, maximas geri res et maximi animi ab iis, qui res publicas regant, quod earum administratio latissime pateat ad plurimosque pertineat; esse autem magni animi et fuisse multos etiam in vita otiosa, qui aut investigarent aut conarentur magna quaedam seseque suarum rerum finibus continerent aut interiecti inter philosophos et eos, qui rem publicam administrarent, delectarentur re sua familiari non eam quidem omni ratione exaggerantes neque excludentes ab eius usu suos potiusque et amicis impertientes et rei publicae, si quando usus esset. Quae primum bene parta sit nullo neque turpi quaestu neque odioso, deinde augeatur ratione, diligentia, parsimonia, tum quam plurimis, modo dignis, se utilem praebeat nec libidini potius luxuriaeque quam liberalitati et beneficentiae pareat. Haec praescripta servantem licet magnifice, graviter animoseque vivere atque etiam simpliciter, fideliter, ° vere hominum amice. 1.123. Senibus autem labores corporis minuendi, exercitationes animi etiam augendae videntur; danda vero opera, ut et amicos et iuventutem et maxime rem publicam consilio et prudentia quam plurimum adiuvent. Nihil autem magis cavendum est senectuti, quam ne languori se desidiaeque dedat; luxuria vero cum omni aetati turpis, tum senectuti foedissima est; sin autem etiam libidinum intemperantia accessit, duplex malum est, quod et ipsa senectus dedecus concipit et facit adulescentium impudentioren intemperantiarn. 2.56. liberales autem, qui suis facultatibus aut captos a praedonibus redimunt aut aes alienum suscipiunt amicorum aut in filiarum collocatione adiuvant aut opitulantur in re vel quaerenda vel augenda. Itaque miror, quid in mentem venerit Theophrasto in eo libro, quem de divitiis scripsit; in quo multa praeclare, illud absurde: est enim multus in laudanda magnificentia et apparatione popularium munerum taliumque sumptuum facultatem fructum divitiarum putat. Mihi autem ille fructus liberalitatis, cuius pauca exempla posui, multo et maior videtur et certior. Quanto Aristoteles gravius et verius nos reprehendit! qui has pecuniarum effusiones non admiremur, quae fiunt ad multitudinem deliniendam. Ait enim, qui ab hoste obsidentur, si emere aquae sextarium cogerentur mina, hoc primo incredibile nobis videri, omnesque mirari, sed cum attenderint, veniam necessitati dare, in his immanibus iacturis infinitisque sumptibus nihil nos magnopere mirari, cum praesertim neque necessitati subveniatur nec dignitas augeatur ipsaque illa delectatio multitudinis ad breve exiguumque tempus capiatur, eaque a levissimo quoque, in quo tamen ipso una cum satietate memoria quoque moriatur voluptatis. 2.57. Bene etiam colligit, haec pueris et mulierculis et servis et servorum simillimis liberis esse grata, gravi vero homini et ea, quae fiunt, iudicio certo ponderanti probari posse nullo modo. Quamquam intellego in nostra civitate inveterasse iam bonis temporibus, ut splendor aedilitatum ab optimis viris postuletur. Itaque et P. Crassus cum cognomine dives, tum copiis functus est aedilicio maximo munere, et paulo post L. Crassus cum omnium hominum moderatissimo Q. Mucio magnificentissima aedilitate functus est, deinde C. Claudius App. f., multi post, Luculli, Hortensius, Silanus; omnes autem P. Lentulus me consule vicit superiores; hunc est Scaurus imitatus; magnificentissima vero nostri Pompei munera secundo consulatu; in quibus omnibus quid mihi placeat, vides. 2.58. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Quare et, si postulatur a populo, bonis viris si non desiderantibus, at tamen approbantibus faciundum est, modo pro facultatibus, nos ipsi ut fecimus, et, si quando aliqua res maior atque utilior populari largitione acquiritur, ut Oresti nuper prandia in semitis decumae nomine magno honori fuerunt. Ne M. quidem Seio vitio datum est, quod in caritate asse modium populo dedit; magna enim se et inveterata invidia nec turpi iactura, quando erat aedilis, nec maxima liberavit. Sed honori summo nuper nostro Miloni fuit, qui gladiatoribus emptis rei publicae causa, quae salute nostra continebatur, omnes P. Clodi conatus furoresque compressit. Causa igitur largitionis est, si aut necesse est aut utile. 2.59. In his autem ipsis mediocritatis regula optima est. L. quidem Philippus Q. f., magno vir ingenio in primisque clarus, gloriari solebat se sine ullo munere adeptum esse omnia, quae haberentur amplissima. Dicebat idem Cotta, Curio. Nobis quoque licet in hoc quodam modo gloriari; nam pro amplitudine honorum, quos cunctis suffragiis adepti sumus nostro quidem anno, quod contigit eorum nemini, quos modo nominavi, sane exiguus sumptus aedilitatis fuit. 2.60. Atque etiam illae impensae meliores, muri, navalia, portus, aquarum ductus omniaque, quae ad usum rei publicae pertinent. Quamquam, quod praesens tamquam in manum datur, iucundius est; tamen haec in posterum gratiora. Theatra, porticus, nova templa verecundius reprehendo propter Pompeium, sed doctissimi non probant, ut et hic ipse Panaetius, quem nultum in his libris secutus sum, non interpretatus, et Phalereus Demetrius, qui Periclem, principem Graeciae, vituperat, quod tantam pecuniam in praeclara illa propylaea coniecerit. Sed de hoc genere toto in iis libris, quos de re publica scripsi, diligenter est disputatum. Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria, et tum ipsum et ad facultates accommodanda et mediocritate moderanda est. 2.61. In illo autem altero genere largiendi, quod a liberalitate proficiscitur, non uno modo in disparibus causis affecti esse debemus. Alia causa est eius, qui calamitate premitur, et eius, qui res meliores quaerit nullis suis rebus adversis. 2.62. Propensior benignitas esse debebit in calamitosos, nisi forte erunt digni calamitate. In iis tamen, qui se adiuvari volent, non ne affligantur, sed ut altiorem gradum ascendant, restricti omnino esse nullo modo debemus, sed in deligendis idoneis iudicium et diligentiam adhibere. Nam praeclare Ennius: Bene fácta male locáta male facta árbitror. 2.63. Quod autem tributum est bono viro et grato, in eo cum ex ipso fructus est, tum etiam ex ceteris. Temeritate enim remota gratissima est liberalitas, eoque eam studiosius plerique laudant, quod summi cuiusque bonitas commune perfugium est omnium. Danda igitur opera est, ut iis beneficiis quam plurimos afficiamus, quorum memoria liberis posterisque prodatur, ut iis ingratis esse non liceat. Omnes enim immemorem beneficii oderunt eamque iniuriam in deterrenda liberalitate sibi etiam fieri eumque, qui faciat, communem hostem tenuiorum putant. Atque haec benignitas etiam rei publicae est utilis, redimi e servitute captos, locupletari tenuiores; quod quidem volgo solitum fieri ab ordine nostro in oratione Crassi scriptum copiose videmus. Hanc ergo consuetudinem benignitatis largitioni munerum longe antepono; haec est gravium hominum atque magnorum, illa quasi assentatorum populi multitudinis levitatem voluptate quasi titillantium. 2.64. Conveniet autem cum in dando munificum esse, tum in exigendo non acerbum in omnique re contrahenda, vendundo emendo, conducendo locando, vicinitatibus et confiniis, aequum, facilem, multa multis de suo iure cedentem, a litibus vero, quantum liceat et nescio an paulo plus etiam, quam liceat, abhorrentem. Est enim non modo liberale paulum non numquam de suo iure decedere, sed interdum etiam fructuosum. Habenda autem ratio est rei familiaris, quam quidem dilabi sinere flagitiosum est, sed ita, ut illiberalitatis avaritiaeque absit suspicio; posse enim liberalitate uti non spoliantem se patrimonio nimirum est pecuniae fructus maximus. Recte etiam a Theophrasto est laudata hospitalitas; est enim, ut mihi quidem videtur, valde decorum patere domus hominum illustrium hospitibus illustribus, idque etiam rei publicae est ornamento, homines externos hoc liberalitatis genere in urbe nostra non egere. Est autem etiam vehementer utile iis, qui honeste posse multum volunt, per hospites apud externos populos valere opibus et gratia. Theophrastus quidem scribit Cimonem Athenis etiam in suos curiales Laciadas hospitalem fuisse; ita enim instituisse et vilicis imperavisse, ut omnia praeberentur, quicumque Laciades in villam suam devertisset. 1.54.  For since the reproductive instinct is by Nature's gift the common possession of all living creatures, the first bond of union is that between husband and wife; the next, that between parents and children; then we find one home, with everything in common. And this is the foundation of civil government, the nursery, as it were, of the state. Then follow the bonds between brothers and sisters, and next those of first and then of second cousins; and when they can no longer be sheltered under one roof, they go out into other homes, as into colonies. Then follow between these in turn, marriages and connections by marriage, and from these again a new stock of relations; and from this propagation and after-growth states have their beginnings. The bonds of common blood hold men fast through good-will and affection; 1.68.  Moreover, it would be inconsistent for the man who is not overcome by fear to be overcome by desire, or for the man who has shown himself invincible to toil to be conquered by pleasure. We must, therefore, not only avoid the latter, but also beware of ambition for wealth; for there is nothing so characteristic of narrowness and littleness of soul as the love of riches; and there is nothing more honourable and noble than to be indifferent to money, if one does not possess it, and to devote it to beneficence and liberality, if one does possess it. As I said before, we must also beware of ambition for glory; for it robs us of liberty, and in defence of liberty a high-souled man should stake everything. And one ought not to seek military authority; nay, rather it ought sometimes to be declined, sometimes to be resigned. 1.92.  To revert to the original question — we must decide that the most important activities, those most indicative of a great spirit, are performed by the men who direct the affairs of nations; for such public activities have the widest scope and touch the lives of the most people. But even in the life of retirement there are and there have been many high-souled men who have been engaged in important inquiries or embarked on most important enterprises and yet kept themselves within the limits of their own affairs; or, taking a middle course between philosophers on the one hand and statesmen on the other, they were content with managing their own property — not increasing it by any and every means nor debarring their kindred from the enjoyment of it, but rather, if ever there were need, sharing it with their friends and with the state. Only let it, in the first place, be honestly acquired, by the use of no dishonest or fraudulent means; let it, in the second place, increase by wisdom, industry, and thrift; and, finally, let it be made available for the use of as many as possible (if only they are worthy) and be at the service of generosity and beneficence rather than of sensuality and excess. By observing these rules, one may live in magnificence, dignity, and independence, and yet in honour, truth and charity toward all. 1.123.  The old, on the other hand, should, it seems, have their physical labours reduced; their mental activities should be actually increased. They should endeavour, too, by means of their counsel and practical wisdom to be of as much service as possible to their friends and to the young, and above all to the state. But there is nothing against which old age has to be more on its guard than against surrendering to feebleness and idleness, while luxury, a vice in any time of life, is in old age especially scandalous. But if excess in sensual indulgence is added to luxurious living, it is a twofold evil; for old age not only disgraces itself; it also serves to make the excesses of the young more shameless. 2.56.  The generous, on the other hand, are those who employ their own means to ransom captives from brigands, or who assume their friends' debts or help in providing dowries for their daughters, or assist them in acquiring property or increasing what they have. 2.57.  His conclusion, too, is excellent: "This sort of amusement pleases children, silly women, slaves, and the servile free; but a serious-minded man who weighs such matters with sound judgment cannot possibly approve of them." And yet I realize that in our country, even in the good old times, it had become a settled custom to expect magnificent entertainments from the very best men in their year of aedileship. So both Publius Crassus, who was not merely surnamed "The Rich" but was rich in fact, gave splendid games in his aedileship; and a little later Lucius Crassus (with Quintus Mucius, the most unpretentious man in the world, as his colleague) gave most magnificent entertainments in his aedileship. Then came Gaius Claudius, the son of Appius, and, after him, many others — the Luculli, Hortensius, and Silanus. Publius Lentulus, however, in the year of my consulship, eclipsed all that had gone before him, and Scaurus emulated him. And my friend Pompey's exhibitions in his second consulship were the most magnificent of all. And so you see what I think about all this sort of thing. 2.58.  Still we should avoid any suspicion of penuriousness. Mamercus was a very wealthy man, and his refusal of the aedileship was the cause of his defeat for the consulship. If, therefore, such entertainment is demanded by the people, men of right judgment must at least consent to furnish it, even if they do not like the idea. But in so doing they should keep within their means, as I myself did. They should likewise afford such entertainment, if gifts of money to the people are to be the means of securing on some occasion some more important or more useful object. Thus Orestes recently won great honour by his public dinners given in the streets, on the pretext of their being a tithe-offering. Neither did anybody find fault with Marcus Seius for supplying grain to the people at an as the peck at a time when the market-price was prohibitive; for he thus succeeded in disarming the bitter and deep-seated prejudice of the people against him at an outlay neither very great nor discreditable to him in view of the fact that he was aedile at the time. But the highest honour recently fell to my friend Milo, who bought a band of gladiators for the sake of the country, whose preservation then depended upon my recall from exile, and with them put down the desperate schemes, the reign of terror, of Publius Clodius. The justification for gifts of money, therefore, is either necessity or expediency. 2.59.  And, in making them even in such cases, the rule of the golden mean is best. To be sure, Lucius Philippus, the son of Quintus, a man of great ability and unusual renown, used to make it his boast that without giving any entertainments he had risen to all the positions looked upon as the highest within the gift of the state. Cotta could say the same, and Curio. I, too, may make this boast my own — to a certain extent; for in comparison with the eminence of the offices to which I was uimously elected at the earliest legal age — and this was not the good fortune of any one of those just mentioned — the outlay in my aedileship was very inconsiderable. 2.60.  Again, the expenditure of money is better justified when it is made for walls, docks, harbours, aqueducts, and all those works which are of service to the community. There is, to be sure, more of present satisfaction in what is handed out, like cash down; nevertheless public improvements win us greater gratitude with posterity. Out of respect for Pompey's memory I am rather diffident about expressing any criticism of theatres, colonnades, and new temples; and yet the greatest philosophers do not approve of them — our Panaetius himself, for example, whom I am following, not slavishly translating, in these books; so, too, Demetrius of Phalerum, who denounces Pericles, the foremost man of Greece, for throwing away so much money on the magnificent, far-famed Propylaea. But this whole theme is discussed at length in my books on "The Republic." To conclude, the whole system of public bounties in such extravagant amount is intrinsically wrong; but it may under certain circumstances be necessary to make them; even then they must be proportioned to our ability and regulated by the golden mean. 2.61.  Now, as touching that second division of gifts of money, those which are prompted by a spirit of generosity, we ought to look at different cases differently. The case of the man who is overwhelmed by misfortune is different from that of the one who is seeking to better his condition, though he suffers from no actual distress. 2.62.  It will be the duty of charity to incline more to the unfortunate, unless, perchance, they deserve their misfortune. But of course we ought by no means to withhold our assistance altogether from those who wish for aid, not to save them from utter ruin but to enable them to reach a higher degree of fortune. But, in selecting worthy cases, we ought to use judgment and discretion. For, as Ennius says so admirably, "Good deeds misplaced, methinks, are evil deeds." 2.63.  Furthermore, the favour conferred upon a man who is good and grateful finds its reward, in such a case, not only in his own good-will but in that of others. For, when generosity is not indiscriminate giving, it wins most gratitude and people praise it with more enthusiasm, because goodness of heart in a man of high station becomes the common refuge of everybody. Pains must, therefore, be taken to benefit as many as possible with such kindnesses that the memory of them shall be handed down to children and to children's children, so that they too may not be ungrateful. For all men detest ingratitude and look upon the sin of it as a wrong committed against themselves also, because it discourages generosity; and they regard the ingrate as the common foe of all the poor. Ransoming prisoners from servitude and relieving the poor is a form of charity that is a service to the state as well as to the individual. And we find in one of Crassus's orations the full proof given that such beneficence used to be the common practice of our order. This form of charity, then, I much prefer to the lavish expenditure of money for public exhibitions. The former is suited to men of worth and dignity, the latter to those shallow flatterers, if I may call them so, who tickle with idle pleasure, so to speak, the fickle fancy of the rabble. 2.64.  It will, moreover, befit a gentleman to be at the same time liberal in giving and not inconsiderate in exacting his dues, but in every business relation — in buying or selling, in hiring or letting, in relations arising out of adjoining houses and lands — to be fair, reasonable, often freely yielding much of his own right, and keeping out of litigation as far as his interests will permit and perhaps even a little farther. For it is not only generous occasionally to abate a little of one's rightful claims, but it is sometimes even advantageous. We should, however, have a care for our personal property, for it is discreditable to let it run through our fingers; but we must guard it in such a way that there shall be no suspicion of meanness or avarice. For the greatest privilege of wealth is, beyond all peradventure, the opportunity it affords for doing good, without sacrificing one's fortune. Hospitality also is a theme of Theophrastus's praise, and rightly so. For, as it seems to me at least, it is most proper that the homes of distinguished men should be open to distinguished guests. And it is to the credit of our country also that men from abroad do not fail to find hospitable entertainment of this kind in our city. It is, moreover, a very great advantage, too, for those who wish to obtain a powerful political influence by honourable means to be able through their social relations with their guests to enjoy popularity and to exert influence abroad. For an instance of extraordinary hospitality, Theophrastus writes that at Athens Cimon was hospitable even to the Laciads, the people of his own deme; for he instructed his bailiffs to that end and gave them orders that every attention should be shown to any Laciad who should ever call at his country home.
43. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.119, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (g. iulius caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency •caesar (g. iulius caesar), praised for superiority of son (augustus) Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 154, 156
1.119. Or those who teach that brave or famous or powerful men have been deified after death, and that it is these who are the real objects of the worship, prayers and adoration which we are accustomed to offer — are not they entirely devoid of all sense of religion? This theory was chiefly developed by Euhemerus, who was translated and imitated especially by our poet Ennius. Yet Euhemerus describes the death and burial of certain gods; are we then to think of him as upholding religion, or rather as utterly and entirely destroying it? I say nothing of the holy and awe‑inspiring sanctuary of Eleusis, Where tribes from earth's remotest confines seek Initiation, and I pass over Samothrace and those occult mysteries Which throngs of worshippers at dead of night In forest coverts deep do celebrate at Lemnos, since such mysteries when interpreted and rationalized prove to have more to do with natural science than with theology. 2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life.
44. Cicero, On Laws, 2.29, 2.31-2.33, 2.59, 2.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 77
45. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., and cicero in civil war •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 76
46. Cicero, On Invention, 1.10-1.11, 1.15, 1.20-1.21, 1.23-1.25, 2.14-2.51, 2.94-2.109 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 247, 248, 255, 259
1.10. Omnis res, quae habet in se positam in dictione ac disceptatione aliquam controversiam, aut facti aut no- minis aut generis aut actionis continet quaestionem. eam igitur quaestionem, ex qua causa nascitur, consti- tutionem appellamus. constitutio est prima conflictio causarum ex depulsione intentionis profecta, hoc modo: fecisti: non feci aut iure feci. cum facti con- troversia est, quoniam coniecturis causa firmatur, con- stitutio coniecturalis appellatur. cum autem nominis, quia vis vocabuli definienda verbis est, constitutio de- finitiva nominatur. cum vero, qualis res sit, quaeritur, quia et de vi et de genere negotii controversia est, con- stitutio generalis vocatur. at cum causa ex eo pendet, quia non aut is agere videtur, quem oportet, aut non cum eo, quicum oportet, aut non apud quos, quo tem- pore, qua lege, quo crimine, qua poena oportet, transla- tiva dicitur constitutio, quia actio translationis et com- mutationis indigere videtur. atque harum aliquam in omne causae genus incidere necesse est; nam in quam rem non inciderit, in ea nihil esse poterit controversiae. quare eam ne causam quidem convenit putari. 1.11. Ac facti quidem controversia in omnia tempora potest tribui. nam quid factum sit, potest quaeri, hoc modo: occideritne Aiacem Ulixes; et quid fiat, hoc modo: bonone animo sint erga populum Romanum Fre- gellani; et quid futurum sit, hoc modo: si Carthaginem reliquerimus incolumem, num quid sit incommodi ad rem publicam perventurum. Nominis est controversia, cum de facto convenit et quaeritur, id quod factum est quo nomine appelletur. quo in genere necesse est ideo nominis esse controver- siam, quod de re ipsa non conveniat; non quod de facto non constet, sed quod id, quod factum sit, aliud alii videatur esse et idcirco alius alio nomine id appellet. quare in eiusmodi generibus definienda res erit verbis et breviter describenda, ut, si quis sacrum ex privato subripuerit, utrum fur an sacrilegus sit iudicandus; nam id cum quaeritur, necesse erit definire utrumque, quid sit fur, quid sacrilegus, et sua descriptione ostendere alio nomine illam rem, de qua agitur, appellare opor- tere atque adversarii dicunt. 1.15. cui diligentiae praeesse apud nos iure consulti existimantur. ac iuridicialis quidem ipsa et in duas tribuitur partes, absolutam et adsumptivam. absoluta est, quae ipsa in se continet iuris et iniuriae quae- stionem; adsumptiva, quae ipsa ex se nihil dat firmi ad recusationem, foris autem aliquid defensionis ad- sumit. eius partes sunt quattuor, concessio, remotio criminis, relatio criminis, conparatio. concessio est, cum reus non id, quod factum est, defendit, sed ut ignoscatur, postulat. haec in duas partes dividitur, purgationem et deprecationem. purgatio est, cum fac- tum conceditur, culpa removetur. haec partes habet tres, inprudentiam, casum, necessitatem. deprecatio est, cum et peccasse et consulto peccasse reus se con- fitetur et tamen, ut ignoscatur, postulat; quod genus perraro potest accidere. remotio criminis est, cum id crimen, quod infertur, ab se et ab sua culpa et potestate in alium reus removere conatur. id dupliciter fieri pot- erit, si aut causa aut factum in alium transferetur. causa transferetur, cum aliena dicitur vi et potestate fac- tum, factum autem, cum alius aut debuisse aut potuisse facere dicitur. relatio criminis est, cum ideo iure fac- tum dicitur, quod aliquis ante iniuria lacessierit. con- paratio est, cum aliud aliquid factum rectum aut utile contenditur, quod ut fieret, illud, quod arguitur, dicitur esse commissum. 1.20. Exordium est oratio animum auditoris idonee com- parans ad reliquam dictionem: quod eveniet, si eum benivolum, attentum, docilem confecerit. quare qui bene exordiri causam volet, eum necesse est genus suae causae diligenter ante cognoscere. Genera causarum quinque sunt: honestum, admirabile, humile, anceps, obscurum. honestum causae genus est, cui statim sine oratione nostra favet auditoris animus; admirabile, a quo est alienatus animus eorum, qui audituri sunt; humile, quod neglegitur ab auditore et non magno opere adtendendum videtur; anceps, in quo aut iudicatio dubia est aut causa et honestatis et turpitudinis parti- ceps, ut et benivolentiam pariat et offensionem; obscu- rum, in quo aut tardi auditores sunt aut difficilioribus ad cognoscendum negotiis causa est implicata. quare cum tam diversa sint genera causarum, exordiri quo- que dispari ratione in uno quoque genere necesse est. igitur exordium in duas partes dividitur, in principium et insinuationem. principium est oratio perspicue et protinus perficiens auditorem benivolum aut docilem aut attentum. insinuatio est oratio quadam dissimu- latione et circumitione obscure subiens auditoris animum. 1.21. In admirabili genere causae, si non omnino infesti auditores erunt, principio benivolentiam conparare li- cebit. sin erunt vehementer abalienati, confugere ne- cesse erit ad insinuationem. nam ab iratis si perspicue pax et benivolentia petitur, non modo ea non inve- nitur, sed augetur atque inflammatur odium. in humili autem genere causae contemptionis tollendae causa ne- cesse est attentum efficere auditorem. anceps genus causae si dubiam iudicationem habebit, ab ipsa iudi- catione exordiendum est. sin autem partem turpitu- dinis, partem honestatis habebit, benivolentiam captare oportebit, ut in genus honestum causa translata vi- deatur. cum autem erit honestum causae genus, vel praeteriri principium poterit vel, si commodum fuerit, aut a narratione incipiemus aut a lege aut ab aliqua firmissima ratione nostrae dictionis; sin uti prin- cipio placebit, benivolentiae partibus utendum est, ut id, quod est, augeatur. in obscuro causae genere per principium dociles auditores efficere oportebit. Nunc quoniam quas res exordio conficere oporteat dictum est, reliquum est, ut ostendatur, quibus quae- que rationibus res confici possit. 1.23. Attentos autem faciemus, si demonstrabimus ea, quae dicturi erimus, magna, nova, incredibilia esse, aut ad omnes aut ad eos, qui audient, aut ad aliquos inlustres ho- mines aut ad deos inmortales aut ad summam rem pu- blicam pertinere; et si pollicebimur nos brevi nostram causam demonstraturos atque exponemus iudica- tionem aut iudicationes, si plures erunt. Dociles audi- tores faciemus, si aperte et breviter summam causae exponemus, hoc est, in quo consistat controversia. nam et, cum docilem velis facere, simul attentum facias oportet. nam is est maxime docilis, qui attentissime est paratus audire. Nunc insinuationes quemadmodum tractari con- veniat, deinceps dicendum videtur. insinuatione igitur utendum est, cum admirabile genus causae est, hoc est, ut ante diximus, cum animus auditoris infestus est. id autem tribus ex causis fit maxime: si aut inest in ipsa causa quaedam turpitudo aut ab iis, qui ante dixerunt, iam quiddam auditori persuasum videtur aut eo tempore locus dicendi datur, cum iam illi, quos audire oportet, defessi sunt audiendo. nam ex hac quoque re non minus quam ex primis duabus in oratore nonnumquam animus auditoris offenditur. 1.24. Si causae turpitudo contrahit offensionem, aut pro eo homine, in quo offenditur, alium hominem, qui dili- gitur, interponi oportet; aut pro re, in qua offenditur, aliam rem, quae probatur; aut pro re hominem aut pro homine rem, ut ab eo, quod odit, ad id, quod diligit, auditoris animus traducatur; et dissimulare te id defensurum, quod existimeris; deinde, cum iam mi- tior factus erit auditor, ingredi pedetemptim in defen- sionem et dicere ea, quae indignentur adversarii, tibi quoque indigna videri; deinde, cum lenieris eum, qui audiet, demonstrare, nihil eorum ad te pertinere et ne- gare quicquam de adversariis esse dicturum, neque hoc neque illud, ut neque aperte laedas eos, qui diliguntur, et tamen id obscure faciens, quoad possis, alienes ab eis auditorum voluntatem; et aliquorum iudicium simili de re aut auctoritatem proferre imitatione dignam; deinde eandem aut consimilem aut maiorem aut minorem agi rem in praesenti demonstrare. 1.25. Sin oratio adversariorum fidem videbitur auditoribus fecisse—id quod ei, qui intellegit, quibus rebus fides fiat, facile erit cognitu— oportet aut de eo, quod adversarii firmissimum sibi pu- tarint et maxime ii, qui audient, probarint, primum te dicturum polliceri, aut ab adversarii dicto exordiri et ab eo potissimum, quod ille nuperrime dixerit, aut du- bitatione uti, quid primum dicas aut cui potissimum loco respondeas, cum admiratione. nam auditor cum eum, quem adversarii perturbatum putat oratione, vi- det animo firmissimo contra dicere paratum, plerum- que se potius temere assensisse quam illum sine causa confidere arbitratur. Sin auditoris studium defatigatio abalienavit a causa, te brevius, quam paratus fueris, esse dicturum commodum est polliceri; non imitaturum adversarium. sin res dabit, non inutile est ab aliqua re nova aut ridicula incipere aut ex tempore quae nata sit, quod genus strepitu, acclamatione; aut iam parata, quae vel apologum vel fabulam vel aliquam contineat inrisionem; aut si rei dignitas adimet iocandi facul- tatem, aliquid triste, novum, horribile statim non in- commodum est inicere. nam, ut cibi satietas et fasti- dium aut subamara aliqua re relevatur aut dulci miti- gatur, sic animus defessus audiendo aut admiratione integratur aut risu novatur. Ac separatim quidem, quae de principio et de insi- nuatione dicenda videbantur, haec fere sunt: nunc quiddam brevi communiter de utroque praecipiendum videtur. Exordium sententiarum et gravitatis plurimum debet habere et omnino omnia, quae pertinent ad dignitatem, in se continere, propterea quod id optime faciendum est, quod oratorem auditori maxime commendat; splendoris et festivitatis et concinnitudinis minimum, propterea quod ex his suspicio quaedam apparationis atque artificiosae diligentiae nascitur, quae maxime orationi fidem, oratori adimit auctoritatem. 2.14. Nunc ab coniecturali constitutione proficiscamur; cuius exemplum sit hoc expositum: in itinere qui- dam proficiscentem ad mercatum quendam et secum aliquantum nummorum ferentem est comitatus. cum hoc, ut fere fit, in via sermonem contulit; ex quo factum est, ut illud iter familiarius facere vellent. quare cum in eandem tabernam devertissent, simul ce- nare et in eodem loco somnum capere voluerunt. cenati discubuerunt ibidem. copo autem—nam ita dicitur post inventum, cum in alio maleficio deprehensus est —cum illum alterum, videlicet qui nummos haberet, animum advertisset, noctu postquam illos artius iam ut ex lassitudine dormire sensit, accessit et alterius eorum, qui sine nummis erat, gladium propter adposi- tum e vagina eduxit et illum alterum occidit, nummos abstulit, gladium cruentum in vaginam recondidit, ipse se in suum lectum recepit. ille autem, cuius gladio occisio erat facta, multo ante lucem surrexit, comitem illum suum inclamavit semel et saepius. 2.15. illum somno inpeditum non respondere existimavit; ipse gladium et cetera, quae secum adtulerat, sustulit, solus profectus est. copo non multum post conclamat hominem esse occisum et cum quibusdam devorsoribus illum, qui ante exierat, consequitur in itinere. hominem conpre- hendit, gladium eius e vagina educit, reperit cruentum. homo in urbem ab illis deducitur ac reus fit. in hac intentio est criminis: occidisti. depulsio: non occidi. ex quibus constitutio est id est quaestio eadem in coniecturali quae iudicatio: occideritne? 2.16. Nunc exponemus locos, quorum pars aliqua in omnem coniecturalem incidit controversiam. hoc au- tem et in horum locorum expositione et in ceterorum oportebit attendere, non omnes in omnem causam convenire. nam ut omne nomen ex aliquibus, non ex omnibus litteris scribitur, sic omnem in causam non omnis argumentorum copia, sed eorum necessario pars aliqua conveniet. omnis igitur ex causa, ex persona, ex facto ipso coniectura capienda est. 2.17. Causa tribuitur in inpulsionem et in ratiocinationem. inpulsio est, quae sine cogitatione per quandam affec- tionem animi facere aliquid hortatur, ut amor, iracun- dia, aegritudo, vinolentia et omnino omnia, in quibus animus ita videtur affectus fuisse, ut rem perspicere cum consilio et cura non potuerit et id, quod fecit, impetu quodam animi potius quam cogitatione fecerit. 2.18. ratiocinatio est autem diligens et considerata faciendi aliquid aut non faciendi excogitatio. ea dicitur inter- fuisse tum, cum aliquid faciendi aut non faciendi certa de causa vitasse aut secutus esse animus vide- bitur: si amicitiae quid causa factum dicetur, si ini- mici ulciscendi, si metus, si gloriae, si pecuniae, si denique, ut omnia generatim amplectamur, alicuius re- tinendi, augendi adipiscendive commodi aut contra re- iciundi, deminuendi devitandive incommodi causa. nam in horum genus alterutrum illa quoque incident, in quibus aut incommodi aliquid maioris adipiscendi com- modi causa aut maioris vitandi incommodi suscipitur aut aliquod commodum maioris adipiscendi commodi aut maioris vitandi incommodi praeteritur. 2.19. Hic locus sicut aliquod fundamentum est huius constitutionis. nam nihil factum esse cuiquam pro- batur, nisi aliquid, quare factum sit, ostenditur. ergo accusator, cum inpulsione aliquid factum esse dicet, illum impetum et quandam commotionem animi affectionemque verbis et sententiis amplificare debebit et ostendere, quanta vis sit amoris, quanta animi per- turbatio ex iracundia fiat aut ex aliqua causa earum, qua inpulsum aliquem id fecisse dicet. hic et exem- plorum commemoratione, qui simili inpulsu aliquid commiserint, et similitudinum conlatione et ipsius animi affectionis explicatione curandum est, ut non mirum videatur, si quod ad facinus tali pertur- 2.20. batione commotus animus accesserit. Cum autem non inpulsione, verum ratiocinatione aliquem commisisse quid dicet, quid commodi sit secutus aut quid incom- modi fugerit, demonstrabit et id augebit, quam maxime poterit, ut, quod eius fieri possit, idonea quam maxime causa ad peccandum hortata videatur. si gloriae causa, quantam gloriam consecuturam existimarit; item si do- minationis, si pecuniae, si amicitiae, si inimicitiarum, et omnino quicquid erit, quod causae fuisse dicet, id summe augere debebit. 2.21. et hoc eum magno opere consi- derare oportebit, non quid in veritate modo, verum etiam vehementius, quid in opinione eius, quem arguet, fuerit. nihil enim refert non fuisse aut non esse aliquid commodi aut incommodi, si ostendi potest ei visum esse, qui arguatur. nam opinio dupliciter fallit ho- mines, cum aut res alio modo est, ac putatur, aut non is eventus est, quem arbitrati sunt. res alio modo est tum, cum aut id, quod bonum est, malum putant, aut contra, quod malum est, bonum, aut, quod nec malum est nec bonum, malum aut bonum, aut, quod malum aut bonum est, nec malum nec bonum. 2.22. hoc intellectu si qui negabit esse ullam pecuniam fratris aut amici vita aut denique officio suo antiquiorem aut suaviorem, non hoc erit accusatori negandum. nam in eum culpa et summum odium transferetur, qui id, quod tam vere et pie dicetur, negabit. verum illud dicendum est, illi ita non esse visum; 2.23. quod sumi oportet ex iis, quae ad personam pertinent, de quo post dicendum est. even- tus autem tum fallit, cum aliter accidit, atque ii, qui arguuntur, arbitrati esse dicuntur: ut, si qui dicatur alium occidisse ac voluerit, quod aut similitudine aut suspicione aut demonstratione falsa deceptus sit; aut eum necasse, cuius testamento non sit heres, quod eo testamento se heredem arbitratus sit. non enim ex eventu cogitationem spectari oportere, sed qua cogi- tatione animus et spe ad maleficium profectus sit, con- siderare; quo animo quid quisque faciat, non quo casu utatur, ad rem pertinere. 2.24. Hoc autem loco caput illud erit accusatoris, si de- monstrare poterit alii nemini causam fuisse faciendi; secundarium, si tantam aut tam idoneam nemini. sin fuisse aliis quoque causa faciendi videbitur, aut po- testas defuisse aliis demonstranda est aut facultas aut voluntas. potestas, si aut nescisse aut non adfuisse aut conficere aliquid non potuisse dicentur. facultas, si ratio, adiutores, adiumenta ceteraque, quae ad rem pertinebunt, defuisse alicui demonstrabuntur. volun- tas, si animus a talibus factis vacuus et integer esse dicetur. postremo, quas ad defensionem rationes reo dabimus, iis accusator ad alios ex culpa eximendos abutetur. verum id brevi faciendum est et in unum multa sunt conducenda, ut ne alterius defendendi causa hunc accusare, sed huius accusandi causa defendere alterum videatur. 2.25. Atque accusatori quidem haec fere sunt in causa faciendi consideranda: defensor autem ex contrario primum inpulsionem aut nullam fuisse dicet aut, si fuisse concedet, extenuabit et parvulam quandam fuisse demonstrabit aut non ex ea solere huiusmodi facta nasci docebit. quo erit in loco demonstrandum, quae vis et natura sit eius affectionis, qua inpulsus aliquid reus commisisse dicetur; in quo et exempla et similitudines erunt proferundae et ipsa diligenter natura eius affectionis quam lenissime quietissima ab parte explicanda, ut et res ipsa a facto crudeli et tur- bulento ad quoddam mitius et tranquillius traducatur et oratio tamen ad animum eius, qui audiet, et ad animi quendam intumum sensum accommodetur. 2.26. ratiocina- tionis autem suspiciones infirmabit, si aut commodum nullum esse aut parvum aut aliis maius esse aut nihilo sibi maius quam aliis aut incommodum sibi maius quam commodum dicet, ut nequaquam fuerit illius commodi, quod expetitum dicatur, magnitudo aut cum eo incom- modo, quod acciderit, aut cum illo periculo, quod subea- tur, comparanda; 2.27. qui omnes loci similiter in incommodi quoque vitatione tractabuntur. sin accusator dixerit eum id esse secutum, quod ei visum sit commodum, aut id fugisse, quod putarit esse incommodum, quamquam in falsa fuerit opinione, demonstrandum erit defensori neminem tantae esse stultitiae, qui tali in re possit veritatem ignorare. quodsi hoc concedatur, illud non concessum iri: ne dubitasse quidem, quid eius iuris esset, et id, quod falsum fuerit, sine ulla dubitatione pro vero probasse; quia si dubitarit, summae fuisse amentiae dubia spe inpulsum certum in periculum se committere. 2.28. quemadmodum autem accusator, cum ab aliis culpam demovebit, defensoris locis utetur, sic iis locis, qui accusatori dati sunt, utetur reus, cum in alios ab se crimen volet transferre. Ex persona autem coniectura capietur, si eae res, quae personis adtributae sunt, diligenter considera- buntur, quas omnes in primo libro exposuimus. nam et de nomine nonnumquam aliquid suspicionis na- scitur—nomen autem cum dicimus, cognomen quoque intellegatur oportet; de hominis enim certo et proprio vocabulo agitur—, ut si dicamus idcirco aliquem Cal- dum vocari, quod temerario et repentino consilio sit; 2.29. aut si ea re hominibus Graecis inperitis verba dederit, quod Clodius aut Caecilius aut Mutius vocaretur. et de natura licet aliquantum ducere suspicionis. omnia enim haec, vir an mulier, huius an illius civitatis sit, quibus sit maioribus, quibus consanguineis, qua aetate, quo animo, quo corpore, quae naturae sunt ad- tributa, ad aliquam coniecturam faciendam pertinebunt. et ex victu multae trahuntur suspiciones, cum, quemad- modum et apud quos et a quibus educatus et eruditus sit, quaeritur, et quibuscum vivat, qua ratione vitae, 2.30. quo more domestico vivat. et ex fortuna saepe argu- mentatio nascitur, cum servus an liber, pecuniosus an pauper, nobilis an ignobilis, felix an infelix, privatus an in potestate sit aut fuerit aut futurus sit, conside- ratur; aut denique aliquid eorum quaeritur, quae for- tunae esse adtributa intelleguntur. habitus autem quon- iam in aliqua perfecta et constanti animi aut corporis absolutione consistit, quo in genere est virtus, scientia et quae contraria sunt, res ipsa causa posita docebit, ecquid hic quoque locus suspicionis ostendat. nam af- fectionis quidem ratio perspicuam solet prae se gerere coniecturam, ut amor, iracundia, molestia, propterea quod et ipsorum vis intellegitur et, quae res harum aliquam rem consequatur, facile est cognitu. 2.31. studium autem quod est adsidua et vehementer aliquam ad rem adplicata magna cum voluptate occupatio, facile ex eo ducetur argumentatio ea, quam res ipsa desidera- bit in causa. item ex consilio sumetur aliquid suspi- cionis; nam consilium est aliquid faciendi non facien- dive excogitata ratio. iam facta et casus et orationes, quae sunt omnia, ut in confirmationis praeceptis dic- tum est, in tria tempora distributa, facile erit videre, ecquid afferant ad confirmandam coniecturam suspi- cionis. 2.32. Ac personis quidem res hae sunt adtributae, ex qui- bus omnibus unum in locum coactis accusatoris erit inprobatione hominis uti. nam causa facti parum fir- mitudinis habet, nisi animus eius, qui insimulatur, in eam suspicionem adducitur, uti a tali culpa non videa- tur abhorruisse. ut enim animum alicuius inprobare nihil attinet, cum causa, quare peccaret, non intercessit, sic causam peccati intercedere leve est, si animus nulli minus honestae rationi affinis ostenditur. quare vitam eius, quem arguit, ex ante factis accusator inprobare debebit et ostendere, si quo in pari ante peccato con- victus sit; si id non poterit, si quam in similem ante suspicionem venerit, ac maxime, si fieri poterit, simili quo in genere eiusdemmodi causa aliqua commotum peccasse aut in aeque magna re aut in maiore aut in minore, ut si qui, quem pecunia dicat inductum fecisse, possit demonstrare aliqua in re eius aliquod factum avarum. 2.33. item in omni causa naturam aut victum aut studium aut fortunam aut aliquid eorum, quae personis adtributa sunt, ad eam causam, qua commotum pec- casse dicet, adiungere atque ex dispari quoque genere culparum, si ex pari sumendi facultas non erit, inpro- bare animum adversarii oportebit: si avaritia inductum arguas fecisse et avarum eum, quem accuses, demon- strare non possis, aliis adfinem vitiis esse doceas, et ex ea re non esse mirandum, qui in illa re turpis aut cupidus aut petulans fuerit, hac quoque in re eum deliquisse. quantum enim de honestate et auctoritate eius, qui arguitur, detractum est, tantundem de facul- 2.34. tate eius totius est defensionis deminutum. si nulli affinis poterit vitio reus ante admisso demonstrari, locus inducetur ille, per quem hortandi iudices erunt, ut veterem famam hominis nihil ad rem putent per- tinere. nam eum ante celasse, nunc manifesto teneri; quare non oportere hanc rem ex superiore vita spec- tari, sed superiorem vitam ex hac re inprobari, et aut potestatem ante peccandi non fuisse aut causam; aut, si haec dici non poterunt, dicendum erit illud extremum, non esse mirum, si nunc primum deliquerit: nam necesse esse eum, qui velit peccare, aliquando primum delinquere. sin vita ante acta ignorabitur, hoc loco praeterito et, cur praetereatur, demonstrato argu- mentis accusationem statim confirmare oportebit. 2.35. Defensor autem primum, si poterit, debebit vitam eius, qui insimulabitur, quam honestissimam demon- strare. id faciet, si ostendet aliqua eius nota et com- munia officia; quod genus in parentes, cognatos, ami- cos, affines, necessarios; etiam quae magis rara et eximia sunt, si ab eo cum magno aliquid labore aut periculo aut utraque re, cum necesse non esset, officii causa aut in rem publicam aut in parentes aut in aliquos eorum, qui modo expositi sunt, factum esse dicet; denique si nihil deliquisse, nulla cupiditate in- peditum ab officio recessisse. quod eo confirmatius erit, si, cum potestas inpune aliquid faciendi minus honeste fuisse dicetur, voluntas a faciendo demon- 2.36. strabitur afuisse. hoc autem ipsum genus erit eo firmius, si eo ipso in genere, quo arguetur, integer ante fuisse demonstrabitur: ut si, cum avaritiae causa fecisse arguatur, minime omni in vita pecuniae cupi- dus fuisse doceatur. hic illa magna cum gravitate inducetur indignatio, iuncta conquestioni, per quam miserum facinus esse et indignum demonstrabitur ; ut, cum animus in vita fuerit omni a vitiis remotissimus, eam causam putare, quae homines audaces in fraudem rapere soleat, castissimum quoque hominem ad pec- candum potuisse inpellere; aut: iniquum esse et op- timo cuique perniciosissimum non vitam honeste actam tali in tempore quam plurimum prodesse, sed subita ex criminatione, quae confingi quamvis false possit, non ex ante acta vita, quae neque ad tempus fingi neque ullo modo mutari possit, facere iudicium. 2.37. sin autem in ante acta vita aliquae turpitudines erunt: aut falso venisse in eam existimationem dicetur ex aliquorum invidia aut obtrectatione aut falsa opi- nione; aut inprudentiae, necessitudini, persuasioni, adulescentiae aut alicui non malitiosae animi af- fectioni attribuentur; aut dissimili in genere vitio- rum, ut animus non omnino integer, sed ab tali culpa remotus esse videatur. at si nullo modo vitae turpitudo aut infamia leniri poterit oratione, negare oportebit de vita eius et de moribus quaeri, sed de eo crimine, quo de arguatur; quare ante factis omissis illud, quod instet, id agi oportere. 2.38. Ex facto autem ipso suspiciones ducentur, si to- tius administratio negotii ex omnibus partibus per- temptabitur; atque eae suspiciones partim ex negotio separatim, partim communiter ex personis atque ex negotio proficiscentur. ex negotio duci poterunt, si eas res, quae negotiis adtributae sunt, diligenter con- siderabimus. ex iis igitur in hanc constitutionem convenire videntur genera earum omnia, partes gene- 2.39. rum pleraeque. Videre igitur primum oportebit, quae sint continentia cum ipso negotio, hoc est, quae ab re separari non possint. quo in loco satis erit dili- genter considerasse, quid sit ante rem factum, ex quo spes perficiundi nata et faciundi facultas quaesita vi- deatur; quid in ipsa re gerenda, quid postea conse- cutum sit. Deinde ipsius est negotii gestio pertrac- tanda. nam hoc genus earum rerum, quae negotio sunt adtributae, secundo in loco nobis est expositum. 2.40. hoc ergo in genere spectabitur locus, tempus, occasio, facultas; quorum unius cuiusque vis diligenter in con- firmationis praeceptis explicata est. quare, ne aut hic non admonuisse aut ne eadem iterum dixisse videamur, breviter iniciemus, quid quaque in parte considerari oporteat. in loco igitur opportunitas, in tempore longinquitas, in occasione commoditas ad faciendum idonea, in facultate copia et potestas earum rerum, propter quas aliquid facilius fit aut quibus sine omnino confici non potest, consideranda est. 2.41. De- inde videndum est, quid adiunctum sit negotio, hoc est, quid maius, quid minus, quid aeque magnum sit, quid simile; ex quibus coniectura quaedam ducitur, si, quemadmodum res maiores, minores, aeque magnae, similes agi soleant, diligenter considerabitur. quo in genere eventus quoque videndus erit, hoc est, quid ex quaque re soleat evenire, magno opere consi- derandum est, ut metus, laetitia, titubatio, audacia. 2.42. Quarta autem pars rebus erat ex iis, quas negotiis di- cebamus esse adtributas, consecutio. in ea quaeruntur ea, quae gestum negotium confestim aut intervallo con- sequuntur. in quo videbimus, ecqua consuetudo sit, ecqua lex, ecqua pactio, ecquod eius rei artificium aut usus aut exercitatio, hominum aut adprobatio aut offensio; ex quibus nonnumquam elicitur aliquid suspicionis. Sunt autem aliae suspiciones, quae communiter et ex negotiorum et ex personarum adtributionibus su- muntur. nam et ex fortuna et ex natura et ex victu, studio, factis, casu, orationibus, consilio et ex habitu animi aut corporis pleraque pertinent ad easdem res, quae rem credibilem aut incredibilem facere pos- 2.43. sunt et cum facti suspicione iunguntur. maxime enim quaerere oportet in hac constitutione, primum po- tueritne aliquid fieri; deinde ecquo ab alio potuerit; deinde facultas, de qua ante diximus; deinde utrum id facinus sit, quod paenitere fuerit necesse, quod spem celandi non haberet; deinde necessitudo, in qua necesse fuerit id aut fieri aut ita fieri, quaeritur. quorum pars ad consilium pertinet, quod personis adtributum est, ut in ea causa, quam exposuimus: ante rem, quod in itinere se tam familiariter adplicaverit, quod sermonis causam quaesierit, quod simul deverterit, deinde cena- rit. in re nox, somnus. post rem, quod solus exierit, quod illum tam familiarem tam aequo animo reli- 2.44. querit, quod cruentum gladium habuerit. rursum, utrum videatur diligenter ratio faciendi esse habita et excogitata, an ita temere, ut non veri simile sit quem- quam tam temere ad maleficium accessisse. in quo quaeritur, num quo alio modo commodius potuerit fieri vel a fortuna administrari. nam saepe, si pecuniae, adiumenta, adiutores desint, facultas fuisse faciundi non videtur. hoc modo si diligenter attendamus, apta inter se esse intellegimus haec, quae negotiis, et illa, quae personis sunt adtributa. Hic non facile est neque necessarium est distinguere, ut in superioribus partibus, quo pacto quicque accu- satorem et quomodo defensorem tractare oporteat. non est necessarium, propterea quod causa posita, quid in quamque conveniat, res ipsa docebit eos, qui non omnia hic se inventuros putabunt, 2.45. si modo quandam in commune mediocrem intellegentiam conferent; non facile autem, quod et infinitum est tot de rebus utram- que in partem singillatim de una quaque explicare et alias aliter haec in utramque partem causae solent convenire. quare considerare haec, quae exposuimus, oportebit. facilius autem ad inventionem animus in- cidet, si gesti negotii et suam et adversarii narrationem saepe et diligenter pertractabit et, quod quaeque pars suspicionis habebit, eliciens considerabit, quare, quo consilio, qua spe perficiundi quicque factum sit; hoc cur modo potius quam illo; cur ab hoc potius quam ab illo; cur nullo adiutore aut cur hoc; cur nemo sit conscius aut cur sit aut cur hic sit; cur hoc ante fac- tum sit; cur hoc ante factum non sit; cur hoc in ipso negotio, cur hoc post negotium, an factum de industria an rem ipsam consecutum sit; constetne oratio aut cum re aut ipsa secum; hoc huiusne rei sit signum an illius, an et huius et illius et utrius potius; quid fac- tum sit, quod non oportuerit, aut non factum, quod oportuerit. 