subject | book bibliographic info |
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interacting, in aeschylus, mythical past and ritual present | Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 24, 30 |
interacting, with choral poetry, tragedy | Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 63, 66, 120, 174, 175, 176, 177, 193, 195, 280, 283, 308, 309, 310, 311, 313, 314, 318, 319 |
interacting, with constantius’ propaganda, julian | Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107 |
interaction, aeschylus, central to myth-ritual | Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 3, 4, 8, 395 |
interaction, among, agents | Mackey, Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion (2022) 249 |
interaction, and exchange, comparison with funerary epitaphs | McClay, The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance (2023) 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105 |
interaction, and exchange, funeral epigraphy | McClay, The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance (2023) 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105 |
interaction, arenas of | Vlassopoulos, Historicising Ancient Slavery (2021) 104, 129 |
interaction, between christianity and imperial cult, new testament studies, and | Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 140, 142 |
interaction, between city, court, and | Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 79, 81, 298 |
interaction, between dedicator and divinity | Stavrianopoulou, Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World (2006) 88 |
interaction, between rabbis minim, and, evidence on disputations | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 71, 72 |
interaction, between rabbis minim, and, historicity of portrayals | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 72, 73 |
interaction, between rabbis minim, and, in babylonia | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 70, 71 |
interaction, between rabbis minim, and, in palestine | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 68, 69, 70, 73 |
interaction, between rabbis minim, and, palestinian sources in bavli | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 73 |
interaction, between rabbis minim, and, social contact with | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 39 |
interaction, between religious groups | Hahn Emmel and Gotter, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2008) 258 |
interaction, between ritual and text | Stavrianopoulou, Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World (2006) 240 |
interaction, between, monuments | Wilding, Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos (2022) 111, 113, 114, 260 |
interaction, between, past, and present | Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 248, 249, 250, 251 |
interaction, body and soul | King, Common to Body and Soul: Philosophical Approaches to Explaining Living Behaviour in Greco-Roman Antiquity (2006) 123, 194, 207, 221, 246, 253 |
interaction, byzantine | Eliav, A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean (2023) 49, 50, 93, 119, 135, 146, 164, 175 |
interaction, causal | King, Common to Body and Soul: Philosophical Approaches to Explaining Living Behaviour in Greco-Roman Antiquity (2006) 253 |
interaction, communicative | Stavrianopoulou, Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World (2006) 88 |
interaction, concept, peer polity | Stavrianopoulou, Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images (2013) 285, 294, 298, 299, 330 |
interaction, conflict, as | Sweeney, Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia (2013) 77, 194, 195 |
interaction, cross-cultural | Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 195, 228, 236, 358, 362, 363 König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 195, 228, 236, 358, 362, 363 |
interaction, cultural | Sweeney, Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia (2013) 4, 45, 148 |
interaction, cultural with, çatallar tepe | Sweeney, Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia (2013) 181 |
interaction, epistolography, and church-state | Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 92, 115, 232 |
interaction, in babylonian talmud, bavli, aggadahhalakhah | Borowitz, The Talmud's Theological Language-Game: A Philosophical Discourse Analysis (2006) 84, 85, 116, 233, 245 |
interaction, in epinikion, elite competition and | Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 130, 218, 257, 297, 385, 386, 387 |
interaction, in roman antiquity, gods, and humans | Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 26, 27 |
interaction, influence vs. cultural fluidity models, sites of | Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 402 |
interaction, network, of myths and rituals, also myth-ritual web, grid, framework, flexible system of | Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 79, 81, 82, 83 |
interaction, of bath houses, and rabbis, non-rabbis | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 44 |
interaction, of enoch with, angels | Stuckenbruck, 1 Enoch 91-108 (2007) 12, 82, 83, 160, 222, 640 |
interaction, of greek gods, landscape and sanctuary | Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 42, 43, 44, 45, 154, 155 |
interaction, of jacob with, angels | Stuckenbruck, 1 Enoch 91-108 (2007) 84 |