2.46. cum animus hac intentione omnes totius negotii partes considerabit, tum illi ipsi in medium coacervati loci procedent, de quibus ante dictum est; et tum ex singulis, tum ex coniunctis argumenta certa nascentur, quorum argumentorum pars probabili, pars necessario in genere versabitur. accedunt autem saepe ad coniecturam quaestiones, testimonia, rumores, quae contra omnia uterque simili via praeceptorum torquere ad suae causae commodum debebit. nam et ex quae- stione suspiciones et ex testimonio et ex rumore aliquo pari ratione ut ex causa et ex persona et ex facto duci oportebit. 2.47. Quare nobis et ii videntur errare, qui hoc genus suspicionum artificii non putant indigere, et ii, qui aliter hoc de genere ac de omni coniectura praeci- piundum putant. omnis enim iisdem ex locis con- iectura sumenda est. nam et eius, qui in quaestione aliquid dixerit, et eius, qui in testimonio, et ipsius rumoris causa et veritas ex iisdem adtributionibus re- perietur. Omni autem in causa pars argumentorum est ad- iuncta ei causae solum, quae dicitur, et ex ipsa ita ducta, ut ab ea separatim in omnes eiusdem generis causas transferri non satis commode possit; pars au- tem est pervagatior et aut in omnes eiusdem generis aut in plerasque causas adcommodata. 2.48. haec ergo argumenta, quae transferri in multas causas possunt, locos communes nominamus. nam locus communis aut certae rei quandam continet amplificationem, ut si quis hoc velit ostendere, eum, qui parentem ne- carit, maximo supplicio esse dignum; quo loco nisi perorata et probata causa non est utendum; aut dubiae, quae ex contrario quoque habeat probabiles rationes argumentandi, ut suspicionibus credi oportere, et contra, suspicionibus credi non oportere. ac pars locorum communium per indignationem aut per con- questionem inducitur, de quibus ante dictum est, pars per aliquam probabilem utraque ex parte rationem. 2.49. distinguitur autem oratio atque inlustratur maxime raro inducendis locis communibus et aliquo loco iam certioribus illis auditoribus argumentis confirmato. nam et tum conceditur commune quiddam dicere, cum diligenter aliqui proprius causae locus tractatus est et auditoris animus aut renovatur ad ea, quae restant, aut omnibus iam dictis exsuscitatur. omnia autem ornamenta elocutionis, in quibus et suavitatis et gravitatis plurimum consistit, et omnia, quae in in- ventione rerum et sententiarum aliquid habent digni- 2.50. tatis, in communes locos conferuntur. quare non, ut causarum, sic oratorum quoque multorum communes loci sunt. nam nisi ab iis, qui multa in exercitatione magnam sibi verborum et sententiarum copiam con- paraverint, tractari non poterunt ornate et graviter, quemadmodum natura ipsorum desiderat. Atque hoc sit nobis dictum communiter de omni genere locorum communium; nunc exponemus, in coniecturalem constitutionem qui loci communes in- cidere soleant: suspicionibus credi oportere et non oportere; rumoribus credi oportere et non oportere; testibus credi oportere et non oportere; quaestionibus credi oportere et non oportere; vitam ante actam spectari oportere et non oportere; eiusdem esse, qui in illa re peccarit, et hoc quoque admisisse et non esse eiusdem; causam maxime spectari causam oportere et non oportere. atque hi quidem et si qui eiusmodi ex proprio argumento communes loci na- 2.51. scentur, in contrarias partes diducuntur. certus autem locus est accusatoris, per quem auget facti atrocitatem, et alter, per quem negat malorum misereri oportere: defensoris, per quem calumnia accusatorum cum in- dignatione ostenditur et per quem cum conquestione misericordia captatur. hi et ceteri loci omnes com- munes ex iisdem praeceptis sumuntur, quibus ceterae argumentationes; sed illae tenuius et subtilius et acu- tius tractantur, hi autem gravius et ornatius et cum verbis tum etiam sententiis excellentibus. in illis enim finis est, ut id, quod dicitur, verum esse videatur, in his, tametsi hoc quoque videri oportet, tamen finis est amplitudo. Nunc ad aliam constitutionem transeamus. 2.94. vendo hac ipsa ratione confirmat accusationem. in hac ab utroque ex omnibus partibus honestatis et ex om- nibus utilitatis partibus, exemplis, signis, ratiocido, quid cuiusque officii, iuris, potestatis sit, quaeri opor- tebit et fueritne ei, quo de agetur, id iuris, officii, potestatis attributum necne. Locos autem communes ex ipsa re, si quid indigna- tionis aut conquestionis habebit, sumi oportebit. Concessio est, per quam non factum ipsum pro- batur ab reo, sed ut ignoscatur, id petitur. cuius partes sunt duae: purgatio et deprecatio. Purgatio est, per quam eius, qui accusatur, non factum ipsum, sed vo- luntas defenditur. ea habet partes tres: inprudentiam, casum, necessitudinem. 2.95. Inprudentia est, cum scisse aliquid is, qui arguitur, negatur; ut apud quosdam lex erat: ne quis Dianae vitulum immolaret. nautae quidam, cum adversa tem- pestate in alto iactarentur, voverunt, si eo portu, quem conspiciebant, potiti essent, ei deo, qui ibi esset, se vitulum immolaturos. casu erat in eo portu fanum Dianae eius, cui vitulum immolare non licebat. in- prudentes legis, cum exissent, vitulum immolaverunt. accusantur. intentio est: vitulum immolastis ei deo, cui non licebat. depulsio est in concessione posita. ratio est: nescivi non licere. infirmatio est: tamen, quoniam fecisti, quod non licebat ex lege, supplicio dignus es. iudicatio est: cum id fecerit, quod non oportuerit, et id non oportere nescierit, sitne supplicio dignus? 2.96. Casus autem inferetur in concessionem, cum demon- stratur aliqua fortunae vis voluntati obstitisse, ut in hac: cum Lacedaemoniis lex esset, ut, hostias nisi ad sacrificium quoddam redemptor praebuisset, capital esset, hostias is, qui redemerat, cum sacrificii dies instaret, in urbem ex agro coepit agere. tum subito magnis commotis tempestatibus fluvius Eurotas, is qui praeter Lacedaemonem fluit, ita magnus et vehemens factus est, ut ea traduci victimae nullo modo possent. 2.97. redemptor suae voluntatis ostendendae causa hostias constituit omnes in litore, ut, qui trans flumen essent, videre possent. cum omnes studio eius subitam flu- minis magnitudinem scirent fuisse inpedimento, tamen quidam capitis arcesserunt. intentio est: hostiae, quas debuisti ad sacrificium, praesto non fuerunt. depulsio concessio. ratio: flumen enim subito accrevit et ea re traduci non potuerunt. infirmatio: tamen, quon- iam, quod lex iubet, factum non est, supplicio dignus es. iudicatio est: cum in ea re contra legem redemptor aliquid fecerit, qua in re studio eius subita fluminis obstiterit magnitudo, supplicio dignusne sit? 2.98. Necessitudo autem infertur, cum vi quadam reus id, quod fecerit, fecisse defenditur, hoc modo: lex est apud Rhodios, ut, si qua rostrata in portu navis depre- hensa sit, publicetur. cum magna in alto tempestas esset, vis ventorum invitis nautis in Rhodiorum por- tum navem coe+git. quaestor navem populi vocat, na- vis dominus negat oportere publicari. intentio est: rostrata navis in portu deprehensa est. depulsio con- cessio. ratio: vi et necessario sumus in portum coacti. infirmatio est: navem ex lege tamen populi esse oportet. iudicatio est: cum rostratam navem in portu deprehensam lex publicarit cumque haec navis invitis nautis vi tempestatis in portum coniecta sit, oporteatne eam publicari? 2.99. Horum trium generum idcirco in unum locum con- tulimus exempla, quod similis in ea praeceptio argu- mentorum traditur. nam in his omnibus primum, si quid res ipsa dabit facultatis, coniecturam induci ab accusatore oportebit, ut id, quod voluntate factum ne- gabitur, consulto factum suspicione aliqua demon- stretur; deinde inducere definitionem necessitudinis aut casus aut inprudentiae et exempla ad eam defini- tionem adiungere, in quibus inprudentia fuisse videatur aut casus aut necessitudo, et ab his id, quod reus in- ferat, separare, id est ostendere dissimile, quod le- vius, facilius non ignorabile, non fortuitum, non necessarium fuerit; postea demonstrare potuisse vitari: hac ratione provideri potuisse, si hoc aut illud fe- cisset, aut, nisi fecisset, praecaveri; et definitionibus ostendere non hanc inprudentiam aut casum aut ne- cessitudinem, sed inertiam, neglegentiam, fatuitatem nominari oportere. 2.100. ac si qua necessitudo turpitudi- nem videbitur habere, oportebit per locorum commu- nium inplicationem redarguentem demonstrare quid- vis perpeti, mori denique satius fuisse quam eius- modi necessitudini optemperare. atque tum ex iis locis, de quibus in negotiali parte dictum est, iuris et aequitatis naturam oportebit quaerere et quasi in absoluta iuridiciali per se hoc ipsum ab rebus omni- bus separatim considerare. atque hoc in loco, si fa- cultas erit, exemplis uti oportebit, quibus in simili excusatione non sit ignotum, et contentione, magis illis ignoscendum fuisse, et deliberationis partibus, turpe aut inutile esse concedi eam rem, quae ab ad- versario commissa sit: permagnum esse et magno fu- turum detrimento, si ea res ab iis, qui potestatem habent vindicandi, neglecta sit. 2.101. Defensor autem conversis omnibus his partibus pot- erit uti; maxime autem in voluntate defendenda com- morabitur et in ea re adaugenda, quae voluntati fuerit inpedimento; et se plus, quam fecerit, facere non po- tuisse; et in omnibus rebus voluntatem spectari opor- tere; et se convinci non posse, quod absit a culpa; suo nomine communem hominum infirmitatem posse dam- nari. deinde nihil esse indignius quam eum, qui culpa careat, supplicio non carere. Loci autem communes: accusatoris in confessionem, et quanta potestas peccandi relinquatur, si semel in- stitutum sit, ut non de facto, sed de facti causa quaera- 2.102. tur; defensoris conquestio est calamitatis eius, quae non culpa, sed vi maiore quadam acciderit, et de for- tunae potestate et hominum infirmitate et, uti suum animum, non eventum considerent. in quibus omnibus conquestionem suarum aerumnarum et crudelitatis ad- versariorum indignationem inesse oportebit. Ac neminem mirari conveniet, si aut in his aut in aliis exemplis scripti quoque controversiam adiunctam videbit. quo de genere post erit nobis separatim di- cendum, propterea quod quaedam genera causarum simpliciter ex sua vi considerantur, quaedam autem sibi aliud quoque aliquod controversiae genus assu- 2.103. munt. quare omnibus cognitis non erit difficile in unam quamque causam transferre, quod ex eo quoque genere conveniet; ut in his exemplis concessionis inest omnibus scripti controversia, ea quae ex scripto et sententia nominatur; sed, quia de concessione loque- bamur, in eam praecepta dedimus, alio autem loco de scripto et de sententia dicemus. Nunc in alteram concessionis partem consideratio- 2.104. nem iam intendemus. Deprecatio est, in qua non de- fensio facti, sed ignoscendi postulatio continetur. hoc genus vix in iudicio probari potest, ideo quod con- cesso peccato difficile est ab eo, qui peccatorum vindex esse debet, ut ignoscat, impetrare. quare parte eius generis, cum causam non in eo constitueris, uti licebit; ut si pro aliquo claro aut forti viro, cuius in rem publi- cam multa sunt beneficia, diceres, posses, cum videaris non uti deprecatione, uti tamen, ad hunc modum: quodsi, iudices, hic pro suis beneficiis, pro suo studio, quod in vos semper habuit, tali suo tempore multorum suorum recte factorum causa uni delicto ut ignosce- retis postularet, tamen dignum vestra mansuetudine, dignum virtute huius esset, iudices, a vobis hanc rem hoc postulante impetrari. deinde augere beneficia licebit et iudices per locum communem ad ignoscendi voluntatem ducere. 2.105. quare hoc genus quamquam in iudiciis non versatur nisi quadam ex parte, tamen, quia et pars haec ipsa inducenda nonnumquam est et in senatu aut in consilio saepe omni in genere tractanda, in id quoque praecepta ponemus. nam in senatu aut in consilio de Syphace diu deliberatum est, et de Q. Numitorio Pullo apud L. Opimium et eius consilium diu dictum est, et magis in hoc qui- dem ignoscendi quam cognoscendi postulatio valuit. nam semper animo bono se in populum Romanum fuisse non tam facile probabat, cum coniecturali con- stitutione uteretur, quam ut propter posterius bene- ficium sibi ignosceretur, cum deprecationis partes ad- iungeret. 2.106. Oportebit igitur eum, qui sibi ut ignoscatur, postu- labit, commemorare, si qua sua poterit beneficia et, si poterit, ostendere ea maiora esse quam haec, quae deliquerit, ut plus ab eo boni quam mali profectum esse videatur; deinde maiorum suorum beneficia, si qua exstabunt, proferre; deinde ostendere non odio neque crudelitate fecisse, quod fecerit, sed aut stultitia aut inpulsu alicuius aut aliqua honesta aut probabili causa; postea polliceri et confirmare se et hoc peccato doctum et beneficio eorum, qui sibi ignoverint, con- firmatum omni tempore a tali ratione afuturum; de- inde spem ostendere aliquo se in loco magno iis, 2.107. qui sibi concesserint, usui futurum; postea, si facultas erit, se aut consanguineum * aut iam a maioribus inprimis amicum esse demonstrabit et amplitudinem suae vo- luntatis, nobilitatem generis, eorum, qui se salvum velint, dignitatem ostendere, et cetera ea, quae per- sonis ad honestatem et amplitudinem sunt adtributa, cum conquestione, sine arrogantia, in se esse demon- strabit, ut honore potius aliquo quam ullo supplicio dignus esse videatur; deinde ceteros proferre, quibus maiora delicta concessa sint. ac multum proficiet, si se misericordem in potestate, propensum ad igno- scendum fuisse ostendet. atque ipsum illud pecca- tum erit extenuandum, ut quam minimum obfuisse videatur, et aut turpe aut inutile demonstrandum tali de homine supplicium sumere. 2.108. deinde locis commu- nibus misericordiam captare oportebit ex iis praecep- tis, quae in primo libro sunt exposita. Adversarius autem malefacta augebit: nihil impru- denter, sed omnia ex crudelitate et malitia facta dicet; ipsum inmisericordem, superbum fuisse; et, si poterit, ostendet semper inimicum fuisse et amicum fieri nullo modo posse. si beneficia proferet, aut aliqua de causa facta, non propter benivolentiam demonstrabit, aut postea odium esse acre susceptum, aut illa omnia maleficiis esse deleta, aut leviora beneficia quam male- ficia, aut, cum beneficiis honos habitus sit, pro male- 2.109. ficio poenam sumi oportere. deinde turpe esse aut inutile ignosci. deinde, de quo ut potestas esset saepe optarint, in eum * ob potestatem non uti summam esse stultitiam; cogitare oportere, quem animum in eum et quod odium habuerint. Locus autem communis erit indignatio maleficii et alter eorum misereri oportere, qui propter fortunam, non propter malitiam in miseriis sint. Quoniam ergo in generali constitutione tamdiu prop- ter eius partium multitudinem commoramur, ne forte varietate et dissimilitudine rerum diductus alicuius animus in quendam errorem deferatur, quid etiam no- bis ex eo genere restet et quare restet, admonendum videtur. Iuridicialem causam esse dicebamus, in qua aequi et iniqui natura et praemii aut poenae ratio quaere- retur.
47. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 18-20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 77
48. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276
5.52. quid, cum fictas fabulas, e quibus utilitas nulla elici elici dett. dici BERN duci V potest, cum voluptate legimus? quid, cum volumus nomina eorum, qui quid gesserint, gesserunt R nota nobis esse, parentes, patriam, multa praeterea minime necessaria? quid, quod homines infima infirma BE fortuna, nulla spe rerum gerendarum, opifices denique delectantur delectentur RNV historia? maximeque que om. R eos videre possumus res gestas audire et legere velle, qui a spe gerendi absunt confecti senectute. quocirca intellegi necesse est in ipsis rebus, quae discuntur et cognoscuntur, invitamenta invita—menta ( lineola et ta poste- rius ab alt. m. scr., ta in ras. ) N invita mente BE invita|et mente R in vita mentem V inesse, quibus ad discendum cognoscendumque moveamur. 5.52.  What of our eagerness to learn the names of people who have done something notable, their parentage, birthplace, and many quite unimportant details beside? What of the delight that is taken in history by men of the humblest station, who have no expectation of participating in public life, even mere artisans? Also we may notice that the persons most eager to hear and read of public affairs are those who are debarred by the infirmities of age from any prospect of taking part in them. Hence we are forced to infer that the objects of study and knowledge contain in themselves the allurements that entice us to study and to learning.
49. Cicero, On Fate, 1-2, 8, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 88, 92, 93
50. Cicero, On Divination, 1.8, 1.10-1.11, 1.85, 1.90, 1.119, 2.28-2.74, 2.87-2.99 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar) •iulius caesar, c. •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 185, 186; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 67, 69, 70, 77, 85, 86, 88; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 281
1.8. Quibus de rebus et alias saepe et paulo accuratius nuper, cum essem cum Q. fratre in Tusculano, disputatum est. Nam cum ambulandi causa in Lyceum venissemus (id enim superiori gymnasio nomen est), Perlegi, ille inquit, tuum paulo ante tertium de natura deorum, in quo disputatio Cottae quamquam labefactavit sententiam meam, non funditus tamen sustulit. Optime vero, inquam; etenim ipse Cotta sic disputat, ut Stoicorum magis argumenta confutet quam hominum deleat religionem. Tum Quintus: Dicitur quidem istuc, inquit, a Cotta, et vero saepius, credo, ne communia iura migrare videatur; sed studio contra Stoicos disserendi deos mihi videtur funditus tollere. 1.10. Arcem tu quidem Stoicorum, inquam, Quinte, defendis, siquidem ista sic reciprocantur, ut et, si divinatio sit, di sint et, si di sint, sit divinatio. Quorum neutrum tam facile, quam tu arbitraris, conceditur. Nam et natura significari futura sine deo possunt et, ut sint di, potest fieri, ut nulla ab iis divinatio generi humano tributa sit. Atque ille: Mihi vero, inquit, satis est argumenti et esse deos et eos consulere rebus humanis, quod esse clara et perspicua divinationis genera iudico. De quibus quid ipse sentiam, si placet, exponam, ita tamen, si vacas animo neque habes aliquid, quod huic sermoni praevertendum putes. 1.11. Ego vero, inquam, philosophiae, Quinte, semper vaco; hoc autem tempore, cum sit nihil aliud, quod lubenter agere possim, multo magis aveo audire, de divinatione quid sentias. Nihil, inquit, equidem novi, nec quod praeter ceteros ipse sentiam; nam cum antiquissimam sententiam, tum omnium populorum et gentium consensu conprobatam sequor. Duo sunt enim dividi genera, quorum alterum artis est, alterum naturae. 1.85. Nec vero quicquam aliud adfertur, cur ea, quae dico, dividi genera nulla sint, nisi quod difficile dictu videtur, quae cuiusque divinationis ratio, quae causa sit. Quid enim habet haruspex, cur pulmo incisus etiam in bonis extis dirimat tempus et proferat diem? quid augur, cur a dextra corvus, a sinistra cornix faciat ratum? quid astrologus, cur stella Iovis aut Veneris coniuncta cum luna ad ortus puerorum salutaris sit, Saturni Martisve contraria? Cur autem deus dormientes nos moneat, vigilantes neglegat? Quid deinde causae est, cur Cassandra furens futura prospiciat, Priamus sapiens hoc idem facere non queat? 1.90. Eaque divinationum ratio ne in barbaris quidem gentibus neglecta est, siquidem et in Gallia Druidae sunt, e quibus ipse Divitiacum Haeduum, hospitem tuum laudatoremque, cognovi, qui et naturae rationem, quam fusiologi/an Graeci appellant, notam esse sibi profitebatur et partim auguriis, partim coniectura, quae essent futura, dicebat, et in Persis augurantur et divit magi, qui congregantur in fano commentandi causa atque inter se conloquendi, quod etiam idem vos quondam facere Nonis solebatis; 1.119. Quod ne dubitare possimus, maximo est argumento, quod paulo ante interitum Caesaris contigit. Qui cum immolaret illo die, quo primum in sella aurea sedit et cum purpurea veste processit, in extis bovis opimi cor non fuit. Num igitur censes ullum animal, quod sanguinem habeat, sine corde esse posse? †Qua ille rei novitate perculsus, cum Spurinna diceret timendum esse, ne et consilium et vita deficeret; earum enim rerum utramque a corde proficisci. Postero die caput in iecore non fuit. Quae quidem illi portendebantur a dis immortalibus, ut videret interitum, non ut caveret. Cum igitur eae partes in extis non reperiuntur, sine quibus victuma illa vivere nequisset, intellegendum est in ipso immolationis tempore eas partes, quae absint, interisse. 2.28. Ut ordiar ab haruspicina, quam ego rei publicae causa communisque religionis colendam censeo. Sed soli sumus; licet verum exquirere sine invidia, mihi praesertim de plerisque dubitanti. Inspiciamus, si placet, exta primum. Persuaderi igitur cuiquam potest ea, quae significari dicuntur extis, cognita esse ab haruspicibus observatione diuturna? Quam diuturna ista fuit? aut quam longinquo tempore observari potuit? aut quo modo est conlatum inter ipsos, quae pars inimica, quae pars familiaris esset, quod fissum periculum, quod commodum aliquod ostenderet? An haec inter se haruspices Etrusci, Elii, Aegyptii, Poeni contulerunt? At id, praeterquam quod fieri non potuit, ne fingi quidem potest; alios enim alio more videmus exta interpretari, nec esse unam omnium disciplinam. 2.29. Et certe, si est in extis aliqua vis, quae declaret futura, necesse est eam aut cum rerum natura esse coniunctam aut conformari quodam modo numine deorum vique divina. Cum rerum natura tanta tamque praeclara in omnes partes motusque diffusa quid habere potest commune non dicam gallinaceum fel (sunt enim, qui vel argutissima haec exta esse dicant), sed tauri opimi iecur aut cor aut pulmo quid habet naturale, quod declarare possit, quid futurum sit? 2.30. Democritus tamen non inscite nugatur, ut physicus, quo genere nihil adrogantius: Quód est ante pedes, némo spectat, caéli scrutantúr plagas. Verum is tamen habitu extorum et colore declarari censet haec dumtaxat: pabuli genus et earum rerum, quas terra procreet, vel ubertatem vel tenuitatem; salubritatem etiam aut pestilentiam extis significari putat. O mortalem beatum! cui certo scio ludum numquam defuisse; huncine hominem tantis delectatum esse nugis, ut non videret tum futurum id veri simile, si omnium pecudum exta eodem tempore in eundem habitum se coloremque converterent? Sed si eadem hora aliae pecudis iecur nitidum atque plenum est, aliae horridum et exile, quid est, quod declarari possit habitu extorum et colore? 2.31. an hoc eiusdem modi est, quale Pherecydeum illud, quod est a te dictum? qui cum aquam ex puteo vidisset haustam, terrae motum dixit futurum. Parum, credo, inpudenter, quod, cum factus est motus, dicere audent, quae vis id effecerit; etiamne futurum esse aquae iugis colore praesentiunt? Multa istius modi dicuntur in scholis, sed credere omnia vide ne non sit necesse. 2.32. Verum sint sane ista Democritea vera; quando ea nos extis exquirimus? aut quando aliquid eius modi ab haruspice inspectis extis audivimus? Ab aqua aut ab igni pericula monent; tum hereditates, tum damna denuntiant; fissum familiare et vitale tractant; caput iecoris ex omni parte diligentissime considerant; si vero id non est inventum, nihil putant accidere potuisse tristius. 2.33. Haec observari certe non potuerunt, ut supra docui. Sunt igitur artis inventa, non vetustatis, si est ars ulla rerum incognitarum; cum rerum autem natura quam cognationem habent? quae ut uno consensu iuncta sit et continens, quod video placuisse physicis, eisque maxume, qui omne, quod esset, unum esse dixerunt, quid habere mundus potest cum thesauri inventione coniunctum? Si enim extis pecuniae mihi amplificatio ostenditur idque fit natura, primum exta sunt coniuncta mundo, deinde meum lucrum natura rerum continetur. Nonne pudet physicos haec dicere? Ut enim iam sit aliqua in natura rerum contagio, quam esse concedo (multa enim Stoici colligunt; nam et musculorum iecuscula bruma dicuntur augeri, et puleium aridum florescere brumali ipso die, et inflatas rumpi vesiculas, et semina malorum, quae in iis mediis inclusa sint, in contrarias partis se vertere, iam nervos in fidibus aliis pulsis resonare alios, ostreisque et conchyliis omnibus contingere, ut cum luna pariter crescant pariterque decrescant, arboresque ut hiemali tempore cum luna simul senescente, quia tum exsiccatae sint, tempestive caedi putentur. 2.34. Quid de fretis aut de marinis aestibus plura dicam? quorum accessus et recessus lunae motu gubertur. Sescenta licet eiusdem modi proferri, ut distantium rerum cognatio naturalis appareat)—demus hoc; nihil enim huic disputationi adversatur; num etiam, si fissum cuiusdam modi fuerit in iecore, lucrum ostenditur? qua ex coniunctione naturae et quasi concentu atque consensu, quam sumpa/qeian Graeci appellant, convenire potest aut fissum iecoris cum lucello meo aut meus quaesticulus cum caelo, terra rerumque natura? Concedam hoc ipsum, si vis, etsi magnam iacturam causae fecero, si ullam esse convenientiam naturae cum extis concessero; 2.35. sed tamen eo concesso qui evenit, ut is, qui impetrire velit, convenientem hostiam rebus suis immolet? Hoc erat, quod ego non rebar posse dissolvi. At quam festive dissolvitur! pudet me non tui quidem, cuius etiam memoriam admiror, sed Chrysippi, Antipatri, Posidonii, qui idem istuc quidem dicunt, quod est dictum a te, ad hostiam deligendam ducem esse vim quandam sentientem atque divinam, quae toto confusa mundo sit. Illud vero multo etiam melius, quod et a te usurpatum est et dicitur ab illis: cum immolare quispiam velit, tum fieri extorum mutationem, ut aut absit aliquid aut supersit; 2.36. deorum enim numini parere omnia. Haec iam, mihi crede, ne aniculae quidem existimant. An censes, eundem vitulum si alius delegerit, sine capite iecur inventurum; si alius, cum capite? Haec decessio capitis aut accessio subitone fieri potest, ut se exta ad immolatoris fortunam accommodent? non perspicitis aleam quandam esse in hostiis deligendis, praesertim cum res ipsa doceat? Cum enim tristissuma exta sine capite fuerunt, quibus nihil videtur esse dirius, proxuma hostia litatur saepe pulcherrime. Ubi igitur illae minae superiorum extorum? aut quae tam subito facta est deorum tanta placatio? Sed adfers in tauri opimi extis immolante Caesare cor non fuisse; id quia non potuerit accidere, ut sine corde victuma illa viveret, iudicandum esse tum interisse cor, cum immolaretur. 2.37. Qui fit, ut alterum intellegas, sine corde non potuisse bovem vivere, alterum non videas, cor subito non potuisse nescio quo avolare? Ego enim possum vel nescire, quae vis sit cordis ad vivendum, vel suspicari contractum aliquo morbo bovis exile et exiguum et vietum cor et dissimile cordis fuisse; tu vero quid habes, quare putes, si paulo ante cor fuerit in tauro opimo, subito id in ipsa immolatione interisse? an quod aspexit vestitu purpureo excordem Caesarem, ipse corde privatus est? Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis, dum castella defenditis; nam, dum haruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam totam pervertitis. Caput est in iecore, cor in extis; iam abscedet, simul ac molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua conficiet aut exedet. Non ergo omnium ortus atque obitus natura conficiet, et erit aliquid, quod aut ex nihilo oriatur aut in nihilum subito occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit umquam? haruspices dicunt; his igitur quam physicis credendum potius existumas? 2.38. Quid? cum pluribus deis immolatur, qui tandem evenit, ut litetur aliis, aliis non litetur? quae autem inconstantia deorum est, ut primis minentur extis, bene promittant secundis? aut tanta inter eos dissensio, saepe etiam inter proxumos, ut Apollinis exta bona sint, Dianae non bona? Quid est tam perspicuum quam, cum fortuito hostiae adducantur, talia cuique exta esse, qualis cuique obtigerit hostia? At enim id ipsum habet aliquid divini, quae cuique hostia obtingat, tamquam in sortibus, quae cui ducatur. Mox de sortibus; quamquam tu quidem non hostiarum causam confirmas sortium similitudine, sed infirmas sortis conlatione hostiarum. 2.39. An, cum in Aequimaelium misimus, qui adferat agnum, quem immolemus, is mihi agnus adfertur, qui habet exta rebus accommodata, et ad eum agnum non casu, sed duce deo servus deducitur? Nam si casum in eo quoque dicis esse quasi sortem quandam cum deorum voluntate coniunctam, doleo tantam Stoicos nostros Epicureis inridendi sui facultatem dedisse; non enim ignoras, quam ista derideant. 2.40. Et quidem illi facilius facere possunt; deos enim ipsos iocandi causa induxit Epicurus perlucidos et perflabilis et habitantis tamquam inter duos lucos sic inter duos mundos propter metum ruinarum, eosque habere putat eadem membra, quae nos, nec usum ullum habere membrorum. Ergo hic circumitione quadam deos tollens recte non dubitat divinationem tollere; sed non, ut hic sibi constat, item Stoici. Illius enim deus nihil habens nec sui nec alieni negotii non potest hominibus divinationem inpertire; vester autem deus potest non inpertire, ut nihilo minus mundum regat et hominibus consulat. 2.41. Cur igitur vos induitis in eas captiones, quas numquam explicetis? Ita enim, cum magis properant, concludere solent: Si di sunt, est divinatio; sunt autem di; est ergo divinatio. Multo est probabilius: non est autem divinatio; non sunt ergo di. Vide, quam temere committant, ut, si nulla sit divinatio, nulli sint di. Divinatio enim perspicue tollitur, deos esse retinendum est. 2.42. Atque hac extispicum divinatione sublata omnis haruspicina sublata est. Ostenta enim sequuntur et fulgura. Valet autem in fulguribus observatio diuturna, in ostentis ratio plerumque coniecturaque adhibetur. Quid est igitur, quod observatum sit in fulgure? Caelum in sedecim partis diviserunt Etrusci. Facile id quidem fuit, quattuor, quas nos habemus, duplicare, post idem iterum facere, ut ex eo dicerent, fulmen qua ex parte venisset. Primum id quid interest? deinde quid significat? Nonne perspicuum est ex prima admiratione hominum, quod tonitrua iactusque fulminum extimuissent, credidisse ea efficere rerum omnium praepotentem Iovem? Itaque in nostris commentariis scriptum habemus: Iove tote, fulgurante comitia populi habere nefas. 2.43. Hoc fortasse rei publicae causa constitutum est; comitiorum enim non habendorum causas esse voluerunt. Itaque comitiorum solum vitium est fulmen, quod idem omnibus rebus optumum auspicium habemus, si sinistrum fuit. Sed de auspiciis alio loco, nunc de fulgoribus. Quid igitur minus a physicis dici debet quam quicquam certi significari rebus incertis? Non enim te puto esse eum, qui Iovi fulmen fabricatos esse Cyclopas in Aetna putes; 2.44. nam esset mirabile, quo modo id Iuppiter totiens iaceret, cum unum haberet; nec vero fulminibus homines, quid aut faciendum esset aut cavendum, moneret. Placet enim Stoicis eos anhelitus terrae, qui frigidi sint, cum fluere coeperint, ventos esse; cum autem se in nubem induerint eiusque tenuissimam quamque partem coeperint dividere atque disrumpere idque crebrius facere et vehementius, tum et fulgores et tonitrua existere; si autem nubium conflictu ardor expressus se emiserit, id esse fulmen. Quod igitur vi naturae, nulla constantia, nullo rato tempore videmus effici, ex eo significationem rerum consequentium quaerimus? Scilicet, si ista Iuppiter significaret, tam multa frustra fulmina emitteret! Quid enim proficit, cum in medium mare fulmen iecit? 2.45. quid, cum in altissimos montis, quod plerumque fit? quid, cum in desertas solitudines? quid, cum in earum gentium oras, in quibus haec ne observantur quidem? At inventum est caput in Tiberi. Quasi ego artem aliquam istorum esse negem! divinationem nego. Caeli enim distributio, quam ante dixi, et certarum rerum notatio docet, unde fulmen venerit, quo concesserit; quid significet autem, nulla ratio docet. Sed urges me meis versibus: Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum statua Nattae, tum simulacra deorum Romulusque et Remus cum altrice belua vi fulminis icti conciderunt, deque his rebus haruspicum extiterunt responsa verissuma. 2.46. Mirabile autem illud, quod eo ipso tempore, quo fieret indicium coniurationis in senatu, signum Iovis biennio post, quam erat locatum, in Capitolio conlocabatur.—Tu igitur animum induces (sic enim mecum agebas) causam istam et contra facta tua et contra scripta defendere?—Frater es; eo vereor. Verum quid tibi hic tandem nocet? resne, quae talis est, an ego, qui verum explicari volo? Itaque nihil contra dico, a te rationem totius haruspicinae peto. Sed te mirificam in latebram coniecisti; quod enim intellegeres fore ut premerere, cum ex te causas unius cuiusque divinationis exquirerem, multa verba fecisti te, cum res videres, rationem causamque non quaerere; quid fieret, non cur fieret, ad rem pertinere. Quasi ego aut fieri concederem aut esset philosophi causam, 2.47. cur quidque fieret, non quaerere! Et eo quidem loco et Prognostica nostra pronuntiabas et genera herbarum, scammoniam aristolochiamque radicem, quarum causam ignorares, vim et effectum videres. Dissimile totum; nam et prognosticorum causas persecuti sunt et Boëthus Stoicus, qui est a te nominatus, et noster etiam Posidonius, et, si causae non reperiantur istarum rerum, res tamen ipsae observari animadvertique potuerunt. Nattae vero statua aut aera legum de caelo tacta quid habent observatum ac vetustum? Pinarii Nattae nobiles; a nobilitate igitur periculum. Hoc tam callide Iuppiter ex cogitavit! Romulus lactens fulmine ictus; urbi igitur periculum ostenditur, ei quam ille condidit. Quam scite per notas nos certiores facit Iuppiter! At eodem tempore signum Iovis conlocabatur, quo coniuratio indicabatur. Et tu scilicet mavis numine deorum id factum quam casu arbitrari, et redemptor, qui columnam illam de Cotta et de Torquato conduxerat faciendam, non inertia aut inopia tardior fuit, sed a deis inmortalibus ad istam horam reservatus est. 2.48. Non equidem plane despero ista esse vera, sed nescio et discere a te volo. Nam cum mihi quaedam casu viderentur sic evenire, ut praedicta essent a divitibus, dixisti multa de casu, ut Venerium iaci posse casu quattuor talis iactis, sed quadringentis centum Venerios non posse casu consistere. Primum nescio, cur non possint, sed non pugno; abundas enim similibus. Habes et respersionem pigmentorum et rostrum suis et alia permulta. Idem Carneadem fingere dicis de capite Panisci; quasi non potuerit id evenire casu et non in omni marmore necesse sit inesse vel Praxitelia capita! Illa enim ipsa efficiuntur detractione, neque quicquam illuc adfertur a Praxitele; sed cum multa sunt detracta et ad liniamenta oris perventum est, tum intellegas illud, quod iam expolitum sit, intus fuisse. 2.49. Potest igitur tale aliquid etiam sua sponte in lapicidinis Chiorum extitisse. Sed sit hoc fictum; quid? in nubibus numquam animadvertisti leonis formam aut hippocentauri? Potest igitur, quod modo negabas, veritatem casus imitari. Sed quoniam de extis et de fulgoribus satis est disputatum, ostenta restant, ut tota haruspicina sit pertractata. Mulae partus prolatus est a te. Res mirabilis, propterea quia non saepe fit; sed si fieri non potuisset, facta non esset. Atque hoc contra omnia ostenta valeat, numquam, quod fieri non potuerit, esse factum; sin potuerit, non esse mirandum. Causarum enim ignoratio in re nova mirationem facit; eadem ignoratio si in rebus usitatis est, non miramur. Nam qui mulam peperisse miratur, is, quo modo equa pariat, aut omnino quae natura partum animantis faciat, ignorat. Sed quod crebro videt, non miratur, etiamsi, cur fiat, nescit; quod ante non vidit, id si evenit, ostentum esse censet. Utrum igitur cum concepit mula an cum peperit, ostentum est? 2.50. conceptio contra naturam fortasse, sed partus prope necessarius. Sed quid plura? ortum videamus haruspicinae; sic facillume, quid habeat auctoritatis, iudicabimus. Tages quidam dicitur in agro Tarquiniensi, cum terra araretur et sulcus altius esset impressus, extitisse repente et eum adfatus esse, qui arabat. Is autem Tages, ut in libris est Etruscorum, puerili specie dicitur visus, sed senili fuisse prudentia. Eius adspectu cum obstipuisset bubulcus clamoremque maiorem cum admiratione edidisset, concursum esse factum, totamque brevi tempore in eum locum Etruriam convenisse; tum illum plura locutum multis audientibus, qui omnia verba eius exceperint litterisque mandarint; omnem autem orationem fuisse eam, qua haruspicinae disciplina contineretur; eam postea crevisse rebus novis cognoscendis et ad eadem illa principia referendis. Haec accepimus ab ipsis, haec scripta conservant, hunc fontem habent disciplinae. 2.51. Num ergo opus est ad haec refellenda Carneade? num Epicuro? estne quisquam ita desipiens, qui credat exaratum esse, deum dicam an hominem? Si deum, cur se contra naturam in terram abdiderat, ut patefactus aratro lucem aspiceret? quid? idem nonne poterat deus hominibus disciplinam superiore e loco tradere? Si autem homo ille Tages fuit, quonam modo potuit terra oppressus vivere? unde porro illa potuit, quae docebat alios, ipse didicisse? Sed ego insipientior quam illi ipsi, qui ista credunt, qui quidem contra eos tam diu disputem. Vetus autem illud Catonis admodum scitum est, qui mirari se aiebat, quod non rideret haruspex, haruspicem cum vidisset. 2.52. Quota enim quaeque res evenit praedicta ab istis? aut, si evenit quippiam, quid adferri potest, cur non casu id evenerit? Rex Prusias, cum Hannibali apud eum exsulanti depugnari placeret, negabat se audere, quod exta prohiberent. Ain tu? inquit, carunculae vitulinae mavis quam imperatori veteri credere? Quid? ipse Caesar cum a summo haruspice moneretur, ne in Africam ante brumam transmitteret, nonne transmisit? quod ni fecisset, uno in loco omnes adversariorum copiae convenissent. Quid ego haruspicum responsa commemorem (possum equidem innumerabilia), quae aut nullos habuerint exitus aut contrarios? 2.53. Hoc civili bello, di inmortales! quam multa luserunt! quae nobis in Graeciam Roma responsa haruspicum missa sunt! quae dicta Pompeio! etenim ille admodum extis et ostentis movebatur. Non lubet commemorare, nec vero necesse est, tibi praesertim, qui interfuisti; vides tamen omnia fere contra, ac dicta sint, evenisse. Sed haec hactenus; nunc ad ostenta veniamus. 2.54. Multa me consule a me ipso scripta recitasti, multa ante Marsicum bellum a Sisenna collecta attulisti, multa ante Lacedaemoniorum malam pugnam in Leuctricis a Callisthene commemorata dixisti; de quibus dicam equidem singulis, quoad videbitur; sed dicendum etiam est de universis. Quae est enim ista a deis profecta significatio et quasi denuntiatio calamitatum? quid autem volunt di inmortales primum ea significantes, quae sine interpretibus non possimus intellegere, deinde ea, quae cavere nequeamus? At hoc ne homines quidem probi faciunt, ut amicis inpendentis calamitates praedicant, quas illi effugere nullo modo possint, ut medici, quamquam intellegunt saepe, tamen numquam aegris dicunt illo morbo eos esse morituros; omnis enim praedictio mali tum probatur, cum ad praedictionem cautio adiungitur. 2.55. Quid igitur aut ostenta aut eorum interpretes vel Lacedaemonios olim vel nuper nostros adiuverunt? quae si signa deorum putanda sunt, cur tam obscura fuerunt? si enim, ut intellegeremus, quid esset eventurum, aperte declarari oportebat, aut ne occulte quidem, si ea sciri nolebant. Iam vero coniectura omnis, in qua nititur divinatio, ingeniis hominum in multas aut diversas aut etiam contrarias partis saepe diducitur. Ut enim in causis iudicialibus alia coniectura est accusatoris, alia defensoris et tamen utriusque credibilis, sic in omnibus iis rebus, quae coniectura investigari videntur, anceps reperitur oratio. Quas autem res tum natura, tum casus adfert, non numquam etiam errorem creat similitudo, magna stultitia est earum rerum deos facere effectores, causas rerum non quaerere. 2.56. Tu vates Boeotios credis Lebadiae vidisse ex gallorum gallinaceorum cantu victoriam esse Thebanorum, quia galli victi silere solerent, canere victores. Hoc igitur per gallinas Iuppiter tantae civitati signum dabat? An illae aves, nisi cum vicerunt, canere non solent? At tum canebant nec vicerant. Id enim est, inquies, ostentum. Magnum vero! quasi pisces, non galli cecinerint! Quod autem est tempus, quo illi non cantent, vel nocturnum vel diurnum? Quodsi victores alacritate et quasi laetitia ad canendum excitantur, potuit accidisse alia quoque laetitia, qua ad cantum moverentur. 2.57. Democritus quidem optumis verbis causam explicat, cur ante lucem galli cat; depulso enim de pectore et in omne corpus diviso et mitificato cibo cantus edere quiete satiatos; qui quidem silentio noctis, ut ait Ennius, favent faucíbus russis Cantú plausuque premúnt alas. Cum igitur hoc animal tam sit canorum sua sponte, quid in mentem venit Callistheni dicere deos gallis signum dedisse cantandi, cum id vel natura vel casus efficere potuisset? 2.58. Sanguine pluisse senatui nuntiatum est, Atratum etiam fluvium fluxisse sanguine, deorum sudasse simulacra. Num censes his nuntiis Thalen aut Anaxagoran aut quemquam physicum crediturum fuisse? nec enim sanguis nec sudor nisi e corpore. Sed et decoloratio quaedam ex aliqua contagione terrena maxume potest sanguini similis esse, et umor adlapsus extrinsecus, ut in tectoriis videmus austro, sudorem videtur imitari. Atque haec in bello plura et maiora videntur timentibus, eadem non tam animadvertuntur in pace; accedit illud etiam, quod in metu et periculo cum creduntur facilius, tum finguntur inpunius. 2.59. Nos autem ita leves atque inconsiderati sumus, ut, si mures corroserint aliquid, quorum est opus hoc unum, monstrum putemus? Ante vero Marsicum bellum quod clipeos Lanuvii, ut a te dictum est, mures rosissent, maxumum id portentum haruspices esse dixerunt; quasi vero quicquam intersit, mures diem noctem aliquid rodentes scuta an cribra corroserint! Nam si ista sequimur, quod Platonis Politian nuper apud me mures corroserunt, de re publica debui pertimescere, aut, si Epicuri de voluptate liber rosus esset, putarem annonam in macello cariorem fore. 2.60. An vero illa nos terrent, si quando aliqua portentosa aut ex pecude aut ex homine nata dicuntur? quorum omnium, ne sim longior, una ratio est. Quicquid enim oritur, qualecumque est, causam habeat a natura necesse est, ut, etiamsi praeter consuetudinem extiterit, praeter naturam tamen non possit existere. Causam igitur investigato in re nova atque admirabili, si poteris; si nullam reperies, illud tamen exploratum habeto, nihil fieri potuisse sine causa, eumque terrorem, quem tibi rei novitas attulerit, naturae ratione depellito. Ita te nec terrae fremitus nec caeli discessus nec lapideus aut sanguineus imber nec traiectio stellae nec faces visae terrebunt. 2.61. Quorum omnium causas si a Chrysippo quaeram, ipse ille divinationis auctor numquam illa dicet facta fortuito naturalemque rationem omnium reddet; nihil enim fieri sine causa potest; nec quicquam fit, quod fieri non potest; nec, si id factum est, quod potuit fieri, portentum debet videri; nulla igitur portenta sunt. Nam si, quod raro fit, id portentum putandum est, sapientem esse portentum est; saepius enim mulam peperisse arbitror quam sapientem fuisse. Illa igitur ratio concluditur: nec id, quod non potuerit fieri, factum umquam esse, nec, quod potuerit, id portentum esse; 2.62. ita omnino nullum esse portentum. Quod etiam coniector quidam et interpres portentorum non inscite respondisse dicitur ei, qui quondam ad eum rettulisset quasi ostentum, quod anguis domi vectem circumiectus fuisset: Tum esset, inquit, ostentum, si anguem vectis circumplicavisset. Hoc ille responso satis aperte declaravit nihil habendum esse, quod fieri posset, ostentum. C. Gracchus ad M. Pomponium scripsit duobus anguibus domi conprehensis haruspices a patre convocatos. Qui magis anguibus quam lacertis, quam muribus? Quia sunt haec cotidiana, angues non item; quasi vero referat, quod fieri potest, quam id saepe fiat. Ego tamen miror, si emissio feminae anguis mortem adferebat Ti. Graccho, emissio autem maris anguis erat mortifera Corneliae, cur alteram utram emiserit; nihil enim scribit respondisse haruspices, si neuter anguis emissus esset, quid esset futurum. At mors insecuta Gracchum est. Causa quidem, credo, aliqua morbi gravioris, non emissione serpentis; neque enim tanta est infelicitas haruspicum, ut ne casu quidem umquam fiat, quod futurum illi esse dixerint. 2.63. Nam illud mirarer, si crederem, quod apud Homerum Calchantem dixisti ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratum; de cuius coniectura sic apud Homerum, ut nos otiosi convertimus, loquitur Agamemnon: Ferte, viri, et duros animo tolerate labores, Auguris ut nostri Calchantis fata queamus Scire ratosne habeant an vanos pectoris orsus. Namque omnes memori portentum mente retentant, Qui non funestis liquerunt lumina fatis. Argolicis primum ut vestita est classibus Aulis, Quae Priamo cladem et Troiae pestemque ferebant, Nos circum latices gelidos fumantibus aris Aurigeris divom placantes numina tauris Sub platano umbrifera, fons unde emanat aquai+, Vidimus inmani specie tortuque draconem Terribilem, Iovis ut pulsu penetraret ab ara; Qui platani in ramo foliorum tegmine saeptos Corripuit pullos; quos cum consumeret octo, Nona super tremulo genetrix clangore volabat; Cui ferus inmani laniavit viscera morsu. 2.64. Hunc, ubi tam teneros volucris matremque peremit, Qui luci ediderat, genitor Saturnius idem Abdidit et duro formavit tegmine saxi. Nos autem timidi stantes mirabile monstrum Vidimus in mediis divom versarier aris. Tum Calchas haec est fidenti voce locutus: Quidnam torpentes subito obstipuistis, Achivi? Nobis haec portenta deum dedit ipse creator Tarda et sera nimis, sed fama ac laude perenni. Nam quot avis taetro mactatas dente videtis, Tot nos ad Troiam belli exanclabimus annos; Quae decumo cadet et poena satiabit Achivos. Edidit haec Calchas; quae iam matura videtis. Quae tandem ista auguratio est ex passeribus annorum potius quam aut mensuum aut dierum? 2.65. Cur autem de passerculis coniecturam facit, in quibus nullum erat monstrum, de dracone silet, qui, id quod fieri non potuit, lapideus dicitur factus? postremo quid simile habet passer annis? Nam de angue illo, qui Sullae apparuit immolanti, utrumque memini, et Sullam, cum in expeditionem educturus esset, immolavisse, et anguem ab ara extitisse, eoque die rem praeclare esse gestam non haruspicis consilio, sed imperatoris. 2.66. Atque haec ostentorum genera mirabile nihil habent; quae cum facta sunt, tum ad coniecturam aliqua interpretatione revocantur, ut illa tritici grana in os pueri Midae congesta aut apes, quas dixisti in labris Platonis consedisse pueri, non tam mirabilia sint quam coniecta belle; quae tamen vel ipsa falsa esse vel ea, quae praedicta sunt, fortuito cecidisse potuerunt. De ipso Roscio potest illud quidem esse falsum, ut circumligatus fuerit angui, sed ut in cunis fuerit anguis, non tam est mirum, in Solonio praesertim, ubi ad focum angues nundinari solent. Nam quod haruspices responderint nihil illo clarius, nihil nobilius fore, miror deos immortales histrioni futuro claritatem ostendisse, nullam ostendisse Africano. 2.67. Atque etiam a te Flaminiana ostenta collecta sunt: quod ipse et equus eius repente conciderit; non sane mirabile hoc quidem! quod evelli primi hastati signum non potuerit; timide fortasse signifer evellebat, quod fidenter infixerat. Nam Dionysii equus quid attulit admirationis, quod emersit e flumine quodque habuit apes in iuba? Sed quia brevi tempore regnare coepit, quod acciderat casu, vim habuit ostenti. At Lacedaemoniis in Herculis fano arma sonuerunt, eiusdemque dei Thebis valvae clausae subito se aperuerunt, eaque scuta, quae fuerant sublime fixa, sunt humi inventa. Horum cum fieri nihil potuerit sine aliquo motu, quid est, cur divinitus ea potius quam casu facta esse dicamus? 2.68. At in Lysandri statuae capite Delphis extitit corona ex asperis herbis, et quidem subita. Itane? censes ante coronam herbae extitisse, quam conceptum esse semen? herbam autem asperam credo avium congestu, non humano satu; iam, quicquid in capite est, id coronae simile videri potest. Nam quod eodem tempore stellas aureas Castoris et Pollucis Delphis positas decidisse, neque eas usquam repertas esse dixisti, furum id magis factum quam deorum videtur. 2.69. Simiae vero Dodonaeae improbitatem historiis Graecis mandatam esse demiror. Quid minus mirum quam illam monstruosissumam bestiam urnam evertisse, sortes dissupavisse? Et negant historici Lacedaemoniis ullum ostentum hoc tristius accidisse! Nam illa praedicta Veientium, si lacus Albanus redundasset isque in mare fluxisset, Romam perituram; si repressus esset, Veios ita aqua Albana deducta ad utilitatem agri suburbani, non ad arcem urbemque retinendam. At paulo post audita vox est monentis, ut providerent, ne a Gallis Roma caperetur; ex eo Aio Loquenti aram in nova via consecratam. Quid ergo? Aius iste Loquens, cum eum nemo norat, et aiebat et loquebatur et ex eo nomen invenit; posteaquam et sedem et aram et nomen invenit, obmutuit? Quod idem dici de Moneta potest; a qua praeterquam de sue plena quid umquam moniti sumus? 2.70. Satis multa de ostentis; auspicia restant et sortes eae, quae ducuntur, non illae, quae vaticinatione funduntur, quae oracla verius dicimus; de quibus tum dicemus, cum ad naturalem divinationem venerimus. Restat etiam de Chaldaeis; sed primum auspicia videamus. Difficilis auguri locus ad contra dicendum. Marso fortasse, sed Romano facillumus. Non enim sumus ii nos augures, qui avium reliquorumve signorum observatione futura dicamus. Et tamen credo Romulum, qui urbem auspicato condidit, habuisse opinionem esse in providendis rebus augurandi scientiam (errabat enim multis in rebus antiquitas), quam vel usu iam vel doctrina vel vetustate immutatam videmus; retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi et ad magnas utilitates rei publicae mos, religio, disciplina, ius augurium, collegii auctoritas. 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.72. Hoc intellegere perfecti auguris est; illi autem, qui in auspicium adhibetur, cum ita imperavit is, qui auspicatur: dicito, si silentium esse videbitur, nec suspicit nec circumspicit; statim respondet silentium esse videri. Tum ille: dicito, si pascentur .— Pascuntur .— Quae aves? aut ubi? Attulit, inquit, in cavea pullos is, qui ex eo ipso nominatur pullarius. Haec sunt igitur aves internuntiae Iovis! quae pascantur necne, quid refert? Nihil ad auspicia; sed quia, cum pascuntur, necesse est aliquid ex ore cadere et terram pavire (terripavium primo, post terripudium dictum est; hoc quidem iam tripudium dicitur)—cum igitur offa cecidit ex ore pulli, tum auspicanti tripudium solistimum nuntiatur. 2.73. Ergo hoc auspicium divini quicquam habere potest, quod tam sit coactum et expressum? Quo antiquissumos augures non esse usos argumento est, quod decretum collegii vetus habemus omnem avem tripudium facere posse. Tum igitur esset auspicium (si modo esset ei liberum) se ostendisse; tum avis illa videri posset interpres et satelles Iovis; nunc vero inclusa in cavea et fame enecta si in offam pultis invadit, et si aliquid ex eius ore cecidit, hoc tu auspicium aut hoc modo Romulum auspicari solitum putas? 2.74. Iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur? Nunc imperant pullario; ille renuntiat. Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optumum habemus ad omnis res praeterquam ad comitia; quod quidem institutum rei publicae causa est, ut comitiorum vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes civitatis essent interpretes. At Ti. Gracchi litteris Scipio et Figulus consules, cum augures iudicassent eos vitio creatos esse, magistratu se abdicaverunt. Quis negat augurum disciplinam esse? divinationem nego. At haruspices divini; quos cum Ti. Gracchus propter mortem repentinam eius, qui in praerogativa referenda subito concidisset, in senatum introduxisset, non iustum rogatorem fuisse dixerunt. 2.87. Quis enim magistratus aut quis vir inlustrior utitur sortibus? ceteris vero in locis sortes plane refrixerunt. Quod Carneadem Clitomachus scribit dicere solitum, nusquam se fortunatiorem quam Praeneste vidisse Fortunam. Ergo hoc divinationis genus omittamus. Ad Chaldaeorum monstra veniamus; de quibus Eudoxus, Platonis auditor, in astrologia iudicio doctissimorum hominum facile princeps, sic opinatur, id quod scriptum reliquit, Chaldaeis in praedictione et in notatione cuiusque vitae ex natali die minime esse credendum. 2.88. Nominat etiam Panaetius, qui unus e Stoicis astrologorum praedicta reiecit, Anchialum et Cassandrum, summos astrologos illius aetatis, qua erat ipse, cum in ceteris astrologiae partibus excellerent, hoc praedictionis genere non usos. Scylax Halicarnassius, familiaris Panaetii, excellens in astrologia idemque in regenda sua civitate princeps, totum hoc Chaldaicum praedicendi genus repudiavit. 2.89. Sed ut ratione utamur omissis testibus, sic isti disputant, qui haec Chaldaeorum natalicia praedicta defendunt: Vim quandam esse aiunt signifero in orbe, qui Graece zwdiako/s dicitur, talem, ut eius orbis una quaeque pars alia alio modo moveat inmutetque caelum, perinde ut quaeque stellae in his finitumisque partibus sint quoque tempore, eamque vim varie moveri ab iis sideribus, quae vocantur errantia; cum autem in eam ipsam partem orbis venerint, in qua sit ortus eius, qui nascatur, aut in eam, quae coniunctum aliquid habeat aut consentiens, ea triangula illi et quadrata nomit. Etenim cum †tempore anni tempestatumque caeli conversiones commutationesque tantae fiant accessu stellarum et recessu, cumque ea vi solis efficiantur, quae videmus, non veri simile solum, sed etiam verum esse censent perinde, utcumque temperatus sit ae+r, ita pueros orientis animari atque formari, ex eoque ingenia, mores, animum, corpus, actionem vitae, casus cuiusque eventusque fingi. 2.90. O delirationem incredibilem! non enim omnis error stultitia dicenda est. Quibus etiam Diogenes Stoicus concedit aliquid, ut praedicere possint dumtaxat, qualis quisque natura et ad quam quisque maxume rem aptus futurus sit; cetera, quae profiteantur, negat ullo modo posse sciri; etenim geminorum formas esse similis, vitam atque fortunam plerumque disparem. Procles et Eurysthenes, Lacedaemoniorum reges, gemini fratres fuerunt. 2.91. At ii nec totidem annos vixerunt; anno enim Procli vita brevior fuit, multumque is fratri rerum gestarum gloria praestitit. At ego id ipsum, quod vir optumus, Diogenes, Chaldaeis quasi quadam praevaricatione concedit, nego posse intellegi. Etenim cum, ut ipsi dicunt, ortus nascentium luna moderetur, eaque animadvertant et notent sidera natalicia Chaldaei, quaecumque lunae iuncta videantur, oculorum fallacissimo sensu iudicant ea, quae ratione atque animo videre debebant. Docet enim ratio mathematicorum, quam istis notam esse oportebat, quanta humilitate luna feratur terram paene contingens, quantum absit a proxuma Mercurii stella, multo autem longius a Veneris, deinde alio intervallo distet a sole, cuius lumine conlustrari putatur; reliqua vero tria intervalla infinita et inmensa, a sole ad Martis, inde ad Iovis, ab eo ad Saturni stellam, inde ad caelum ipsum, quod extremum atque ultumum mundi est. 2.92. Quae potest igitur contagio ex infinito paene intervallo pertinere ad lunam vel potius ad terram? Quid? cum dicunt, id quod iis dicere necesse est, omnis omnium ortus, quicumque gigtur in omni terra, quae incolatur, eosdem esse, eademque omnibus, qui eodem statu caeli et stellarum nati sint, accidere necesse esse, nonne eius modi sunt, ut ne caeli quidem naturam interpretes istos caeli nosse appareat? Cum enim illi orbes, qui caelum quasi medium dividunt et aspectum nostrum definiunt, qui a Graecis o(ri/zontes nomitur, a nobis finientes rectissume nominari possunt, varietatem maxumam habeant aliique in aliis locis sint, necesse est ortus occasusque siderum non fieri eodem tempore apud omnis. 2.93. Quodsi eorum vi caelum modo hoc, modo illo modo temperatur, qui potest eadem vis esse nascentium, cum caeli tanta sit dissimilitudo? In his locis, quae nos incolimus, post solstitium Canicula exoritur, et quidem aliquot diebus, at apud Troglodytas, ut scribitur, ante solstitium, ut, si iam concedamus aliquid vim caelestem ad eos, qui in terra gignuntur, pertinere, confitendum sit illis eos, qui nascuntur eodem tempore, posse in dissimilis incidere naturas propter caeli dissimilitudinem; quod minime illis placet; volunt enim illi omnis eodem tempore ortos, qui ubique sint nati, eadem condicione nasci. 2.94. Sed quae tanta dementia est, ut in maxumis motibus mutationibusque caeli nihil intersit, qui ventus, qui imber, quae tempestas ubique sit? quarum rerum in proxumis locis tantae dissimilitudines saepe sunt, ut alia Tusculi, alia Romae eveniat saepe tempestas; quod, qui navigant, maxume animadvertunt, cum in flectendis promunturiis ventorum mutationes maxumas saepe sentiunt. Haec igitur cum sit tum serenitas, tum perturbatio caeli, estne sanorum hominum hoc ad nascentium ortus pertinere non dicere quod non certe pertinet, illud nescio quid tenue, quod sentiri nullo modo, intellegi autem vix potest, quae a luna ceterisque sideribus caeli temperatio fiat, dicere ad puerorum ortus pertinere? Quid? quod non intellegunt seminum vim, quae ad gignendum procreandumque plurimum valeat, funditus tolli, mediocris erroris est? Quis enim non videt et formas et mores et plerosque status ac motus effingere a parentibus liberos? quod non contingeret, si haec non vis et natura gignentium efficeret, sed temperatio lunae caelique moderatio. 2.95. Quid? quod uno et eodem temporis puncto nati dissimilis et naturas et vitas et casus habent, parumne declarat nihil ad agendam vitam nascendi tempus pertinere? nisi forte putamus neminem eodem tempore ipso et conceptum et natum, quo Africanum. Num quis igitur talis fuit? 2.96. Quid? illudne dubium est, quin multi, cum ita nati essent, ut quaedam contra naturam depravata haberent, restituerentur et corrigerentur ab natura, cum se ipsa revocasset, aut arte atque medicina? ut, quorum linguae sic inhaererent, ut loqui non possent, eae scalpello resectae liberarentur. Multi etiam naturae vitium meditatione atque exercitatione sustulerunt, ut Demosthenem scribit Phalereus, cum rho dicere nequiret, exercitatione fecisse, ut planissume diceret. Quodsi haec astro ingenerata et tradita essent, nulla res ea mutare posset. Quid? dissimilitudo locorum nonne dissimilis hominum procreationes habet? quas quidem percurrere oratione facile est, quid inter Indos et Persas, Aethiopas et Syros differat corporibus, animis, ut incredibilis varietas dissimilitudoque sit. 2.97. Ex quo intellegitur plus terrarum situs quam lunae tactus ad nascendum valere. Nam quod aiunt quadringenta septuaginta milia annorum in periclitandis experiundisque pueris, quicumque essent nati, Babylonios posuisse, fallunt; si enim esset factitatum, non esset desitum; neminem autem habemus auctorem, qui id aut fieri dicat aut factum sciat. Videsne me non ea dicere, quae Carneades, sed ea, quae princeps Stoicorum Panaetius dixerit? Ego autem etiam haec requiro: omnesne, qui Cannensi pugna ceciderint, uno astro fuerint; exitus quidem omnium unus et idem fuit. Quid? qui ingenio atque animo singulares, num astro quoque uno? quod enim tempus, quo non innumerabiles nascantur? at certe similis nemo Homeri. 2.98. Et, si ad rem pertinet, quo modo caelo adfecto conpositisque sideribus quodque animal oriatur, valeat id necesse est non in hominibus solum, verum in bestiis etiam; quo quid potest dici absurdius? L. quidem Tarutius Firmanus, familiaris noster, in primis Chaldaicis rationibus eruditus, urbis etiam nostrae natalem diem repetebat ab iis Parilibus, quibus eam a Romulo conditam accepimus, Romamque, in iugo cum esset luna, natam esse dicebat nec eius fata canere dubitabat. 2.99. O vim maxumam erroris! Etiamne urbis natalis dies ad vim stellarum et lunae pertinebat? Fac in puero referre, ex qua adfectione caeli primum spiritum duxerit; num hoc in latere aut in caemento, ex quibus urbs effecta est, potuit valere? Sed quid plura? cotidie refelluntur. Quam multa ego Pompeio, quam multa Crasso, quam multa huic ipsi Caesari a Chaldaeis dicta memini, neminem eorum nisi senectute, nisi domi, nisi cum claritate esse moriturum! ut mihi permirum videatur quemquam exstare, qui etiam nunc credat iis, quorum praedicta cotidie videat re et eventis refelli. 1.8. This subject has been discussed by me frequently on other occasions, but with somewhat more than ordinary care when my brother Quintus and I were together recently at my Tusculan villa. For the sake of a stroll we had gone to the Lyceum which is the name of my upper gymnasium, when Quintus remarked:I have just finished a careful reading of the third book of your treatise, On the Nature of the Gods, containing Cottas discussion, which, though it has shaken my views of religion, has not overthrown them entirely.Very good, said I; for Cottas argument is intended rather to refute the arguments of the Stoics than to destroy mans faith in religion.Quintus then replied: Cotta says the very same thing, and says it repeatedly, in order, as I think, not to appear to violate the commonly accepted canons of belief; yet it seems to me that, in his zeal to confute the Stoics, he utterly demolishes the gods. 1.10. Why, my dear Quintus, said I, you are defending the very citadel of the Stoics in asserting the interdependence of these two propositions: if there is divination there are gods, and, if there are gods there is divination. But neither is granted as readily as you think. For it is possible that nature gives signs of future events without the intervention of a god, and it may be that there are gods without their having conferred any power of divination upon men.To this he replied, I, at any rate, find sufficient proof to satisfy me of the existence of the gods and of their concern in human affairs in my conviction that there are some kinds of divination which are clear and manifest. With your permission I will set forth my views on this subject, provided you are at leisure and have nothing else which you think should be preferred to such a discussion. 1.11. Really, my dear Quintus, said I, I always have time for philosophy. Moreover, since there is nothing else at this time that I can do with pleasure, I am all the more eager to hear what you think about divination.There is, I assure you, said he, nothing new or original in my views; for those which I adopt are not only very old, but they are endorsed by the consent of all peoples and nations. There are two kinds of divination: the first is dependent on art, the other on nature. 1.85. The truth is that no other argument of any sort is advanced to show the futility of the various kinds of divination which I have mentioned except the fact that it is difficult to give the cause or reason of every kind of divination. You ask, Why is it that the soothsayer, when he finds a cleft in the lung of the victim, even though the other vitals are sound, stops the execution of an undertaking and defers it to another day? Why does an augur think it a favourable omen when a raven flies to the right, or a crow to the left? Why does an astrologer consider that the moons conjunction with the planets Jupiter and Venus at the birth of children is a favourable omen, and its conjunction with Saturn or Mars unfavourable? Again, Why does God warn us when we are asleep and fail to do so when we are awake? Finally, Why is it that mad Cassandra foresees coming events and wise Priam cannot do the same? 1.90. Nor is the practice of divination disregarded even among uncivilized tribes, if indeed there are Druids in Gaul — and there are, for I knew one of them myself, Divitiacus, the Aeduan, your guest and eulogist. He claimed to have that knowledge of nature which the Greeks call physiologia, and he used to make predictions, sometimes by means of augury and sometimes by means of conjecture. Among the Persians the augurs and diviners are the magi, who assemble regularly in a sacred place for practice and consultation, just as formerly you augurs used to do on the Nones. 1.119. Conclusive proof of this fact, sufficient to put it beyond the possibility of doubt, is afforded by incidents which happened just before Caesars death. While he was offering sacrifices on the day when he sat for the first time on a golden throne and first appeared in public in a purple robe, no heart was found in the vitals of the votive ox. Now do you think it possible for any animal that has blood to exist without a heart? Caesar was unmoved by this occurrence, even though Spurinna warned him to beware lest thought and life should fail him — both of which, he said, proceeded from the heart. On the following day there was no head to the liver of the sacrifice. These portents were sent by the immortal gods to Caesar that he might foresee his death, not that he might prevent it. Therefore, when those organs, without which the victim could not have lived, are found wanting in the vitals, we should understand that the absent organs disappeared at the very moment of immolation. [53] 2.28. In discussing separately the various methods of divination, I shall begin with soothsaying, which, according to my deliberate judgement, should be cultivated from reasons of political expediency and in order that we may have a state religion. But we are alone and for that reason we may, without causing ill-will, make an earnest inquiry into the truth of soothsaying — certainly I can do so, since in most things my philosophy is that of doubt. In the first place, then, if you please, let us make an inspection of entrails! Now can anybody be induced to believe that the things said to be predicted by means of entrails were learned by the soothsayers through long-continued observation? How long, pray, did the observations last? How could the observations have continued for a long time? How did the soothsayers manage to agree among themselves what part of the entrails was unfavourable, and what part favourable; or what cleft in the liver indicated danger and what promised some advantage? Are the soothsayers of Etruria, Elis, Egypt, and of Carthage in accord on these matters? Apart from such an agreement being impossible in fact, it is impossible even to imagine; and, moreover, we see some nations interpreting entrails in one way and some in another; hence there is no uniformity of practice. 2.29. Surely if entrails have any prophetic force, necessarily that force either is in accord with the laws of nature, or is fashioned in some way by the will and power of the gods. But between that divine system of nature whose great and glorious laws pervade all space and regulate all motion what possible connexion can there be with — I shall not say the gall of a chicken, whose entrails, some men assert, give very clear indications of the future, but — the liver, heart, and lungs of a sacrificial ox? And what natural quality is there in the entrails which enables them to indicate the future? [13] 2.30. Nevertheless Democritus jests rather prettily for a natural philosopher — and there is no more arrogant class — when he says:No one regards the things before his feet,But views with care the regions of the sky.And yet Democritus gives his approval to divination by means of entrails only to the extent of believing that their condition and colour indicate whether hay and other crops will be abundant or the reverse, and he even thinks that the entrails give signs of future health or sickness. O happy mortal! He never failed to have his joke — that is absolutely certain. But was he so amused with petty trifles as to fail to see that his theory would be plausible only on the assumption that the entrails of all cattle changed to the same colour and condition at the same time? But if at the same instant the liver of one ox is smooth and full and that of another is rough and shrunken, what inference can be drawn from the condition and colour of the entrails? 2.31. Equally amusing is your story about Pherecydes, who, after looking at some water just drawn from a well, foretold an earthquake. It would be presumptuous enough, I think, for natural philosophers to attempt to explain the cause of an earthquake after it had happened; but can they actually tell, from looking at fresh water, that an earthquake is going to happen? Such nonsense is often heard in the schools, but one does not have to believe everything one hears. 2.32. But grant that these absurdities of Democritus are true — when do we ever consult entrails to learn about crops or health, or when have we acquired information on these particulars from a soothsayer after he had made an inspection of entrails? The soothsayers warn us of dangers by fire and flood and sometimes they prophesy the inheritance, sometimes the loss, of money: they discuss the favourable and the unfavourable cleft; they view the head of the liver with the utmost care from every side. If, perchance, the livers head should be wanting they regard it as the most unpropitious sign that could have happened. [14] 2.33. Such signs, as I have shown before, certainly could not come within your classification of the kinds of divination dependent on observation. Therefore they are not the result of immemorial usage, but they are the inventions of art — if there can be any art in the occult. But what relationship have they with the laws of nature? Assuming that all the works of nature are firmly bound together in a harmonious whole (which, I observe, is the view of the natural philosophers and especially of those men who maintain that the universe is a unit), what connexion can there be between the universe and the finding of a treasure? For instance, if the entrails foretell an increase in my fortune and they do so in accordance with some law of nature, then, in the first place, there is some relationship between them and the universe, and in the second place, my ficial gain is regulated by the laws of nature. Are not the natural philosophers ashamed to utter such nonsense? And yet a certain contact between the different parts of nature may be admitted and I concede it. The Stoics have collected much evidence to prove it. They claim, for example, that the livers of mice become larger in winter; that the dry pennyroyal blooms the very day of the winter solstice, and that its seed-pods become inflated and burst and the seeds enclosed thither are sent in various directions; that at times when certain strings of the lyre are struck others sound; that it is the habit of oysters and of all shell-fish to grow with the growth of the moon and to become smaller as it wanes; and that trees are considered easiest to cut down in winter and in the dark of the moon, because they are then free from sap. 2.34. There is no need to go on and mention the seas and straits with their tides, whose ebb and flow are governed by the motion of the moon. Innumerable instances of the same kind may be given to prove that some natural connexion does exist between objects apparently unrelated. Concede that it does exist; it does not contravene the point I make, that no sort of a cleft in a liver is prophetic of ficial gain. What natural tie, or what symphony, so to speak, or association, or what sympathy, as the Greeks term it, can there be between a cleft in a liver and a petty addition to my purse? Or what relationship between my miserable money-getting, on the one hand, and heaven, earth, and the laws of nature on the other?[15] However, I will concede even this if you wish, though it will greatly weaken my case to admit that there is any connexion between nature and the condition of the entrails; 2.35. yet, suppose the concession is made, how is it brought about that the man in search of favourable signs will find a sacrifice suitable to his purpose? I thought the question insoluble. But what a fine solution is offered! I am not ashamed of you — I am actually astonished at your memory; but I am ashamed of Chrysippus, Antipater, and Posidonius who say exactly what you said: The choice of the sacrificial victim is directed by the sentient and divine power which pervades the entire universe.But even more absurd is that other pronouncement of theirs which you adopted: At the moment of sacrifice a change in the entrails takes place; something is added or something taken away; for all things are obedient to the Divine Will. 2.36. Upon my word, no old woman is credulous enough now to believe such stuff! Do you believe that the same bullock, if chosen by one man, will have a liver without a head, and if chosen by another will have a liver with a head? And is it possible that this sudden going or coming of the livers head occurs so that the entrails may adapt themselves to the situation of the person who offers the sacrifice? Do you Stoics fail to see in choosing the victim it is almost like a throw of the dice, especially as facts prove it? For when the entrails of the first victim have been without a head, which is the most fatal of all signs, it often happens that the sacrifice of the next victim is altogether favourable. Pray what became of the warnings of the first set of entrails? And how was the favour of the gods so completely and so suddenly gained?[16] But, you say, Once, when Caesar was offering a sacrifice, there was no heart in the entrails of the sacrificial bull; and, and, since it would have been impossible for the victim to live without a heart, the heart must have disappeared at the moment of immolation. 2.37. How does it happen that you understand the one fact, that the bull could not have lived without a heart and do not realize the other, that the heart could not suddenly have vanished I know not where? As for me, possibly I do not know what vital function the heart performs; if I do I suspect that the bulls heart, as the result of a disease, became much wasted and shrunken and lost its resemblance to a heart. But, assuming that only a little while before the heart was in the sacrificial bull, why do you think it suddenly disappeared at the very moment of immolation? Dont you think, rather, that the bull lost his heart when he saw that Caesar in his purple robe had lost his head?Upon my word you Stoics surrender the very city of philosophy while defending its outworks! For, by your insistence on the truth of soothsaying, you utterly overthrow physiology. There is a head to the liver and a heart in the entrails, presto! they will vanish the very second you have sprinkled them with meal and wine! Aye, some god will snatch them away! Some invisible power will destroy them or eat them up! Then the creation and destruction of all things are not due to nature, and there are some things which spring from nothing or suddenly become nothing. Was any such statement ever made by any natural philosopher? It is made, you say, by soothsayers. Then do you think that soothsayers are worthier of belief than natural philosophers? [17] 2.38. Again, when sacrifices are offered to more than one god at the same time, how does it happen that the auspices are favourable in one case and unfavourable in another? Is it not strange fickleness in the gods to threaten disaster in the first set of entrails and to promise a blessing in the next? Or is there such discord among the gods — often even among those who are nearest of kin — that the entrails of the sacrifice you offer to Apollo, for example, are favourable and of those you offer at the same time to Diana are unfavourable? When victims for the sacrifice are brought up at haphazard it is perfectly clear that the character of entrails that you will receive will depend on the victim chance may bring. Oh! but someone will say, The choice itself is a matter of divine guidance, just as in the case of lots the drawing is directed by the gods! I shall speak of lots presently; although you really do not strengthen the cause of sacrifices by comparing them to lots; but you do weaken the cause of lots by comparing them with sacrifices. 2.39. When I send a slave to Aequimelium to bring me a lamb for a sacrifice and he brings me the lamb which has entrails suited to the exigencies of my particular case, it was not chance, I suppose, but a god that led the slave to that particular lamb! If you say that in this case too chance is, as it were, a sort of lot in accordance with the divine will, then I am sorry that our Stoic friends have given the Epicureans so great an opportunity for laughter, for you know how much fun they make of statements like that. 2.40. And they can laugh with the better grace because Epicurus, to make the gods ridiculous, represents them as transparent, with the winds blowing through them, and living between two worlds (as if between our two groves) from fear of the downfall. He further says that the gods have limbs just as we have, but make no use of them. Hence, while he takes a roundabout way to destroy the gods, he does not hesitate to take a short road to destroy divination. At any rate Epicurus is consistent, but the Stoics are not; for his god, who has no concern for himself or for anybody else, cannot impart divination to men. And neither can your Stoic god impart divination, although he rules the world and plans for the good of mankind. 2.41. Why then do you Stoics involve yourselves in these sophistries, which you can never explain? Members of your school, when they are more hurried than usual, generally give us this syllogism: If there are gods, there is divination; but there are gods, therefore there is divination. A more logical one would be this: There is no divination, therefore there are no gods. Observe how rashly they commit themselves to the proposition, if there is no divination, there are no gods. I say rashly, for it is evident that divination has been destroyed and yet we must hold on to the gods. [18] 2.42. In demolishing divination by means of entrails we have utterly demolished the soothsayers art; for the same fate awaits divination by means of lightnings and portents. According to your view, long-continued observation is employed in the case of lightnings, and reason and conjecture are generally employed in the case of portents. But what is it that has been observed in the case of lightnings? The Etruscans divided the sky into sixteen parts. of course it was easy enough for them to double the four parts into which we divide it and then double that total and tell from which one of those divisions a bolt of lightning had come. In the first place, what difference does its location make? and, in the second place, what does it foretell? It is perfectly evident that, out of the wonder and fear excited in primitive man by lightning and thunderbolts, sprang his belief that those phenomena were caused by omnipotent Jove. And so we find it recorded in our augural annals: When Jove thunders or lightens it is impious to hold an election. 2.43. This was ordained, perhaps, from reasons of political expediency; for our ancestors wished to have some excuse for not holding elections sometimes. And so lightning is an unfavourable sign only in case of an election; in all other cases we consider it the best of auspices, if it appears on the left side. But I shall speak of auspices in another connexion — now I am going to discuss lightnings.[19] There is, then, no statement less worthy of a natural philosopher than that anything can be foretold with a certainty by uncertain signs. of course I do not think you are credulous enough to believe that Joves thunderbolt was made on Mount Aetna by the Cyclopes. 2.44. For if he had but one bolt his hurling it so often would be strange. Nor would he be able to give men so many advices by thunderbolts as to what they should or should not do. But the Stoics account for the thunderbolt thus: When the cold exhalations from the earth begin to circulate they become winds; when these winds enter a cloud they begin to break up and scatter its thinnest portions; if they do this very rapidly and with great violence, thunder and lightning are thereby produced. Again, when clouds collide their heat is forcibly driven out and the thunderbolt is the result. Realizing, then, that these phenomena are due to natural causes, and happen without regularity and at no certain time, shall we look to them for signs of future events? It is passing strange, if Jupiter warns us by means of thunderbolts, that he sends so many to no purpose! 2.45. What, for example, is his object in hurling them into the middle of the sea? or, as he so often does, on to the tops of lofty mountains? Why, pray, does he waste them in solitary deserts? And why does he fling them on the shores of peoples who do not take any notice of them?[20] Oh! but you say, the head was found in the Tiber. As if I contended that your soothsayers were devoid of art! My contention is that there is no divination. By dividing the heavens in the manner already indicated and by noting what happened in each division the soothsayers learn whence the thunderbolt comes and whither it goes, but no method can show that the thunderbolt has any prophetic value. However, you array those verses of mine against me:For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurtled his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then, the poem goes on to say, the statue of Natta, the images of the gods and the piece representing Romulus and Remus, with their wolf-nurse, were struck by a thunderbolt and fell to the ground. The prophecies made by the soothsayers from these events were fulfilled to the letter. 2.46. Besides, you quote me as authority for the remarkable fact that, at the very time when proof of the conspiracy was being presented to the Senate, the statue of Jupiter, which had been contracted for two years before, was being erected on the Capitol.Will you then — for thus you pleaded with me — will you then persuade yourself to take sides against me in this discussion, in the face of your own writings and of your own practice? You are my brother and on that account I shrink from recrimination. But what, pray, is causing you distress in this matter? Is it the nature of the subject? Or is it my insistence on finding out the truth? And so I waive your charge of my inconsistency — I am asking you for an explanation of the entire subject of soothsaying. But you betook yourself to a strange place of refuge. You knew that you would be in straits when I asked your reason for each kind of divination, and, hence, you had much to say to this effect: Since I see what divination does I do not ask the reason or the cause why it does it. The question is, what does it do? not, why does it do it? As if I would grant either that divination accomplished anything, or that it was permissible for a philosopher not to ask why anything happened! 2.47. It was in that same connexion that you brought force my Prognostics and some samples of herbs — the scammony and aristolochia root — saying that you could see their virtue and effect but did not know the cause.[21] But your illustrations are not pertinent at all. For example, the causes of meteorological phenomena have been investigated by Boëthus the Stoic, whom you mentioned, and by our friend Posidonius; and even if the causes are not discovered by them, yet the phenomena themselves are capable of observation and study. But what opportunity was there for long-continued observation in the case where Nattas statue and the brazen tablets of laws were struck by lightning? The Nattas, you say, were of the Pinarian gens and of noble birth, therefore danger was to be expected from the nobility. So clever of Jupiter to devise such a means to warn us of danger! The statue of the infant Romulus, you observe, was struck by a thunderbolt; hence danger was thereby predicted to the city which he founded. How wise of Jupiter to use signs in conveying information to us! Again, you say, Jupiter statue was being set up at the very time the conspiracy was being exposed. You, of course, prefer to attribute this coincidence to a divine decree rather than to chance. The man to whom Cotta and Torquatus let the contract for the statue did not, I presume, delay the completion of his work either from lack of energy or from lack of funds, but his hand was stayed till the appointed hour by the immortal gods! 2.48. I am not a hopeless sceptic on the subject of such warnings really being sent by the gods; however, I do not know that they are and I want to learn the actual facts from you. Again, when certain other events occurred as they had been foretold by diviners and I attributed the coincidence to chance, you talked a long time about chance. You said, for example, For the Venus-throw to result from one cast of the four dice might be due to chance; but if a hundred Venus-throws resulted from one hundred casts this could not be due to chance. In the first place I do not know why it could not; but I do not contest the point, for you are full of the same sort of examples — like that about the scattering of the paints and that one about the hogs snout, and you had very many other examples besides. You also mentioned that myth from Carneades about the head of Pan — as if the likeness could not have been the result of chance! and as if every block of marble did not necessarily have within it heads worthy of Praxiteles! For his masterpieces were made by chipping away the marble, not by adding anything to it; and when, after much chipping, the lineaments of a face were reached, one then realized that the work now polished and complete had always been inside the block. 2.49. Therefore, it is possible that some such figure as Carneades described did spontaneously appear in the Chian quarries. On the other hand, the story may be untrue. Again, you have often noticed clouds take the form of a lion or a hippocentaur. Therefore it is possible for chance to imitate reality, and this you just now denied.[22] But since entrails and lightnings have been sufficiently discussed it remains for us to examine portents, if we are to treat soothsaying in its entirety. You spoke of a mule bearing a colt. Such an event excites wonder because it seldom occurs; but if it had been impossible it would not have occurred. And it may be urged with effect against all portents that the impossible never has happened and that the possible need not excite any wonder. Now, in case of some new occurrence, ignorance of its cause is what excites our wonder; whereas, the same ignorance as to things of frequent occurrence does not. For the man who marvels that a mule has foaled does not understand how a mare foals and is ignorant of animal parturition in general. What he sees frequently causes him no astonishment even though he does not know how it happened. If something happens which he never saw before he considers it a portent. Then, which is the portent — the mules conception or its parturition? 2.50. The conception, it may be, is contrary to the usual course of nature, but the parturition follows as a necessary sequel of conception.[23] It seems useless to say more about soothsaying. However, let us examine its origin and thus we shall very readily determine its value. The tradition is that, once upon a time, in the district of Tarquinii, while a field was being ploughed, the ploughshare went deeper than usual and a certain Tages suddenly sprang forth and spoke to the ploughman. Now this Tages, according to the Etruscan annals, is said to have had the appearance of a boy, but the wisdom of a seer. Astounded and much frightened at the sight, the rustic raised a great cry; a crowd gathered and, indeed, in a short time, the whole of Etruria assembled at the spot. Tages then spoke at length to his numerous hearers, who received with eagerness all that he had to say, and committed it to writing. His whole address was devoted to an exposition of the science of soothsaying. Later, as new facts were learned and tested by reference to the principles imparted by Tages, they were added to the original fund of knowledge.This is the story as we get it from the Etruscans themselves and as their records preserve it, and this, in their own opinion, is the origin of their art. 2.51. Now do we need a Carneades or an Epicurus to refute such nonsense? Who in the world is stupid enough to believe that anybody ever ploughed up — which shall I say — a god or a man? If a god, why did he, contrary to his nature, hide himself in the ground to be uncovered and brought to the light of day by a plough? Could not this so‑called god have delivered this art to mankind from a more exalted station? But if this fellow Tages was a man, pray, how could he have lived covered with earth? Finally, where had he himself learned the things he taught others? But really in spending so much time in refuting such stuff I am more absurd than the very people who believe it.[24] But indeed, that was quite a clever remark which Cato made many years ago: I wonder, said he, that a soothsayer doesnt laugh when he sees another soothsayer. 2.52. For how many things predicted by them really come true? If any do come true, then what reason can be advanced why the agreement of the event with the prophecy was not due to chance? While Hannibal was in exile at the court of King Prusias he advised the king to go to war, but the king replied, I do not dare, because the entrails forbid. And do you, said Hannibal, put more reliance in piece of ox‑meat than you do in a veteran commander? Again, when Caesar himself was warned by a most eminent soothsayer not to cross over to Africa before the winter solstice, did he not cross? If he had not done so all the forces opposed to him would have effected a junction. Why need I give instances — and, in fact, I could give countless ones — where the prophecies of soothsayers either were without result or the issue was directly the reverse of the prophecy? 2.53. Ye gods, how many times were they mistaken in the late civil war! What oracular messages the soothsayers sent from Rome to our Pompeian party then in Greece! What assurances they gave to Pompey! For he placed great reliance in divination by means of entrails and portents. I have no wish to call these instances to mind, and indeed it is unnecessary — especially to you, since you had personal knowledge of them. Still, you are aware that the result was nearly always contrary to the prophecy. But enough on this point: let us now come to portents. [25] 2.54. You have cited many instances of portents from the verses which I wrote during my consulship; you adduced many others which occurred prior to the Marsian War and which are included in Sisennas compilation, and you mentioned a great number which are recorded by Callisthenes and which preceded the unfortunate battle of the Spartans at Leuctra. I shall, of course, speak of each of these instances separately, in so far as they require notice; but I must first discuss portents generally. Now, what is the nature of these intimations, or of this advance-information, as it were, sent out by the gods to apprise us of coming disasters? In the first place, why do immortal gods see fit to give us warning which we cant understand without the aid of interpreters? In the next place, why do they warn us of things which we cannot avoid? Why, even a mortal, if he has a proper sense of duty, does not warn his friends of imminent disasters which can in no way be escaped. Physicians, for example, although they know many times that their patients are going to die of a present disease, yet never tell them so; for a forewarning of an evil is justified only when to the warning is joined a means of escape. 2.55. However, then, did portents of their interpreters help the Spartans of long ago, or our Pompeian friends in more recent times? If these signs you speak of are to be considered as sent by the gods, why were they so obscure? For, if we had the right to know what was going to happen, it should have been stated to us clearly: or, if the gods did not wish us to know, they should not have told us — even in riddles.[26] Now every sort of conjecture — and divination depends on conjecture — is often applied by the wit of man to many different and even contradictory uses. As in judicial causes the prosecutor draws one inference and the lawyer for the defendant another from the same set of facts, and yet the inferences of both are plausible; so, in all investigations in which it is customary to employ conjecture, ambiguity is found. Moreover, in the case of things that happen now by chance now in the usual course of nature (sometimes too mistakes are caused by taking appearance for reality), it is the height of folly to hold the gods as the direct agents and not to inquire into the causes of such things. 2.56. You believe that the Boeotian bards at Lebadia foretold victory for the Thebans from the crowing of cocks; for cocks, you say, are wont to be silent when defeated and to crow when victorious. Do you really believe that Jupiter would have employed chickens to convey such a message to so great a state? And is it true that these fowls are not accustomed to crow except when they are victorious? But at that time they did crow and they had not yet been victorious. Oh! that was a portent, you say. A fine portent indeed! you talk as if a fish and not a cock had done the crowing! But come; is there any time, day or night, when they are not liable to crow? And if the pleasant sensation — or joy if you will — which comes from victory causes them to crow, then, possibly, joy springing from some other source may have the same effect. 2.57. By the way, Democritus gives a very good explanation of why cocks crow before day. Their food, he says, after it has been digested, is expelled from the craw and is distributed over the entire body. By the time that process is completed they have had sleep enough and begin to crow. And then, in the silence of the night, as Ennius says, they indulge their russet throats in song and beat their flapping wings. In view, then, of the fact that this creature is prone to crow of its own volition at any time, and may be made to crow either by nature or by chance, how did it ever occur to Callisthenes to say that the gods conveyed prophecies to men by the crowing of cocks? [27] 2.58. Reports, you say, were made to the Senate that there was a shower of blood, that the river Atratus actually flowed with blood and that the statues of the gods dripped with sweat. You do not think for a moment that Thales, Anaxagoras, or any other natural philosopher would have believed such reports? Sweat and blood you may be sure do not come except from animate bodies. An effect strikingly like blood is produced by the admixture of water with certain kinds of soil; and the moisture which forms on the outside of objects, as we see it on our plastered walls when the south wind blows, seems to resemble sweat. Such occurrences, which in time of war appear to the timid to be most frequent and most real, are scarcely noticed in times of peace. Moreover, in periods of fear and of danger stories of portents are not only more readily believed, but they are invented with greater impunity. 2.59. But are we simple and thoughtless enough to think it a portent for mice to gnaw something, when gnawing is their one business in life? But, you say, the fact that just before the Marsian War mice gnawed the shields at Lanuvium was pronounced by the soothsayers to be a very direful portent. As if it mattered a whit whether mice, which are gnawing something day and night, gnawed shields or sieves! Hence, by the same token, the fact that, at my house, mice recently gnawed my Platos Republic should fill me with alarm for the Roman republic; or if they had gnawed my Epicurus On Pleasure I should have expected a rise in the market price of food! [28] 2.60. Are we going to be frightened at these tales of portents, whether of animal or of human birth? Not to be too verbose, all portents have one and the same explanation and it is this: whatever comes into existence, of whatever kind, must needs find its cause in nature; and hence, even though it may be contrary to experience, it cannot be contrary to nature. Therefore, explore the cause, if you can, of every strange thing that the excites your astonishment. If you do not find the cause be assured, nevertheless, that nothing could have happened without a cause, and employ the principles of natural philosophy to banish the fear which the novelty of the apparition may have occasioned. Then no earthquake or opening of the heavens, no showers of stones or blood, no shooting stars, or comets, will fill you with alarm. 2.61. If I were to ask Chrysippus the causes of all the phenomena just mentioned, that distinguished writer on divination would never say that they happened by chance, but he would find an explanation for each of them in the laws of nature. For he would say: Nothing can happen without a cause; nothing actually happens that cannot happen; if that has happened which could have happened, then it should not be considered a portent; therefore there are no such things as portents. Now if a thing is to be considered a portent because it is seldom seen, then a wise man is a portent; for, as I think, it oftener happens that a mule brings forth a colt than that nature produces a sage. Chrysippus, in this connexion, gives the following syllogism: That which could not have happened never did happen; and that which could have happened is no portent; therefore, in any view, there is no such thing as a portent. 2.62. This is illustrated by the story of a clever response made by a certain diviner and interpreter of portents. A man referred to him for interpretation as a portent the fact that a snake was seen at his house, coiled about a beam. That was not a portent, said the diviner; it would have been if the beam had been wrapped around the snake. By this answer he said plainly enough: Nothing that can happen is to be considered a portent.[29] You refer to a letter, written by Gaius Gracchus to Marcus Pomponius, stating that Tiberius Gracchus, father of Gaius, caught two snakes in his house and called together the soothsayers. And why a conference about snakes rather than about lizards or mice? You answer, Because we see lizards and mice every day; snakes we do not. As if it makes any difference how often a thing happens if it can happen at all! And yet what surprises me is this: If the release of the female snake was to be fatal to Tiberius Gracchus and that of the male was to be the death of Cornelia, why in the world did he let either snake escape? For Gaius in his letter does not state that the soothsayers expressed any opinion as to the result if neither snake had been released. Be that as it may, you reply, death overtook Gracchus. That is granted, but his death was caused by some very serious illness and not by the release of the snake. Besides, soothsayers are not so unlucky that their predictions never come true — even by accident! [30] 2.63. I should, of course, marvel at that famous story you got out of Homer about Calchas predicting the years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows — if I believed it! In a leisure moment I thus translated what Agamemnon in Homer says about this prophecy:Be patient, men; with fortitude endureYour grievous tasks till we can ascertainIf what our Calchas prophesies be true,Or only idle fancies of his breastFor all who have not left the light of day,In gloomy shades to dwell, retain these signsImprinted on their minds. When Aulis firstWas decked with Grecian fleets, which carried deathFor Priam, ruin for Troy, we stood aboutThe fountains cool and sought to please the godsWith gold-crowned bulls on smoking altars laid.Beneath the plane-trees shade, whence gushed a spring,We saw a frightful dragon, huge of size,With mighty folds, forth from an altar come,By Jove impelled. It seized some sparrows hidWithin the plane-trees leafy boughs and eightDevoured; the ninth — the mother bird — beganTo flutter round and utter plaintive cries:From her the cruel beast her vitals tore. 2.64. Now when the mother and her tender broodWere slain, the son of Saturn who had sentThe dragon forth, took it away; and thenDid change its form into enduring stone.In fear we stood and watched the monster strange,As midst the altars of the gods it moved.Then Calchas, full occurring, thus did speak:Why paralysed with sudden fear, O Greeks?These signs divine were sent by Jove himself.And though these tardy signs were long delayed,Their fame and glory will for ever live.The number of the birds ye saw destroyedBy horrid tooth, portends how many yearsof war we shall endure in front of Troy.The tenth year Troy will fall and then her fateWill satisfy the Greeks. Thus Calchas spokeAnd what he prophesied ye see fulfilled. 2.65. But, pray, by what principle of augury does he deduce years rather than months or days from the number of sparrows? Again, why does he base his prophecy on little sparrows which are not abnormal sights and ignore the alleged fact — which is impossible — that the dragon was turned to stone? Finally, what is there about a sparrow to suggest years? In connexion with your story of the snake which appeared to Sulla when he was offering sacrifices, I recall two facts: first, that when Sulla offered sacrifices, as he was about to begin his march against the enemy, a snake came out from under the altar; and, second, that the glorious victory won by him that day was due not to the soothsayers art, but to the skill of the general. [31] 2.66. There is nothing remarkable about the so‑called portents of the kind just mentioned; but after they have happened they are brought within the field of prophecy by some interpretation Take, for example, your stories of the grains of wheat heaped into the mouth of Midas when a boy, and of the bees which settled on the lips of Plato, when he was a child — they are more remarkable as guesses than as real prophecies. Besides, the incidents may have been fictitious; if not, then the fulfilment of the prophecy may have been accidental. As to that incident about Roscius it may, of course, be untrue that a snake coiled itself around him; but it is not so surprising that a snake was in his cradle — especially in Solonium where snakes are attracted in large numbers by the heat of the fireplaces. As to your statement that the soothsayers prophesied a career of unrivalled brilliancy for Roscius, it is a strange thing to me that the immortal gods foretold the glory of a future actor and did not foretell that of Africanus! 