interaction, of myth and ritual, choregia, medium for | Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 8, 9, 23, 393, 395 |
interaction, of myth and ritual, performance, medium for | Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 8, 23 |
interaction, of palestinian rabbis with minim, bavli, evidence on | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 73 |
interaction, of sanctuaries and temples, landscape and sanctuary | Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 42, 43, 44, 45, 154, 155 |
interaction, of study houses, and rabbis, non-rabbis | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 44 |
interaction, order | Vlassopoulos, Historicising Ancient Slavery (2021) 104 |
interaction, peer-polity, ma | Williamson, Urban Rituals in Sacred Landscapes in Hellenistic Asia Minor (2021) 69 |
interaction, proxeny decrees, decrees of proxenia, and external | Wilding, Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos (2022) 143, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 160 |
interaction, rather than relationship, myth and ritual | Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 23, 58, 79, 187, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 393 |
interaction, rules/rituals of violent | Riess, Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens (2012) 31, 34, 68, 81, 87, 99, 119, 179, 269, 365 |
interaction, social | Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 41 |
interaction, spatial | Stavrianopoulou, Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World (2006) 91 |
interaction, upon body, soul | O'Brien, The Demiurge in Ancient Thought (2015) 111 |
interaction, upon matter, soul | O'Brien, The Demiurge in Ancient Thought (2015) 160 |
interaction, with | Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 56 |
interaction, with cultural, poetic memory | Galinsky, Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity (2016) 74 |
interaction, with greece, magna graecia, south italy and sicily, religious | Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 581, 582, 583, 584 |
interaction, with his, audience, plutarch’s | Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 7, 24, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 44, 50, 69, 104, 109, 116, 129, 130, 139, 155 |
interaction, with his, audience, the subject’s | Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 21, 22, 23, 24, 42, 47, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 167 |
interaction, with humans, god | Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 104, 145 |
interaction, with nrs not always cordial, palestinian rabbis, sages | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 40, 45, 126 |
interaction, with odysseus and diomedes, philoctetes | Bär et al, Quintus of Smyrna’s 'Posthomerica': Writing Homer Under Rome (2022) 35, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 240 |
interaction, with palestinian rabbis, bible-reading heretics, non-jews | Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 5, 68, 69, 70, 73 |
interaction, with poetic, cultural memory | Galinsky, Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity (2016) 74 |
interaction, with semen, menses, menstrual blood, καταμενία | Trott, Aristotle on the Matter of Form: ? Feminist Metaphysics of Generation (2019) 19, 117, 168, 173, 179, 180, 181, 184, 185, 186, 191, 230, 231, 232 |
interaction, with valentinians, origen | O'Brien, The Demiurge in Ancient Thought (2015) 214 |
interaction, with, audience | Richlin, Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy (2018) 8, 84, 104, 109, 112, 119, 124, 125, 141, 149, 150, 164, 183, 189, 190, 193, 199, 206, 215, 218, 225, 233, 242, 245, 262, 268, 271, 295, 302, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 332, 345, 347, 380, 388, 401, 403, 404, 405, 408, 426, 471 |
interaction, with, cultural | Sweeney, Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia (2013) 4, 23, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67 |
interaction, with, hellenism, summary of rabbinic | Hidary, Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash (2017) 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 25, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 264 |
interaction, with, literature, sanctuary | Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro,, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 42, 43, 44, 45, 154, 155 |
interaction, with, lydians, cultural | Sweeney, Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia (2013) 9, 26, 67, 125, 126, 148, 150, 151, 152 |
interaction, with, materials | Rupke, Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality? (2016) 57 |
interaction, with, persians, cultural | Sweeney, Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia (2013) 130, 142, 148, 195 |
interaction, with, syria, vespasian’s | Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer, Dynamics Of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature (2023) 36, 37 |
interactions | Clark, Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome (2007) 7, 9, 27, 100, 113, 134, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 204, 275 |
interactions, ambrose, negotiating church-state | Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 242 |
interactions, athanasius of alexandria, negotiating church-state | Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 86, 88, 92, 231, 232, 281, 282 |