2.67. And you have even collected the portent-stories connected with Flaminius: His horse, you say, stumbled and fell with him. That is very strange, isnt it? And, The standard of the first company could not be pulled up. Perhaps the standard-bearer had planted it stoutly and pulled it up timidly. What is astonishing in the fact that the horse of Dionysius came up out of the river, or that it had bees in its mane? And yet, because Dionysius began to reign a short time later — which was a mere coincidence — the event referred to is considered a portent! The arms sounded, you say, in the temple of Hercules in Sparta; the folding-doors of the same god at Thebes, though securely barred, opened of their own accord, and the shields hanging upon the walls of that temple fell to the ground. Now since none of these things could have happened without some exterior force, why should we say that they were brought about by divine agency rather than by chance? [32] 2.68. You mention the appearance — a sudden appearance it was — of a crown of wild herbs on the head of Lysanders statue at Delphi. Really? And do you think the crown of herbs appeared before their seeds were formed? Besides, the wild herbs, in my opinion, came from seeds brought by birds and were not planted by human agency. Again, imagination can make anything on top of a head look like a crown. At the same time, you say, the golden stars in the temple of Castor and Pollux at Delphi fell down and were nowhere to be found. That appears to me to have been the work of thieves rather than of gods. 2.69. I am indeed astonished that Greek historians should have recorded the mischievous pranks of the Dodonean ape. For what is less strange than for this hideous beast to have turned over the vase and scattered the lots? And yet the historians declare that no portent more direful than this ever befell the Spartans!You spoke also of the Veientine prophecy that if Lake Albanus overflowed and emptied into the sea, Rome would fall, but if held in check Veii would fall. Well, it turned out that the water from the lake was drawn off — but it was drawn off through irrigation ditches — not to save the Capitol and the city, but to improve the farming lands. And, not long after this occurred, a voice was heard, you say, warning the people to take steps to prevent the capture of Rome by the Gauls. Therefore an altar was erected on the Nova Via in honour of Aius the Speaker. But why? Did your Aius the Speaker, before anybody knew who he was, both speak and talk and from that fact receive his name? And after he had secured a seat, an altar, and a name did he become mute? Your Juno Moneta may likewise be dismissed with a question: What did she ever admonish us about except the pregt sow? [33] 2.70. Enough has been said of portents; auspices remain and so do lots — I mean lots that are drawn, and not those uttered by prophets, and more correctly styled oracles. I shall speak of oracles when I get to natural divination. In addition I must discuss the Chaldeans. But first let us consider auspices. To argue against auspices is a hard thing, you say, for an augur to do. Yes, for a Marsian, perhaps; but very easy for a Roman. For we Roman augurs are not the sort who foretell the future by observing the flights of birds and other signs. And yet, I admit that Romulus, who founded the city by the direction of auspices, believed that augury was an art useful in seeing things to come — for the ancients had erroneous views on many subjects. But we see that the art has undergone a change, due to experience, education, or the long lapse of time. However, out of respect for the opinion of the masses and because of the great service to the State we maintain the augural practices, discipline, religious rites and laws, as well as the authority of the augural college. 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. 2.72. To understand that belongs to a perfect augur.) After the celebrant has said to his assistant, Tell me when silence appears to exist, the latter, without looking up or about him, immediately replies, Silence appears to exist. Then the celebrant says, Tell me when the chickens begin to eat. They are eating now, is the answer. But what are these birds they are talking about, and where are they? Someone replies, Its poultry. Its in a cage and the person who brought it is called a poulterer, because of his business. These, then, are the messengers of Jove! What difference does it make whether they eat or not? None, so far as the auspices are concerned. But, because of the fact that, while they eat, some food must necessarily fall from their mouths and strike upon the ground (terram pavire), — this at first was called terripavium, and later, terripudium; now it is called tripudium — therefore, when a crumb of food falls from a chickens mouth a tripudium solistimum is announced to the celebrant. [35] 2.73. Then, how can there be anything divine about an auspice so forced and so extorted? That such a practice did not prevail with the augurs of ancient times is proven by an old ruling of our college which says, Any bird may make a tripudium. There might be an auspice if the bird were free to show itself outside its cage. In that case it might be called the interpreter and satellite of Jove. But now, when shut up inside a cage and tortured by hunger, if it seizes greedily upon its morsel of pottage and something falls from its mouth, do you consider that is an auspice? Or do you believe that this was the way in which Romulus used to take the auspices? 2.74. Again, do you not think that formerly it was the habit of the celebrants themselves to make observation of the heavens? Now they order the poulterer, and he gives responses! We regard lightning on the left as a most favourable omen for everything except for an election, and this exception was made, no doubt, from reasons of political expediency so that the rulers of the State would be the judges of the regularity of an election, whether held to pass judgements in criminal cases, or to enact laws, or to elect magistrates.The consuls, Scipio and Figulus, you say, resigned their office when the augurs rendered a decision based on a letter written by Tiberius Gracchus, to the effect that those consuls had not been elected according to augural law. Who denies that augury is an art? What I deny is the existence of divination. But you say: Soothsayers have the power of divination; and you mention the fact that, on account of the unexpected death of the person who had suddenly fallen while bringing in the report of the vote of the prerogative century, Tiberius Gracchus introduced the soothsayers into the Senate and they declared that the president had violated augural law. 2.87. for no magistrate and no man of any reputation ever consults them; but in all other places lots have gone entirely out of use. And this explains the remark which, according to Clitomachus, Carneades used to make that he had at no other place seen Fortune more fortunate than at Praeneste. Then let us dismiss this branch of divination.[42] Let us come to Chaldean manifestations. In discussing them Platos pupil, Eudoxus, whom the best scholars consider easily the first in astronomy, has left the following opinion in writing: No reliance whatever is to be placed in Chaldean astrologers when they profess to forecast a mans future from the position of the stars on the day of his birth. 2.88. Panaetius, too, who was the only one of the Stoics to reject the prophecies of astrologers, mentions Anchialus and Cassander as the greatest astronomers of his day and states that they did not employ their art as a means of divining, though they were eminent in all other branches of astronomy. Scylax of Halicarnassus, an intimate friend of Panaetius, and an eminent astronomer, besides being the head of the government in his own city, utterly repudiated the Chaldean method of foretelling the future. 2.89. But let us dismiss our witnesses and employ reasoning. Those men who defend the natal-day prophecies of the Chaldeans, argue in this way: In the starry belt which the Greeks call the Zodiac there is a certain force of such a nature that every part of that belt affects and changes the heavens in a different way, according to the stars that are in this or in an adjoining locality at a given time. This force is variously affected by those stars which are called planets or wandering stars. But when they have come into that sign of the Zodiac under which someone is born, or into a sign having some connexion with or accord with the natal sign, they form what is called a triangle or square. Now since, through the procession and retrogression of the stars, the great variety and change of the seasons and of temperature take place, and since the power of the sun produces such results as are before our eyes, they believe that it is not merely probable, but certain, that just as the temperature of the air is regulated by this celestial force, so also children at their birth are influenced in soul and body and by this force their minds, manners, disposition, physical condition, career in life and destinies are determined. [43] 2.90. What inconceivable madness! For it is not enough to call an opinion foolishness when it is utterly devoid of reason. However, Diogenes the Stoic makes some concessions to the Chaldeans. He says that they have the power of prophecy to the extent of being able to tell the disposition of any child and the calling for which he is best fitted. All their other claims of prophetic powers he absolutely denies. He says, for example, that twins are alike in appearance, but that they generally unlike in career and in fortune. Procles and Eurysthenes, kings of the Lacedaemonians, were twin brothers. 2.91. But they did not live the same number of years, for the life of Procles was shorter by a year than that of his brother and his deeds were far more glorious. But for my part I say that even this concession which our excellent friend Diogenes makes to the Chaldeans in a sort of collusive way, is in itself unintelligible. For the Chaldeans, according to their own statements, believe that a persons destiny is affected by the condition of the moon at the time of his birth, and hence they make and record their observations of the stars which anything in conjunction with the moon on his birthday. As a result, in forming their judgements, they depend on the sense of sight, which is the least trustworthy of the senses, whereas they should employ reason and intelligence. For the science of mathematics which the Chaldeans ought to know, teaches us how close the moon comes to the earth, which indeed it almost touches; how far it is from Mercury, the nearest star; how much further yet it is from Venus; and what a great interval separates it from the sun, which is supposed to give it light. The three remaining distances are beyond computation: from the Sun to Mars, from Mars to Jupiter, from Jupiter to Saturn. Then there is the distance from Saturn to the limits of heaven — the ultimate bounds of space. 2.92. In view, therefore, of these almost limitless distances, what influence can the planets exercise upon the moon, or rather, upon the earth?[44] Again, when the Chaldeans say, as they are bound to do, that all persons born anywhere in the habitable earth under the same horoscope, are alike and must have the same fate, is it not evident that these would‑be interpreters of the sky are of a class who are utterly ignorant of the nature of the sky? For the earth is, as it were, divided in half and our view limited by those circles which the Greeks call ὁρίζοντες, and which we may in all accuracy term finientes or horizons. Now these horizons vary without limit according to the position of the spectator. Hence, of necessity, the rising and setting of the stars will not occur at the same time for all persons. 2.93. But if this stellar force affects the heavens now in one way and now in another, how is it possible for this force to operate alike on all persons who are born at the same time, in view of the fact that they are born under vastly different skies? In those places in which we live the Dog-star rises after the solstice, in fact, several days later. But among the Troglodytes, we read, it sets before the solstice. Hence if we should now admit that some stellar influence affects persons who are born upon the earth, then it must be conceded that all persons born at the same time may have different natures owing to the differences in their horoscopes. This is a conclusion by no means agreeable to the astrologers; for they insist that all persons born at the same time, regardless of the place of birth, are born to the same fate. [45] 2.94. But what utter madness in these astrologers, in considering the effect of the vast movements and changes in the heavens, to assume that wind and rain and weather anywhere have no effect at birth! In neighbouring places conditions in these respects are so different that frequently, for instance, we have one state of weather at Tusculum and another at Rome. This is especially noticeable to mariners who often observe extreme changes of weather take place while they rounding the capes. Therefore, in view of the fact that the heavens are now serene and now disturbed by storms, is it the part of a reasonable man to say that this fact has no natal influence — and of course it has not — and then assert that a natal influence is exerted by some subtle, imperceptible, well-nigh inconceivable force which is due to the condition of the sky, which condition, in turn, is due to the action of the moon and stars?Again, is it no small error of judgement that the Chaldeans fail to realize the effect of the parental seed which is an essential element of the process of generation? For, surely, no one fails to see that the appearance and habits, and generally, the carriage and gestures of children are derived from their parents. This would not be the case if the characteristics of children were determined, not by the natural power of heredity, but by the phases of the moon and by the condition of the sky. 2.95. And, again, the fact that men who were born at the very same instant, are unlike in character, career, and in destiny, makes it very clear that the time of birth has nothing to do in determining mans course in life. That is, unless perchance we are to believe that nobody else was conceived and born at the very same time that Africanus was. For was there ever anyone like him? [46] 2.96. Furthermore, is it not a well-known and undoubted fact that many persons who were born with certain natural defects have been restored completely by Nature herself, after she had resumed her sway, or by surgery or by medicine? For example, some, who were so tongue-tied that they could not speak, have had their tongues set free by a cut from the surgeons knife. Many more have corrected a natural defect by intelligent exertion. Demosthenes is an instance: according to the account given by Phalereus, he was unable to pronounce the Greek letter rho, but by repeated effort learned to articulate it perfectly. But if such defects had been engendered and implanted by a star nothing could have changed them. Do not unlike places produce unlike men? It would be an easy matter to sketch rapidly in passing the differences in mind and body which distinguish the Indians from the Persians and the Ethiopians from the Syrians — differences so striking and so pronounced as to be incredible. 2.97. Hence it is evident that ones birth is more affected by local environment than by the condition of the moon. of course, the statement quoted by you that the Babylonians for 470, years had taken the horoscope of every child and had tested it by the results, is untrue; for if this had been their habit they would not have abandoned it. Moreover we find no writer who says that the practice exists or who knows that it ever did exist.[47] You observe that I am not repeating the arguments of Carneades, but those of Panaetius, the head of the Stoic school. But now on my own initiative I put the following questions: Did all the Romans who fell at Cannae have the same horoscope? Yet all had one and the same end. Were all the men eminent for intellect and genius born under the same star? Was there ever a day when countless numbers were not born? And yet there never was another Homer. 2.98. Again: if it matters under what aspect of the sky or combination of the stars every animate being is born, then necessarily the same conditions must affect iimate beings also: can any statement be more ridiculous than that? Be that as it may, our good friend Lucius Tarutius of Firmum, who was steeped in Chaldaic lore, made a calculation, based on the assumption that our citys birthday was on the Feast of Pales (at which time tradition says it was founded by Romulus), and from that calculation Tarutius even went so far as to assert that Rome was born when the moon was in the sign of Libra and from that fact unhesitatingly prophesied her destiny. 2.99. What stupendous power delusion has! And was the citys natal day also subject to the influence of the moon and stars? Assume, if you will, that it matters in the case of a child under what arrangement of the heavenly bodies it draws its first breath, does it also follow that the stars could have had any influence over the bricks and cement of which the city was built? But why say more against a theory which every days experience refutes? I recall a multitude of prophecies which the Chaldeans made to Pompey, to Crassus and even to Caesar himself (now lately deceased), to the effect that no one of them would die except in old age, at home and in great glory. Hence it would seem very strange to me should anyone, especially at this time, believe in men whose predictions he sees disproved every day by actual results. [48]
51. Cicero, On His Consulship, 8.19, 11.27, 12.30-14.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 283
52. Cicero, Pro Milone, 40 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 204
53. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 32 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar (c. iulius caesar) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 144
54. Polybius, Histories, 1.7-1.12, 1.37, 1.39.6, 1.52.6, 3.22, 3.87.9, 6.12.2, 20.9-20.10, 31.25.4-31.25.7, 32.13.6, 38.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator •iulius caesar, c. •iulius caesar, c., praefecti, governs city through •caesar, c. iulius •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 349, 351; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 81, 258; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 40, 89
1.39.6. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ποιούμενοι παραβόλως καὶ διὰ πόρου τὸν πλοῦν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πάλιν περιέπεσον χειμῶνι τηλικούτῳ τὸ μέγεθος ὥστε πλείω τῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πλοίων ἀποβαλεῖν. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τούτων συμβάντων, 1.52.6. ὁ δʼ Ἰούνιος ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην καὶ προσλαβὼν τὰ συνηντηκότα τῶν πλοίων ἀπό τε τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Σικελίας παρεκομίσθη κατὰ σπουδὴν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας, ἔχων ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι σκάφη καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν σχεδὸν ἐν ὀκτακοσίαις ναυσὶ φορτηγοῖς. 3.87.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν ἄλλοις ἀκριβεστέραν ποιησόμεθα τὴν διαστολήν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ δικτάτορι κατέστησαν ἱππάρχην Μάρκον Μινύκιον. οὗτος δὲ τέτακται μὲν ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, γίνεται δʼ οἱονεὶ διάδοχος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνου περισπασμοῖς. 6.12.2. οἵ τε γὰρ ἄρχοντες οἱ λοιποὶ πάντες ὑποτάττονται καὶ πειθαρχοῦσι τούτοις πλὴν τῶν δημάρχων, εἴς τε τὴν σύγκλητον οὗτοι τὰς πρεσβείας ἄγουσι. 31.25.4. οἱ μὲν γὰρ εἰς ἐρωμένους τῶν νέων, οἱ δʼ εἰς ἑταίρας ἐξεκέχυντο, πολλοὶ δʼ εἰς ἀκροάματα καὶ πότους καὶ τὴν ἐν τούτοις πολυτέλειαν, ταχέως ἡρπακότες ἐν τῷ Περσικῷ πολέμῳ τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος εὐχέρειαν. 31.25.5. καὶ τηλικαύτη τις ἐνεπεπτώκει περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἔργων ἀκρασία τοῖς νέοις ὥστε πολλοὺς μὲν ἐρώμενον ἠγορακέναι ταλάντου, πολλοὺς δὲ ταρίχου Ποντικοῦ κεράμιον τριακοσίων δραχμῶν. 31.25.6. συνέβη δὲ τὴν παροῦσαν αἵρεσιν οἷον ἐκλάμψαι κατὰ τοὺς νῦν λεγομένους καιροὺς πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τὸ καταλυθείσης τῆς ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλείας δοκεῖν ἀδήριτον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν τὴν περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐξουσίαν, 31.25.7. ἔπειτα διὰ τὸ πολλὴν ἐπίφασιν γενέσθαι τῆς εὐδαιμονίας περί τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ περὶ τὰ κοινά, τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας μετακομισθέντων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην χορηγίων. 32.13.6. ἐξ οὗ Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον ἐξέβαλον, τούς τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀνθρώπους οὐκ ἐβούλοντο κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον ἀποθηλύνεσθαι διὰ τὴν πολυχρόνιον εἰρήνην· 3.22. 1.  The first treaty between Rome and Carthage dates from the consulship of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, the first Consuls after the expulsion of the kings, and the founders of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.,2.  This is twenty-eight years before the crossing of Xerxes to Greece.,3.  I give below as accurate a rendering as I can of this treaty, but the ancient Roman language differs so much from the modern that it can only be partially made out, and that after much application, by the most intelligent men.,4.  The treaty is more or less as follows: "There is to be friendship between the Romans and their allies and the Carthaginians and their allies on these terms:,5.  The Romans and their allies not to sail with long ships beyond the Fair Promontory,6.  unless forced by storm or by enemies: it is forbidden to anyone carried beyond it by force to buy or carry away anything beyond what is required for the repair of his ship or for sacrifice,,7.  and he must depart within five days.,8.  Men coming to trade may conclude no business except in the presence of a herald or town-clerk,,9.  and the price of whatever is sold in the presence of such shall be secured to the vendor by the state, if the sale take place in Libya or Sardinia.,10.  If any Roman come to the Carthaginian province in Sicily, he shall enjoy equal rights with the others.,11.  The Carthaginians shall do no wrong to the peoples of Ardea, Antium, Laurentium, Circeii, Terracina, or any other city of the Latins who are subject to Rome.,12.  Touching the Latins who are not subjects, they shall keep their hands off their cities, and if they take any city shall deliver it up to the Romans undamaged.,13.  They shall build no fort in the Latin territory. If they enter the land in arms, they shall not pass a night therein." 3.87.9.  However, I will deal with this subject in greater detail later. At the same time they appointed Marcus Minucius Master of the Horse. The Master of the Horse is subordinate to the Dictator but becomes as it were his successor when the Dictator is otherwise occupied. 6.12.2.  since all the other magistrates except the tribunes are under them and bound to obey them, and it is they who introduce embassies to the senate. 20.9. 1.  After Heraclea had fallen into the hands of the Romans, Phaeneas, the strategus of the Aetolians, seeing Aetolia threatened with peril on all sides and realizing what was likely to happen to the other towns, decided to send an embassy to Manius Acilius Glabrio to beg for an armistice and peace.,2.  Having resolved on this he dispatched Archedamus, Pantaleon, and Chalepus.,3.  They had intended on meeting the Roman general to address him at length, but at the interview they were cut short and prevented from doing so.,4.  For Glabrio told them that for the present he had no time as he was occupied by the disposal of the booty from Heraclea, but granting them a ten days' armistice, he said he would send back with them Lucius Valerius Flaccus, to whom he begged them to submit their request.,6.  The armistice having been made, and Flaccus having met them at Hypata, there was considerable discussion of the situation.,7.  The Aetolians, in making out their case, went back to the very beginning, reciting all their former deeds of kindness to the Romans,,8.  but Flaccus cut the flood of their eloquence short by saying that this sort of pleading did not suit present circumstances. For as it was they who had broken off their originally kind relations, and as their present enmity was entirely their own fault, former deeds of kindness no longer counted as an asset.,9.  Therefore he advised them to leave off trying to justify themselves and resort rather to deprecatory language, begging the consul to grant them pardon for their offences.,10.  The Aetolians, after some further observations about the actual situation, decided to refer the whole matter to Glabrio,,11.  committing themselves "to the faith" of the Romans, not knowing the exact meaning of the phrase, but deceived by the word "faith" as if they would thus obtain more complete pardon.,12.  But with the Romans to commit oneself to the faith of a victor is equivalent to surrendering at discretion. 20.10. 1.  However, having reached this decision they sent off Phaeneas and others to accompany Flaccus and convey it at once to Glabrio.,2.  On meeting the general, after again pleading in justification of their conduct, they wound up by saying that the Aetolians had decided to commit themselves to the faith of the Romans.,3.  Upon this Glabrio, taking them up, said, "So that is so, is it, ye men of Aetolia?",4.  and when they assented, "Very well," he said, "then in the first place none of you must cross to Asia, either on his own account or by public decree;,5.  next you must surrender Dicaearchus and Menestratus of Epirus" (the latter had recently come to their assistance at Naupactus) "and at the same time King Amydres and all the Athamanians who went off to join you together with him.",6.  Phaeneas now interrupted him and said, "But what you demand, O General, is neither just nor Greek.",7.  Glabrio, not so much incensed, as wishing to make them conscious of the real situation they were in and thoroughly intimidate them, said: "So you still give yourselves Grecian airs and speak of what is meet and proper after surrendering unconditionally? I will have you all put in chains if I think fit.",8.  Saying this he ordered a chain to be brought and an iron collar to be put round the neck of each.,9.  Phaeneas and the rest were thunderstruck, and all stood there speechless as if paralysed in body and mind by this extraordinary experience.,10.  But Flaccus and some of the other military tribunes who were present entreated Glabrio not to treat the men with excessive harshness, in view of the fact that they were ambassadors.,11.  Upon his consenting, Phaeneas began to speak. He said that he and the Apocleti would do what Glabrio ordered, but that the consent of the people was required if the orders were to be enforced.,12.  Glabrio now said that he was right, upon which he called for a renewal of the armistice for ten days more. This request also was granted, and they parted on this understanding.,13.  On reaching Hypata the envoys informed the Apocleti of what had taken place and what had been said, and it was only now, on hearing all, that the Aetolians became conscious of their mistake and of the constraint now brought to bear on them.,14.  It was therefore decided to write to the towns and call an assembly of the nation to take the demands into consideration.,15.  When the report of the Roman answer was spread abroad, the people became so savage, that no one even would attend the meeting to discuss matters.,16.  As sheer impossibility thus prevented any discussion of the demands, and as at the same time Nicander arrived from Asia Minor at Phalara in the Melian gulf, from which he had set forth, and informed them of King Antiochus's cordial reception of him and his promises of future assistance, they neglected the matter more and more; so that no steps tending to the conclusion of peace were taken.,17.  In consequence, after the termination of the armistice, the Aetolians remained as before in statu belli. 31.25.4.  For some of them had abandoned themselves to amours with boys and others to the society of courtesans, and many to musical entertainments and banquets, and the extravagance they involve, having in the course of the war with Perseus been speedily infected by the Greek laxity in these respects. 31.25.5.  So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar. 31.25.6.  It was just at the period we are treating of that this present tendency to extravagance declared itself, first of all because they thought that now after the fall of the Macedonian kingdom their universal dominion was undisputed, 31.25.7.  and next because after the riches of Macedonia had been transported to Rome there was a great display of wealth both in public and in private. 32.13.6.  since they expelled Demetrius of Pharos, and next they did not at all wish the Italians to become effeminate owing to the long peace, 38.22. 1.  Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.,2.  After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. ,3.  And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history.
55. Scaevola Quintus Mucius, Digesta, 50.16.98 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119
56. Moschus, Epitaph On Bion, 1.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338
57. Tibullus, Elegies, 2.1.31-2.1.32, 2.5.71 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, caesar (iulius) •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 218; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 160
58. Catullus, Poems, 16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 64
59. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 270, 271
60. Livy, Per., 112.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232
61. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.20-2.39, 5.48 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 57
2.20. ergo corpoream ad naturam pauca videmus 2.21. esse opus omnino: quae demant cumque dolorem, 2.22. delicias quoque uti multas substernere possint 2.23. gratius inter dum, neque natura ipsa requirit, 2.24. si non aurea sunt iuvenum simulacra per aedes 2.25. lampadas igniferas manibus retinentia dextris, 2.26. lumina nocturnis epulis ut suppeditentur, 2.27. nec domus argento fulget auroque renidet 2.28. nec citharae reboant laqueata aurataque templa, 2.29. cum tamen inter se prostrati in gramine molli 2.30. propter aquae rivum sub ramis arboris altae 2.31. non magnis opibus iucunde corpora curant, 2.32. praesertim cum tempestas adridet et anni 2.33. tempora conspergunt viridantis floribus herbas. 2.34. nec calidae citius decedunt corpore febres, 2.35. textilibus si in picturis ostroque rubenti 2.36. iacteris, quam si in plebeia veste cubandum est. 2.37. quapropter quoniam nihil nostro in corpore gazae 2.38. proficiunt neque nobilitas nec gloria regni, 2.39. quod super est, animo quoque nil prodesse putandum; 5.48. efficiunt clades! quid luxus desidiaeque?
62. Ovid, Tristia, 1.5.69-1.5.70, 3.7.51-3.7.52, 5.1.43-5.1.44, 5.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, caesar (iulius) •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar (gaius iulius caesar) Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73, 74; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 188; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58, 64
5.3. hic quoque talis erit, qualis fortuna poetae: 5.3. pone metum, valeo; corpusque, quod ante laborum 5.3. festaque odoratis innectunt tempora sertis, 5.3. qui mihi flens dixit 5.3. sic quondam festum Laërtius egerat heros 5.3. tu quoque suscepti curam dimittis amici, 5.3. si tibi contingit cum dulci vita salute, 5.3. quae tibi res animos in me facit, improbe? curve 5.3. te canerem solum, meriti memor, inque libellis 5.3. at mihi iam videor patria procul esse tot annis, 5.3. indolui, non tam mea quod fortuna male audit, 5.3. difficile est quod, amice, mones, quia carmina laetum 5.3. aeger enim traxi contagia corpore mentis, 5.3. detrahat auctori multum fortuna licebit,
63. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.144, 1.149-1.150, 4.539-4.542, 5.313, 7.292, 9.262-9.272, 10.30, 10.60, 13.949-13.955, 14.600-14.608, 14.629, 14.814, 14.818-14.828, 14.845-14.851, 15.492-15.548, 15.626-15.851, 15.871-15.879 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), as ‘wise man in egypt’ •caesar, c. iulius •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar •caesar (g. iulius caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency •caesar (g. iulius caesar), praised for superiority of son (augustus) •caesar (caius iulius caesar), master of rivers •caesar (g. iulius caesar), stellar imagery of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 159, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 60, 193, 208, 214; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 105, 174, 184; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 62, 102
1.144. Vivitur ex rapto: non hospes ab hospite tutus, 1.149. Victa iacet pietas, et virgo caede madentis, 1.150. ultima caelestum terras Astraea reliquit. 4.539. Adnuit oranti Neptunus et abstulit illis, 4.540. quod mortale fuit, maiestatemque verendam 4.541. inposuit nomenque simul faciemque novavit 4.542. Leucothoeque deum cum matre Palaemona dixit. 5.313. vel nos Emathiis ad Paeonas usque nivosos 7.292. membraque luxuriant. Aeson miratur et olim 9.262. Interea quodcumque fuit populabile flammae 9.263. Mulciber abstulerat, nec cognoscenda remansit 9.264. Herculis effigies; nec quicquam ab imagine ductum 9.265. matris habet, tantumque Iovis vestigia servat. 9.266. Utque novus serpens posita cum pelle senecta 9.267. luxuriare solet squamaque nitere recenti, 9.268. sic, ubi mortales Tirynthius exuit artus, 9.269. parte sui meliore viget maiorque videri 9.270. coepit et augusta fieri gravitate verendus. 9.271. Quem pater omnipotens inter cava nubila raptum 9.272. quadriiugo curru radiantibus intulit astris. 10.30. per chaos hoc ingens vastique silentia regni, 10.60. Iamque iterum moriens non est de coniuge quicquam 13.949. Di maris exceptum socio digtur honore, 13.950. utque mihi quaecumque feram mortalia, demant, 13.951. Oceanum Tethynque rogant: ego lustror ab illis, 13.952. et purgante nefas noviens mihi carmine dicto 13.953. pectora fluminibus iubeor supponere centum; 13.954. nec mora, diversis lapsi de partibus amnes 13.955. totaque vertuntur supra caput aequora nostrum. 14.600. Hunc iubet Aeneae, quaecumque obnoxia morti, 14.601. abluere et tacito deferre sub aequora cursu; 14.602. corniger exsequitur Veneris mandata suisque, 14.603. quidquid in Aenea fuerat mortale, repurgat 14.604. et respergit aquis: pars optima restitit illi. 14.605. Lustratum genetrix divino corpus odore 14.606. unxit et ambrosia cum dulci nectare mixta 14.607. contigit os fecitque deum, quem turba Quirini 14.608. nuncupat Indigetem temploque arisque recepit. 14.629. qua modo luxuriem premit et spatiantia passim 14.814. “unus erit, quem tu tolles in caerula caeli” 14.818. quae sibi promissae sensit rata signa rapinae 14.819. innixusque hastae pressos temone cruento 14.820. impavidus conscendit equos Gradivus et ictu 14.821. verberis increpuit pronusque per aera lapsus 14.822. constitit in summo nemorosi colle Palati 14.823. reddentemque suo non regia iura Quiriti 14.824. abstulit Iliaden: corpus mortale per auras 14.825. dilapsum tenues, ceu lata plumbea funda 14.826. missa solet medio glans intabescere caelo. 14.827. Pulchra subit facies et pulvinaribus altis 14.828. dignior, est qualis trabeati forma Quirini. 14.845. Nec mora, Romuleos cum virgine Thaumantea 14.846. ingreditur colles: ibi sidus ab aethere lapsum 14.847. decidit in terras, a cuius lumine flagrans 14.848. Hersilie crines cum sidere cessit in auras. 14.849. Hanc manibus notis Romanae conditor urbis 14.850. excipit et priscum pariter cum corpore nomen 14.851. mutat Horamque vocat, quae nunc dea iuncta Quirino est. 15.492. dixerunt. Quotiens flenti Theseius heros 15.493. “siste modum!” dixit, “ne que enim fortuna querenda 15.494. sola tua est; similes aliorum respice casus: 15.495. mitius ista feres, utinamque exempla dolentem 15.496. non mea te possent relevare! Sed et mea possunt. 15.497. Fando aliquem Hippolytum vestras puto, contigit aures 15.498. credulitate patris, sceleratae fraude novercae 15.499. occubuisse neci: mirabere, vixque probabo, 15.500. sed tamen ille ego sum. Me Pasiphaeia quondam 15.501. temptatum frustra patrium temerare cubile, 15.502. quod voluit, voluisse, infelix crimine verso 15.503. (indiciine metu magis offensane repulsae?) 15.504. damnavit, meritumque nihil pater eicit urbe 15.505. hostilique caput prece detestatur euntis. 15.506. Pittheam profugo curru Troezena petebam, 15.507. iamque Corinthiaci carpebam litora ponti, 15.508. cum mare surrexit, cumulusque inmanis aquarum 15.509. in montis speciem curvari et crescere visus 15.510. et dare mugitus summoque cacumine findi. 15.511. Corniger hinc taurus ruptis expellitur undis, 15.512. pectoribusque tenus molles erectus in auras 15.513. naribus et patulo partem maris evomit ore. 15.514. Corda pavent comitum. Mihi mens interrita mansit 15.515. exsiliis contenta suis: cum colla feroces 15.516. ad freta convertunt adrectisque auribus horrent 15.517. quadrupedes monstrique metu turbantur et altis 15.518. praecipitant currum scopulis; ego ducere vana 15.519. frena manu spumis albentibus oblita luctor 15.520. et retro lentas tendo resupinus habenas. 15.521. Nec vires tamen has rabies superasset equorum. 15.522. ni rota, perpetuum qua circumvertitur axem, 15.523. stipitis occursu fracta ac disiecta fuisset. 15.524. Excutior curru, lorisque tenentibus artus 15.525. viscera viva trahi nervosque in stipe teneri, 15.526. membra rapi partim, partim reprensa relinqui, 15.527. ossa gravem dare fracta sonum fessamque videres 15.528. exhalari animam nullasque in corpore partes, 15.529. noscere quas posses; unumque erat omnia vulnus. 15.530. Num potes aut audes cladi componere nostrae, 15.531. nympha, tuam? Vidi quoque luce carentia regna 15.532. et lacerum fovi Phlegethontide corpus in unda, 15.533. nec nisi Apollineae valido medicamine prolis 15.534. reddita vita foret; quam postquam fortibus herbis 15.535. atque ope Paeonia Dite indigte recepi, 15.536. tum mihi, ne praesens augerem muneris huius 15.537. invidiam, densas obiecit Cynthia nubes, 15.538. utque forem tutus possemque impune videri, 15.539. addidit aetatem nec cognoscenda reliquit 15.540. ora mihi Cretenque diu dubitavit habendam 15.541. traderet an Delon: Delo Creteque relictis 15.542. hic posuit nomenque simul, quod possit equorum 15.543. admonuisse, iubet deponere, “qui” que “fuisti 15.544. Hippolytus” dixit, “nunc idem Virbius esto!” 15.545. Hoc nemus inde colo, de disque minoribus unus 15.546. numine sub dominae lateo atque accenseor illi.” 15.547. Non tamen Egeriae luctus aliena levare 15.548. damna valent, montisque iacens radicibus imis 15.626. Dira lues quondam Latias vitiaverat auras, 15.627. pallidaque exsangui squalebant corpora morbo. 15.628. Funeribus fessi postquam mortalia cernunt 15.629. temptamenta nihil, nihil artes posse medentum, 15.630. auxilium caeleste petunt mediamque tenentes 15.631. orbis humum Delphos adeunt, oracula Phoebi, 15.632. utque salutifera miseris succurrere rebus 15.633. sorte velit tantaeque urbis mala finiat, orant: 15.634. et locus et laurus et, quas habet ipse, pharetras 15.635. intremuere simul, cortinaque reddidit imo 15.636. hanc adyto vocem pavefactaque pectora movit: 15.637. “Quod petis hinc, propiore loco, Romane, petisses, 15.638. et pete nunc propiore loco! nec Apolline vobis, 15.639. qui minuat luctus, opus est, sed Apolline nato. 15.640. Ite bonis avibus prolemque accersite nostram!” 15.641. Iussa dei prudens postquam accepere senatus, 15.642. quam colat, explorant, iuvenis Phoebeius urbem, 15.643. quique petant ventis Epidauria litora mittunt. 15.644. Quae simul incurva missi tetigere carina, 15.645. concilium Graiosque patres adiere, darentque, 15.646. oravere, deum, qui praesens funera gentis 15.647. finiat Ausoniae: certas ita dicere sortes. 15.648. Dissidet et variat sententia, parsque negandum 15.649. non putat auxilium, multi retinere suamque 15.650. non emittere opem nec numina tradere suadent: 15.651. dum dubitant, seram pepulere crepuscula lucem, 15.652. umbraque telluris tenebras induxerat orbi, 15.653. cum deus in somnis opifer consistere visus 15.654. ante tuum, Romane, torum, sed qualis in aede 15.655. esse solet, baculumque tenens agreste sinistra 15.656. caesariem longae dextra deducere barbae 15.657. et placido tales emittere pectore voces: 15.658. “Pone metus! Veniam simulacraque nostra relinquam. 15.659. Hunc modo serpentem, baculum qui nexibus ambit, 15.660. perspice et usque nota visu, ut cognoscere possis! 15.661. Vertar in hunc, sed maior ero tantusque videbor, 15.662. in quantum verti caelestia corpora debent.” 15.663. Extemplo cum voce deus, cum voce deoque 15.664. somnus abit, somnique fugam lux alma secuta est. 15.665. Postera sidereos aurora fugaverat ignes: 15.666. incerti, quid agant, proceres ad templa petiti 15.667. perveniunt operosa dei, quaque ipse morari 15.668. sede velit, signis caelestibus indicet, orant. 15.669. Vix bene desierant, cum cristis aureus altis 15.670. in serpente deus praenuntia sibila misit 15.671. adventuque suo signumque arasque foresque 15.672. marmoreumque solum fastigiaque aurea movit 15.673. pectoribusque tenus media sublimis in aede 15.674. constitit atque oculos circumtulit igne micantes. 15.675. Territa turba pavet. Cognovit numina castos 15.676. evinctus vitta crines albente sacerdos: 15.677. “En deus est deus est! Animis linguisque favete, 15.678. quisquis ades!” dixit. “Sis, o pulcherrime, visus 15.679. utiliter populosque iuves tua sacra colentes !” 15.680. Quisquis adest, visum venerantur numen, et omnes 15.681. verba sacerdotis referunt geminata piumque 15.682. Aeneadae praestant et mente et voce favorem. 15.683. Adnuit his motisque deus rata pignora cristis 15.684. et repetita dedit vibrata sibila lingua. 15.685. Tum gradibus nitidis delabitur oraque retro 15.686. flectit et antiquas abiturus respicit aras 15.687. adsuetasque domos habitataque templa salutat. 15.688. Inde per iniectis adopertam floribus ingens 15.689. serpit humum flectitque sinus mediamque per urbem 15.690. tendit ad incurvo munitos aggere portus. 15.691. Restitit hic agmenque suum turbaeque sequentis 15.692. officium placido visus dimittere vultu 15.693. corpus in Ausonia posuit rate: numinis illa 15.694. sensit onus, pressa estque dei gravitate carina; 15.695. Aeneadae gaudent caesoque in litore tauro 15.696. torta coronatae solvunt retinacula navis. 15.697. Impulerat levis aura ratem: deus eminet alte, 15.698. impositaque premens puppim cervice recurvam 15.699. caeruleas despectat aquas modicisque per aequor 15.700. Ionium zephyris sextae Pallantidos ortu 15.701. Italiam tenuit praeterque Lacinia templo 15.702. nobilitata deae Scylaceaque litora fertur; 15.703. linquit Iapygiam laevisque Amphrisia remis 15.704. saxa fugit, dextra praerupta Celennia parte, 15.705. Romethiumque legit Caulonaque Naryciamque, 15.706. evincitque fretum Siculique angusta Pelori 15.707. Hippotadaeque domos regis Temesesque metalla, 15.708. Leucosiamque petit tepidique rosaria Paesti. 15.709. Inde legit Capreas promunturiumque Minervae 15.710. et Surrentino generosos palmite colles 15.711. Herculeamque urbem Stabiasque et in otia natam 15.712. Parthenopen et ab hac Cumaeae templa Sibyllae. 15.713. Hinc calidi fontes lentisciferumque tenetur 15.714. Liternum multamque trahens sub gurgite harenam 15.715. Volturnus niveisque frequens Sinuessa columbis 15.716. Minturnaeque graves et quam tumulavit alumnus 15.717. Antiphataeque domus Trachasque obsessa palude 15.718. et tellus Circaea et spissi litoris Antium. 15.719. Huc ubi veliferam nautae advertere carinam 15.720. (asper enim iam pontus erat), deus explicat orbes 15.721. perque sinus crebros et magna volumina labens 15.722. templa parentis init flavum tangentia litus. 15.723. Aequore placato patrias Epidaurius aras 15.724. linquit et hospitio iuncti sibi numinis usus 15.725. litoream tractu squamae crepitantis harenam 15.726. sulcat et innixus moderamine navis in alta 15.727. puppe caput posuit, donec Castrumque sacrasque 15.728. Lavini sedes Tiberinaque ad ostia venit. 15.729. Huc omnis populi passim matrumque patrumque 15.730. obvia turba ruit, quaeque ignes, Troica, servant, 15.731. Vesta, tuos, laetoque deum clamore salutant. 15.732. Quaque per adversas navis cita ducitur undas, 15.733. tura super ripas aris ex ordine factis 15.734. parte ab utraque sot et odorant aera fumis, 15.735. ictaque coniectos incalfacit hostia cultros. 15.736. Iamque caput rerum, Romanam intraverat urbem: 15.737. erigitur serpens summoque acclinia malo 15.738. colla movet sedesque sibi circumspicit aptas. 15.739. Scinditur in geminas partes circumfluus amnis 15.740. (Insula nomen habet), laterumque a parte duorum 15.741. porrigit aequales media tellure lacertos. 15.742. Huc se de Latia pinu Phoebeius anguis 15.743. contulit et finem, specie caeleste resumpta, 15.744. luctibus imposuit venitque salutifer urbi. 15.745. Hic tamen accessit delubris advena nostris: 15.746. Caesar in urbe sua deus est; quem Marte togaque 15.747. praecipuum non bella magis finita triumphis 15.748. resque domi gestae properataque gloria rerum 15.749. in sidus vertere novum stellamque comantem, 15.750. quam sua progenies; neque enim de Caesaris actis 15.751. ullum maius opus, quam quod pater exstitit huius: 15.752. scilicet aequoreos plus est domuisse Britannos 15.753. perque papyriferi septemflua flumina Nili 15.754. victrices egisse rates Numidasque rebelles 15.755. Cinyphiumque Iubam Mithridateisque tumentem 15.756. nominibus Pontum populo adiecisse Quirini 15.757. et multos meruisse, aliquos egisse triumphos, 15.758. quam tantum genuisse virum? Quo praeside rerum 15.759. humano generi, superi, favistis abunde! 15.760. Ne foret hic igitur mortali semine cretus, 15.761. ille deus faciendus erat. Quod ut aurea vidit 15.762. Aeneae genetrix, vidit quoque triste parari 15.763. pontifici letum et coniurata arma moveri, 15.764. palluit et cunctis, ut cuique erat obvia, divis 15.765. “adspice” dicebat, “quanta mihi mole parentur 15.766. insidiae quantaque caput cum fraude petatur, 15.767. quod de Dardanio solum mihi restat Iulo. 15.768. Solane semper ero iustis exercita curis, 15.769. quam modo Tydidae Calydonia vulneret hasta, 15.770. nunc male defensae confundant moenia Troiae, 15.771. quae videam natum longis erroribus actum 15.772. iactarique freto sedesque intrare silentum 15.773. bellaque cum Turno gerere, aut, si vera fatemur, 15.774. cum Iunone magis? Quid nunc antiqua recordor 15.775. damna mei generis? Timor hic meminisse priorum 15.776. non sinit: en acui sceleratos cernitis enses? 15.777. Quos prohibete, precor, facinusque repellite, neve 15.778. caede sacerdotis flammas exstinguite Vestae!” 15.779. Talia nequiquam toto Venus anxia caelo 15.780. verba iacit superosque movet, qui rumpere quamquam 15.781. ferrea non possunt veterum decreta sororum, 15.782. signa tamen luctus dant haud incerta futuri. 15.783. Arma ferunt inter nigras crepitantia nubes 15.784. terribilesque tubas auditaque cornua caelo 15.785. praemonuisse nefas; solis quoque tristis imago 15.786. lurida sollicitis praebebat lumina terris. 15.787. Saepe faces visae mediis ardere sub astris, 15.788. saepe inter nimbos guttae cecidere cruentae. 15.789. Caerulus et vultum ferrugine Lucifer atra 15.790. sparsus erat, sparsi Lunares sanguine currus. 15.791. Tristia mille locis Stygius dedit omina bubo, 15.792. mille locis lacrimavit ebur, cantusque feruntur 15.793. auditi sanctis et verba mitia lucis. 15.794. Victima nulla litat magnosque instare tumultus 15.795. fibra monet, caesumque caput reperitur in extis. 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum 15.797. nocturnos ululasse canes umbrasque silentum 15.798. erravisse ferunt motamque tremoribus urbem. 15.799. Non tamen insidias venturaque vincere fata 15.800. praemonitus potuere deum, strictique feruntur 15.801. in templum gladii; neque enim locus ullus in urbe 15.802. ad facinus diramque placet nisi curia, caedem. 15.803. Tum vero Cytherea manu percussit utraque 15.804. pectus et Aeneaden molitur condere nube, 15.805. qua prius infesto Paris est ereptus Atridae 15.806. et Diomedeos Aeneas fugerat enses. 15.807. Talibus hanc genitor: “Sola insuperabile fatum, 15.808. nata, movere paras? Intres licet ipsa sororum 15.809. tecta trium: cernes illic molimine vasto 15.810. ex aere et solido rerum tabularia ferro, 15.811. quae neque concussum caeli neque fulminis iram 15.812. nec metuunt ullas tuta atque aeterna ruinas. 15.813. Invenies illic incisa adamante perenni 15.814. fata tui generis: legi ipse animoque notavi 15.815. et referam, ne sis etiamnum ignara futuri. 15.816. Hic sua complevit, pro quo, Cytherea, laboras, 15.817. tempora, perfectis, quos terrae debuit, annis. 15.818. Ut deus accedat caelo templisque colatur, 15.819. tu facies natusque suus, qui nominis heres 15.820. impositum feret unus onus caesique parentis 15.821. nos in bella suos fortissimus ultor habebit. 15.822. Illius auspiciis obsessae moenia pacem 15.823. victa petent Mutinae, Pharsalia sentiet illum. 15.824. Emathiique iterum madefient caede Philippi, 15.825. et magnum Siculis nomen superabitur undis, 15.826. Romanique ducis coniunx Aegyptia taedae 15.827. non bene fisa cadet, frustraque erit illa minata, 15.828. servitura suo Capitolia nostra Canopo. 15.829. Quid tibi barbariem, gentesque ab utroque iacentes 15.830. oceano numerem? Quodcumque habitabile tellus 15.831. sustinet, huius erit: pontus quoque serviet illi! 15.832. Pace data terris animum ad civilia vertet 15.833. iura suum legesque feret iustissimus auctor 15.834. exemploque suo mores reget inque futuri 15.835. temporis aetatem venturorumque nepotum 15.836. prospiciens prolem sancta de coniuge natam 15.837. ferre simul nomenque suum curasque iubebit, 15.838. nec nisi cum senior Pylios aequaverit annos, 15.839. aetherias sedes cognataque sidera tanget. 15.840. Hanc animam interea caeso de corpore raptam 15.841. fac iubar, ut semper Capitolia nostra forumque 15.842. divus ab excelsa prospectet Iulius aede.” 15.843. Vix ea fatus erat, media cum sede senatus 15.844. constitit alma Venus, nulli cernenda, suique 15.845. Caesaris eripuit membris neque in aera solvi 15.846. passa recentem animam caelestibus intulit astris. 15.847. Dumque tulit, lumen capere atque ignescere sensit 15.848. emisitque sinu: luna volat altius illa, 15.849. flammiferumque trahens spatioso limite crinem 15.850. stella micat natique videns bene facta fatetur 15.851. esse suis maiora et vinci gaudet ab illo. 15.871. Iamque opus exegi, quod nec Iovis ira nec ignis 15.872. nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas. 15.873. Cum volet, illa dies, quae nil nisi corporis huius 15.874. ius habet, incerti spatium mihi finiat aevi: 15.875. parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis 15.876. astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum, 15.877. quaque patet domitis Romana potentia terris, 15.878. ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama, 15.879. siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam.
64. Ovid, Fasti, 1.9-1.10, 1.85-1.86, 1.156, 1.223-1.226, 1.515-1.518, 1.529-1.532, 1.599-1.600, 1.689-1.690, 2.15-2.16, 2.21, 2.135-2.138, 2.144, 2.487, 2.496, 2.554, 2.617-2.638, 2.684, 3.155-3.160, 3.697-3.702, 4.808, 4.849-4.853, 4.857-4.862, 5.279, 5.445-5.450, 5.457-5.465, 5.470, 5.476, 6.172, 6.183-6.185, 6.637-6.644 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •augustus, caesar (iulius) •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (g. iulius caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency •caesar (g. iulius caesar), praised for superiority of son (augustus) Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73, 74, 124, 125, 218; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 154, 155, 167, 168, 169, 171; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58, 62, 64, 65; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 20, 40, 81
1.9. invenies illic et festa domestica vobis: 1.10. saepe tibi pater est, saepe legendus avus; 1.85. Iuppiter arce sua totum cum spectat in orbem, 1.86. nil nisi Romanum, quod tueatur, habet, 1.156. ludit et in pratis luxuriatque pecus, 1.223. nos quoque templa iuvant, quamvis antiqua probemus, 1.224. aurea: maiestas convenit ista deo. 1.225. laudamus veteres, sed nostris utimur annis: 1.226. mos tamen est aeque dignus uterque coli.’ 1.515. fallor, an hi fient ingentia moenia colles, 1.516. iuraque ab hac terra cetera terra petet? 1.517. montibus his olim totus promittitur orbis: 1.518. quis tantum fati credat habere locum? 1.529. tempus erit, cum vos orbemque tuebitur idem, 1.530. et fient ipso sacra colente deo, 1.531. et penes Angustos patriae tutela manebit: 1.532. hanc fas imperii frena tenere domum, 1.599. si petat a victis, tot sumat nomina Caesar, 1.600. quot numero gentes maximus orbis habet, 1.689. et neque deficiat macie neque pinguior aequo 1.690. divitiis pereat luxuriosa suis. 2.15. at tua prosequimur studioso pectore, Caesar, 2.16. nomina, per titulos ingredimurque tuos. 2.21. pontifices ab rege petunt et flamine lanas, 2.135. te Tatius parvique Cures Caeninaque sensit: 2.136. hoc duce Romanum est solis utrumque latus, 2.137. tu breve nescio quid victae telluris habebas: 2.138. quodcumque est alto sub Iove, Caesar habet, 2.144. caelestem fecit te pater, ille patrem. 2.487. unus erit, quem tu tolles in caerula caeli 2.496. fit fuga, rex patriis astra petebat equis, 2.554. deformes animas, volgus ie, ferunt. 2.617. Proxima cognati dixere Caristia cari, 2.618. et venit ad socios turba propinqua deos. 2.619. scilicet a tumulis et, qui periere, propinquis 2.620. protinus ad vivos ora referre iuvat 2.621. postque tot amissos, quicquid de sanguine restat, 2.622. aspicere et generis dinumerare gradus, 2.623. innocui veniant: procul hinc, procul impius esto 2.624. frater et in partus mater acerba suos, 2.625. cui pater est vivax, qui matris digerit annos, 2.626. quae premit invisam socrus iniqua nurum. 2.627. Tantalidae fratres absint et Iasonis uxor 2.628. et quae ruricolis semina tosta dedit, 2.629. et soror et Procne Tereusque duabus iniquus 2.630. et quicumque suas per scelus auget opes. 2.631. dis generis date tura boni (Concordia fertur 2.632. illa praecipue mitis adesse die) 2.633. et libate dapes, ut, grati pignus honoris, 2.634. nutriat incinctos missa patella Lares. 2.635. iamque ubi suadebit placidos nox humida somnos, 2.636. larga precaturi sumite vina manu, 2.637. et bene vos, bene te, patriae pater, optime Caesar! 2.638. dicite suffuso per sacra verba mero. 23. F TER — NP 2.684. Romanae spatium est urbis et orbis idem. 24. G REGIF — N 3.155. sed tamen errabant etiam nunc tempora, donec 3.156. Caesaris in multis haec quoque cura fuit. 3.157. non haec ille deus tantaeque propaginis auctor 3.158. credidit officiis esse minora suis, 3.159. promissumque sibi voluit praenoscere caelum 3.160. nec deus ignotas hospes inire domos, 3.697. praeteriturus eram gladios in principe fixos, 3.698. cum sic a castis Vesta locuta focis: 3.699. ‘ne dubita meminisse: meus fuit ille sacerdos, 3.700. sacrilegae telis me petiere manus. 3.701. ipsa virum rapui simulacraque nuda reliqui: 3.702. quae cecidit ferro, Caesaris umbra fuit.’ 4.808. venit, ades factis, magne Quirine, tuis! 4.849. dat tamen exequias nec iam suspendere fletum 4.850. sustinet, et pietas dissimulata patet; 4.851. osculaque adplicuit posito suprema feretro 4.852. atque ait invito frater adempte, vale! 4.853. arsurosque artus unxit, fecere, quod ille, 4.857. urbs oritur (quis tunc hoc ulli credere posset?) 4.858. victorem terris impositura pedem, 4.859. cuncta regas et sis magno sub Caesare semper, 4.860. saepe etiam pluris nominis huius habe; 4.861. et quotiens steteris domito sublimis in orbe, 4.862. omnia sint numeris inferiora tuis. 5.279. ‘cetera luxuriae nondum instrumenta vigebant, 5.445. dicta sit unde dies, quae nominis extet origo, 5.446. me fugit: ex aliquo est invenienda deo. 5.447. Pleiade nate, mone, virga venerande potenti: 5.448. saepe tibi est Stygii regia visa Iovis, 5.449. venit adoratus Caducifer, accipe causam 5.450. nominis: ex ipso est cognita causa deo. 5.457. umbra cruenta Remi visa est assistere lecto 5.458. atque haec exiguo murmure verba loqui: 5.459. ‘en ego dimidium vestri parsque altera voti, 5.460. cernite, sim qualis, qui modo qualis eram! 5.461. qui modo, si volucres habuissem regna iubentes, 5.462. in populo potui maximus esse meo, 5.463. nunc sum elapsa rogi flammis et iis imago: 5.464. haec est ex illo forma relicta Remo! 5.465. heu ubi Mars pater est? si vos modo vera locuti, 5.470. utque ego, sub terras sanguinulentus eas. 5.476. lubrica prensantes effugit umbra manus, 6.172. nec petit ascitas luxuriosa dapes, 6.183. arce quoque in summa Iunoni templa Monetae 6.184. ex voto memorant facta, Camille, tuo: 6.185. ante domus Manli fuerat, qui Gallica quondam 6.637. Te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat aede 6.638. Livia, quam caro praestitit ipsa viro. 6.639. disce tamen, veniens aetas, ubi Livia nunc est 6.640. porticus, immensae tecta fuisse domus; 6.641. urbis opus domus una fuit, spatiumque tenebat, 6.642. quo brevius muris oppida multa tenent, 6.643. haec aequata solo est, nullo sub crimine regni, 6.644. sed quia luxuria visa nocere sua, 1.9. And here you’ll find the festivals of your House, 1.10. And see your father’s and your grandfather’s name: 1.85. When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, 1.86. Everything that he sees belongs to Rome. 1.156. And the herds frisk and gambol in the fields. 1.223. We too delight in golden temples, however much 1.224. We approve the antique: such splendour suits a god. 1.225. We praise the past, but experience our own times: 1.226. Yet both are ways worthy of being cultivated.’ 1.515. And from this earth all the earth receive its laws? 1.516. The whole world is one day promised to these hills: 1.517. Who could believe the place held such fate in store? 1.518. Soon Trojan ships will touch these shores, 1.529. And a god in person will hold the sacred rites. 1.530. The safety of the country will lie with Augustus’ house: 1.531. It’s decreed this family will hold the reins of empire. 1.532. So Caesar’s son, Augustus, and grandson, Tiberius, 1.599. He would need as many names as tribes on earth. 1.600. Some have earned fame from lone enemies, 1.689. And ruined by its own rich exuberance. 1.690. May the fields be free of darnel that harms the eyesight, 2.15. Still I promote your titles with a dutiful heart, 2.16. Caesar, and your progress towards glory. 2.21. The high priests ask the King and the Flamen 2.135. Tatius, and the little towns of Cures and Caenina, 2.136. Knew you: under this Leader all the sun sees is Roman. 2.137. You owned a little patch of conquered land: 2.138. Caesar possesses all beneath Jupiter’s heavens. 2.144. Your father deified you: he deified his father. 2.487. You said to me: “There’ll be one you’ll raise 2.496. All fled, and the king rose to the stars behind his father’s horses. 2.554. Through the City streets, and through the broad fields. 2.617. The next day has its name, Caristia, from our dear (cari) kin, 2.618. When a throng of relations gathers to the family gods. 2.619. It’s surely pleasant to turn our faces to the living, 2.620. Once away from our relatives who have perished, 2.621. And after so many lost, to see those of our blood 2.622. Who remain, and count the degrees of kinship. 2.623. Let the innocent come: let the impious brother be far, 2.624. Far from here, and the mother harsh to her children, 2.625. He whose father’s too long-lived, who weighs his mother’s years, 2.626. The cruel mother-in-law who crushes the daughter-in-law she hates. 2.627. Be absent Tantalides, Atreus, Thyestes: and Medea, Jason’s wife: 2.628. Ino who gave parched seeds to the farmers: 2.629. And Procne, her sister, Philomela, and Tereus cruel to both, 2.630. And whoever has gathered wealth by wickedness. 2.631. Virtuous ones, burn incense to the gods of the family, 2.632. (Gentle Concord is said to be there on this day above all) 2.633. And offer food, so the robed Lares may feed from the dish 2.634. Granted to them as a mark of esteem, that pleases them. 2.635. Then when moist night invites us to calm slumber, 2.636. Fill the wine-cup full, for the prayer, and say: 2.637. ‘Health, health to you, worthy Caesar, Father of the Country!’ 2.638. And let there be pleasant speech at the pouring of wine. 2.684. The extent of the City of Rome and the world is one. 3.155. But the calendar was still erratic down to the time 3.156. When Caesar took it, and many other things, in hand. 3.157. That god, the founder of a mighty house, did not 3.158. Regard the matter as beneath his attention, 3.159. And wished to have prescience of those heaven 3.160. Promised him, not be an unknown god entering a strange house. 3.697. Our leader, when Vesta spoke from her pure hearth: 3.698. Don’t hesitate to recall them: he was my priest, 3.699. And those sacrilegious hands sought me with their blades. 3.700. I snatched him away, and left a naked semblance: 3.701. What died by the steel, was Caesar’s shadow.’ 3.702. Raised to the heavens he found Jupiter’s halls, 4.808. To the City’s founding. Great Quirinus, witness your deeds! 4.849. Hold back his tears, and the love he tried to hide was obvious. 4.850. When they set down the bier, he gave it a last kiss, 4.851. And said: ‘Farewell, my brother, taken against my will!’ 4.852. And he anointed the body for burning. Faustulus, and Acca 4.853. Her hair loosened in mourning, did as he did. 4.857. To plant its victorious foot upon all the lands. 4.858. Rule all, and be ever subject to mighty Caesar, 4.859. And may you often own to many of that name: 4.860. And as long as you stand, sublime, in a conquered world, 4.861. May all others fail to reach your shoulders. 4.862. I’ve spoken of Pales’ festival, I’ll speak of the Vinalia: 5.279. ‘Goddess’, I replied: ‘What’s the origin of the games?’ 5.445. When nine times he’s cried: ‘Ancestral spirit, depart,’ 5.446. He looks back, and believes the sacred rite’s fulfilled. 5.447. Why the day’s so called, and the origin of the name, 5.448. Escapes me: that’s for some god to discover. 5.449. Mercury, son of the Pleiad, explain it to me, by your 5.450. Potent wand: you’ve often seen Stygian Jove’s halls. 5.457. Then at twilight they returned home grieving, 5.458. And flung themselves on the hard couch, just as it lay. 5.459. The bloodstained ghost of Remus seemed to stand 5.460. By the bed, speaking these words in a faint murmur: 5.461. ‘Behold, I who was half, the other part of your care, 5.462. See what I am, and know what I was once! 5.463. If the birds had signalled the throne was mine, 5.464. I might have been highest, ruling over the people, 5.465. Now I’m an empty phantom, gliding from the fire: 5.470. O how gentle she was in comparison! 5.476. To signal a day of celebration in my honour.’ 6.172. No epicure to seek out alien dainties. 6.183. They also say that the shrine of Juno Moneta was founded 6.184. On the summit of the citadel, according to your vow, Camillus: 6.185. Before it was built, the house of Manlius had protected 6.637. His father showed his paternity by touching the child’ 6.638. Head with fire, and a cap of flames glowed on his hair. 6.639. And Livia, this day dedicated a magnificent shrine to you, 6.640. Concordia, that she offered to her dear husband. 6.641. Learn this, you age to come: where Livia’s Colonnade 6.642. Now stands, there was once a vast palace. 6.643. A site that was like a city: it occupied a space 6.644. Larger than that of many a walled town.
65. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.2.74, 4.13.25-4.13.26 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 164
66. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 1.54, 1.87-1.89 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 62
67. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.77, 1.360, 2.277 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58, 62
1.77. Nec fuge linigerae Memphitica templa iuvencae: 1.360. rend= 2.277. Aurea sunt vere nunc saecula: plurimus auro
68. Ovid, Amores, 3.8.51-3.8.52 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 158
3.8.51. Qua licet, adfectas caelum quoque — templa Quirinus, 3.8.52. Liber et Alcides et modo Caesar habent.
69. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.7.8, 9.2.17 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •germanicus (iulius caesar), death of •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 78; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74
1.7.8. etiam uictoria mea: si non tenuero causam, fame moriar; si tenuero, hoc tantum consequar ne fame moriar. Duxi uxorem nimium fecundam: peperit mihi tria nescio quae prodigia uariis generibus inter se et me , iudices, furentia: alium qui patriam posset opprimere, alium qui fratrem uiolare , alium qui patrem. Testor, iudices, omnes ciues meos: una seruiuimus, nemo tyrannidem me uno sensit magis. argumentum habeo maximum quod uiuo: non pepercissetis mihi, si putassetis me partem tyranni. Dum inter se pugt, uicit respublica. Reliqui duo, quia non poterant in nos, inter se tyrannidem exercuerunt. habebat iste nescio quam uxorem, quam in arce cognouerat. Si alligare te possem, proficiscentem alligassem.
70. Propertius, Elegies, 1.2.31-1.2.32, 3.11.30-3.11.58, 3.18.31-3.18.34, 4.6.59-4.6.60 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •augustus, caesar (iulius) •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (g. iulius caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency •caesar (g. iulius caesar), praised for superiority of son (augustus) Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73, 74; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 154, 158, 164, 168; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 209; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 65
71. Sallust, Iugurtha, 1.4, 2.4, 4.3, 6.1, 44.5, 61.3, 85.43, 89.7, 95.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •drusus, iulius caesar •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 46, 47, 48, 215
72. Sallust, Historiae, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 207
73. Sallust, Catiline, 1.1, 2.5, 3.3-3.5, 8.5, 12.2, 13.4-13.5, 24.3, 25.2-25.4, 47.3, 52.7, 52.22, 53.5-53.6, 54.1, 54.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 279, 340; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 45, 46, 47, 64, 89, 102, 156
74. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.5, 1.9, 1.14, 1.18, 2.3-2.12, 2.23-2.25, 2.34 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 247, 248, 255, 259; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 26
2.3.  In a Conjectural cause the prosecutor's Statement of Facts should contain, intermingled and interspersed in it, material inciting suspicion of the defendant, so that no act, no word, no coming or going, in short nothing that he has done may be thought to lack a motive. The Statement of Facts of the defendant's counsel should contain a simple and clear statement, and should also weaken suspicion. The scheme of the Conjectural Issue includes six divisions: Probability, Comparison, Sign, Presumptive Proof, Subsequent Behaviour, and Confirmatory Proof. I shall explain the meaning of each of these terms. Through Probability one proves that the crime was profitable to the defendant, and that he has never abstained from this kind of foul practice. The subheads under Probability are Motive and Manner of Life. The Motive is what led the defendant to commit the crime, through the hope it gave him of winning advantages or avoiding disadvantages. The question is: Did he seek some benefit from the crime — honour, money, or power? Did he wish to satisfy some passion — love or a like overpowering desire? Or did he seek to avoid some disadvantage — enmities, ill repute, pain, or punishment?   2.4.  Here the prosecutor, if the hope of gaining an advantage is in question, will disclose his opponent's passion; if the avoidance of a disadvantage is in question, he will enlarge upon his opponent's fear. The defendant's counsel, on the other hand, will, if possible, deny that there was a motive, or will at least vigorously belittle its importance; then he will say that it is unfair to bring under suspicion of wrongdoing every one to whom some profit has come from an act. 2.5.  Next the defendant's Manner of Life will be examined in the light of his previous conduct. First the prosecutor will consider whether the accused has ever committed a similar offence. If he does not find any, he will seek to learn whether the accused has ever incurred the suspicion of any similar guilt; and it will devolve upon him to make every effort to relate the defendant's manner of life to the motive which he has just exposed. For example, if the prosecutor contends that the motive for the crime was money, let him show that the defendant has always been covetous; if the motive was public honour, ambitious; he will thus be able to link the flaw in the defendant's character with the motive for the crime. If he cannot find a flaw consistent with the motive, let him find one that is not. If he cannot show that the defendant is covetous, let him show that he is a treacherous seducer; in short, if he possibly can, let him brand the defendant with the stigma of some one fault, or indeed, of as many faults as possible. Then, he will say, it is no wonder that the man who in that other instance acted so basely should have acted so criminally in this instance too. If the adversary enjoys a high reputation for purity and integrity, the prosecutor will say that deeds, not reputation, ought to be considered; that the defendant has previously concealed his misdeeds, and he will make it plain that the defendant is not guiltless of misbehaviour. The defendant's counsel will first show his client's upright life, if he can; if he cannot, he will have recourse to thoughtlessness, folly, youth, force, or undue influence. On these matters . . . censure ought not to be imposed for conduct extraneous to the present charge. If the speaker is seriously handicapped by the man's baseness and notoriety, he will first take care to say that false rumours have been spread about an innocent man, and will use the commonplace that rumour ought not to be believed. If none of these pleas is practicable, let him use the last resource of defence; let him say that he is not discussing the man's morals before censors, but the charges of his opponents before jurors. 2.6.  Comparison is used when the prosecutor shows that the act charged by him against his adversary has benefited no one but the defendant; or that no one but his adversary could have committed it; or that the adversary could not have committed it, or at least not so easily, by other means; or that, blinded by passion, his adversary failed to see any easier means. To meet this point the defendant's counsel ought to show that the crime benefited others as well, or that others as well could have done what is imputed to his client. By Signs one shows that the accused sought an opportunity favourable to success. Sign has six divisions: the Place, the Point of Time, the Duration of Time, the Occasion, the Hope of Success, the Hope of Escaping Detection. 2.7.  The Place is examined as follows: Was it frequented or deserted, always a lonely place, or deserted then at the moment of the crime? A sacred place or profane, public or private? What sort of places are adjacent? Could the victim have been seen or heard? I should willingly describe in detail which of these points is serviceable to the defence, and which to the prosecution, were it not that any one would in a given cause find this easy to determine. For of Invention it is only the first principles which ought to originate in theory; all the rest will readily be supplied by practice. The Point of Time is examined as follows: In what season of the year, in what part of the day — whether at night or in the daytime — at what hour of the day or night, is the act alleged to have been committed, and why at such a time? The Duration of Time will be considered in the following fashion: Was it long enough to carry this act through, and did the defendant know that there would be enough time to accomplish it? For it is only of slight importance that he had enough time to carry out the crime if he could not in advance have known or have forecast that that would be so. The Occasion is examined as follows: Was it favourable for the undertaking, or was there a better occasion which was either let pass or not awaited? Whether there was any Hope of Success will be investigated as follows: Do the above-mentioned signs coincide? Especially, do power, money, good judgement, foreknowledge, and preparedness appear on one side, and is it proved that on the other there were weakness, need, stupidity, lack of foresight, and unpreparedness? Hereby one will know whether the defendant should have had confidence in his success or not. What Hope there was of Escaping Detection we seek to learn from confidants, eye-witnesses, or accomplices, freemen or slaves or both. 2.8.  Through Presumptive Proof guilt is demonstrated by means of indications that increase certainty and strengthen suspicion. It falls into three periods: preceding the crime, contemporaneous with the crime, following the crime. In respect to the period preceding the crime, one ought to consider where the defendant was, where he was seen, whether he made some preparation, met any one, said anything, or showed any sign of having confidants, accomplices, or means of assistance; whether he was in a place, or there at a time, at variance with his custom. In respect to the period contemporaneous with the crime, we shall seek to learn whether he was seen in the act; whether some noise, outcry, or crash was heard; or, in short, whether anything was perceived by one of the senses — sight, hearing, touch, smell, or taste. In respect to the period following the crime, one will seek to discover whether after the act was completed there was left behind anything indicating that a crime was committed, or by whom it was committed. Indicating that it was committed: for example, if the body of the deceased is swollen and black and blue it signifies that the man was killed by poison. Indicating by whom it was committed: for example, if a weapon, or clothing, or something of the kind was left behind, or a footprint of the accused was discovered; if there was blood on his clothes; or if, after the deed was done, he was caught or seen in the spot where the crime is alleged to have been perpetrated. For Subsequent Behaviour we investigate the signs which usually attend guilt or innocence. The prosecutor will, if possible, say that his adversary, when come upon, blushed, paled, faltered, spoke uncertainly, collapsed, or made some offer — signs of a guilty conscience. If the accused has done none of these things, the prosecutor will say his adversary had even so far in advance calculated what would actually happen to him that he stood his ground and replied with the greatest self-assurance — signs of audacity, and not of innocence. The defendant's counsel, if his client has shown fear, will say that he was moved, not by a guilty conscience, but by the magnitude of his peril; if his client has not shown fear, counsel will say that he was unmoved because he relied on his innocence. 2.9.  Confirmatory Proof is what we employ finally, when suspicion has been established. It has special and common topics. The special topics are those which only the prosecution, or those which only the defence, can use. The common topics are those which are used now by the defence, and now by the prosecution, depending on the case. In a conjectural cause the prosecutor uses a special topic when he says that wicked men ought not to be pitied, and expatiates upon the atrocity of the crime. The defendant's counsel uses a special topic when he tries to win pity, and charges the prosecutor with slander. These topics are common to both prosecution and defence: to speak for or against witnesses, for or against the testimony given under torture, for or against presumptive proof, and for or against rumours. In favour of witnesses we shall speak under the heads: (a) authority and manner of life of the witnesses, and (b) the consistency of their evidence. Against witnesses, under the heads: (a) their base manner of living; (b) the contradictory character of their testimony; (c) if we contend that what they allege to have happened either could not have happened or did not happen, or that they could not have known it, or that it is partiality which inspires their words and inferences. These topics will appertain both to the discrediting and to the examination of witnesses. 2.10.  We shall speak in favour of the testimony given under torture when we show that it was in order to discover the truth that our ancestors wished investigations to make use of torture and the rack, and that men are compelled by violent pain to tell all they know. Moreover, such reasoning will have the greater force if we give the confessions elicited under torture an appearance of plausibility by the same argumentative procedure as is used in treating any question of fact. And this, too, we shall have to do with the evidence of witnesses. Against the testimony given under torture we shall speak as follows: In the first place, our ancestors wished inquisitions to be introduced only in connection with unambiguous matters, when the true statement in the inquisition could be recognized and the false reply refuted; for example, if they sought to learn in what place some object was put, or if there was in question something like that which could be seen, or be verified by means of footprints, or be perceived by some like sign. We then shall say that pain ought not to be relied upon, because one person is less exhausted by pain, or more resourceful in fabrication, than another, and also because it is often possible to know or divine what the presiding justice wishes to hear, and the witness knows that when he has said this his pain will be at an end. Such reasoning will find favour, if, by a plausible argument, we refute the statements made in the testimony given under torture; and to accomplish this we should use the divisions under the Conjectural Issue which I have set forth above. 2.11.  In favour of presumptive proof, signs, and the other means of increasing suspicion it is advantageous to speak as follows: When there is a concurrence of many circumstantial indications and signs that agree with one another, the result ought to appear as clear fact, not surmise. Again, signs and presumptive proof deserve more credence than witnesses, for these first are presented precisely as they occurred in reality, whereas witnesses can be corrupted by bribery, or partiality, or intimation, or animosity. Against presumptive proof, signs, and the other provocatives of suspicion we shall speak in the following fashion: we shall show that nothing is safe from attack by suspicion, and then we shall weaken each and every reason for suspicion and try to show that it applies to us no more than to any one else; it is a shameful outrage to consider suspicion and conjecture, in the absence of witnesses, as sufficiently corroborative. 2.12.  We shall speak in favour of rumour by saying that a report is not wont to be created recklessly and without some foundation, and that there was no reason for anybody wholly to invent and fabricate one; and, moreover, if other rumours usually are lies, we shall prove by argument that this one is true. We shall speak against rumours if we first show that many rumours are false, and cite examples of false report; if we say that the rumours were the invention of our enemies or of other men malicious and slanderous by nature; and if we either present some story invented against our adversaries which we declare to be in every mouth, or produce a true report carrying some disgrace to them, and say we yet have no faith in it for the reason that any person at all can produce and spread any disgraceful rumour or fiction about any other person. If, nevertheless, a rumour seems highly plausible, we can destroy its authority by logical argument. Because the Conjectural Issue is the hardest to treat and in actual causes needs to be treated most often, I have the more carefully examined all its divisions, in order that we may not be hindered by even the slightest hesitation or blunder, if only we have applied these precepts of theory in assiduous practice. Now let me turn to the subtypes of Legal Issue. 2.23.  Through the Acknowledgement we plead for pardon. The Acknowledgement includes the Exculpation and the Plea for Mercy. The Exculpation is our denial that we acted with intent. Subheads under Plea of Exculpation are Necessity, Accident, and Ignorance. These are to be explained first, and then, as it seems, it will be best to return to the Plea for Mercy. One must first consider whether it was the defendant's fault that he was brought to this necessity. After that we must inquire what means he had to avoid or lighten this superior force. Next, did he who offers necessity as an excuse try to do, or to contrive, what he could against it? Then, cannot some grounds for suspicion be drawn from the procedure in a conjectural issue, which would signify that the deed attributed to necessity was premeditated? Finally, if there was some extreme necessity, is it proper to deem this a sufficient excuse? 2.24.  If the defendant says that he erred through ignorance, the first question will be: Could he or could he not have been uninformed? Next, did he or did he not make an effort to inform himself? Then, is his ignorance attributable to accident or to his own fault? For a person who declares that his reason fled because of wine or love or anger, will appear to have lacked comprehension through fault of character rather than ignorance; he will therefore not justify himself on the ground of ignorance, but will taint himself with guilt. Finally, by means of the procedure in a conjectural issue, we shall seek to discover whether he was or was not informed, and consider whether ignorance should be sufficient justification when it is established that the deed was committed. When the cause of the crime is attributed to accident, and counsel for the defence maintains that his client should be pardoned on that ground, it appears that all the points to be considered are precisely those prescribed above for necessity; for all these three divisions of Exculpation are so closely interrelated that virtually the same rules can be applied to them all. Commonplaces in these causes are the following: that of the prosecutor against one who confesses a crime, yet holds the jurors up by prolix speech-making; for the defence, on humanity and pity, that it is the intention which should always be considered, and that unintentional acts ought not to be regarded as crimes. 2.25.  We shall use the Plea for Mercy when we confess the crime without attributing it to ignorance, chance, or necessity, and yet beg for pardon. Here the ground for pardoning is sought in the following topics: if it seems evident that the good deeds of the suppliant have been more numerous or more weighty than the bad; if he is endowed with some virtue, or with good birth; if there is any hope that he will be of service in the event that he departs unpunished; if the suppliant himself is shown to have been gentle and compassionate in power; if in committing his mistakes he was moved not by hatred or cruelty, but by a sense of duty and right endeavour; if on a similar ground others also have been pardoned; if, in the event that we acquit him, no peril from him appears likely to be our lot in the future; if as a result of that acquittal no censure will accrue either from our fellow-citizens or from some other state. 2.34.  Again, the Proposition is defective if it is based on a false enumeration and we present fewer possibilities than there are in reality, as follows: "There are two things, men of the jury, which ever impel men to crime: luxury and greed." "But what about love?," some one will say, "ambition, superstition, the fear of death, the passion for power, and, in short, the great multitude of other motives?" Again the enumeration is false when the possibilities are fewer than we present, as follows: "There are three emotions that agitate all men: fear, desire, and worry." Indeed it had been enough to say fear and desire, since worry is necessarily conjoined with both. Again, the Proposition is defective if it traces things too far back, as follows: "Stupidity is the mother and matter of all evils. She gives birth to boundless desires. Furthermore, boundless desires have neither end nor limit. They breed avarice. Avarice, further, drives men to any crime you will. Thus it is avarice which has led our adversaries to take this crime upon themselves." Here what was said last was enough for a Proposition, lest we copy Ennius and the other poets, who are licensed to speak as follows: "O that in Pelion's woods the firwood timbers had not fallen to the ground, cut down by axes, and that therefrom had not commenced the undertaking to begin the ship which now is named with the name of Argo, because in it sailed the picked Argive heroes who were seeking the golden fleece of the ram from the Colchians, with guile, at King Pelias' command. For then never would my mistress, misled, have set foot away from home." Indeed here it were adequate, if poets had a care for mere adequacy, to say: "Would that my misled mistress had not set foot away from home." In the Proposition, then, we must also carefully guard against this tracing of things back to their remotest origin; for the Proposition does not, like many others, need to be refuted, but is on its own account defective.
75. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 60
76. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 19-21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 126
77. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 1.1-1.8, 1.1.1, 1.5.2-1.5.4, 1.6.7, 1.11.4-1.11.27, 1.17, 1.19-1.20, 1.23.4, 1.38-1.59, 1.61-1.84, 1.86-1.87, 2.3.4, 2.21.3, 2.21.5, 2.31-2.32, 3.2.1, 3.3-3.5, 3.6.1, 3.18, 3.20-3.23, 3.53.3-3.53.5, 3.82.4, 3.85.4, 3.87, 3.96.1-3.96.2, 3.99.5, 3.105.3-3.105.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 61
78. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.40.5, 5.1, 5.19.3, 6.2.1-6.2.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74, 75, 128; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246
4.40.5.  The death of Tullius having occasioned a great tumult and lamentation throughout the whole city, Tarquinius was afraid lest, if the body should be carried through the Forum, according to the custom of the Romans, adorned with the royal robes and the other marks of honour usual in royal funerals, some attack might be made against him by the populace before he had firmly established his authority; and accordingly he would not permit any of the usual ceremonies to be performed in his honour. But the wife of Tullius, who was daughter to Tarquinius, the former king, with a few of her friends carried the body out of the city at night as if it had been that of some ordinary person; and after uttering many lamentations over the fate both of herself and of her husband and heaping countless imprecations upon her son-in‑law and her daughter, she buried the body in the ground. 5.1. 5.1. 1.  The Roman monarchy, therefore, after having continued for the space of two hundred and forty-four years from the founding of Rome and having under the last king become a tyranny, was overthrown for the reasons stated and by the men named, at the beginning of the sixty-eighth Olympiad (the one in which Ischomachus of Croton won the foot-race), Isagoras being the annual archon at Athens.,2.  An aristocracy being now established, while there still remained about four months to complete that year, Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus were the first consuls invested with the royal power; the Romans, as I have said, call them in their own language consules or "counsellors." These men, associating with themselves many others, now that the soldiers from the camp had come to the city after the truce they had made with the Ardeates, called an assembly of the people a few days after the expulsion of the tyrant, and having spoken at length upon the advantages of harmony, again caused them to pass another vote confirming everything which those in the city had previously voted when condemning the Tarquinii to perpetual banishment.,3.  After this they performed rites of purification for the city and entered into a solemn covet; and they themselves, standing over the parts of the victims, first swore, and then prevailed upon the rest of the citizens likewise to swear, that they would never restore from exile King Tarquinius or his sons or their posterity, and that they would never again make anyone king of Rome or permit others who wished to do so; and this oath they took not only for themselves, but also for their children and their posterity.,4.  However, since it appeared that the kings had been the authors of many great advantages to the commonwealth, they desired to preserve the name of that office for as long a time as the city should endure, and accordingly they ordered the pontiffs and augurs to choose from among them the older men the most suitable one for the office, who should have the superintendence of religious observances and of naught else, being exempt from all military and civil duties, and should be called the king of sacred rites. The first person appointed to this office was Manius Papirius, one of the patricians, who was a lover of peace and quiet. 5.19.3.  And desiring to give the plebeians a definite pledge of their liberty, he took the axes from the rods and established it as a precedent for his successors in the consulship — a precedent which continued to be followed down to my day — that, when they were outside the city, they should use the axes, but inside the city they should be distinguished by the rods only. 6.2.1.  They were succeeded in the consulship by Aulus Postumius and Titus Verginius, under whom the year's truce with the Latins expired; and great preparations for the war were made by both nations. On the Roman side the whole population entered upon the struggle voluntarily and with great enthusiasm; but the greater part of the Latins were lacking in enthusiasm and acted under compulsion, the powerful men in the cities having been almost all corrupted with bribes and promises by Tarquinius and Mamilius, while those among the common people who were not in favour of the war were excluded from a share in the public counsels; for permission to speak was no longer granted to all who desired it. 6.2.2.  Indeed, many, resenting this treatment, were constrained to leave their cities and desert to the Romans; for the men who had got the cities in their power did not choose to stop them, but thought themselves much obliged to their adversaries for submitting to a voluntary banishment. These the Romans received, and such of them as came with their wives and children they employed in military services inside the walls, incorporating them in the centuries of citizens, and the rest they sent out to the fortresses near the city or distributed among their colonies, keeping them under guard, so that they should create no disturbance. 6.2.3.  And since all men had come to the same conclusion, that the situation once more called for a single magistrate free to deal with all matters according to his own judgment and subject to no accounting for his actions, Aulus Postumius, the younger of the consuls, was appointed dictator by his colleague Verginius, and following the example of the former dictator, chose his own Master of the Horse, naming Titus Aebutius Elva. And having in a short time enlisted all the Romans who were of military age, he divided his army into four parts, one of which he himself commanded, while he gave another to his colleague Verginius, the third to Aebutius, the Master of the Horse, and left the command of the fourth to Aulus Sempronius, whom he appointed to guard the city.
79. Horace, Odes, 1.12.46, 1.37, 2.1.1-2.1.9, 3.3.15-3.3.16, 3.25.3-3.25.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 158, 167; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 342; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 209
80. Germanicus Caesar, Aratea, 554-558, 560, 559 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 164
81. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (g. iulius caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 170, 171; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58
82. Horace, Sermones, 2.6.65-2.6.67, 2.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, caesar (iulius) •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 218; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 149
83. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.22.2, 17.74.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 128; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205
1.22.2.  And like her husband she also, when she passed from among men, received immortal honours and was buried near Memphis, where her shrine is pointed out to this day in the temple-area of Hephaestus. 17.74.1.  After this year was over, Cephisophoron became archon at Athens, and Gaius Valerius and Marcus Clodius consuls in Rome. In this year, now that Dareius was dead, Bessus with Nabarnes and Barxaës and many others of the Iranian nobles got to Bactria, eluding the hands of Alexander. Bessus had been appointed satrap of this region by Dareius and being known to everyone because of his administration, now called upon the population to defend their freedom.
84. Demetrius, Style, 291, 288 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 251
85. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 10.1, 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247
10.1. Ἀναξανδρίδας ὁ Λέοντος πρὸς τὸν δυσφοροῦντα διὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῷ γενομένην φυγὴν ὦ λῷστε ἔφη μὴ τὴν πόλιν φεύγων ὀρρώδει, ἀλλὰ τὴν δικαιοσύνην. 10.1. Anaxandridas, the son of Leo. in answer to a man who took much to heart the sentence imposed upon him of exile from the country, said, My good sir, be not downcast at being an exile from your country but at being an exile from justice.
86. Plutarch, Fabius, 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247
5.3. μόνος δʼ ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῦ τὴν δεινότητα, καὶ τὸν τρόπον ᾧ πολεμεῖν ἐγνώκει, συνιδών, καὶ διανοηθεὶς ὡς πάσῃ τέχνῃ καὶ βίᾳ κινητέος ἐστὶν εἰς μάχην ὁ ἀνὴρ ἢ διαπέπρακται τὰ Καρχηδονίων, οἷς μέν εἰσι κρείττους ὅπλοις χρήσασθαι μὴ δυναμένων, οἷς δὲ λείπονται σώμασι καὶ χρήμασιν ἐλαττουμένων καὶ δαπανωμένων εἰς τὸ μηδέν, ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν στρατηγικῶν σοφισμάτων καὶ παλαις μάτων τ ρεπόμενος, καὶ πειρώμενος ὥσπερ δεινὸς ἀθλητὴς λαβὴν ζητῶν, προσέβαλλε καὶ διετάραττε καὶ μετῆγε πολλαχόσε τὸν Φάβιον, ἐκστῆσαι τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀσφαλείας λογισμῶν βουλόμενος. 5.3. He, and he alone, comprehended the cleverness of his antagonist, and the style of warfare which he had adopted. He therefore made up his mind that by every possible device and constraint his foe must be induced to fight, or else the Carthaginians were undone, since they were unable to use their weapons, in which they were superior, but were slowly losing and expending to no purpose their men and moneys, in which they were inferior. He therefore resorted to every species of strategic trick and artifice, and tried them all, seeking, like a clever athlete, to get a hold upon his adversary. Now he would attack Fabius directly, now he would seek to throw his forces into confusion, and now he would try to lead him off every whither, in his desire to divorce him from his safe, defensive plans.
87. Plutarch, Demetrius, 18.1-18.2, 23.1-23.2, 43.3-43.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212, 213
18.1. ἐκ τούτου πρῶτον ἀνεφώνησε τὸ πλῆθος Ἀντίγονον καὶ Δημήτριον βασιλέας. Ἀντίγονον μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἀνέδησαν οἱ φίλοι, Δημητρίῳ δὲ ὁ πατὴρ ἔπεμψε διάδημα καὶ γράφων ἐπιστολὴν βασιλέα προσεῖπεν. οἱ δʼ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τούτων ἀπαγγελλομένων καὶ αὐτοὶ βασιλέα τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀνηγόρευσαν, ὡς μὴ δοκεῖν τοῦ φρονήματος ὑφίεσθαι διὰ τὴν ἧτταν. 18.2. ἐπενείματο δὲ οὕτως τὸ πρᾶγμα τῷ ζήλῳ τοὺς διαδόχους. καὶ γὰρ Λυσίμαχος ἤρξατο φορεῖν διάδημα, καὶ Σέλευκος ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἐπεὶ τοῖς γε βαρβάροις πρότερον οὗτος ὡς βασιλεὺς ἐχρημάτιζε. Κάσανδρος δέ, τῶν ἄλλων αὐτὸν βασιλέα καὶ γραφόντων καὶ καλούντων, αὐτός, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰώθει, τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἔγραφε. 23.1. ἐκάλουν δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι Κασάνδρου τὸ ἄστυ πολιορκοῦντος. ὁ δὲ ναυσὶν ἐπιπλεύσας τριακοσίαις τριάκοντα καὶ πολλοῖς ὁπλίταις, οὐ μόνον ἐξήλασε τῆς Ἀττικῆς τὸν Κάσανδρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φεύγοντα μέχρι Θερμοπυλῶν διώξας καὶ τρεψάμενος, Ἡράκλειαν ἔλαβεν, ἑκουσίως αὐτῷ προσθεμένην, καὶ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἑξακισχιλίους μεταβαλομένους πρὸς αὐτόν. 23.2. ἐπανιὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐντὸς Πυλῶν Ἕλληνας ἠλευθέρου, καὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συμμάχους, When Strabo wrote, during the reign of Augustus, the painting was still at Rhodes, where it had been seen and admired by Cicero ( Orat. 2, 5); when the elder Pliny wrote, καὶ Κεγχρέας εἷλε· καὶ Φυλὴν καὶ Πάνακτον, ἐπιτειχίς ματα τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου φρουρούμενα, καταστρεψάμενος ἀπέδωκε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. οἱ δὲ καίπερ ἐκκεχυμένοι πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ κατακεχρημένοι πᾶσαν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξεῦρον ὅμως καὶ τότε πρόσφατοι καὶ καινοὶ ταῖς κολακείαις φανῆναι. 43.3. στόλον δὲ νεῶν ἅμα πεντακοσίων καταβαλλόμενος τὰς μὲν ἐν Πειραιεῖ τρόπεις ἔθετο, τὰς δὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ, τὰς δὲ ἐν Χαλκίδι, τὰς δὲ περὶ Πέλλαν, αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν ἑκασταχόσε καὶ διδάσκων ἃ χρὴ καὶ συντεχνώμενος, ἐκπληττομένων ἁπάντων οὐ τὰ πλήθη μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ μεγέθη τῶν ἔργων. 43.4. οὐδεὶς γὰρ εἶδεν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε πεντεκαιδεκήρη ναῦν πρότερον οὔτε ἑκκαιδεκήρη, ἀλλʼ ὕστερον τεσσαρακοντήρη Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ ἐναυπηγήσατο, μῆκος διακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα πηχῶν, ὕψος δὲ ἕως ἀκροστολίου πεντήκοντα δυεῖν δεόντων, ναύταις δὲ χωρὶς ἐρετῶν ἐξηρτυμένην τετρακοσίοις, ἐρέταις δὲ τετρακισχιλίοις, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὁπλίτας δεχομένην ἐπί τε τῶν παρόδων καὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος ὀλίγῳ τρισχιλίων ἀποδέοντας. 18.1. 18.2. 23.1. 23.2. 43.3. 43.4.