interactions, discourse | Petersen and van Kooten, Religio-Philosophical Discourses in the Mediterranean World: From Plato, through Jesus, to Late Antiquity (2017) 78, 86, 95 |
interactions, eusebius of caesarea, negotiating church-state | Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 17, 70, 72, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 167, 168, 169, 170, 197, 227, 228, 239 |
interactions, greco-roman literary | Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 14, 41, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 138, 139, 140, 268 |
interactions, gregory of nazianzus, negotiating church-state | Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 222, 223, 224, 236, 276, 277, 278, 279 |
interactions, jewish-christian | Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer, Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity (2022) 441 |
interactions, julian, as critic of church-state | Niccolai, Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire (2023) 232, 233, 234, 235, 236 |
interactions, relationship with gift economic giving | Brand, Religion and the Everyday Life of Manichaeans in Kellis: Beyond Light and Darkness (2022) 172, 174, 176, 177, 178, 182, 186 |
interactions, trans-species | Mackay, Animal Encounters in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica (2022) 121 |
interactions, types of | Lee, Moral Transformation in Greco-Roman Philosophy of Mind: Mapping the Moral Milieu of the Apostle Paul and His Diaspora Jewish Contemporaries (2020) 448, 497, 498, 506, 511 |
interactions, with non-jews, jews, judeans, social | Gunderson, The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White (2022) 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221 |
interactions, with others | Huffman, A History of Pythagoreanism (2019) 468, 469, 470, 472, 473, 474, 475, 478, 556 |
interactions, with zoroastrians, zoroastrianism, jewish | Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 402 |
interactions, with, professional entertainers, social | Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171 |
interactive, communication | Stavrianopoulou, Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World (2006) 109, 165 |
interactive, model of sacrifice | Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 30, 106 |
interactive, model of sacrifice, downplaying/rejection of | Balberg, Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature (2017) 63, 208 |
interactive, speech forms | McClay, The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance (2023) 86, 87, 89 |
interactive, speech forms, cretan tablets, and | McClay, The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance (2023) 86, 87 |
interactive, speech forms, pelinna tablet, of 485/486 | McClay, The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance (2023) 86 |
interactive, speech forms, thessaly tablet, of and epigraphy | McClay, The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance (2023) 86 |
interactive, speech forms, thurii tablet, of 487 | McClay, The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance (2023) 86 |
interactive, speech forms, thurii tablet, of 488 | McClay, The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance (2023) 86 |
interacts, with mind, body | Graver, Stoicism and Emotion (2007) 18 |
15 validated results for "interaction" |
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1. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 23.29 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian Talmud (Bavli), aggadahhalakhah interaction in • Hellenism, summary of rabbinic interaction with Found in books: Borowitz, The Talmud's Theological Language-Game: A Philosophical Discourse Analysis (2006) 84; Hidary, Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash (2017) 29 23.29 הֲלוֹא כֹה דְבָרִי כָּאֵשׁ נְאֻם־יְהוָה וּכְפַטִּישׁ יְפֹצֵץ סָלַע׃ 23.29 Is not My word like as fire? Saith the LORD; And like a hammer that breaketh the rock in pieces? |
2. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 140-141, 149-152 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Greek gods, landscape and sanctuary, interaction of • literature, sanctuary, interaction with • sanctuaries and temples, landscape and sanctuary, interaction of • tragedy, interacting with choral poetry Found in books: Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 63, 66; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, The Gods of the Greeks (2021) 154, 155 140 Was never to be suckled by Leto; 141 Ambrosia and nectar for the boy, 149 Shall be esteemed. To men I shall declare, 150 Zeus’s unfailing will.” Then here and there, 151 The long-haired Phoebus, the Far-Shooter, went, 152 Upon the wide earth, and astonishment, |