88. Martial, Epigrams, 1.4.8, 2.14.7-2.14.8, 3.22, 10.26, 10.63 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •gemellus, ti. (ti. iulius caesar nero) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 70; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205, 213; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 64, 176
89. Plutarch, On The Fortune of The Romans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 224
90. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 4.3-4.4, 6.3, 11.3, 11.6, 12.2, 18.2, 23.6, 28.5, 33.2, 41.3, 42.1, 46.1, 47.3-47.6, 48.1, 51.1, 57.2-57.3, 58.2, 59.2, 59.5, 60.1, 63.1, 66.1-66.3, 66.12, 69.1, 69.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212, 224, 262, 264; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 157; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 162; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247, 273, 339, 340; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135, 136, 146; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 208; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 91; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 81, 110; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46
4.3. ἦν δέ τις καὶ ἀπὸ δείπνων καὶ τραπέζης καὶ ὅλως τῆς περὶ τὴν δίαιταν λαμπρότητος αὐξανομένη κατὰ μικρὸν αὐτῷ δύναμις εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν. ἣν τὸ πρῶτον οἱ φθονοῦντες οἰόμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων ἐπιλιπόντων ἐξίτηλον ἔσεσθαι, περιεώρων ἀνθοῦσαν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς· ὀψὲ δὲ ᾔσθοντο, μεγάλης καὶ δυσανατρέπτου γενομένης καὶ βαδιζούσης ἄντικρυς ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὅλων μεταβολήν, ὡς οὐδεμίαν ἀρχὴν πράγματος ἡγητέον ἡγητέον MSS. and Sint. 2 ; ἡγητέον οὕτω Coraës, after Stephanus; οὑτω ἡγητέον Sint. 1 ; οὑτως ἡγητέον Bekker. μικράν, ἣν οὐ ταχὺ ποιεῖ μεγάλην τὸ ἐνδελεχές ἐκ τοῦ καταφρονηθῆναι τὸ μὴ κωλυθῆναι λαβοῦσαν. 4.4. ὁ γοῦν πρῶτος ὑπιδέσθαι δοκῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ φοβηθῆναι τῆς πολιτείας ὥσπερ θαλάττης τὰ διαγελῶντα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ ἱλαρῷ κεκρυμμένην δεινότητα τοῦ ἤθους καταμαθὼν Κικέρων ἔλεγε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἐπιβουλεύμασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ πολιτεύμασι τυραννικὴν ἐνορᾶν διάνοιαν, ἀλλʼ ὅταν ἔφη, τὴν κόμην οὕτω διακειμένην περιττῶς ἴδω κἀκεῖνον ἑνὶ δακτύλῳ κνώμενον, οὔ μοι δοκεῖ πάλιν οὗτος ἅνθρωπος εἰς νοῦν ἂν ἐμβαλέσθαι τηλικοῦτον κακόν, ἀναίρεσιν τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον. 6.3. ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐβόων τυραννίδα πολιτεύεσθαι Καίσαρα, νόμοις καὶ δόγμασι κατορωρυγμένας ἐπανιστάντα τιμάς, καὶ τοῦτο πεῖραν ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον εἶναι προμαλαττόμενον, εἰ τετιθάσευται ταῖς φιλοτιμίαις ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ δίδωσι παίζειν τοιαῦτα καὶ καινοτομεῖν, οἱ δὲ Μαριανοὶ παραθαρρύναντες ἀλλήλους πλήθει τε θαυμαστοὶ ὅσοι διεφάνησαν ἐξαίφνης, καὶ κρότῳ κατεῖχον τὸ Καπιτώλιον· 11.3. ὁμοίως δὲ πάλιν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, σχολῆς οὔσης ἀναγινώσκοντά τι τῶν περὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου γεγραμμένων σφόδρα γενέσθαι πρὸς ἑαυτῷ πολὺν χρόνον, εἶτα καὶ δακρῦσαι· τῶν δὲ φίλων θαυμασάντων τὴν αἰτίαν εἰπεῖν οὐ δοκεῖ ὑμῖν ἄξιον εἶναι λύπης, εἰ τηλικοῦτος μὲν ὢν Ἀλέξανδρος ἤδη τοσούτων ἐβασίλευεν, ἐμοὶ δὲ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὔπω πέπρακται; 12.2. ἔταξε γὰρ τῶν προσιόντων τοῖς ὀφείλουσι καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν δύο μὲν μέρη τὸν δανειστὴν ἀναιρεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ λοιπῷ χρῆσθαι τὸν δεσπότην, ἄχρι ἂν οὕτως ἐκλυθῇ τὸ δάνειον. ἐπὶ τούτοις εὐδοκιμῶν ἀπηλλάγη Τῆς ἐπαρχίας, αὐτός τε πλούσιος γεγονὼς καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὠφεληκὼς ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν, καὶ προσηγορευμένος αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπʼ αὐτῶν. 18.2. τούτων Τιγυρίνους μὲν οὐκ αὐτός, ἀλλὰ Λαβιηνὸς πεμφθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸν Ἄραρα ποταμὸν συνέτριψεν, Ἐλβηττίων δὲ αὐτῷ πρός τινα πόλιν φίλην ἄγοντι τὴν στρατιὰν καθʼ ὁδὸν ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπιθεμένων φθάσας ἐπὶ χωρίον καρτερὸν κατέφυγε, κἀκεῖ συναγαγὼν καὶ παρατάξας τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς ἵππος αὐτῷ προσήχθη, τούτῳ μὲν, ἔφη, νικήσας χρήσομαι πρός τὴν δίωξιν, νῦν δὲ ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ πεζὸς ὁρμήσας ἐνέβαλε. 28.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος λόγῳ παραιτεῖσθαι καλλωπιζόμενος ἔργῳ παντὸς μᾶλλον ἐπέραινεν ἐξ ὧν ἀναδειχθήσοιτο δικτάτωρ, συμφρονήσαντες οἱ περὶ Κάτωνα πείθουσι τὴν γερουσίαν ὕπατον αὐτὸν ἀποδεῖξαι μόνον, ὡς μὴ βιάσαιτο δικτάτωρ γενέσθαι, νομιμωτέρᾳ μοναρχίᾳ παρηγορηθείς, οἱ δὲ καὶ χρόνον ἐπεψηφίσαντο τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν· δύο δὲ εἶχεν, Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Λιβύην σύμπασαν, ἃς διῴκει πρεσβευτὰς ἀποστέλλων καὶ στρατεύματα τρέφων, οἷς ἐλάμβανεν ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ταμιείου χίλια τάλαντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. 33.2. τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥευμάτων πιμπλαμένην φυγαῖς τῶν πέριξ δήμων καὶ μεταστάσεσιν, οὔτε ἄρχοντι πεῖσαι ῥᾳδίαν οὖσαν οὔτε λόγῳ καθεκτήν, ἐν πολλῷ κλύδωνι καὶ σάλῳ μικρὸν ἀπολιπεῖν αὐτὴν ὑφʼ αὑτῆς ἀνατετράφθαι. πάθη γὰρ ἀντίπαλα καὶ βίαια κατεῖχε κινήματα πάντα τόπον. 41.3. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἄλλην πορείαν χαλεπῶς ἤνυσεν, οὐδενὸς παρέχοντος ἀγοράν, ἀλλὰ πάντων καταφρονούντων Διὰ τὴν ἔναγχος ἧτταν ὡς δὲ εἷλε Γόμφους, Θεσσαλικὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἔθρεψε τὴν στρατιάν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ νοσήματος ἀπήλλαξε παραλόγως. ἀφθόνῳ γὰρ ἐνέτυχον οἴνῳ, καὶ πιόντες ἀνέδην, εἶτα χρώμενοι κώμοις καὶ βακχεύοντες ἀνὰ τὴν ὁδὸν, ἐκ μέθης διεκρούσαντο καὶ παρήλλαξαν τὸ πάθος, εἰς ἕξιν ἑτέραν τοῖς σώμασι μεταπεσόντες. 42.1. ὡς δὲ εἰς τὴν Φαρσαλίαν ἐμβαλόντες ἀμφότεροι κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὁ μὲν Πομπήϊος αὖθις εἰς τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἀνεκρούετο λογισμὸν τὴν γνώμην, ἔτι καὶ φασμάτων οὐκ αἰσίων προσγενομένων καὶ καθʼ ὕπνον ὄψεως, ἐδόκει γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὁρᾶν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ κροτούμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, The substance of what has fallen from the text here may be found in the Pompey , lxvii. 2. Sintenis brackets the sentence as an intrusion here from marginal notes. οἱ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν οὕτω θρασεῖς ἦσαν καὶ τὸ νίκημα ταῖς ἐλπίσι προειληφότες ὥστε φιλονεικεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀρχιερωσύνης Δομίτιον καὶ Σπινθῆρα καὶ Σκηπίωνα διαμιλλωμένους ἀλλήλοις, 46.1. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ὡς ἐν τῷ χάρακι τοῦ Πομπηΐου γενόμενος τούς τε κειμένους νεκροὺς ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων εἶδε καὶ τούς ἔτι κτεινομένους, εἶπεν ἄρα στενάξας τοῦτο ἐβουλήθησαν, εἰς τοῦτό με ἀνάγκης ὑπηγάγοντο, ἵνα Γάϊος Καῖσαρ ὁ μεγίστους πολέμους κατορθώσας, εἰ προηκάμην τὰ στρατεύματα, κἂν κατεδικάσθην. 48.1. Καῖσαρ δὲ τῷ Θετταλῶν ἔθνει τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀναθεὶς νικητήριον ἐδίωκε Πομπήϊον· ἁψάμενος δὲ τῆς · Ἀσίας Κνιδίους τε Θεοπόμπῳ τῷ συναγαγόντι τοὺς μύθους χαριζόμενος ἠλευθέρωσε, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦσι τὸ τρίτον τῶν φόρων ἀνῆκεν. 51.1. ἐκ τούτου διαβαλὼν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος εἰς ὃν ᾕρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης· εἰς δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας δὲ διένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν. 57.2. τιμὰς δὲ τὰς πρώτας Κικέρωνος εἰς τὴν βουλὴν γράψαντος, ὧν ἁμῶς γέ πως ἀνθρώπινον ἦν τὸ μέγεθος, ἕτεροι προστιθέντες ὑπερβολὰς καὶ διαμιλλώμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐξειργάσαντο καὶ τοῖς πρᾳοτάτοις ἐπαχθῆ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ λυπηρὸν γενέσθαι διὰ τὸν ὄγκον καὶ τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῶν ψηφιζομένων, οἷς οὐδὲν ἧττον οἴονται συναγωνίσασθαι τῶν κολακευόντων Καίσαρα τοὺς μισοῦντας, 57.3. ὅπως ὅτι πλείστας κατʼ αὐτοῦ προφάσεις ἔχωσι καὶ μετὰ μεγίστων ἐγκλημάτων ἐπιχειρεῖν δοκῶσιν. ἐπεὶ τά γε ἄλλα, τῶν ἐμφυλίων αὐτῷ πολέμων πέρας ἐσχηκότων, ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτὸν ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτόν Coraës and Bekker, after Reiske: ἀνέγκλητον . παρεῖχε· καὶ τό γε τῆς Ἐπιεικείας ἱερὸν οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου δοκοῦσι χαριστήριον ἐπὶ τῇ πρᾳότητι ψηφίσασθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἀφῆκε πολλοὺς τῶν πεπολεμηκότων πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ τιμάς, ὡς Βρούτῳ καὶ Κασσίῳ, προσέθηκεν ἐστρατήγουν γὰρ ἀμφότεροι. 58.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ φύσει μεγαλουργὸν αὑτοῦ καὶ φιλότιμον αἱ πολλαὶ κατορθώσεις οὐ πρὸς ἀπόλαυσιν ἔτρεπον Τῶν πεπονημένων, ἀλλʼ ὑπέκκαυμα καὶ θάρσος οὖσαι πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα μειζόνων ἐνέτικτον ἐπινοίας πραγμάτων καὶ καινῆς ἔρωτα δόξης ὡς ἀποκεχρημένῳ τῇ παρούσῃ, τὸ μὲν πάθος οὐδὲν ἦν ἕτερον ἢ ζῆλος αὑτοῦ καθάπερ ἄλλου καὶ φιλονεικία τις ὑπὲρ Τῶν μελλόντων πρὸς τὰ πεπραγμένα, 59.2. ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τὴν τότε οὖσαν ἡλιακὴν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παντάπασι τούτων ἀσυλλογίστως εἶχον, οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς μόνοι τὸν καιρὸν εἰδότες ἐξαίφνης καὶ προῃσθημένου μηδενὸς τὸν ἐμβόλιμον προσέγραφον μῆνα, Μερκηδόνιον ὀνομάζοντες, ὃν Νομᾶς ὁ βασιλεὺς πρῶτος ἐμβαλεῖν λέγεται, μικρὰν καὶ διατείνουσαν οὐ πόρρω βοήθειαν ἐξευρὼν τῆς περὶ τὰς ἀποκαταστάσεις πλημμελείας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. 60.1. τὸ δὲ ἐμφανὲς μάλιστα μῖσος καὶ θανατηφόρον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὁ τῆς βασιλείας ἔρως ἐξειργάσατο, τοῖς μὲν πολλοῖς αἰτία πρώτη, τοῖς δὲ ὑπούλοις πάλαι πρόφασις εὐπρεπεστάτη γενομένη, καίτοι καὶ λόγον τινὰ κατέσπειραν εἰς τὸν δῆμον οἱ ταύτην Καίσαρι τὴν τιμὴν προξενοῦντες, ὡς ἐκ γραμμάτων Σιβυλλείων ἁλώσιμα τὰ Πάρθων φαίνοιτο Ῥωμαίοις σὺν βασιλεῖ στρατευομένοις ἐπʼ αὐτούς, ἄλλως ἀνέφικτα ὄντα· 63.1. ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν οὐχ οὕτως ἀπροσδόκητον ὡς ἀφύλακτον εἶναι τὸ πεπρωμένον, ἐπεὶ καὶ σημεῖα θαυμαστὰ καὶ φάσματα φανῆναι λέγουσι. σέλα μὲν οὖν οὐράνια καὶ κτύπους νύκτωρ πολλαχοῦ διαφερομένους καὶ καταίροντας εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐρήμους ὄρνιθας οὐκ ἄξιον ἴσως ἐπὶ πάθει τηλικούτῳ μνημονεῦσαι· 66.1. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἤδη που φέρει καὶ τὸ αὐτόματον· ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος τὸν φόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα χῶρος, εἰς ὃν ἡ σύγκλητος ἠθροίσθη τότε, Πομπηΐου μὲν εἰκόνα κειμένην ἔχων, Πομπηΐου δὲ ἀνάθημα γεγονὼς τῶν προσκεκοσμημένων τῷ θεάτρῳ, παντάπασιν ἀπέφαινε δαίμονός τινος ὑφηγουμένου καὶ καλοῦντος ἐκεῖ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἔργον γεγονέναι. 66.2. καὶ γὰρ οὖν καὶ λέγεται Κάσσιος εἰς τὸν ἀνδριάντα τοῦ Πομπηΐου πρὸ τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως ἀποβλέπων ἐπικαλεῖσθαι σιωπῇ, καίπερ οὐκ ἀλλότριος ὢν τῶν Ἐπικούρου λόγων ἀλλʼ ὁ καιρὸς, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἤδη τοῦ δεινοῦ παρεστῶτος ἐνθουσιασμὸν ἐνεποίει καὶ πάθος ἀντὶ τῶν προτέρων λογισμῶν. 66.3. Ἀντώνιον μὲν οὖν πιστὸν ὄντα Καίσαρι καὶ ῥωμαλέον ἔξω παρακατεῖχε Βροῦτος Ἀλβῖνος, ἐμβαλὼν ἐπίτηδες ὁμιλίαν μῆκος ἔχουσαν· εἰσιόντος δὲ Καίσαρος ἡ βουλὴ μὲν ὑπεξανέστη θεραπεύουσα, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον οἱ μὲν ἐξόπισθεν τὸν δίφρον αὐτοῦ περιέστησαν, οἱ δὲ ἀπήντησαν, ὡς δὴ Τιλλίῳ Κίμβρῳ περὶ ἀδελφοῦ φυγάδος ἐντυχάνοντι συνδεησόμενοι, καὶ συνεδέοντο μέχρι τοῦ δίφρου παρακολουθοῦντες. 69.1. θνῄσκει δὲ Καῖσαρ τὰ μὲν πάντα γεγονὼς ἔτη πεντήκοντα καὶ ἕξ, Πομπηΐῳ δʼ ἐπιβιώσας οὐ πολὺ πλέον ἐτῶν τεσσάρων, ἣν δὲ τῷ βίῳ παντὶ ἀρχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν διὰ κινδύνων τοσούτων διώκων μόλις κατειργάσατο, ταύτης οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τοὔνομα μόνον καὶ τὴν ἐπίφθονον καρπωσάμενος δόξαν παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν. 69.4. ὅλον γὰρ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὠχρὸς μὲν ὁ κύκλος καὶ μαρμαρυγὰς οὐκ ἔχων ἀνέτελλεν, ἀδρανὲς δὲ καὶ λεπτὸν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ κατῄει τὸ θερμόν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἀέρα δνοφερὸν καὶ βαρὺν ἀσθενείᾳ τῆς διακρινούσης αὐτὸν ἀλέας ἐπιφέρεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ καρποὺς ἡμιπέπτους καὶ ἀτελεῖς ἀπανθῆσαι καὶ παρακμάσαι διά τὴν ψυχρότητα τοῦ περιέχοντος. 4.3. 4.4. 6.3. 11.3. 12.2. 18.2. 28.5. 33.2. 41.3. 42.1. 46.1. 48.1. 51.1. 57.2. 57.3. 58.2. 59.2. 60.1. 63.1. 66.1. 66.2. 66.3. 69.1. 69.4.
91. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 230
436b. but art and reason supplied for it the more domit principle which set all these in motion and operated through them. And, indeed, the author and creator of these likenesses and portraits here stands recorded in the inscription: Thasian by race and descent, Aglaophon's son Polygnotus Painted the taking of Troy, showing her citadel's sack; so that it may be seen that he painted them. But without pigments ground together, losing their own colour in the process, nothing could achieve such a composition and sight. Does he, then, who is desirous of getting hold of the material cause, as he investigates and explains the behaviour of the red earth of Sinopê and the changes to which it is subject when mixed with yellow ochre, or of the light-coloured earth of Melos when mixed with lamp-black,
92. Plutarch, Cicero, 4.3, 19.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54
4.3. ἐπεὶ δʼ αὐτῷ Σύλλας τε προσηγγέλθη τεθνηκώς, καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς γυμνασίοις ἀναρρωννύμενον εἰς ἕξιν ἐβάδιζε νεανικήν, ἥ τε φωνὴ λαμβάνουσα πλάσιν ἡδεῖα μὲν πρὸς ἀκοὴν ἐτέθραπτο, ἐτέθραπτο the words καὶ πολλή ( and full ) which follow this verb in the MSS. are deleted by Gudeman as contradictory to iii. 5 and due to the double πολλὰ below. μετρίως δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἕξιν ἥρμοστο τοῦ σώματος, πολλὰ μὲν τῶν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης φίλων γραφόντων καὶ δεομένων, πολλὰ δʼ Ἀντιόχου παρακελευομένου τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐπιβαλεῖν πράγμασιν, αὖθις ὥσπερ ὄργανον ἐξηρτύετο ἐξηρτύετο Graux, after Madvig: ἐξήρτυε . τὸν ῥητορικὸν λόγον καὶ ἀνεκίνει τὴν πολιτικὴν δύναμιν, αὑτόν τε ταῖς μελέταις διαπονῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐπαινουμένους μετιὼν ῥήτορας. 19.3. ἤδη δʼ ἑσπέρας οὔσης καὶ τοῦ δήμου παριμένοντος ἀθρόου, προελθὼν ὁ Κικέρων, καὶ φράσας τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῖς πολίταις καὶ προπεμφθείς, παρῆλθεν εἰς οἰκίαν φίλου γειτνιῶντος, ἐπεὶ τήν ἐκείνου γυναῖκες κατεῖχον, ἱεροῖς ἀπορρήτοις ὀργιάζουσαι θεόν ἣν Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν Ἀγαθήν, Ἕλληνες δὲ Γυναικείαν ὀνομάζουσι. 4.3. 19.3.
93. Plutarch, Camillus, 31.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 258
31.5. τοιαῦτα καί πρὸς ἕκαστον ἰδίᾳ καί κοινῇ πολλάκις ἐν τῷ δήμῳ σχετλιάζοντες ἐπεκλῶντο πάλιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν τήν παροῦσαν ὀλοφυρομένων ἀμηχανίαν, καί δεομένων μὴ σφᾶς ὥσπερ ἐκ ναυαγίου γυμνοὺς καί ἀπόρους σωθέντας προσβιάζεσθαι τὰ λείψανα τῆς διεφθαρμένης συμπηγνύναι πόλεως, ἑτέρας ἑτοίμης παρούσης. 31.5. Thus did the Senators remonstrate with the people, both individually in private, and often in the public assemblies. They, in their turn, were moved to compassion by the wailing complaints of the multitude, who lamented the helplessness to which they were come, and begged, now that they had been saved alive as it were from a shipwreck, in nakedness and destitution, that they be not forced to piece together the fragments of their ruined city, when another stood all ready to receive them.
94. Frontinus, Strategemata, 1.1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 209
95. New Testament, Acts, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 302
96. Martial, Epigrams, 1.4.8, 2.14.7-2.14.8, 3.22, 10.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205, 213; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 64, 176
97. Plutarch, Fragments, 204 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54
98. Plutarch, Brutus, 4.1, 8.5-8.6, 11.1-11.3, 13.3, 15.5-15.9, 17.6, 18.2-18.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 228, 230; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 340, 341; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80
4.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ πράγματα διέστη Πομπηΐου καί Καίσαρος ἐξενεγκαμένων τὰ ὅπλα καί τῆς ἡγεμονίας ταραχθείσης, ἐπίδοξος μὲν ἦν αἱρήσεσθαι τὰ Καίσαρος· ὁ γὰρ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐτεθνήκει πρότερον· 8.5. ἀλλὰ Κάσσιος, ἀνὴρ θυμοειδὴς καὶ μᾶλλον ἰδίᾳ μισοκαῖσαρ ἢ κοινῇ μισοτύραννος, ἐξέκαυσε καὶ κατήπειξε. 8.6. λέγεται δὲ Βροῦτος μὲν τὴν ἀρχὴν βαρύνεσθαι, Κάσσιος δὲ τὸν ἄρχοντα μισεῖν, ἄλλα τε κατʼ αὐτοῦ ποιούμενος ἐγκλήματα καὶ λεόντων ἀφαίρεσιν, οὓς Κάσσιος μὲν ἀγορανομεῖν μέλλων παρεσκευάσατο, Καῖσαρ δὲ καταληφθέντας ἐν Μεγάροις, ὅθʼ ἡ πόλις ἥλω διὰ Καληνοῦ, κατέσχε. 11.1. ἦν δέτις Γάϊος Λιγάριος τῶν Πομπηΐου φίλων, ὃν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατηγορηθέντα Καῖσαρ ἀπέλυσεν. 11.2. οὗτος, οὐχ ἧς ἀφείθη δίκης χάριν ἔχων, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἣν ἐκινδύνευσεν ἀρχὴν βαρυνόμενος, ἐχθρὸς ἦν Καίσαρι, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα συνήθης. 11.3. πρὸς τοῦτον ἀσθενοῦντα Βροῦτος εἰσελθών, ὦ Λιγάριε, εἶπεν, ἐν οἵῳ καιρῷ νοσεῖς. κἀκεῖνος εὐθὺς εἰς ἀγκῶνα διαναστὰς καὶ λαβόμενος αὐτοῦ τῆς δεξιᾶς, ἀλλʼ εἴ τι, φησὶν, ὦ Βροῦτε, σεαυτοῦ φρονεῖς ἄξιον, ὑγιαίνω. 13.3. ἡ δὲ Πορκία θυγάτηρ μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, Κάτωνος ἦν, εἶχε δʼ αὐτὴν ὁ Βροῦτος ἀνεψιὸς ὢν οὐκ ἐκ παρθενίας, ἀλλὰ τοῦ προτέρου τελευτήσαντος ἀνδρὸς ἔλαβε κόρην οὖσαν ἔτι καί παιδίον ἔχουσαν ἐξ ἐκείνου μικρόν, ᾧ Βύβλος ἦν ὄνομα· καί τι βιβλίδιον μικρὸν ἀπομνημονευμάτων Βρούτου γεγραμμένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ διασῴζεται. 15.5. ἐν τούτῳ δέ τις οἴκοθεν ἔθει πρὸς τὸν Βροῦτον ἀγγέλλων αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα θνῄσκειν. 15.6. ἡγὰρ Πορκία πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐκπαθὴς οὖσα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος μὴ φέρουσα τῆς φροντίδος ἑαυτήν τε μόλις οἴκοι κατεῖχε, καὶ πρὸς πάντα θόρυβον καὶ βοήν, ὥσπερ αἱ κατάσχετοι τοῖς βακχικοῖς πάθεσιν, ἐξᾴττουσα τῶν μὲν εἰσιόντων ἀπʼ ἀγορᾶς ἕκαστον ἀνέκρινεν ὅ τι πράττοι Βροῦτος, ἑτέρους δὲ συνεχῶς ἐξέπεμπε. 15.7. τέλος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου μῆκος λαμβάνοντος οὐκέτʼ ἀντεῖχεν ἡ τοῦ σώματος δύναμις, ἀλλʼ ἐξελύθη καὶ κατεμαραίνετο τῆς ψυχῆς ἀλυούσης διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ παρελθεῖν μὲν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον οὐκ ἔφθη, περιΐστατο δʼ αὐτὴν, ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανεν, ἐν μέσῳ καθεζομένην λιποθυμία καὶ θάμβος ἀμήχανον, ἥ τε χρόα μεταβολὴν ἐλάμβανε καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ἐπέσχητο παντάπασιν. 15.8. αἱ δὲ θεράπαιναι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἀνωλόλυξαν, καὶ τῶν γειτόνων συνδραμόντων ἐπὶ θύρας ταχὺ προῆλθε φήμη καὶ διεδόθη λόγος ὡς τεθνηκυίας αὐτῆς. 15.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐκείνην μὲν ἀναλάμψασαν ἐν βραχεῖ καὶ παρʼ ἑαυτῇ γενομένην αἱ γυναῖκες ἐθεράπευον ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου προσπεσόντος αὐτῷ συνεταράχθη μὲν, ὡς εἰκός, οὐ μήν γε κατέλιπε τὸ κοινὸν οὐδʼ ἐρρύη πρὸς τὸ οἰκεῖον ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους. 17.6. ἤδη δὲ παιόμενος ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ κύκλῳ περιβλέπων καὶ διώσασθαι βουλόμενος, ὡς εἶδε Βροῦτον ἑλκόμενον ξίφος ἐπʼ αὐτόν, τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ Κάσκα κρατῶν ἀφῆκε, καὶ τῷ ἱματίῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐγκαλυψάμενος παρέδωκε τὸ σῶμα ταῖς πληγαῖς. 18.2. ἰσχυρῶς γὰρ ἐδέδοκτο μηδένα κτείνειν ἕτερον, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀνακαλεῖσθαι. 18.3. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις πᾶσιν, ὁπηνίκα διεσκοποῦντο τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἤρεσκεν Ἀντώνιον ἐπισφάττειν Καίσαρι, μοναρχικὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ὑβριστὴν, ἰσχύν τε πεποιημένον ὁμιλίᾳ καὶ συνηθείᾳ πρὸς τὸ στρατιωτικόν, καὶ μάλισθʼ ὅτι τῷ φύσει σοβαρῷ καὶ μεγαλοπράγμονι προσειλήφει τὸ τῆς ὑπατείας ἀξίωμα τότε Καίσαρι συνάρχων. 18.4. ἀλλὰ Βροῦτος ἐνέστη πρὸς τὸ βούλευμα, πρῶτον μὲν ἰσχυριζόμενος τῷ δικαίῳ, δεύτερον δʼ ὑποτιθεὶς ἐλπίδα τῆς μεταβολῆς. 4.1. 8.5. 8.6. 11.1. 11.2. 11.3. 13.3. 15.5. 15.6. 15.7. 15.8. 15.9. 17.6. 18.2. 18.3. 18.4.
99. Plutarch, Apopthegmata Romana, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 208
100. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 5.9, 6.1-6.3, 8.4, 13.3, 14.1, 16.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 336, 337, 339, 341, 345; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132, 133, 136, 137; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 242
6.1. ἐκ τούτου λαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἐνέβαλε. διὸ καὶ Κικέρων ἐν τοῖς Φιλιππικοῖς ἔγραψε τοῦ μὲν Τρωϊκοῦ πολέμου τὴν Ἑλένην, τοῦ δʼ ἐμφυλίου τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀρχὴν γενέσθαι, περιφανῶς ψευδόμενος. 6.2. οὐ γὰρ οὕτως εὐχερὴς ἦν οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιος ὑπʼ ὀργῆς ἐκπεσεῖν τῶν λογισμῶν Γάϊος Καῖσαρ ὥστε, εἰ μὴ ταῦτα πάλαι ἔγνωστο πράττειν, οὕτως ἂν ἐπὶ καιροῦ τὸν κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἐξενεγκεῖν πόλεμον, ὅτι φαύλως ἠμφιεσμένον εἶδεν Ἀντώνιον καὶ Κάσσιον ἐπὶ ζεύγους μισθίου πεφευγότας πρὸς αὐτόν, 6.3. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πάλαι δεομένῳ προφάσεως σχῆμα καὶ λόγον εὐπρεπῆ τοῦ πολέμου παρέσχεν. ἦγε δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἃ καὶ πρότερον Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ πάλαι Κῦρον, ἔρως ἀπαρηγόρητος ἀρχῆς καὶ περιμανὴς ἐπιθυμία τοῦ πρῶτον εἶναι καὶ μέγιστον· ὧν τυχεῖν οὐκ ἦν μὴ Πομπηΐου καταλυθέντος. 14.1. τούτων δὲ πραττομένων ὡς συνετέθη, καὶ πεσόντος ἐν τῇ βουλῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος, εὐθὺς μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐσθῆτα θεράποντος μεταλαβὼν ἔκρυψεν αὑτόν. ὡς δʼ ἔγνω τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπιχειροῦντας μὲν οὐδενί, συνηθροισμένους δὲ εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ἔπεισε καταβῆναι λαβόντας ὅμηρον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν υἱόν· καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν αὐτὸς ἐδείπνισε, Βροῦτον δὲ Λέπιδος. 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 14.1.
101. Plutarch, Dialogue On Love, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 296
102. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 5, 17, 23.1-2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 186
103. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 70, 157, 160, 161, 162
104. Plutarch, Aristides, 10.1, 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247
10.1. ἐκ τούτου Ξέρξης μὲν περίφοβος γενόμενος εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἠπείγετο, Μαρδόνιος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ δοκιμώτατον δοκιμώτατον Blass with F a S: μαχιμώτατον . ἔχων περὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδας ὑπελείπετο, καὶ φοβερὸς ἦν ἀπʼ ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς περὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἐλπίδος ἀπειλῶν τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ γράφων τοιαῦτα· 18.3. διὸ καὶ προθέμενοι πολλὰ τῶν γέρρων ἐτόξευον εἰς τοὺς εἰς τοὺς Hercher and Blass with S τοὺς . Λακεδαιμονίους. οἱ δὲ τηροῦντες ἅμα τὸν συνασπισμὸν ἐπέβαινον, καὶ προσπεσόντες ἐξεώθουν τὰ γέρρα, καὶ τοῖς δόρασι τύπτοντες πρόσωπα καὶ στέρνα τῶν Περσῶν πολλοὺς κατέβαλλον, οὐκ ἀπράκτως οὐδὲ ἀθύμως πίπτοντας. καὶ γὰρ ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι τῶν δοράτων ταῖς χερσὶ γυμναῖς συνέθραυον τὰ πλεῖστα, καὶ πρὸς τὰς ξιφουλκίας ἐχώρουν οὐκ ἀργῶς, ἀλλὰ ταῖς τε κοπίσι καὶ τοῖς ἀκινάκαις χρώμενοι καὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας παρασπῶντες καὶ συμπλεκόμενοι χρόνον πολὺν ἀντεῖχον. 10.1. 18.3.
105. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 11.4, 24.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54
106. Plutarch, Fragments, 151.16-152.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54
107. Plutarch, Marcellus, 29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 186
108. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 35.6, 46.8, 55.6.1-55.6.19, 65.3-65.4, 120.85-120.86 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 90, 137, 175
109. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 20.183-20.184 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), as ‘wise man in egypt’ Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 107
20.183. Two of the principal Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. 20.184. So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Caesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.
110. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 35.6, 46.8, 55.6.1-55.6.19, 65.3-65.4, 120.85-120.86 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 90, 137, 175
111. Juvenal, Satires, 2.117-2.142, 5.1-5.5, 6.19-6.20, 6.292-6.295, 6.298-6.305, 6.308-6.311 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 16, 17; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 89, 102, 138
112. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.6, 1.73-1.75, 3.86-3.132, 4.42-4.43, 13.19, 17.10, 26.8, 27.4, 32.37, 34.17, 34.19-34.20, 34.24, 34.45, 36.21, 36.31, 36.47, 36.55, 38.5-38.6, 38.8, 38.10-38.11, 38.15-38.16, 38.22, 39.3, 39.8, 40.16, 40.36-40.37, 41.8, 41.12, 44.2, 45.3, 46.4, 48.2, 48.6-48.8, 48.14, 49.6, 50.3, 63.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46
3.86.  Friendship, moreover, the good king holds to be the fairest and most sacred of his possessions, believing that the lack of means is not so shameful or perilous for a king as the lack of friends, and that he maintains his happy state, not so much by means of revenues and armies and his other sources of strength, as by the loyalty of his friends. 3.87.  For no one, of and by himself, is sufficient for a single one of even his own needs; and the more and greater the responsibilities of a king are, the greater is the number of co-workers that he needs, and the greater the loyalty required of them, since he is forced to entrust his greatest and most important interests to others or else to abandon them. 3.88.  Furthermore, the law protects the private individual from being easily wronged by men with whom he enters into business relations, either by entrusting them with money, or by making them agents of an estate, or by entering into partnership with them in some enterprise; and it does so by punishing the offender. A king, however, cannot look to the law for protection against betrayal of a trust, but must depend upon loyalty. 3.89.  Naturally, those who stand near the king and help him rule the country are the strongest, and from them he has no other protection than their love. Consequently, it is not a safe policy for him to share his power carelessly with the first men he meets; but the stronger he makes his friends, 3.90.  the stronger he becomes himself. 3.91.  Once more, necessary and useful possessions do not in all cases afford their owner some pleasure, nor does it follow that because a thing is pleasing it is also profitable. On the contrary, many pleasant things prove to be unprofitable. 3.92.  Fortifications, for example, arms, engines, and troops are possessions necessary for a ruler, since without them his authority cannot be maintained, but I do not see what gratification they afford — at least, apart from their utility; 3.93.  and on the other hand, beautiful parks, costly residences, statues, paintings in the exquisite early style, golden bowls, inlaid tables, purple robes, ivory, amber, perfumes, everything to delight the eye, delight­ful music, both vocal and instrumental, and besides these, beautiful maidens and handsome boys — all these evidently subserve no useful purpose whatever, but are obviously the inventions of pleasure. 3.94.  To friendship alone has it have been given to be both the most profitable of all and the most pleasurable of all. To illustrate: I presume that our greatest necessities, arms, walls, troops, and cities, without friends to control them, are neither useful nor profitable; nay, they are exceedingly precarious; while friends, even without these, are helpful. Besides, these things are useful in war only, 3.95.  while for men who are going to live in unbroken peace — if such a thing be possible — they are a useless burden. Without friendship, however, life is insecure even in peace. 3.96.  Once more, the pleasures I have mentioned afford more delight when shared with friends; to enjoy them in solitude is the dreariest thing imaginable, and no one could endure it. But it would be still more disagreeable if you had to share them with people who disliked you. 3.97.  Nay, what festivity could please unless the most important thing of all were at hand, what symposium could delight you if you lacked the good-will of the guests? What sacrifice is acceptable to the gods without the participants in the feast? 3.98.  Indeed, are not even those love relations the pleasantest and least wanton which are based on the affection of the lovers, and which men whose object is good-will experience in the society of boys or women? 3.99.  Many are the names applied to friendship just as its services undoubtedly are many; but where youth and beauty enter in, there friendship is rightly called love and is held to be the fairest of the gods. 3.100.  Again, salutary drugs are salutary to the sick, but of no use to the well. of friendship, however, men stand ever in the greatest need, whether in health or in sickness: it helps to defend wealth and relieves poverty; it adds lustre to fame and dims the glare of infamy. 3.101.  It is this alone that makes everything unpleasant seem less so and magnifies everything good. For what misfortune is not intolerable without friendship, and what gift of fortune does not lose its charm if friends be lacking? And although solitude is cheerless and of all things the most terrible, it is not the absence of men that we should consider as solitude, but the absence of friends; for often complete solitude is preferable to the presence of persons not well-disposed. 3.102.  For my part, I have never regarded even good fortune to be such if attended by no friend to rejoice with me, since the severest strokes of misfortune can more easily be borne with friends than the greatest good fortune without them. For with good right I judge that man most wretched who in misfortune has the largest number to gloat over him but in good fortune no one to rejoice with him. 3.103.  When a man has hosts of excellent friends and his foes are very few in number — if he has any foe at all — when he has many who love him, still more who admire him, and no one who can censure him, is he not perfectly happy? For such a man has multitudes to share his joy but not one to gloat over him in misfortune, and for this reason he is fortunate in all things, in that he has hosts of friends but not a single enemy. 3.104.  If eyes, ears, tongue, and hands are worth everything to a man that he may be able merely to live, to say nothing of enjoying life, then friends are not less but more useful than these members. 3.105.  With his eyes he may barely see what lies before his feet; but through his friends he may behold even that which is at the ends of the earth. With his ears he can hear nothing save that which is very near; but through those who wish him well 3.106.  he is without tidings of nothing of importance anywhere. With his tongue he communicates only with those who are in his presence, and with his hands, were he never so strong, he can not do the work of more than two men; but through his friends he can hold converse with all the world and accomplish every undertaking, since those who wish him well are saying and doing everything that is in his interest. 3.107.  The most surprising thing of all, however, is that he who is rich in friends is able, although but one man, to do a multiplicity of things at the same time, to deliberate about many matters simultaneously, to see many things, to hear many things, and to be in many places at once — a thing difficult even for the gods — with the result that there is nothing remaining anywhere that is bereft of his solicitude. 3.108.  Once more, the happy experiences of his friends are bound to delight a good man no less than some joy of his own. For is that man not most blessed who has many bodies with which to be happy when he experiences a pleasure, many souls with which to rejoice when he is fortunate? 3.109.  And if glory be the high goal of the ambitious, he may achieve it many times over through the eulogies of his friends. If wealth naturally gladdens its possessor, he can be rich many times over who shares what he has with his friends. 3.110.  Then, too, while it is a pleasure to show favours to good men and true when one's means are ample, it is also a pleasure to receive gifts when they are deserved and for merit. Hence, he who shows his friends a favour rejoices both as giver and as receiver at the same time. Old, in sooth, is the proverb which says that "Common are the possessions of friends." Therefore, when the good have good things, these will certainly be held in common. 3.111.  Now, while in any other matter, such as leisure, ease, and relaxation, our good king does not wish to have unvarying advantage over private citizens and, indeed, would often be satisfied with less, in the one matter of friendship he does want to have the larger portion; 3.112.  and he doubtless thinks it in no wise peculiar or strange — nay, he actually exults because young people love him more than they do their parents, and older men more than they do their children, because his associates love him more than they do their peers, and those who know him only by hearsay love him more than they do their nearest neighbours. 3.113.  Extremely fond of kith and kin though he may be, yet, in a way, he considers friendship a greater good than kinship. For a man's friends are useful even without the family tie, but without friendship not even the most nearly related are of service. So high a value does he set on friendship as to hold that at no time has anyone been wronged by a friend, and that such a thing belongs to the category of the impossible; 3.114.  for the moment one is detected doing wrong, he has shown that he was no friend at all. Indeed, all who have suffered any outrage have suffered it at the hands of enemies — friends in name, whom they did not know to be enemies. Such sufferers must blame their own ignorance and not reproach the name of friendship. 3.115.  Furthermore, it is not impossible for a father to be unjust to a son and for a child to sin against its parents; brother, too, may wrong brother in some way; but friendship our king esteems as such an altogether sacred thing that he tries to make even the gods his friends. 3.116.  Now, while it may be gathered from all that has been said that tyrants suffer all the ills that are the opposites of the blessings we have enumerated, this is especially true as regards the matter we are now discussing. For the tyrant is the most friendless man in the world, since he cannot even make friends. 3.117.  Those like himself he suspects, since they are evil, and by those unlike himself, and good, he is hated; and the hated man is an enemy to both the just and the unjust. For some men do justly hate him; while others, because they covet the same things, plot against him. 3.118.  And so the Persian king had one special man, called the "king's eye" — not a man of high rank, but just an ordinary one. He did not know that all the friends of a good king are his eyes. 3.119.  And should not the ties of blood and kinship be especially dear to a good king? For he regards his kith and kin as a part of his own soul, 3.120.  and sees to it that they shall not only have a share of what is called the king's felicity, but much more that they shall be thought worthy to be partners in his authority; and he is especially anxious to be seen preferring them in honour, not because of their kinship, but because of their qualifications. And those kinsmen who live honourable lives he loves beyond all others, but those who do not so live he considers, not friends, but relatives. 3.121.  For other friends he may cast off when he has discovered something objectionable in them, but in the case of his kinsmen, he cannot dissolve the tie; but whatever their character, he must allow the title to be used. 3.122.  His wife, moreover, he regards not merely as the partner of his bed and affections, but also as his helpmate in his counsel and action, and indeed in his whole life. 3.123.  He alone holds that happiness consists, not in flowery ease, but much rather in excellence of character; virtue, not in necessity but in free-will; while patient endurance, he holds, does not mean hardship but safety. His pleasures he increases by toil, and thereby gets more enjoyment out of them, while habit lightens his toil. 3.124.  To him "useful" and "pleasurable" are interchangeable terms; for he sees that plain citizens, if they are to keep well and reach old age, never give nourishment to an identical and inactive body, but that a part of them work first at trades, some of which — such as smithing, shipbuilding, the construction of houses — are very laborious; 3.125.  while those who own land first toil hard at farming, and those who live in the city have some city employment; 3.126.  he sees the leisured class crowd the gymnasia and wrestling-floors — some running on the track, others again wrestling, and others, who are not athletes, taking some form of exercise other than the competitive — in a word, everyone with at least a grain of sense doing something or other and so finding his meat and drink wholesome. 3.127.  But the ruler differs from all these in that his toil is not in vain, and that he is not simply developing his body, but has the accomplishment of things as his end and aim. He attends to some matter needing his supervision, he acts promptly where speed is needed, accomplishes something not easy of accomplishment, reviews an army, subdues a province, founds a city, bridges rivers, or builds roads through a country. 3.128.  He does not count himself fortunate just because he can have the best horses, the best arms, the best clothing, and so forth, but because he can have the best friends; and he holds that it is far more disgraceful to have fewer friends among the private citizens than any one of them has. 3.129.  For when a man can select his most trustworthy friends from among all men — and there is scarcely a man who would not gladly accept his advances — surely it is ridiculous that he does not have the best. Most potentates have an eye only for those who get near them no matter how, and for those who are willing to flatter, while they hold all others at a distance and the best men more especially. 3.130.  The true king, however, makes his choice from among all men, esteeming it perverse to import horses from the Nisaean plains because they surpass the Thessalian breed, or hounds from India, and only in the case of men to take those near at hand; 3.131.  since all the means for making friends are his. For instance, the ambitious are won over to friendliness by praise, those who have the gift of leadership by participation in the government, the warlike by performing some sort of military service, those having executive ability by the management of affairs, and, assuredly, those with a capacity for love, by intimacy. 3.132.  Now, who is more able to appoint governors? Who needs more executives? Who has it in his power to give a part in greater enterprises? Who is in a better position to put a man in charge of military operations? Who can confer more illustrious honours? Whose table lends greater distinction? And if friendship could be bought, who has greater means to forestall every possible rival? 4.42.  And in the same way he means that friendship also is nothing else than identity of wish and of purpose, that is, a kind of likemindedness. For this, I presume, is the view of the world too: that friends are most truly likeminded and are at variance in nothing. 4.43.  Can anyone, therefore, who is a friend of Zeus and is likeminded with him by any possibility conceive any unrighteous desire or design what is wicked and disgraceful? Homer seems to answer this very question clearly also when in commending some king he calls him a 'shepherd of peoples.' 13.19.  And so, to take your own case," he continued, "when there is need of any deliberation concerning the welfare of your city and you have come together in the Assembly, do some of you get up and play the cithara, and certain other individuals wrestle, and yet others of you take something of Homer's or Hesiod's and proceed to read it? For these are the things that you know better than the others, and these are the things which you think will make you good men and enable you to conduct your public affairs properly and your private concerns likewise. And now, these are the hopes which inspire you when you direct your city and prepare your sons, working to qualify them to handle both their own and the public's interests if only they can play satisfactorily Pallas, dread destroyer of cities, or 'with eager foot' betake themselves to the lyre. But as to how you are to learn what is to your own advantage and that of your native city, and to live lawfully and justly and harmoniously in your social and political relations without wronging or plotting against one another, this you never learned nor has this problem ever yet given you any concern, nor even at this moment does it trouble you at all. 17.10.  I have quoted the iambics in full; for when a thought has been admirably expressed, it marks the man of good sense to use it in that form. In this passage, then, are enumerated all the consequences of greed: that it is of advantage neither to the individual nor to the state; but that, on the contrary, it overthrows and destroys the prosperity of families and of states as well; and, in the second place, that the law of men requires us to honour equality, and that this establishes a common bond of friendship and peace for all toward one another, whereas quarrels, internal strife, and foreign wars are due to nothing else than the desire for more, with the result that each side is deprived even of a sufficiency. 26.8.  For it is absurd that while those playing at odd and even show intelligence, and that too when they are guessing and do not see the thing about which they make a guess, yet those who are deliberating about public matters should display neither intelligence, nor knowledge, nor experience, although these matters are sometimes of the greatest importance, such as concord and friendship of families and states, peace and war, colonization and the organization of colonies, the treatment of children and of wives. 27.4.  But the man that is gentle and has a properly ordered character, easily endures the rudeness of the others, and acts like a gentleman himself, trying to the best of his ability to bring the ignorant chorus into a proper demeanour by means of fitting rhythm and melody. And he introduces appropriate topics of conversation and by his tact and persuasiveness attempts to get those present to be more harmonious and friendly in their intercourse with one another. 32.37.  Perhaps these words of mine are pleasing to your ears and you fancy that you are being praised by me, as you are by all the rest who are always flattering you; but I was praising water and soil and harbours and places and everything except yourselves. For where have I said that you are sensible and temperate and just? Was it not quite the opposite? For when we praise human beings, it should be for their good discipline, gentleness, concord, civic order, for heeding those who give good counsel, and for not being always in search of pleasures. But arrivals and departures of vessels, and superiority in size of population, in merchandise, and in ships, are fit subjects for praise in the case of a fair, a harbour, or a market-place, but not of a city; 34.17.  "Oh yes," you may reply, "but now we have reached an agreement and are united in our counsel." Nay, who could regard as safe and sure that sort of concord, a concord achieved in anger and of no more than three or four days' standing? Why, you would not say a man was in assured good health who a short time back was burning with fever. Well then, neither must you say you are in concord until, if possible, you have enjoyed a period of concord many times as long as that — at any rate as long as your discord — and just because perhaps on some occasion you all have voiced the same sentiment and experienced the same impulse, you must not for that reason assume that now at last the disease has been eradicated from the city. 34.19.  For not among you alone, I dare say, but also among all other peoples, such a consummation requires a great deal of attentive care — or, shall I say, prayer? For only by getting rid of the vices that excite and disturb men, the vices of envy, greed, contentiousness, the striving in each case to promote one's own welfare at the expense of both one's native land and the common weal — only so, I repeat, is it possible ever to breathe the breath of harmony in full strength and vigour and to unite upon a common policy. Since those in whom these and similar vices are prevalent must necessarily be in a constant state of instability, and liable for paltry reasons to clash and be thrown into confusion, just as happens at sea when contrary winds prevail. 34.20.  For, let me tell you, you must not think that there is harmony in the Council itself, nor yet among yourselves, the Assembly. At any rate, if one were to run through the entire list of citizens, I believe he would not discover even two men in Tarsus who think alike, but on the contrary, just as with certain incurable and distressing diseases which are accustomed to pervade the whole body, exempting no member of it from their inroads, so this state of discord, this almost complete estrangement of one from another, has invaded your entire body politic. 34.24.  But, speaking generally, it was not, perhaps, with the purpose of treating this special one among the problems of your city nor of pointing out its seriousness that I came before you, but rather that I might make plain to you how you stand with regard to one another, and, by Zeus, to make plain also whether it is expedient that you should rely upon the present system and believe that now you are really united. Take, for example, a house or a ship or other things like that; this is the way in which I expect men to make appraisal. They should not consider merely present conditions, to see if the structure affords shelter now or does not let in the sea, but they should consider how as a whole it has been constructed and put together, to see that there are no open seams or rotten planks. 34.45.  No, sand-dunes and swamp-land are of no value — for what revenue is derived from them or what advantage? — yet to show one's self to be honourable and magimous is rightly regarded as inexpressibly valuable. For to vie with the whole world in behalf of justice and virtue, and to take the initiative in friendship and harmony, and in these respects to surpass and prevail over all others, is the noblest of all victories and the safest too. But to seek by any and every means to maintain ascendancy in a conflict befits blooded game-cocks rather than men. 36.21.  Perhaps, then, someone might inquire whether, when the rulers and leaders of a community are men of prudence and wisdom, and it is in accordance with their judgement that the rest are governed, lawfully and sanely, such a community may be called sane and law-abiding and really a city because of those who govern it; just as a chorus might possibly be termed musical provided its leader were musical and provided further that the other members followed this lead and uttered no sound contrary to the melody that he set — or only slight sounds and indistinctly uttered. 36.31.  "This doctrine, in brief, aims to harmonize the human race with the divine, and to embrace in a single term everything endowed with reason, finding in reason the only sure and indissoluble foundation for fellowship and justice. For in keeping with that concept the term 'city' would be applied, not, of course, to an organization that has chanced to get mean or petty leaders nor to one which through tyranny or democracy or, in fact, through decarchy or oligarchy or any other similar product of imperfection, is being torn to pieces and made the victim of constant party faction. Nay, term would be applied rather to an organization that is governed by the sanest and noblest form of kingship, to one that is actually under royal goverce in accordance with law, in complete friendship and concord. 36.47.  And from all sides the other horses press close to him with their bodies and the pair that are his neighbours swerve toward him abreast, falling upon him, as it were, and crowding him, yet the horse that is farthest off is ever first to round that stationary steed as horses round the turn in the hippodrome."Now for the most part the horses continue in peace and friendship, unharmed by one another. But on one occasion in the past, in the course of a long space of time and many revolutions of the universe, a mighty blast from the first horse fell from on high, and, as might have been expected from such a fiery-tempered steed, inflamed the others, and more especially the last in order; and the fire encompassed not alone its mane, which formed its personal pride, but the whole universe as well. 36.55.  For indeed, when the mind alone had been left and had filled with itself immeasurable space, since it had poured itself evenly in all directions and nothing in it remained dense but complete porosity prevailed — at which time it becomes most beautiful — having obtained the purest nature of unadulterated light, it immediately longed for the existence that it had at first. Accordingly, becoming enamoured of that control and goverce and concord which it once maintained not only over the three natures of sun and moon and the other stars, but also over absolutely all animals and plants, it became eager to generate and distribute everything and to make the orderly universe then existent once more far better and more resplendent because newer. 38.5.  I wish to make this very special request of you, men of Nicomedia — and do me the favour of being patient — that you listen to a speech which is superfluous and untimely and which may not convince you. Moreover, I do not consider it a great favour I am asking either; for if you are persuaded by my words, it is worth your while to have listened to one who tells you what is to your advantage; while, on the other hand, if you reserve your acquiescence, what is there unpleasant in having allowed a friend to take the floor who is willing to speak to no avail?" Very well, what is this subject on which I am about to offer advice, and yet am reluctant to name it? The word, men of Nicomedia, is not distasteful whether in the home or the clan or in friendly circles or cities or nations; 38.6.  for concord is what I am going to talk about, a fine word and a fine thing; but if I proceed to add forthwith concord with whom, I fear lest, while you may be convinced that concord of and by itself is fine, you may believe that being concordant with those persons with whom I claim you should be concordant is impossible. For what till now has set you at your present enmity one toward another, and has prevented the establishment of friendship, is the unreasoning conviction that concord is impossible for your cities. Nay, don't raise an outcry when I make a fresh start but bear with me. 38.8.  But I want to break up my address, and first of all to speak about concord itself in general, telling both whence it comes and what it achieves, and then over against that to set off strife and hatred in contradistinction to friendship. For when concord has been proved to be beneficial to all mankind, the proof will naturally follow that this particular concord between these particular cities is both quite indispensable for you and quite profitable as well. I shall not, however, refrain from telling also how concord may endure when once achieved; for that problem, indeed, I see is bothering many. 38.10.  Well then, concord has been lauded by all men always in both speech and writing. Not only are the works of poets and philosophers alike full of its praises, but also all who have published their histories to provide a pattern for practical application have shown concord to be the greatest of human blessings, and, furthermore, although many of the sophists have in the past ventured to make paradoxical statements, this is the only one it has not occurred to them to publish — that concord is not a fine and salutary thing. Therefore, not only for those who now desire to sing its praises, but also for those who at any time would do so, the material for their use is abundant, and it will ever be possible to say more and finer things about it. 38.11.  For example, if a man should wish to delve into its origin, he must trace its very beginning to the greatest of divine things. For the same manifestation is both friendship and reconciliation and kinship, and it embraces all these. Furthermore, what but concord unites the elements? Again, that through which all the greatest things are preserved is concord, while that through which everything is destroyed is its opposite. If, then, we human beings were not by nature a race of mortals, and if the forces which destroy us were not bound to be numerous, there would not be strife even in human affairs, just as also still not in things divine. However, the only respect in which we fall short of the blessedness of the gods and of their indestructible permanence is this — that we are not all sensitive to concord, but, on the contrary, there are those who actually love its opposite, strife, of which wars and battles constitute departments and subsidiary activities, and these things are continually at work in communities and in nations, just like the diseases in our bodies. 38.15.  Again, take our households — although their safety depends not only on the like-mindedness of master and mistress but also on the obedience of the servants, yet both the bickering of master and mistress and the wickedness of the servants have wrecked many households. Why, what safety remains for the chariot, if the horses refuse to run as a team? For when they begin to separate and to pull one this way and one that, the driver is inevitably in danger. And the good marriage, what else is it save concord between man and wife? And the bad marriage, what is it save their discord? Moreover, what benefit are children to parents, when through folly they begin to rebel against them? And what is fraternity save concord of brothers? And what is friendship save concord among friends? 38.16.  Besides, all these things are not only good and noble but also very pleasant, whereas their opposites are not only evil but also unpleasant; and yet we often prefer them instead of the most pleasant goods. For example, there have been times when people have chosen wars instead of peace, despite the great differences between the two, not under the delusion that fighting is better or more pleasant and more righteous than keeping the peace, but because some were striving for kingly power, some for liberty, some for territory they did not have, and some for control of the sea. And yet, though the prizes await the victor are so rich, many have laid war aside as an evil thing and not fit to be chosen by them in preference to the things of highest value. 38.22.  Well now, surely we are not fighting for land or sea; on the contrary, the Nicaeans do not even present counterclaims against you for the sea, but they have gladly withdrawn from competition so as to afford no cause for conflict. And what is more, we are not contending for revenues either, but each side is content with what is its own; moreover, these matters, as it happens, have been clearly delimited — and so indeed is all else besides — just as if in peace and friendship. Furthermore, there is interchange of produce between the two cities, as well as intermarriage, and in consequence already there have come to be many family ties between us; yes, and we have proxenies and ties of personal friendship to unite us. Besides, you worship the same gods as they do, and in most cases you conduct their festivals as they do. In fact you have no quarrel as to your customs either. Yet, though all these things afford no occasion for hostility, but rather for friendship and concord, still we fight. 39.3.  Even as I myself rejoice at the present moment to find you wearing the same costume, speaking the same language, and desiring the same things. Indeed what spectacle is more enchanting than a city with singleness of purpose, and what sound is more awe-inspiring than its harmonious voice? What city is wiser in council than that which takes council together? What city acts more smooth than that which acts together? What city is less liable to failure than that which favours the same policies? To whom are blessings sweeter than to those who are of one heart and mind? To whom are afflictions lighter than to those who bear them together, like a heavy load? To whom do difficulties occur more rarely than to those who defend each other? 39.8.  Therefore, all that remains for me to do is to make the briefest and most efficacious appeal, I mean the appeal to the gods. For the gods know what men mean to say even when they speak in whispers. After all, possibly this too is typical of one who is especially well-intentioned; for instance, good fathers use admonition with their children where they can, but where persuasion fails they pray the gods on their behalf. Accordingly I pray to Dionysus the progenitor of this city, to Heracles its founder, to Zeus Guardian of Cities, to Athena, to Aphroditê Fosterer of Friendship, to Harmony, and Nemesis, and all the other gods, that from this day forth they may implant in this city a yearning for itself, a passionate love, a singleness of purpose, a unity of wish and thought; and, on the other hand, that they may cast out strife and contentiousness and jealousy, so that this city may be numbered among the most prosperous and the noblest for all time to come. 40.16.  Well, why have I made all this harangue, when you were considering other matters? Because previously I not only had touched upon this matter, but had also in this place made many speeches in behalf of concord, believing that this was advantageous for the city, and that it was better not to quarrel with any man at all, but least of all, in my opinion, with those who are so close, yes, real neighbours. However, I did not go to them or speak any word of human kindness in anticipation of the official reconciliation of the city and the establishment of your friendship with them. And yet at the very outset they sent me an official resolution expressing their friendship toward me and inviting me to pay them a visit. Furthermore, I had many obligations toward them, like any other citizen of Prusa; but still I did not undertake to show my goodwill toward them independently, but preferred rather to make friends with them along with you. So they looked upon me with distrust and were displeased. 40.36.  For even if the doctrine will seem to some an airy fancy and one possessing no affinity at all with yourselves, you should observe that these things, being by nature indestructible and divine and regulated by the purpose and power of the first and greatest god, are wont to be preserved as a result of their mutual friendship and concord for ever, not only the more power­ful and greater, but also those reputed to be the weaker. But were this partnership to be dissolved and to be followed by sedition, their nature is not so indestructible or incorruptible as to escape being thrown into confusion and being subjected to what is termed the inconceivable and incredible destruction, from existence to non-existence. 40.37.  For the predomice of the ether of which the wise men speak — the ether wherein the ruling and supreme element of its spiritual power they often do not shrink from calling fire — taking place as it does with limitation and gentleness within certain appointed cycles, occurs no doubt with entire friendship and concord. On the other hand, the greed and strife of all else, manifesting itself in violation of law, contains the utmost risk of ruin, a ruin destined never to engulf the entire universe for the reason that complete peace and righteousness are present in it and all things everywhere serve and attend upon the law of reason, obeying and yielding to it. 41.8.  Well then, in spite of these considerations I held off from the affair, not as a traitor to the men of Prusa, but out of consideration for you, and because I believed I should be more serviceable to both sides if I could make the cities friends, not alone by ridding them of their past subjects of dispute, but also by turning them toward friendship and concord for the future. For this is the best course of all and the most expedient, not only in dealings between equals, but also in dealings between superiors and inferiors. 41.12.  For the fruit of hatred is never, so to speak, sweet or beneficial, but of all things most unpleasant and bitter, nor is any burden so hard to bear or so fatiguing as enmity. For example, while it always interferes with strokes of good fortune, it increases disasters, and while for him who suffers from something else it doubles the pain, it does not permit those who are enjoying good fortune to rejoice in fitting measure. For it is inevitable, I suppose, that the masses should be harmed by one another, and, on the other hand, be despised and held in low esteem by the others, not only as having antagonists to begin with, but also as being themselves foolish and contentious. 44.2.  Indeed, you may rest assured that I find all my honours, both those you now propose and any others there may be, contained in your goodwill and friendship, and I need naught else. For it is quite sufficient for a reasonable human being to be loved by his own fellow citizens, and why should the man who has that love need statues too or proclamations or seats of honour? Nay, not even if it be a portrait statue of beaten gold set up in the most distinguished shrines. For one word spoken out of goodwill and friendship is worth all the gold and crowns and everything else deemed splendid that men possess; so take my advice and act accordingly. 45.3.  For what we have now obtained we might have had then, and we might have employed the present opportunity toward obtaining further grants. However that may be, when I had experienced at the hands of the present Emperor a benevolence and an interest in me whose magnitude those who were there know full well, though if I speak of it now I shall greatly annoy certain persons — and possibly the statement will not even seem credible, that one who met with such esteem and intimacy and friendship should have neglected all these things and have given them scant attention, having formed a longing for the confusion and bustle here at home, to put it mildly — for all that, I did not employ that opportunity or the goodwill of the Emperor for any selfish purpose, not even to a limited degree, for example toward restoring my ruined fortunes or securing some office or emolument, but anything that it was possible to obtain I turned in your direction and I had eyes only for the welfare of the city. 46.4.  Moreover, it is plain that he asked for no favour for himself, though held in such great friendship and esteem, but rather that he guarded and husbanded for you the goodwill of the Emperor. But if anyone thinks it foolishness to remind you of goodwill and nobility on the part of your own citizens, I do not know how such a man can wish to be treated well himself. Being descended, then, from such forebears, even if I were an utter knave myself, yet surely on their account I should merit some consideration instead of being stoned or burned to death by you. 48.2.  On the present occasion, therefore, it is your duty not to prove false to his conception of you, but rather to show yourselves temperate and well-behaved in assembly, and first and foremost, I believe, to adorn yourselves with mutual friendship and concord, and if he comes in answer to our invitation, to defer the other matters about which you were so vociferous; for he will inquire into the public problems himself, even if you wish to prevent him. But for the present express your appreciation of his goodness, greet him with applause, and welcome him with auspicious words and honour, to the end that he may visit you, not as a physician visits the sick, with apprehension and worry over their treatment, but rather as one visits the well, with joy and eagerness. 48.6.  Why, what would be the good of my presence here, if I should fail to lead you to such a policy by persuasion, having constantly engaged with you in discussions conducive to concord and amity, so far as I am able, and trying in every way to eradicate unreasonable and foolish enmity and strife and contention? For truly it is a fine thing and profitable for one and all alike to have a city show itself of one mind, on terms of friendship with itself and one in feeling, united in conferring both censure and praise, bearing for both classes, the good and the bad, a testimony in which each can have confidence. 48.7.  Yes, it is a fine thing, just as it is with a well-trained chorus, for men to sing together one and the same tune, and not, like a bad musical instrument, to be discordant, emitting two kinds of notes and sounds as a result of twofold and varied natures, for in such discord, I venture to say, there is found not only contempt and misfortune but also utter impotence both among themselves and in their dealings with the proconsuls. For no one can readily hear what is being said either when choruses are discordant or when cities are at variance. Again, just as it is not possible, I fancy, for persons sailing in one ship each to obtain safety separately, but rather all together, so it is also with men who are members of one state. 48.8.  And it becomes you, since you excel in cultivation and in natural gifts and are in fact pure Hellenes, to display your nobility in this very thing. I might go on to say a great deal on these topics, I believe, and things commensurate with the importance of the subject before us, were it not that I am in quite poor health, and also, as I was saying, if I did not observe that your condition is not permanent. For no incident has yet happened, nor does this malady thrive among you, but it is possibly a slight attack of distrust, which, like sore eyes, we have caught from our neighbours. But this is a thing which often befalls the sea too — when the depths have been violently disturbed and there has been a storm at sea, often there are faint signs of the disturbance in the harbours also. 48.14.  My concern is partly indeed for you, but partly also for myself. For if, when a philosopher has taken a government in hand, he proves unable to produce a united city, this is indeed a shocking state of affairs, one admitting no escape, just as if a shipwright while sailing in a ship should fail to render the ship seaworthy, or as if a man who claimed to be a pilot should swerve toward the wave itself, or as if a builder should obtain a house and, seeing that it was falling to decay, should disregard this fact but, giving it a coat of stucco and a wash of colour, should imagine that he is achieving something. If my purpose on this occasion were to speak in behalf of concord, I should have had a good deal to say about not only human experiences but celestial also, to the effect that these divine and grand creations, as it happens, require concord and friendship; otherwise there is danger of ruin and destruction for this beautiful work of the creator, the universe. 49.6.  However, while one would find that philosophers have rarely become rulers among men — I mean holding positions termed "offices," serving as generals or satraps or kings — on the other hand, those whom they ruled have derived from them most numerous and most important benefits — the Athenians from Solon, from Aristeides, and from Pericles, the disciple of Anaxagoras; the Thebans from Epaminondas; the Romans from Numa, who, as some say, had some acquaintance with the philosophy of Pythagoras; and the Italian Greeks in general from the Pythagoreans, for these Greeks prospered and conducted their municipal affairs with the greatest concord and peace just so long as those Pythagoreans managed their cities. 50.3.  However that may be, let this be your evidence of my goodwill toward you, as well as of my trust in you, that I come before you with assurance neither because I rely upon some political club nor because I have among you some familiar friends; moreover, I believe I should stand as high with you as any man, obviously because I have based my confidence upon my friendship toward all and my goodwill toward all, and not upon my being elected to be an influential or formidable person or seeking to be favoured for such a reason. On the other hand, if I did pity the commons at the time when they were subjects for pity, and if I tried my best to ease their burdens, this is no sign that I am on more friendly terms with them than with you. We know that, in the case of the body, it is always the ailing part which we treat, and that we devote more attention to the feet than to the eyes, if the feet are in pain and have been injured while the eyes are in sound condition. 63.2.  For instance, when Fortune comes at sea a ship has fair sailing, and when she shows herself in the atmosphere a farmer prospers. Moreover, a man's spirit rejoices when uplifted by Fortune, yet should Fortune fail, it goes about in its body as in a tomb. For neither does a man win approval if he speaks, nor does he succeed if he acts, nor is it any advantage to have been born a man of genius when Fortune fails. For when she is not present learning is not forthcoming, nor any other good thing. Why, even valour gains recognition for its achievements only when Fortune is present; on the other hand, if valour should be left to itself it is just a word, productive of no noble action. In time of war Fortune means victory; in time of peace, concord; at a marriage, goodwill; with lovers, enjoyment — in short, success in each and every undertaking.
113. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.1, 1.33-1.66, 1.160-1.167, 1.185-1.222, 1.313, 1.639-1.672, 2.38-2.42, 2.408-2.420, 3.342-3.348, 4.130-4.140, 4.373-4.378, 4.816-4.819, 6.159-6.169, 6.251-6.262, 6.360-6.380, 6.449-6.450, 6.810-6.811, 7.778, 8.444-8.447, 8.473, 8.498, 8.692-8.699, 9.1-9.18, 9.130-9.135, 9.150-9.163, 9.201, 9.511-9.586, 9.1010-9.1108, 10.9-10.52, 10.58, 10.63-10.73, 10.110, 10.146-10.147, 10.149-10.158, 10.160-10.171, 10.180-10.183, 10.193-10.198, 10.268-10.275, 10.282-10.303, 10.329-10.338, 10.488 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus •caesar, c. iulius •caesar (caius iulius caesar), master of rivers •caesar (g. iulius caesar) •germanicus iulius caesar •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •iulius caesar, gaius •c. iulius caesar •caesar (caius iulius caesar), as ‘wise man in egypt’ •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 67, 69; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 46, 59, 60, 80, 81, 94, 95, 103, 105, 114, 194, 205, 207, 208, 209, 213, 214; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 245; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 232, 244; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 61; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 77, 102, 103, 104, 156
114. Plutarch, Lysander, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 97
115. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., augural law, ignored by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 196
116. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 203
1.1.6.  As regards parents, I should like to see them as highly educated as possible, and I do not restrict this remark to fathers alone. We are told that the eloquence of the Gracchi owed much to their mother Cornelia, whose letters even to‑day testify to the cultivation of her style. Laelia, the daughter of Gaius Laelius, is said to have reproduced the elegance of her father's language in her own speech, while the oration delivered before the triumvirs by Hortensia, the daughter of Quintus Hortensius, is still read and not merely as a compliment to her sex.
117. Suetonius, Caligula, 24.2-24.3, 30.1, 37.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 217, 242, 244; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 314
118. Suetonius, Claudius, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 342
119. Suetonius, De Rhetoribus, 4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 135
120. Suetonius, Domitianus, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 138
121. Suetonius, Iulius, 16.1-16.2, 20.1, 30.4-30.5, 40.2, 45.2, 55.1, 56.4, 56.6, 76.1, 80.3, 81.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 143, 185; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 70; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 272, 273, 275, 291, 339; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72, 75; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92, 93; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 117, 123
122. Suetonius, Tiberius, 2.2, 34.1, 59.2, 61.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 104; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 138, 207
123. Suetonius, Titus, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 206
124. Suetonius, Augustus, 10.1, 29.4, 34.1, 57.1, 70.2, 76.1-76.2, 89.2, 92.1-92.2, 94.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 146; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 345; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58, 62, 205; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119, 126
125. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 2.1, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 205, 206
126. Plutarch, Flaminius, 10.2, 10.4-10.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212, 213
10.2. τοὺς δὲ Ἕλληνας ἐρωτῶντες εἰ κλοιὸν ἔχοντες βαρύτερον μὲν, λειότερον δὲ τοῦ πάλαι τὸν νῦν, χαίρουσι, καὶ θαυμάζουσι τὸν Τίτον ὡς εὐεργέτην, ὅτι τοῦ ποδὸς λύσας τὴν Ἑλλάδα τοῦ τραχήλου δέδεκεν. ἐφʼ οἷς ἀχθόμενος ὁ Τίτος καὶ βαρέως φέρων, καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ συνεδρίου, τέλος ἐξέπεισε καὶ ταύτας τὰς πόλεις ἀνεῖναι τῆς φρουρᾶς, ὅπως ὁλόκληρος ἡ χάρις ὑπάρξῃ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. 10.4. προελθὼν εἰς μέσον ὁ κῆρυξ ἀνεῖπεν ὅτι Ῥωμαίων ἡ σύγκλητος καὶ Τίτος Κοΐντιος στρατηγὸς ὕπατος καταπολεμήσαντες βασιλέα Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας, ἀφιᾶσιν ἀφρουρήτους καὶ ἐλευθέρους καὶ ἀφορολογήτους, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις, Κορινθίους, Λοκρούς, Φωκεῖς, Εὐβοέας, Ἀχαιοὺς Φθιώτας, Μάγνητας, Θετταλούς, Περραιβούς. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον οὐ πάνυ πάντες οὐδὲ σαφῶς ἐπήκουσαν, ἀλλʼ ἀνώμαλος καὶ θορυβώδης κίνησις ἦν ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ θαυμαζόντων καὶ διαπυνθανομένων καὶ πάλιν ἀνειπεῖν κελευόντων· 10.5. ὡς δὲ αὖθις ἡσυχίας γενομένης ἀναγαγὼν ὁ κῆρυξ τὴν φωνὴν προθυμότερον εἰς ἅπαντας ἐγεγώνει καὶ διῆλθε τὸ κήρυγμα, κραυγὴ μὲν ἄπιστος τὸ μέγεθος διὰ χαρὰν ἐχώρει μέχρι θαλάττης, ὀρθὸν δὲ ἀνειστήκει τὸ θέατρον, οὐδεὶς δὲ λόγος ἦν τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων, ἔσπευδον δὲ πάντες ἀναπηδῆσαι καὶ δεξιώσασθαι καὶ προσειπεῖν τὸν σωτῆρα τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ πρόμαχον. 10.6. τὸ δὲ πολλάκις λεγόμενον εἰς ὑπερβολὴν τῆς φωνῆς καὶ μέγεθος ὤφθη τότε. κόρακες γὰρ ὑπερπετόμενοι κατὰ τύχην ἔπεσον εἰς τὸ στάδιον. αἰτία δὲ ἡ τοῦ ἀέρος ῥῆξις· ὅταν γὰρ ἡ φωνὴ πολλὴ καὶ μεγάλη φέρηται, διασπώμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῆς οὐκ ἀντερείδει τοῖς πετομένοις, ἀλλʼ ὀλίσθημα ποιεῖ καθάπερ κενεμβατοῦσιν, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία πληγῇ τινι μᾶλλον ὡς ὑπὸ βέλους διελαυνόμενα πίπτει καὶ ἀποθνῄσκει, δύναται δὲ καὶ περιδίνησις εἶναι τοῦ ἀέρος, οἷον ἑλιγμὸν ἐν πελάγει καὶ παλιρρύμην τοῦ σάλου διὰ μέγεθος λαμβάνοντος. 10.2. 10.4. 10.5. 10.6.
127. Plutarch, Timoleon, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80
2.2. οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν οὐδʼ ἀφʼ ὧν ἤδη πολλάκις εὐεργέτηντο πιστεύοντες ἐκείνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθόλου τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶντες φιλελεύθερον καὶ μισοτύραννον οὖσαν ἀεί, καὶ τῶν πολέμων τοὺς πλείστους καὶ μεγίστους πεπολεμηκυῖαν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας καὶ πλεονεξίας, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας. 2.2. not only because they trusted them on account of their kinship Syracuse was founded by Corinthians in 735 B.C. and in consequence of the many benefits they had already received from them, but also in general because they saw that the city was always a lover of freedom and a hater of tyrants, and had waged the most and greatest of her wars, not for supremacy and aggrandizement, but for the liberty of the Greeks.
128. Tacitus, Agricola, 21.1, 29.1, 43.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174, 232, 243
129. Tacitus, Annals, 1.4.5, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.10.5, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13, 1.14, 1.41, 2.27.1, 2.33.3, 2.33.4, 2.44.1, 2.59, 2.60, 2.61, 2.69-3.19, 2.72, 2.73, 2.75, 2.82, 2.83, 2.84, 3.1, 3.1.4, 3.1.3, 3.2, 3.2.3, 3.3.1, 3.5.2, 3.6, 3.9, 3.23.1, 3.30.3, 3.33.2, 3.33, 3.34.5, 3.34, 3.37.1, 3.52.3, 3.53.2, 3.54.2, 3.54.5, 3.54.3, 4.6.6, 4.6.4, 4.8, 4.9, 4.12, 4.39, 4.40, 4.41.3, 4.53.2, 4.53.1, 4.53, 4.67.2, 4.67.3, 4.69.1, 4.70.2, 6.1.1, 6.6.2, 6.7.1, 6.10.1, 6.19, 6.31.1, 6.49.1, 6.49.2, 11.22.1, 11.24, 11.27, 11.31.2, 12.5.3, 12.47, 12.49.1, 13.4.1, 13.12.2, 13.20, 13.30.1, 13.34.1, 14.3.3, 14.3, 14.4.3, 14.6.1, 14.10.2, 14.10.1, 14.15.2, 14.22.4, 14.52, 14.53, 14.53.2, 14.53.4, 14.53.5, 14.54, 14.54.3, 14.55, 14.56, 14.56.2, 15.23, 15.36, 15.37.3, 15.37.4, 15.37.2, 15.37.1, 15.42.1, 15.42.2, 15.44, 15.48, 15.48.2, 15.49.3, 15.53.2, 15.62, 16.12.2, 16.21.2, 16.21.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 217; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 366
3.9. Piso Delmatico mari tramisso relictisque apud Anconam navibus per Picenum ac mox Flaminiam viam adsequitur legionem, quae e Pannonia in urbem, dein praesidio Africae ducebatur: eaque res agitata rumoribus ut in agmine atque itinere crebro se militibus ostentavisset. ab Narnia, vitandae suspicionis an quia pavidis consilia in incerto sunt, Nare ac mox Tiberi devectus auxit vulgi iras, quia navem tumulo Caesarum adpulerat dieque et ripa frequenti, magno clientium agmine ipse, feminarum comi- tatu Plancina et vultu alacres incessere. fuit inter inritamenta invidiae domus foro imminens festa ornatu conviviumque et epulae et celebritate loci nihil occultum. 3.9.  After crossing the sea of Dalmatia, Piso left his vessels at Ancona, and, travelling through Picenum, then by the Flaminian Road, came up with a legion marching from Pannonia to Rome, to join later on the garrison in Africa: an incident which led to much gossip and discussion as to the manner in which he had kept showing himself to the soldiers on the march and by the wayside. From Narnia, either to avoid suspicion or because the plans of a frightened man are apt to be inconsistent, he sailed down the Nar, then down the Tiber, and added to the exasperation of the populace by bringing his vessel to shore at the mausoleum of the Caesars. It was a busy part of the day and of the river-side; yet he with a marching column of retainers, and Plancina with her escort of women, proceeded beaming on their way. There were other irritants also; among them, festal decorations upon his mansion looming above the forum; guests and a dinner; and, in that crowded quarter, full publicity for everything.
130. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 28.4-28.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •aurelia (mother of iulius caesar), as imitator of cornelia Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 203
131. Tacitus, Histories, 1.88, 3.83.2, 4.40.3, 4.67 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •drusus, iulius caesar •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus •caesar, gaius iulius Found in books: Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 296; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 131, 215, 217
1.88.  About this time Cornelius Dolabella was banished to the colony of Aquinum. He was not kept under close or secret watch, and no charge was made against him; but he had been made prominent by his ancient name and his close relationship to Galba. Many of the magistrates and a large part of the ex-consuls Otho directed to join his expedition, not to share or help in the war but simply as a suite. Among these was Lucius Vitellius, who was treated in the same way as the others and not at all as the brother of an emperor or as an enemy. This action caused anxiety at Rome. No class was free from fear or danger. The leading men of the senate were weak from old age and had grown inactive through a long peace; the nobility was indolent and had forgotten the art of war; the knights were ignorant of military service; the more all tried to hide and conceal their fear, the more evident they made their terror. Yet, on the other hand, there were some who with absurd ostentation brought splendid arms and fine horses; some made extravagant preparations for banquets and provided incentives to their lust as equipment for war. The wise had thought for peace and for the state; the foolish, careless of the future, were puffed up with idle hopes; many who had been distressed by loss of credit during peace were now enthusiastic in this time of disturbance and felt safest in uncertainty. 4.67.  In the meantime Julius Sabinus had destroyed all memorials of the alliance with Rome and directed that he should be saluted as Caesar; then he hurried a great and unorganized mob of his countrymen against the Sequani, a people that touched the boundaries of the Lingones and were faithful to us. The Sequani did not refuse battle; fortune favoured the better cause: the Lingones were routed. Sabinus was as prompt to flee in terror from the battle as he had been over-ready to begin it; and to spread a report of his own death he burned the country house to which he had fled for refuge, and it was generally believed that he had perished there by suicide. But I shall later tell in the proper place by what means and in what hiding-places he prolonged his life for nine years, and I shall also describe the fidelity of his friends and the noble example set by his wife Epponina. The success of the Sequani brought the impulse for war to a halt. Gradually the communities came to their senses and began to regard their duty under their treaties; in this movement the Remi took the lead by sending word through the Gallic provinces that envoys should be despatched to debate in their common interest whether the Gallic peoples preferred liberty or peace.
132. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217
133. Statius, Siluae, 2.1, 2.6-2.7, 3.2.101-3.2.126, 3.3, 3.5.75-3.5.76, 5.1, 5.3, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •germanicus iulius caesar •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •caesar (caius iulius caesar), as ‘wise man in egypt’ •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 193, 194, 205, 207, 208, 209, 213, 214; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 235
134. Silius Italicus, Punica, 8.50 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), as ‘wise man in egypt’ Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 194
135. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 46 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 175
136. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 2.17.1, 5.4.3-5.4.4, 7.1.1-7.1.3, 7.9.2, 7.11.1-7.11.2, 7.12.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 130, 131, 132, 133, 175
137. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 3.7.24, 9.4.69, 10.4.1, 12.10.47, 12.10.80 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 101
3.7.24.  It will be wise too for him to insert some words of praise for his audience, since this will secure their good will, and wherever it is possible this should be done in such a manner as to advance his case. Literature will win less praise at Sparta than at Athens, endurance and courage more. Among some races the life of a freebooter is accounted honourable, while others regard it as a duty to respect the laws. Frugality might perhaps be unpopular with the Sybarites, whilst luxury was regarded as crime by the ancient Romans. Similar differences of opinion are found in individuals. 10.4.1.  The next point which we have to consider is the correction of our work, which is by far the most useful portion of our study: for there is good reason for the view that erasure is quite as important a function of the pen as actual writing. Correction takes the form of addition, excision and alteration. But it is a comparatively simple and easy task to decide what is to be added or excised. On the other hand, to prune what is turgid, to elevate what is mean, to repress exuberance, arrange what is disorderly, introduce rhythm where it is lacking, and modify it where it is too emphatic, involves a twofold labour. For we have to condemn what had previously satisfied us and discover what had escaped our notice.
138. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 14.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 129
139. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.12.4, 1.13.5, 1.15.2, 1.23.2, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •germanicus (iulius caesar), death of •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 153; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 314
140. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 16.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •germanicus (iulius caesar), resolves mutiny Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 86
141. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 102
142. Seneca The Younger, De Constantia Sapientis, 3.1, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 111, 138
143. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.21.1-1.21.4, 2.23.4, 2.27.2, 3.17.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus •caesar, c. iulius •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 340; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 102; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 149, 178
144. Seneca The Younger, De Providentia (Dialogorum Liber I), 3.3, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 133
145. Seneca The Younger, On Leisure, 8.3-8.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 130, 131
146. Seneca The Younger, De Vita Beata (Dialogorum Liber Vii), 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 129
147. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 3.11.5, 6.7.1-6.7.2, 6.14.3, 11.17.2-11.17.6, 12.9.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •germanicus iulius caesar •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 246; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174, 232, 235, 241, 242, 254
148. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 84.1, 94.67-94.68, 104.15-104.16, 116.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 114; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 272
149. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 81
150. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 1099, 204-205, 456, 517-520, 719-735, 896-900, 1098 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 169
1098. tandemque raptum truncus ambusta sude
151. Appian, Civil Wars, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 92
152. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 11.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 168; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246
153. Suetonius, Nero, 16.2, 21.2, 26.1, 27.1-27.2, 28.2, 30.1-30.3, 31.1-31.3, 35.2, 38.2, 39.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 107; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 146, 155, 156, 207, 208; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 366
154. Plutarch, Sertorius, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, gaius Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 60
3.1. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν Κίμβρων καὶ Τευτόνων ἐμβεβληκότων εἰς Γαλατίαν στρατευόμενος ὑπὸ Καιπίωνι, κακῶς ἀγωνισαμένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ τροπῆς γενομένης ἀποβεβληκὼς τὸν ἵππον καὶ κατατετρωμένος τὸ σῶμα τὸν Ῥοδανὸν διεπέρασεν, αὐτῷ τε τῷ θώρακι καὶ θυρεῷ πρὸς ἐναντίον ῥεῦμα πολὺ νηχόμενος· οὕτω τὸ σῶμα ῥωμαλέον ἦν αὐτῷ καὶ διάπονον τῇ ἀσκήσει. 3.1.
155. Plutarch, Pompey, 2.2, 46.1-46.2, 52.3, 68.3-68.5, 70.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., augural law, ignored by •c. iulius caesar •germanicus iulius caesar Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213, 226; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 196; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54
2.2. ᾗ καὶ τοὔνομα πολλῶν ἐν ἀρχῇ συνεπιφερόντων οὐκ ἔφευγεν ὁ Πομπήϊος, ὥστε καὶ χλευάζοντας αὐτὸν ἐνίους ἤδη καλεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον. διὸ καὶ Λεύκιος Φίλιππος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, συνηγορῶν αὐτῷ, μηδὲν ἔφη ποιεῖν παράλογον εἰ Φίλιππος ὢν φιλαλέξανδρός ἐστιν. Φλώραν δὲ τὴν ἑταίραν ἔφασαν ἤδη πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ μνημονεύειν τῆς γενομένης αὐτῇ πρὸς Πομπήϊον ὁμιλίας, λέγουσαν ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἐκείνῳ συναναπαυσαμένην ἀδήκτως ἀπελθεῖν. 46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας. 46.2. ἣν γὰρ ἐκ προσηκόντων αὐτὸς ἐκτήσατο δύναμιν ἐν τῇ πόλει, ταύτῃ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ ἄλλων οὐ δικαίως, ὅσον ἐκείνοις ἰσχύος προσετίθει τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δόξης ἀφαιρῶν, ἔλαθε ῥώμῃ καὶ μεγέθει τῆς αὐτοῦ δυνάμεως καταλυθείς, καὶ καθάπερ τὰ καρτερώτατα μέρη καὶ χωρία τῶν πόλεων, ὅταν δέξηται πολεμίους, ἐκείνοις προστίθησι τὴν αὑτῶν ἰσχύν, οὕτως διὰ τῆς Πομπηΐου δυνάμεως Καῖσαρ ἐξαρθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἴσχυσε, τοῦτον ἀνέτρεψε καὶ κατέβαλεν. ἐπράχθη δὲ οὕτως. 52.3. ἔπειτα νόμους διὰ Τρεβωνίου δημαρχοῦντος εἰσέφερον, Καίσαρι μέν, ὥσπερ ὡμολόγητο, δευτέραν ἐπιμετροῦντας πενταετίαν, Κράσσῳ δὲ Συρίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν διδόντας, αὐτῷ δὲ Πομπηΐῳ Λιβύην ἅπασαν καὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἑκατέραν καὶ τέσσαρα τάγματα στρατιωτῶν, ὧν ἐπέχρησε δύο Καίσαρι δεηθέντι πρὸς τὸν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ πόλεμον. 68.3. ἑωθινῆς δὲ φυλακῆς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Καίσαρος στρατοπέδου πολλὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντος ἐξέλαμψε μέγα φῶς, ἐκ δὲ τούτου λαμπὰς ἀρθεῖσα φλογοειδὴς ἐπὶ τὸ ἐπὶ τὸ Coraës and Bekker, after Reiske: ἐπὶ . Πομπηΐου κατέσκηψε· καὶ τοῦτο ἰδεῖν φησι Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν τὰς φυλακάς. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ, μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς Σκοτοῦσαν ἀναζευγνύειν καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς τῶν στρατιωτῶν καθαιρούντων καὶ προπεμπόντων ὑποζύγια καὶ θεράποντας, ἧκον οἱ σκοποὶ φράζοντες ὅπλα πολλὰ καθορᾶν ἐν τῷ χάρακι τῶν πολεμίων διαφερόμενα, καὶ κίνησιν εἶναι καὶ θόρυβον ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ μάχην ἐξιόντων. 68.4. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἕτεροι παρῆσαν εἰς τάξιν ἤδη καθίστασθαι τοὺς πρώτους λέγοντες, ὁ μὲν οὖν Καῖσαρ εἰπὼν τὴν προσδοκωμένην ἥκειν ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ πρὸς ἄνδρας, οὐ πρὸς λιμὸν οὐδὲ πενίαν μαχοῦνται, κατὰ τάχος πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς ἐκέλευσε προθεῖναι τὸν φοινικοῦν χιτῶνα· τοῦτο γὰρ μάχης Ῥωμαίοις ἐστὶ σύμβολον. 68.5. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται θεασάμενοι μετὰ βοῆς καὶ χαρᾶς τὰς σκηνὰς ἀφέντες ἐφέροντο πρὸς τὰ ὅπλα. καὶ τῶν ταξιαρχῶν ἀγόντων εἰς ἣν ἔδει τάξιν, ἕκαστος, ὥσπερ χορός, ἄνευ θορύβου μεμελετημένως εἰς τάξιν εἰς τάξιν bracketed by Bekker. καὶ πρᾴως καθίστατο. 2.2. 46.1. 46.2. 52.3. 68.3. 68.4. 68.5.
156. Plutarch, Pericles, 1.1, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 262; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46
1.1. ξένους τινὰς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πλουσίους κυνῶν τέκνα καὶ πιθήκων ἐν τοῖς κόλποις περιφέροντας καὶ ἀγαπῶντας ἰδὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἠρώτησεν εἰ παιδία παρʼ αὐτοῖς οὐ τίκτουσιν αἱ γυναῖκες, ἡγεμονικῶς σφόδρα νουθετήσας τοὺς τὸ φύσει φιλητικὸν ἐν ἡμῖν καὶ φιλόστοργον εἰς θηρία καταναλίσκοντας ἀνθρώποις ὀφειλόμενον. 15.2. οὐκέθʼ ὁ αὐτὸς ἦν οὐδʼ ὁμοίως χειροήθης τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ῥᾴδιος ὑπείκειν καὶ συνενδιδόναι ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ὥσπερ πνοαῖς τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῆς ἀνειμένης ἐκείνης καὶ ὑποθρυπτομένης ἔνια δημαγωγίας, ὥσπερ ἀνθηρᾶς καὶ μαλακῆς ἁρμονίας, ἀριστοκρατικὴν καὶ βασιλικὴν ἐντεινάμενος πολιτείαν, καὶ χρώμενος αὐτῇ πρὸς τὸ βέλτιστον ὀρθῇ καὶ ἀνεγκλίτῳ, 1.1. On seeing certain wealthy foreigners in Rome carrying puppies and young monkeys about in their bosoms and fondling them, Caesar Caesar Augustus. asked, we are told, if the women in their country did not bear children, thus in right princely fashion rebuking those who squander on animals that proneness to love and loving affection which is ours by nature, and which is due only to our fellow-men. 15.2. But then he was no longer the same man as before, nor alike submissive to the people and ready to yield and give in to the desires of the multitude as a steersman to the breezes. Nay rather, forsaking his former lax and sometimes rather effeminate management of the people, as it were a flowery and soft melody, he struck the high and clear note of an aristocratic and kingly statesmanship, and employing it for the best interests of all in a direct and undeviating fashion,
157. Plutarch, Publicola, 12.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74
158. Plutarch, Otho, 13.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46
13.6. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ μετάνοια Τιτιανὸν ἔσχεν ἐκπέμψαντα τοὺς πρέσβεις· καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς θρασυνομένους αὖθις ἀνεβίβαζεν ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους παρεκάλει βοηθεῖν. τοῦ δὲ Κεκίνα προσελάσαντος τῷ ἵππῳ καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν ὀρέγοντος οὐδεὶς ἀντέσχεν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἠσπάζοντο τοὺς στρατιώτας, οἱ δὲ τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξαντες ἐξῄεσαν καὶ ἀνεμίγνυντο τοῖς προσήκουσιν. 13.6. But meanwhile Titianus had repented of having sent the embassy, and after ordering the more resolute of the soldiers back again upon the walls, he exhorted the rest to go to their support. However, when Caecina rode up on his horse and stretched out his hand to them, not a man resisted further, but some greeted his soldiers from the walls, while others, throwing open the gates, went forth and mingled with the advancing troops.
159. Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogae, 1.77-1.83 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 160
160. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 8.5, 10.5, 23.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213, 258
161. Plutarch, Romulus, 1.1, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •caesar (g. iulius caesar) Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 85; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54, 80
1.1. τὸ μέγα τῆς Ῥώμης ὄνομα καὶ δόξῃ διὰ πάντων ἀνθρώπων κεχωρηκὸς ἀφʼ ὅτου καὶ διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν τῇ πόλει γέγονεν, οὐχ ὡμολόγηται παρὰ τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν Πελασγούς, ἐπὶ πλεῖστα τῆς οἰκουμένης πλανηθέντας ἀνθρώπων τε πλείστων κρατήσαντας, αὐτόθι κατοικῆσαι, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ῥώμην οὕτως ὀνομάσαι τὴν πόλιν, 1.1. From whom, and for what reason the great name of Rome, so famous among mankind, was given to that city, writers are not agreed. Some say that the Pelasgians, after wandering over most of the habitable earth and subduing most of mankind, settled down on that site, and that from their strength in war they called their city Rome.
162. Plutarch, Sulla, 6.9, 33.1-33.2, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., at alexandria •iulius caesar, c., despot, a •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., dictator with extended term •iulius caesar, c., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 48; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46
6.9. ἐν αὐτῷ γε τούτῳ τῷ συμμαχικῷ πολέμῳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ στρατηγικὸν ἄνδρα πρεσβευτήν, Ἀλβῖνον ὄνομα, ξύλοις καὶ λίθοις διαχρησαμένων, παρῆλθε καὶ οὐκ ἐπεξῆλθεν ἀδίκημα τοσοῦτον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σεμνυνόμενος διεδίδου λόγον ὡς προθυμοτέροις διὰ τοῦτο χρήσοιτο πρὸς τόν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς ἰωμένοις τὸ ἁμάρτημα διʼ ἀνδραγαθίας. τῶν δʼ ἐγκαλούντων οὐδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν, ἀλλὰ ἤδη καταλῦσαι Μάριον διανοούμενος καὶ τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πολέμου τέλος ἔχειν δοκοῦντος ἀποδειχθῆναι στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην, ἐθεράπευε τὴν ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ στρατιάν. 33.1. ἔξω δὲ τῶν φονικῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλύπει. δικτάτορα μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε, διʼ ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβών. ἐψηφίσθη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐξουσία θανάτου, δημεύσεως, κληρουχιῶν, κτίσεως, πορθήσεως, ἀφελέσθαι βασιλείαν, καὶ ᾧ καὶ ᾧ with Bekker, after Reiske: ᾧ . βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι. 33.2. τὰς δὲ διαπράσεις τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων οὕτως ὑπερηφάνως ἐποιεῖτο καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος, ὥστε τῶν ἀφαιρέσεων ἐπαχθεστέρας αὐτοῦ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι, καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐμόρφοις καὶ λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις καὶ καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς ἐθνῶν χώρας καὶ πόλεων χαριζομένου προσόδους, ἐνίοις δὲ γάμους ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων γυναικῶν. 35.2. διὰ μέσου δὲ τῆς θοίνης πολυημέρου γενομένης ἀπέθνησκεν ἡ Μετέλλα νόσῳ· καὶ τῶν ἱερέων τὸν Σύλλαν οὐκ ἐώντων αὐτῇ προσελθεῖν οὐδὲ τήν οἰκίαν τῷ κήδει μιανθῆναι, γραψάμενος διάλυσιν τοῦ γάμου πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ Σύλλας ἔτι ζῶσαν ἐκέλευσεν εἰς ἑτέραν οἰκίαν μετακομισθῆναι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀκριβῶς τὸ νόμιμον ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἐτήρησε· τὸν δὲ τῆς ταφῆς ὁρίζοντα τήν δαπάνην νόμον αὐτὸς εἰσενηνοχὼς παρέβη, μηδενὸς ἀναλώματος φεισάμενος. 6.9. 33.1. 33.2. 35.2.
163. Plutarch, Phocion, 1.4, 3.1-3.5, 26.1-26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 173, 212, 258; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 46
3.1. ταῦτα δὲ καὶ Κάτωνι τῷ νέῳ συνέβη, καὶ γὰρ οὗτος οὐ πιθανὸν ἔσχεν οὐδὲ προσφιλὲς ὄχλῳ τὸ ἦθος, οὐδὲ ἤνθησεν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ πρὸς χάριν· ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Κικέρων φησὶν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ Πλάτωνος πολιτείᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῇ Ῥωμύλου πολιτευόμενον ὑποστάθμῃ τῆς ὑπατείας ἐκπεσεῖν, ἐμοὶ δὲ ταὐτὸ δοκεῖ παθεῖν τοῖς μὴ καθʼ ὥραν ἐκφανεῖσι καρποῖς. 3.2. ὡς γὰρ ἐκείνους ἡδέως ὁρῶντες καὶ θαυμάζοντες οὐ χρῶνται, οὕτως ἡ Κάτωνος ἀρχαιοτροπία διὰ χρόνων πολλῶν ἐπιγενομένη βίοις διεφθορόσι καὶ πονηροῖς ἔθεσι δόξαν μὲν εἶχε μεγάλην καὶ κλέος, οὐκ ἐνήρμοσε δὲ ταῖς χρείαις διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀσύμμετρον τοῖς καθεστῶσι καιροῖς. 3.3. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς οὐ κεκλιμένης μὲν ἤδη τῆς πατρίδος, ὥσπερ ὁ Φωκίων, πολὺν δὲ χειμῶνα καὶ σάλον ἐχούσης, ὅσον ἱστίων καὶ κάλων ἐπιλαβέσθαι καὶ παραστῆναι τοῖς πλέον δυναμένοις πολιτευσάμενος, οἰάκων δὲ καὶ κυβερνήσεως ἀπωσθείς, ὅμως μέγαν ἀγῶνα τῇ τύχῃ περιέστησεν. εἷλε μὲν γὰρ καὶ κατέβαλε τὴν πολιτείαν διʼ ἄλλους, μόλις δὲ καὶ βραδέως καὶ χρόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ παρὰ μικρὸν ἐλθοῦσαν περιγενέσθαι διὰ Κάτωνα καὶ τὴν Κάτωνος ἀρετήν· 3.4. ᾗ παραβάλλομεν τὴν Φωκίωνος, οὐ κατὰ κοινὰς ὁμοιότητας, ὡς ἀγαθῶν καὶ πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔστι γὰρ ἀμέλει καὶ ἀνδρείας διαφορὰ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν, ὡς τῆς Ἀλκιβιάδου πρὸς τὴν Ἐπαμεινώνδου, καὶ φρονήσεως πρὸς φρόνησιν, ὡς τῆς Θεμιστοκλέους πρὸς τὴν Ἀριστείδου, καὶ δικαιοσύνης πρὸς δικαιοσύνην, ὡς τῆς Νομᾶ πρὸς τὴν Ἀγησιλάου. 3.5. τούτων δὲ τῶν ἀνδρῶν αἱ ἀρεταὶ μέχρι τῶν τελευταίων καὶ ἀτόμων διαφορῶν ἕνα χαρακτῆρα καὶ μορφὴν καὶ χρῶμα κοινὸν ἤθους ἐγκεκραμένον ἐκφέρουσιν, ὥσπερ ἴσῳ μέτρῳ μεμιγμένου πρὸς τὸ αὐστηρὸν τοῦ φιλανθρώπου καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τοῦ ἀνδρείου, καὶ τῆς ὑπὲρ ἄλλων μὲν κηδεμονίας, ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δὲ ἀφοβίας, καὶ πρὸς μὲν τὸ αἰσχρὸν εὐλαβείας, πρὸς δὲ τὸ δίκαιον εὐτονίας συνηρμοσμένης ὁμοίως· ὥστε λεπτοῦ πάνυ λόγου δεῖσθαι καθάπερ ὀργάνου πρὸς διάκρισιν καὶ ἀνεύρεσιν τῶν διαφερόντων. 26.1. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Κρατεροῦ διαβάντος ἐξ Ἀσίας μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως καὶ γενομένης πάλιν ἐν Κραννῶνι παρατάξεως, ἡττήθησαν μὲν οἱ Ἕλληνες οὔτε μεγάλην ἧτταν οὔτε πολλῶν πεσόντων, ἀπειθείᾳ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ νέους ὄντας, καὶ ἅμα τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν πειρῶντος Ἀντιπάτρου, διαρρυέντες αἴσχιστα προήκαντο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. 26.2. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄγοντος τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τὴν δύναμιν οἱ μὲν περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Ὑπερείδην ἀπηλλάγησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, Δημάδης δέ, μηθὲν μέρος ὧν ὤφειλε χρημάτων ἐπὶ ταῖς καταδίκαις ἐκτῖσαι τῇ πόλει· δυνάμενος ἡλώκει γὰρ ἑπτὰ γραφὰς παρανόμων καὶ γεγονὼς ἄτιμος ἐξείργετο τοῦ λέγειν, ἄδειαν εὑρόμενος τότε, γράφει ψήφισμα ἐκπέμπειν ἐκπέμπειν with Doehner; the MSS. have καὶ πέυπει , which Bekker retains: πέμπειν , after Coraës. πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης πρέσβεις αὐτοκράτορας. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 26.1. 26.2.
164. Plutarch, Themistocles, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247
3.4. ἃ δῆλον ὅτι νοήσας ὁ Πιτθεύς, ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἢ διηπάτησε τῇ Αἴθρᾳ συγγενέσθαι. συνελθὼν δὲ καὶ γνοὺς ἐκεῖνος ὅτι τῇ Πιτθέως θυγατρὶ συγγέγονε, καὶ κύειν αὐτὴν ὑπονοήσας, ἀπέλιπε ξίφος καὶ πέδιλα κρύψας ὑπὸ πέτραν μεγάλην, ἐντὸς ἔχουσαν κοιλότητα συμμέτρως ἐμπεριλαμβάνουσαν τὰ κείμενα.
165. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 3.1.3-3.1.4 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205
3.1.3. ὁ δὲ εἰς μὲν Πηλούσιον φυλακὴν εἰσήγαγε, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν ἀναπλεῖν κατὰ τὸν ποταμὸν κελεύσας ἔστε ἐπὶ Μέμφιν πόλιν αὐτὸς ἐφʼ Ἡλιουπόλεως ᾔει, ἐν δεξιᾷ ἔχων τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Νεῖλον, καὶ ὅσα καθʼ ὁδὸν χωρία ἐνδιδόντων τῶν ἐνοικούντων κατασχὼν διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου ἀφίκετο ἐς Ἡλιούπολιν· 3.1.4. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ διαβὰς τὸν πόρον ἧκεν ἐς Μέμφιν· καὶ θύει ἐκεῖ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις θεοῖς καὶ τῷ Ἄπιδι καὶ ἀγῶνα ἐποίησε γυμνικόν τε καὶ μουσικόν· ἧκον δὲ αὐτῷ οἱ ἀμφὶ ταῦτα τεχνῖται ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οἱ δοκιμώτατοι. ἐκ δὲ Μέμφιος κατέπλει κατὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ὡς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν τούς τε ὑπασπιστὰς ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν λαβὼν καὶ τοὺς τοξότας καὶ τοὺς Ἀγριᾶνας καὶ τῶν ἱππέων τὴν βασιλικὴν ἴλην τὴν τῶν ἑταίρων.
166. Plutarch, Theseus, 27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213
167. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 25.1, 26.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46, 54
168. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54
169. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 7.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 186; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46
170. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.20.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (gaius iulius caesar) Found in books: Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 98
1.20.3. τοῦ Διονύσου δέ ἐστι πρὸς τῷ θεάτρῳ τὸ ἀρχαιότατον ἱερόν· δύο δέ εἰσιν ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ναοὶ καὶ Διόνυσοι, ὅ τε Ἐλευθερεὺς καὶ ὃν Ἀλκαμένης ἐποίησεν ἐλέφαντος καὶ χρυσοῦ. γραφαὶ δὲ αὐτόθι Διόνυσός ἐστιν ἀνάγων Ἥφαιστον ἐς οὐρανόν· λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων, ὡς Ἥρα ῥίψαι γενόμενον Ἥφαιστον, ὁ δέ οἱ μνησικακῶν πέμψαι δῶρον χρυσοῦν θρόνον ἀφανεῖς δεσμοὺς ἔχοντα, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἐπεί τε ἐκαθέζετο δεδέσθαι, θεῶν δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐδενὶ τὸν Ἥφαιστον ἐθέλειν πείθεσθαι, Διόνυσος δὲ— μάλιστα γὰρ ἐς τοῦτον πιστὰ ἦν Ἡφαίστῳ—μεθύσας αὐτὸν ἐς οὐρανὸν ἤγαγε· ταῦτά τε δὴ γεγραμμένα εἰσὶ καὶ Πενθεὺς καὶ Λυκοῦργος ὧν ἐς Διόνυσον ὕβρισαν διδόντες δίκας, Ἀριάδνη δὲ καθεύδουσα καὶ Θησεὺς ἀναγόμενος καὶ Διόνυσος ἥκων ἐς τῆς Ἀριάδνης τὴν ἁρπαγήν. 1.20.3. The oldest sanctuary of Dionysus is near the theater. Within the precincts are two temples and two statues of Dionysus, the Eleuthereus (Deliverer) and the one Alcamenes made of ivory and gold. There are paintings here—Dionysus bringing Hephaestus up to heaven. One of the Greek legends is that Hephaestus, when he was born, was thrown down by Hera. In revenge he sent as a gift a golden chair with invisible fetters. When Hera sat down she was held fast, and Hephaestus refused to listen to any other of the gods save Dionysus—in him he reposed the fullest trust—and after making him drunk Dionysus brought him to heaven. Besides this picture there are also represented Pentheus and Lycurgus paying the penalty of their insolence to Dionysus, Ariadne asleep, Theseus putting out to sea, and Dionysus on his arrival to carry off Ariadne.
171. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 2.14.4-2.14.12, 3.42-3.43, 3.47.9, 3.54.2, 3.55.6, 3.61.9, 16.17.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 95, 102, 103, 107, 109, 270
172. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 1.16.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80
173. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 4.8.6-4.8.7, 4.9, 4.14.7, 5.6.3-5.6.5, 5.6.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •germanicus iulius caesar Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 233; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244
174. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.33.1, 3.33.2, 5.37.3 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 269
175. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 12.25 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13
176. Apuleius, On Plato, 2.15.241-2.15.242 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •drusus, iulius caesar •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 216
177. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 7.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 258
178. Aelian, Nature of Animals, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 168
179. Lucian, The Carousal, Or The Lapiths, 18-19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 138
180. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.5.10, 5.6.45 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 61; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 204
181. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 5.6.45 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 204
182. Cassius Dio, Roman History, a b c d\n0 44.22.2-34.1 44.22.2 44 22\n1 45.1.3 45.1.3 45 1 \n2 56.25.5 56.25.5 56 25\n3 45.7.2 45.7.2 45 7 \n4 45.7.1 45.7.1 45 7 \n.. ... ... .. .. \n126 56.1 56.1 56 1 \n127 56.2 56.2 56 2 \n128 56.10 56.10 56 10\n129 62(63).13.1 62(63).13.1 62(63) 13\n130 57.18.5 57.18.5 57 18\n\n[131 rows x 4 columns] (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 92
183. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 114
184. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.20 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74
185. Gellius, Attic Nights, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 70
186. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 20.6-20.11, 22.16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform •c. iulius caesar, birthday Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 40, 79, 83, 109, 111, 112, 113, 117, 123
187. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 2.13.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 375
188. Apuleius, Apology, 85.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •germanicus (iulius caesar), death of Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 78
189. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 1.4.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86
190. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 375
191. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 68 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 162
192. Diogenes Laertius, Epigrams, None (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205
193. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 15.9-15.12 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 291
194. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla, 9.10-9.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 233
195. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 16, 2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 249
196. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 3.4-3.5, 6.9, 7.4-7.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 233
197. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.730, 2.80, 4.4, 6.790, 8.681, 10.228 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, caesar (iulius) •caesar, c. iulius •c. iulius caesar •caesar (g. iulius caesar) •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (g. iulius caesar), stellar imagery of Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 218; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 71, 157, 162; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 260; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 148; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 81
198. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.7.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 208
199. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.7.24, 1.8.1, 1.10.2, 1.12.31, 1.12.34-1.12.35, 1.13.11, 1.13.19, 1.13.21, 1.14, 1.14.2-1.14.3, 1.14.6-1.14.15, 1.15.8-1.15.12, 2.4.11, 3.17, 3.17.1-3.17.3, 3.17.6, 3.17.11-3.17.12, 3.17.14-3.17.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105, 109; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 36, 40, 79, 83, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119, 123
200. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.17, 3.17.1-3.17.3, 3.17.6, 3.17.11-3.17.12, 3.17.14-3.17.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105, 109
201. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 1.19.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172
202. Servius, In Vergilii Bucolicon Librum, 9.46 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar) •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (g. iulius caesar), stellar imagery of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 70, 71, 157, 160, 162
203. Augustine, De Octo Dulcitii Quaestionibus Liber, 1.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 106
204. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Claud., 4.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, memorial day Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 150
205. Martianus Capella, On The Marriage of Philology And Mercury, 5.444, 5.470-5.472 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 248, 261
206. Victor, De Caesaribus, 21.4 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 233
207. Justinian, Digest, 40.2.7-40.2.8 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74, 77
208. Grillius Grammarian 5Th Cent., Excerpta Ex Grillii Commento, 87.29-87.35, 88.51, 89.77-89.91 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 255, 260
209. Isidore of Seville, Origines (Etymologiarum), 19.1.25-19.1.26 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), master of rivers Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 59
234. Suetonius, Ann., 14.2  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86
236. Epigraphy, Cil, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 357; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
237. Epigraphy, Ephesos, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 229
238. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 352
239. Epigraphy, Ils, 112, 15, 212, 425, 6258, 70-71, 7272, 867, 870, 8745, 6091  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 361
240. Epigraphy, Seg, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 361
242. Valerius Antias, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 189
243. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 1.19.2  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172
245. Augustus, Geography, 94.5, 94.12  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar) Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 67, 74
246. Pseudo-Sallust, In Ciceronem, 4-5  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 204, 243
247. Parthenius, Test. Lightfoot, 4  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86
249. Aristid., Aeg., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13
250. Ps. Plutarch, Proverb. Alex., 60  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13
253. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., 1.22.54, 2.16, 2.34.5-2.34.6  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56, 61
256. Cicero Marcus Tullius Marci Filius, Ad Marcum Ciceronem Filium Suum offitorum Liber, 1, 21-23, 34, 29  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276
257. Epigraphy, Illrp, 343-344, 351, 374, 406-407, 514, 533, 583, 9  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 102
258. Scaevola, Digesta, 50.16.98  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119
259. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 1.18, 1.46-1.47, 32.19  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar) •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 85; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 83
260. Strabo, Geography, 5.3.7, 13.1.27, 17.1.8, 17.1.10-17.1.13  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 224, 225; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 208, 209, 214; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58
5.3.7. In the interior, the first city above Ostia is Rome; it is the only city built on the Tiber. It has been remarked above, that its position was fixed, not by choice, but necessity; to this must be added, that those who afterwards enlarged it, were not at liberty to select a better site, being prevented by what was already built. The first [kings] fortified the Capitol, the Palatium, and the Collis Quirinalis, which was so easy of access, that when Titus Tatius came to avenge the rape of the [Sabine] virgins, he took it on the first assault. Ancus Marcius, who added Mount Caelius and the Aventine Mount with the intermediate plain, separated as these places were both from each other and from what had been formerly fortified, was compelled to do this of necessity; since he did not consider it proper to leave outside his walls, heights so well protected by nature, to whomsoever might have a mind to fortify themselves upon them, while at the same time he was not capable of enclosing the whole as far as Mount Quirinus. Servius perceived this defect, and added the Esquiline and Viminal hills. As these were both of easy access from without, a deep trench was dug outside them and the earth thrown up on the inside, thus forming a terrace of 6 stadia in length along the inner side of the trench. This terrace he surmounted with a wall flanked with towers, and extending from the Colline to the Esquiline gate. Midway along the terrace is a third gate, named after the Viminal hill. Such is the Roman rampart, which seems to stand in need of other ramparts itself. But it seems to me that the first [founders] were of opinion, both in regard to themselves and their successors, that Romans had to depend not on fortifications, but on arms and their individual valour, both for safety and for wealth, and that walls were not a defence to men, but men were a defence to walls. At the period of its commencement, when the large and fertile districts surrounding the city belonged to others, and while it lay easily open to assault, there was nothing in its position which could be looked upon as favourable; but when by valour and labour these districts became its own, there succeeded a tide of prosperity surpassing the advantages of every other place. Thus, notwithstanding the prodigious increase of the city, there has been plenty of food, and also of wood and stone for ceaseless building, rendered necessary by the falling down of houses, and on account of conflagrations, and of the sales, which seem never to cease. These sales are a kind of voluntary falling down of houses, each owner knocking down and rebuilding one part or another, according to his individual taste. For these purposes the numerous quarries, the forests, and the rivers which convey the materials, offer wonderful facilities. of these rivers, the first is the Teverone, which flows from Alba, a city of the Latins near to the country of the Marsi, and from thence through the plain below this [city], till it unites with the Tiber. After this come the Nera (Nar) and the Timia, which passing through Ombrica fall into the Tiber, and the Chiana, which flows through Tyrrhenia and the territory of Clusiumn. Augustus Caesar endeavoured to avert from the city damages of the kind alluded to, and instituted a company of freedmen, who should be ready to lend their assistance in cases of conflagration; whilst, as a preventive against the falling of houses, he decreed that all new buildings should not be carried so high as formerly, and that those erected along the public ways should not exceed seventy feet in height. But these improvements must have ceased only for the facilities afforded by the quarries, the forests, and the ease of transport. 13.1.27. Also the Ilium of today was a kind of village-city when the Romans first set foot on Asia and expelled Antiochus the Great from the country this side of Taurus. At any rate, Demetrius of Scepsis says that, when as a lad he visited the city about that time, he found the settlement so neglected that the buildings did not so much as have tiled roofs. And Hegesianax says that when the Galatae crossed over from Europe they needed a stronghold and went up into the city for that reason, but left it at once because of its lack of walls. But later it was greatly improved. And then it was ruined again by the Romans under Fimbria, who took it by siege in the course of the Mithridatic war. Fimbria had been sent as quaestor with Valerius Flaccus the consul when the latter was appointed to the command against Mithridates; but Fimbria raised a mutiny and slew the consul in the neighborhood of Bithynia, and was himself set up as lord of the army; and when he advanced to Ilium, the Ilians would not admit him, as being a brigand, and therefore he applied force and captured the place on the eleventh day. And when he boasted that he himself had overpowered on the eleventh day the city which Agamemnon had only with difficulty captured in the tenth year, although the latter had with him on his expedition the fleet of a thousand vessels and the whole of Greece, one of the Ilians said: Yes, for the city's champion was no Hector. Now Sulla came over and overthrew Fimbria, and on terms of agreement sent Mithridates away to his homeland, but he also consoled the Ilians by numerous improvements. In my time, however, the deified Caesar was far more thoughtful of them, at the same time also emulating the example of Alexander; for Alexander set out to provide for them on the basis of a renewal of ancient kinship, and also because at the same time he was fond of Homer; at any rate, we are told of a recension of the poetry of Homer, the Recension of the Casket, as it is called, which Alexander, along with Callisthenes and Anaxarchus, perused and to a certain extent annotated, and then deposited in a richly wrought casket which he had found amongst the Persian treasures. Accordingly, it was due both to his zeal for the poet and to his descent from the Aeacidae who reigned as kings of the Molossians — where, as we are also told, Andromache, who had been the wife of Hector, reigned as queen — that Alexander was kindly disposed towards the Ilians. But Caesar, not only being fond of Alexander, but also having better known evidences of kinship with the Ilians, felt encouraged to bestow kindness upon them with all the zest of youth: better known evidences, first, because he was a Roman, and because the Romans believe Aeneias to have been their original founder; and secondly, because the name Iulius was derived from that of a certain Iulus who was one of his ancestors, and this Iulus got his appellation from the Iulus who was one of the descendants of Aeneas. Caesar therefore allotted territory to them end also helped them to preserve their freedom and their immunity from taxation; and to this day they remain in possession of these favors. But that this is not the site of the ancient Ilium, if one considers the matter in accordance with Homer's account, is inferred from the following considerations. But first I must give a general description of the region in question, beginning at that point on the coast where I left off. 17.1.8. The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or military cloak. The sides, which determine the length, are surrounded by water, and are about thirty stadia in extent; but the isthmuses, which determine the breadth of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia, bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The whole city is intersected by roads for the passage of horsemen and chariots. Two of these are very broad, exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut one another at right angles. It contains also very beautiful public grounds and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even a third part of its whole extent. For as each of the kings was desirous of adding some embellishment to the places dedicated to the public use, so, besides the buildings already existing, each of them erected a building at his own expense; hence the expression of the poet may be here applied, one after the other springs. All the buildings are connected with one another and with the harbour, and those also which are beyond it.The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public walk and a place furnished with seats, and a large hall, in which the men of learning, who belong to the Museum, take their common meal. This community possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by the kings, but at present by Caesar, presides over the Museum.A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings and that of Alexander (the Great). For Ptolemy the son of Lagus took away the body of Alexander from Perdiccas, as he was conveying it down from Babylon; for Perdiccas had turned out of his road towards Egypt, incited by ambition and a desire of making himself master of the country. When Ptolemy had attacked [and made him prisoner], he intended to [spare his life and] confine him in a desert island, but he met with a miserable end at the hand of his own soldiers, who rushed upon and despatched him by transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with him, Aridaeus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife, departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body of Alexander, and deposited it at Alexandreia in the place where it now lies; not indeed in the same coffin, for the present one is of hyalus (alabaster ?) whereas Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold: it was plundered by Ptolemy surnamed Cocce's son and Pareisactus, who came from Syria and was quickly deposed, so that his plunder was of no service to him. 17.1.10. Next after the Heptastadium is the harbour of Eunostus, and above this the artificial harbour, called Cibotus (or the Ark), which also has docks. At the bottom of this harbour is a navigable canal, extending to the lake Mareotis. Beyond the canal there still remains a small part of the city. Then follows the suburb Necropolis, in which are numerous gardens, burial-places, and buildings for carrying on the process of embalming the dead.On this side the canal is the Sarapium and other ancient sacred places, which are now abandoned on account of the erection of the temples at Nicopolis; for [there are situated] an amphitheatre and a stadium, and there are celebrated quinquennial games; but the ancient rites and customs are neglected.In short, the city of Alexandreia abounds with public and sacred buildings. The most beautiful of the former is the Gymnasium, with porticos exceeding a stadium in extent. In the middle of it are the court of justice and groves. Here also is a Paneium, an artificial mound of the shape of a fir-cone, resembling a pile of rock, to the top of which there is an ascent by a spiral path. From the summit may be seen the whole city lying all around and beneath it.The wide street extends in length along the Gymnasium from the Necropolis to the Canobic gate. Next is the Hippodromos (or race-course), as it is called, and other buildings near it, and reaching to the Canobic canal. After passing through the Hippodromos is the Nicopolis, which contains buildings fronting the sea not less numerous than a city. It is 30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus Caesar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated Antony and his party of adherents. He took the city at the first onset, and compelled Antony to put himself to death, but Cleopatra to surrender herself alive. A short time afterwards, however, she also put an end to her life secretly, in prison, by the bite of an asp, or (for there are two accounts) by the application of a poisonous ointment. Thus the empire of the Lagidae, which had subsisted many years, was dissolved. 17.1.11. Alexander was succeeded by Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the son of Lagus by Philadelphus, Philadelphus by Euergetes; next succeeded Philopator the lover of Agathocleia, then Epiphanes, afterwards Philometor, the son (thus far) always succeeding the father. But Philometor was succeeded by his brother, the second Euergetes, who was also called Physcon. He was succeeded by Ptolemy surnamed Lathurus, Lathurus by Auletes of our time, who was the father of Cleopatra. All these kings, after the third Ptolemy, were corrupted by luxury and effeminacy, and the affairs of government were very badly administered by them; but worst of all by the fourth, the seventh, and the last, Auletes (or the Piper), who, besides other deeds of shamelessness, acted the piper; indeed he gloried so much in the practice, that he scrupled not to appoint trials of skill in his palace; on which occasions he presented himself as a competitor with other rivals. He was deposed by the Alexandrines; and of his three daughters, one, the eldest, who was legitimate, they proclaimed queen; but his two sons, who were infants, were absolutely excluded from the succession.As a husband for the daughter established on the throne, the Alexandrines invited one Cybiosactes from Syria, who pretended to be descended from the Syrian kings. The queen after a few days, unable to endure his coarseness and vulgarity, rid herself of him by causing him to be strangled. She afterwards married Archelaus, who also pretended to be the son of Mithridates Eupator, but he was really the son of that Archelaus who carried on war against Sulla, and was afterwards honourably treated by the Romans. He was grandfather of the last king of Cappadocia in our time, and priest of Comana in Pontus. He was then (at the time we are speaking of) the guest of Gabinius, and intended to accompany him in an expedition against the Parthians, but unknown to Gabinius, he was conducted away by some (friends) to the queen, and declared king.At this time Pompey the Great entertained Auletes as his guest on his arrival at Rome, and recommended him to the senate, negotiated his return, and contrived the execution of most of the deputies, in number a hundred, who had undertaken to appear against him: at their head was Dion the academic philosopher.Ptolemy (Auletes) on being restored by Gabinius, put to death both Archelaus and his daughter; but not long after he was reinstated in his kingdom, he died a natural death, leaving two sons and two daughters, the eldest of whom was Cleopatra.The Alexandrines declared as sovereigns the eldest son and Cleopatra. But the adherents of the son excited a sedition, and banished Cleopatra, who retired with her sister into Syria.It was about this time that Pompey the Great, in his flight from Palaepharsalus, came to Pelusium and Mount Casium. He was treacherously slain by the king's party. When Caesar arrived, he put the young prince to death, and sending for Cleopatra from her place of exile, appointed her queen of Egypt, declaring also her surviving brother, who was very young, and herself joint sovereigns.After the death of Caesar and the battle at Pharsalia, Antony passed over into Asia; he raised Cleopatra to the highest dignity, made her his wife, and had children by her. He was present with her at the battle of Actium, and accompanied her in her flight. Augustus Caesar pursued them, put an end to their power, and rescued Egypt from misgovernment and revelry. 17.1.12. At present Egypt is a (Roman) province, pays considerable tribute, and is well governed by prudent persons, who are sent there in succession. The governor thus sent out has the rank of king. Subordinate to him is the administrator of justice, who is the supreme judge in many causes. There is another officer, who is called Idiologus, whose business it is to inquire into property for which there is no claimant, and which of right falls to Caesar. These are accompanied by Caesar's freedmen and stewards, who are entrusted with affairs of more or less importance.Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city, the rest in the country. Besides these there are also nine Roman cohorts, three quartered in the city, three on the borders of Ethiopia in Syene, as a guard to that tract, and three in other parts of the country. There are also three bodies of cavalry distributed in convenient posts.of the native magistrates in the cities, the first is the expounder of the law, who is dressed in scarlet; he receives the customary honours of the country, and has the care of providing what is necessary for the city. The second is the writer of records, the third is the chief judge. The fourth is the commander of the night guard. These magistrates existed in the time of the kings, but in consequence of the bad administration of affairs by the latter, the prosperity of the city was ruined by licentiousness. Polybius expresses his indignation at the state of things when lie was there: he describes the inhabitants of the city to be composed of three classes; the (first) Egyptians and natives, acute but indifferent citizens, and meddling with civil affairs. Tile second, the mercenaries, a numerous and undisciplined body ; for it was an ancient custom to maintain foreign soldiers, who, from the worthlessness of their sovereigns, knew better how to govern than to obey. The third were the Alexandrines, who, for the same reason, were not orderly citizens; but still they were better than the mercenaries, for although they were a mixed race, yet being of Greek origin, they retained the customs common to the Greeks. But this class was extinct nearly about the time of Euergetes Physcon, in whose reign Polybius came to Alexandreia. For Physcon, being distressed by factions, frequently exposed the multitude to the attacks of the soldiery, and thus destroyed them. By such a state of things in the city the words of the poet (says Polybius) were verified: The way to Egypt is long and vexatious. 17.1.13. Such then, if not worse, was the condition of the city under the last kings. The Romans, as far as they were able, corrected, as I have said, many abuses, and established an orderly government, by appointing vice-governors, nomarchs, and ethnarchs, whose business it was to superintend affairs of minor importance.The greatest advantage which the city possesses arises from its being the only place in all Egypt well situated by nature for communication with the sea by its excellent harbour, and with the land by the river, by means of which everything is easily transported and collected together into this city, which is the greatest mart in the habitable world.These may be said to be the superior excellencies of the city. Cicero, in one of his orations, in speaking of the revenues of Egypt, states that an annual tribute of 12,000 talents was paid to Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. If then a king, who administered his government in the worst possible manner, and with the greatest negligence, obtained so large a revenue, what must we suppose it to be at present, when affairs are administered with great care, and when the commerce with India and with Troglodytica has been so greatly increased ? For formerly not even twenty vessels ventured to navigate the Arabian Gulf, or advance to the smallest distance beyond the straits at its mouth; but now large fleets are despatched as far as India and the extremities of Ethiopia, from which places the most valuable freights are brought to Egypt, and are thence exported to other parts, so that a double amount of custom is collected, arising from imports on the one hand, and from exports on the other. The most expensive description of goods is charged with the heaviest impost; for in fact Alexandreia has a monopoly of trade, and is almost the only receptacle for this kind of merchandise and place of supply for foreigners. The natural convenience of the situation is still more apparent to persons travelling through the country, and particularly along the coast which commences at the Catabathmus; for to this place Egypt extends.Next to it is Cyrenaea, and the neighboring barbarians, the Marmaridae.
261. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13
262. Sulpicius Victor, Institutiones Oratoriae, 325.19-336.26  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 248
263. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta,  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 79
264. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 2.640  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 214
265. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 70
266. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, R.S., 37  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186, 352
268. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.286-1.290, 1.292-1.293, 1.637, 1.740-1.746, 1.753, 2.67, 3.75-3.85, 3.301, 4.10, 4.193, 4.231, 4.323-4.324, 5.519-5.534, 6.605, 6.703-6.751, 6.851-6.853, 8.681, 8.688-8.713, 10.479-10.489, 11.497  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, caesar (iulius) •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar (caius iulius caesar), as ‘wise man in egypt’ •caesar, c. iulius •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 58; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73, 74, 218; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 158, 160, 164, 166; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 283; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 194, 209; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 260; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 57, 58, 164
1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.637. now told upon men's lips the whole world round. 1.740. uch haughty violence fits not the souls 1.741. of vanquished men. We journey to a land 1.742. named, in Greek syllables, Hesperia : 1.743. a storied realm, made mighty by great wars 1.744. and wealth of fruitful land; in former days 1.745. Oenotrians had it, and their sons, 't is said, 1.746. have called it Italy , a chieftain's name 1.753. we few swam hither, waifs upon your shore! 2.67. So saying, he whirled with ponderous javelin 3.75. That king, when Ilium 's cause was ebbing low, 3.76. and fortune frowned, gave o'er his plighted faith 3.77. to Agamemnon's might and victory; 3.78. he scorned all honor and did murder foul 3.79. on Polydorus, seizing lawlessly 3.80. on all the gold. O, whither at thy will, 3.81. curst greed of gold, may mortal hearts be driven? 3.82. Soon as my shuddering ceased, I told this tale 3.83. of prodigies before the people's chiefs, 3.84. who sat in conclave with my kingly sire, 3.85. and bade them speak their reverend counsel forth. 3.301. of Strophades,—a name the Grecians gave 4.10. Aurora had dispelled the dark and dew; 4.193. and fiercely champs the foam-flecked bridle-rein. 4.231. with the young heir of Dardan's kingly line, 4.323. of empire Heaven-bestowed. On winged winds 4.324. hasten with my decrees. Not such the man 5.519. to fear. But age, so cold and slow to move, 5.520. makes my blood laggard, and my ebbing powers 5.521. in all my body are but slack and chill. 5.522. O, if I had what yonder ruffian boasts— 5.523. my own proud youth once more! I would not ask 5.524. the fair bull for a prize, nor to the lists 5.525. in search of gifts come forth.” So saying, he threw 5.526. into the mid-arena a vast pair 5.527. of ponderous gauntlets, which in former days 5.528. fierce Eryx for his fights was wont to bind 5.529. on hand and arm, with the stiff raw-hide thong. 5.530. All marvelled; for a weight of seven bulls' hides 5.531. was pieced with lead and iron. Dares stared 5.532. astonished, and step after step recoiled; 5.533. high-souled Anchises' son, this way and that, 5.534. turned o'er the enormous coil of knots and thongs; 6.605. Would soothe her angry soul. But on the ground 6.703. To Tartarus th' accurst.” Deiphobus Deïphobus 6.704. Cried out: “0 priestess, be not wroth with us! 6.705. Back to the ranks with yonder ghosts I go. 6.706. 0 glory of my race, pass on! Thy lot 6.708. Aeneas straightway by the leftward cliff 6.709. Beheld a spreading rampart, high begirt 6.710. With triple wall, and circling round it ran 6.711. A raging river of swift floods of flame, 6.712. Infernal Phlegethon, which whirls along 6.713. Loud-thundering rocks. A mighty gate is there 6.714. Columned in adamant; no human power, 6.715. Nor even the gods, against this gate prevail. 6.716. Tall tower of steel it has; and seated there 6.717. Tisiphone, in blood-flecked pall arrayed, 6.718. Sleepless forever, guards the entering way. 6.719. Hence groans are heard, fierce cracks of lash and scourge, 6.720. Loud-clanking iron links and trailing chains. 6.721. Aeneas motionless with horror stood 6.722. o'erwhelmed at such uproar. “0 virgin, say 6.723. What shapes of guilt are these? What penal woe 6.724. Harries them thus? What wailing smites the air?” 6.725. To whom the Sibyl, “Far-famed prince of Troy , 6.726. The feet of innocence may never pass 6.727. Into this house of sin. But Hecate, 6.728. When o'er th' Avernian groves she gave me power, 6.729. Taught me what penalties the gods decree, 6.730. And showed me all. There Cretan Rhadamanth 6.731. His kingdom keeps, and from unpitying throne 6.732. Chastises and lays bare the secret sins 6.733. of mortals who, exulting in vain guile, 6.734. Elude till death, their expiation due. 6.735. There, armed forever with her vengeful scourge, 6.736. Tisiphone, with menace and affront, 6.737. The guilty swarm pursues; in her left hand 6.738. She lifts her angered serpents, while she calls 6.739. A troop of sister-furies fierce as she. 6.740. Then, grating loud on hinge of sickening sound, 6.741. Hell's portals open wide. 0, dost thou see 6.742. What sentinel upon that threshold sits, 6.744. Far, far within the dragon Hydra broods 6.745. With half a hundred mouths, gaping and black; 6.746. And Tartarus slopes downward to the dark 6.747. Twice the whole space that in the realms of light 6.748. Th' Olympian heaven above our earth aspires. — 6.749. Here Earth's first offspring, the Titanic brood, 6.750. Roll lightning-blasted in the gulf profound; 6.751. The twin Aloidae Aloïdae , colossal shades, 6.851. Eridanus, through forests rolling free. 6.852. Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests 8.681. my son, who by his Sabine mother's line 8.688. pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689. a master and example, while he learns 8.690. the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds 8.691. let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692. with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693. two hundred horsemen of Arcadia , 8.694. our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695. in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696. to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697. With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698. Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699. mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. 8.700. But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen 8.701. gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome 8.702. a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703. tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704. and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705. All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706. crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707. looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708. whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. 8.709. All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son 8.710. knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711. her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712. “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read 8.713. the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me 10.479. and flying to the fight comes Neptune's son, 10.480. Messapus, famous horseman. On both sides 10.481. each charges on the foe. Ausonia's strand 10.482. is one wide strife. As when o'er leagues of air 10.483. the envious winds give battle to their peers, 10.484. well-matched in rage and power; and neither they 10.485. nor clouds above, nor plunging seas below 10.486. will end the doubtful war, but each withstands 10.487. the onset of the whole—in such wild way 10.488. the line of Trojans on the Latian line 11.497. if there be mettle in thee and some drops
269. Vergil, Eclogues, 9.1-9.4, 9.46-9.50  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 160, 161
270. Vergil, Georgics, 1.112, 1.191, 1.487-1.488, 2.490, 3.81, 3.135, 4.495-4.496  Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (caius iulius caesar), as ‘wise man in egypt’ •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 160; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 194; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 105; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 57, 58
1.112. luxuriem segetum tenera depascit in herba, 1.191. at si luxuria foliorum exuberat umbra, 1.487. Non alias caelo ceciderunt plura sereno 1.488. fulgura nec diri totiens arsere cometae. 2.490. Felix, qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, 3.81. luxuriatque toris animosum pectus. Honesti 3.135. Hoc faciunt, nimio ne luxu obtunsior usus 4.495. quis tantus furor? En iterum crudelia retro 4.496. Fata vocant, conditque natantia lumina somnus.
271. John Malalas, History, 8  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56
272. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 3.229  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 167
273. Zonaras, Epitome, 7.14, 7.20, 7.25, 8.15, 8.20, 9.2, 10.1  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 145, 266
274. Epigraphy, Ig, None  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 351
275. Epigraphy, Mama, 7.305  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 361
276. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.5, 2.1.1-2.1.2, 2.41.1, 2.52.4-2.52.6, 2.56.4, 2.58.2, 2.58.4, 2.87, 2.93.2, 2.100.3  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •tiberius, iulius caesar augustus •caesar (caius iulius caesar), emulator of alexander •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform •caesar (g. iulius caesar) •gaius caesar (c. iulius caesar) •germanicus (iulius caesar), death of •lucius caesar (l. iulius caesar) Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 92; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 79; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 340, 341; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 208, 209; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 40; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 121
278. Plin., Ep., 7.33  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 184
279. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 107
280. Epigraphy, Inscr.It., 13.2  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 196
281. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 353  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186
282. Epigraphy, Illrp-S, 38  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 59
283. Epigraphy, Ilpbardo, 163  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., father of the dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 165
284. Epigraphy, Aphrodisias And Rome, 8, 25  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 361
285. Plutarch, De Se Laudando, None  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 288
286. Nic. Dam., Fgrh 90, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 343
287. Caes., B.Afr., 86.2, 88.6, 92.4  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 340
288. Epigraphy, Sp, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 349
289. Ap. Rhod., Argon., 4.43  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338
290. Julius Africanus, Cesti, None  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 11
291. Pliny., Ep., 4.7.2  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276
292. Epigraphy, I. Assos, 13  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 28
293. Plutarch, Alexandros, 47.8  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54
298. Flor., Epit., 2.13.94  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 339
299. Epigraphy, Fira, None  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 357
300. Martianus Capella, De Nuptiis Philologiae Et Mercurii, 5.444, 5.470-5.472  Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 248, 261
301. Manilius, Astronomica, 1.7-1.10, 4.57-4.62  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (g. iulius caesar), catasterism of •caesar (g. iulius caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 171, 172
303. Sha, Geta, 7  Tagged with subjects: •germanicus iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244
304. Sha, M. Ant., 3  Tagged with subjects: •germanicus iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244
305. Caesar, Bg, 1.1, 1.7.1, 1.10.3, 2.20.1, 2.35.4, 3.1-3.6, 3.28.1, 4.38.5, 5.47.4, 5.55.2, 5.57.1, 6.7.5, 6.8.6, 6.23.1-6.23.3, 6.34.5, 6.35-6.42, 7.4.3, 7.8.2-7.8.4, 7.34.2, 7.57-7.62, 7.59.3, 7.62.10, 7.78, 7.79.3, 7.90.7  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105, 106, 107, 149, 178, 262, 270
306. Plin., Pan., 11.1, 48.5  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •germanicus iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 178, 241
307. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 209-210, 442, 466, 63-66, 68-72, 86-90, 67  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 242
308. Caesar, Bc, 2.9.4, 2.23-2.30, 2.33-2.37  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92, 107
310. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae A Fine Corneli Taciti, 22.14.8  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205
311. Diogenes Laertius, De Clarorum Philosophorum Vitis, 8.8  Tagged with subjects: •caesar (caius iulius caesar), foiled by acoreus Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205
312. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 136
313. Anon., Fasti Privernates, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 113
314. Censorinus, Chronographer of 354, 0  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172
315. Caesar, B.Afr., 28.2  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name •iulius caesar, l. •iulius caesar, c., at alexandria •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., lictors, excessive number of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 133, 138, 139
316. Caesar, B.Alex., 48.1  Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., augural law, ignored by •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation •iulius caesar, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 142, 143
317. Arch., Att., 5.9.2, 5.21.14, 6.1.12, 13.44.1  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 70, 122
318. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 117, 127, 135, 147, 169, 189-190, 208, 23, 243, 31, 33, 82, 191  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123, 127, 129
319. Florus, Epit., 2.13.91  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, birthday Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123
320. Caelius, Cic. Fam., 8.6.5  Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 70
322. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 127-130, 279-280, 309-370, 372-376, 433, 435-592, 929-957, 371  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217