3. Herodotus, Histories, 8.36-8.39 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Greco-Roman literary interactions • myth and ritual, interaction rather than relationship • tragedy, interacting with choral poetry Found in books: Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 222, 308; Poulsen, Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography (2021), 116 8.36 When the Delphians learned all this, they were very much afraid, and in their great fear they inquired of the oracle whether they should bury the sacred treasure in the ground or take it away to another country. The god told them to move nothing, saying that he was able to protect what belonged to him. Upon hearing that, the Delphians took thought for themselves. They sent their children and women overseas to Achaia. Most of the men went up to the peaks of Parnassus and carried their goods into the Corycian cave, but some escaped to Amphissa in Locris. In short, all the Delphians left the town save sixty men and the prophet. 8.37 Now when the barbarians drew near and could see the temple, the prophet, whose name was Aceratus, saw certain sacred arms, which no man might touch without sacrilege, brought out of the chamber within and laid before the shrine. So he went to tell the Delphians of this miracle, but when the barbarians came with all speed near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were visited by miracles yet greater than the aforesaid. Marvellous indeed it is, that weapons of war should of their own motion appear lying outside in front of the shrine, but the visitation which followed was more wondrous than anything else ever seen. When the barbarians were near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were struck by thunderbolts from the sky, and two peaks broken off from Parnassus came rushing among them with a mighty noise and overwhelmed many of them. In addition to this a shout and a cry of triumph were heard from the temple of Athena. 8.38 All of this together struck panic into the barbarians, and the Delphians, perceiving that they fled, descended upon them and killed a great number. The survivors fled straight to Boeotia. Those of the barbarians who returned said (as I have been told) that they had seen other divine signs besides what I have just described: two men-at-arms of stature greater than human,they said, had come after them, slaying and pursuing. " 8.39 These two, say the Delphians, were the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous, whose precincts are near the temple, Phylacus by the road itself above the shrine of Athena Pronaea, and Autonous near the Castalian spring, under the Hyarapean Peak. The rocks that fell from Parnassus were yet to be seen in my day, lying in the precinct of Athena Pronaea, from where their descent through the foreigners ranks had hurled them. Such, then, was the manner of those mens departure from the temple." |
4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.27.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • audience, the subject’s interaction with his • epinikion, elite competition and interaction in Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 97; Kowalzig, Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece (2007) 218 2.27.1 ἀνέστησαν δὲ καὶ Αἰγινήτας τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τούτῳ ἐξ Αἰγίνης Ἀθηναῖοι, αὐτούς τε καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας, ἐπικαλέσαντες οὐχ ἥκιστα τοῦ πολέμου σφίσιν αἰτίους εἶναι: καὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν ἀσφαλέστερον ἐφαίνετο τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἐπικειμένην αὑτῶν πέμψαντας ἐποίκους ἔχειν. καὶ ἐξέπεμψαν ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ ἐς αὐτὴν τοὺς οἰκήτορας. 2.27.1 During the summer the Athenians also expelled the Aeginetans with their wives and children from Aegina, on the ground of their having been the chief agents in bringing the war upon them. Besides, Aegina lies so near Peloponnese, that it seemed safer to send colonists of their own to hold it, and shortly afterwards the settlers were sent out. |
5. Cicero, Pro Archia, 23, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • cross-cultural interaction Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 228; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 228 an vero tam parvi pravi Ee animi videamur esse esse om. E omnes qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versamur ut, cum usque ad extremum spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur? an an an cum b2 χ statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerunt reliquerint Manutius ; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem nonne nonne non Lambinus multo malle debemus summis ingeniis expressam et politam? ego vero omnia quae gerebam iam tum in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. haec vero sive sive om. GEea a meo sensu post mortem afutura afut. G : abfut. (affut. Ee ) cett. est est GEea : sunt cett. , sive, ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi animi om. cod. Vrsini mei partem pertinebit pertinebunt bp2 χς , nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector. nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Graecis versibus percipi quam ex Latinis, vehementer errat, propterea quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus exiguis sane continentur. qua re, si res eae quas gessimus orbis terrae regionibus definiuntur, cupere debemus, quo hominum nostrorum hominum nostrorum Bases : minus ( om. c2k, del. Madvig ) manuum nostrarum codd. tela pervenerint, eodem eodem eandem G : om. e gloriam famamque penetrare, quod cum ipsis populis de quorum rebus scribitur haec ampla sunt, tum eis iis χς : his cett. certe qui de vita gloriae causa dimicant hoc maximum et periculorum incitamentum est et laborum. NA> |
6. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 3.350-3.380, 3.388-3.410 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • cross-cultural interaction Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 195; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 195 " 3.350 350 In the great Gods pure laws, when he shall lift", 3.351 Thy wearied knee upright unto the light. 3.352 And then will God from heaven send a king, 3.353 To judge each man in blood and light of fire. 3.354 There is a royal tribe, the race of which, 3.355 355 Shall be unfailing; and as times revolve, 3.356 This race shall bear rule and begin to build, " 3.357 Gods temple new. And all the Persian king", 3.358 Shall aid with bronze and gold and well-wrought iron. 3.359 For God himself will give the holy dream, 3.360 360 By night. And then the temple shall again, 3.361 Be, as it was before. . , 3.362 Now when my soul had rest from inspired song, 3.363 And I prayed the great Father for a rest, 3.364 From constraint; even in my heart again, 3.365 365 Was set a message of the mighty God, 3.366 And he bade me proclaim through all the earth, 3.367 And plant in royal minds things yet to be. 3.368 And in my mind God put this first to say, 3.369 How many lamentable suffering, 3.370 370 The Immortal purposed upon Babylon, 3.371 Because she his great temple had destroyed. 3.372 Alas, alas for thee! O Babylon, 3.373 And for the offspring of the Assyrian men! 3.374 Through all the earth the rush of sinful men, 3.375 375 Shall some time come, and shout of mortal men, 3.376 And stroke of the great God, who inspires songs, 3.377 Shall ruin every land. For high in air to thee, 3.378 O Babylon, shall it come from above, 3.379 And out of heaven from holy ones to thee, 3.380 380 Shall it come down, and the soul in thy children, 3.388 And dreadful, to thy homes, which thou didst hope, 3.389 Might never fall on thee. For through thy midst, 3.390 390 A sword shall pass, and scattering and death, 3.391 And famine shall prevail until of king, 3.392 The seventh generation, and then cease. 3.393 Alas for thee, O land of Gog and Magog, 3.394 In the midst of the rivers of Ethiopia! 3.395 395 What pouring out of blood shalt thou receive, 3.396 And house of judgment among men be called, 3.397 And thy land of much dew shall drink black blood! 3.398 Alas for thee, O Libya, and alas, 3.399 Both sea and land! O daughters of the west, 3.400 400 So shall ye come unto a bitter day. 3.401 And ye shall come pursued by grievous strife, 3.402 Dreadful and grievous; there shall be again, 3.403 A dreadful judgment, and ye all shall come, 3.404 By force unto destruction, for ye tore, 3.405 405 In pieces the great house of the Immortal, 3.406 And with iron teeth ye chewed it dreadfully. 3.407 Therefore shalt thou then look upon thy land, 3.408 Full of the dead, some of them fallen by war, 3.409 And by the demon of all violence, 3.410 410 Famine and plague, and some by barbarous foes. |
7. Horace, Letters, 2.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • cross-cultural interaction Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 358; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 358 2.1 EPISTLE I – ON LITERATURE – TO AUGUSTUS Caesar, I would sin against the public good if I Wasted your time with tedious chatter, since you Bear the weight of such great affairs, guarding ItalyWith armies, raising its morals, reforming its laws. Romulus, Father Liber, and Pollux and Castor, Were welcomed to the gods’ temples after great deeds, But while they still cared for earth, and human kind Resolved fierce wars, allocated land, founded cities, They bemoaned the fact that the support they received Failed to reflect their hopes or merit. Hercules crushed The deadly Hydra, was fated to toil at killing fabled Monsters, but found Envy only tamed by death at last. He will dazzle with his brilliance, who eclipses talents Lesser than his own: yet be loved when it’s extinguished. We though will load you while here with timely honours, Set up altars, to swear our oaths at, in your name, Acknowledging none such has risen or will arise. Yet this nation of yours, so wise and right in this, In preferring you above Greek, or our own, leaders, Judges everything else by wholly different rules And means, despising and hating whatever it has Not itself seen vanish from earth, and fulfil its time: It so venerates ancient things that the Twelve TablesForbidding sin the Decemvirs ratified, mutual Treaties our kings made with Gabii, or tough Sabines, The Pontiffs’ books, the musty scrolls of the seers, It insists the Muses proclaimed on the Alban Mount! If, because each of the oldest works of the Greeks Is still the best, we must weigh our Roman writers On the same scales, that doesn’t require many words: Then there’d be no stone in an olive, shell on a nut: We’ve achieved fortune’s crown, we paint, make music, We wrestle, more skilfully than the oily Achaeans.Yet this error, this mild insanity, has certain Merits, consider this: the mind of a poet Is seldom avaricious: he loves verse, that’s his bent: At fires, disasters, runaway slaves: he smiles: He never plots to defraud his business partner, Or some young ward: he lives on pulse vegetables, And coarse bread: a poor and reluctant soldier he still Serves the State, if you grant small things may serve great ends. The poet moulds the lisping, tender lips of childhood, Turning the ear even then from coarse expression, Quickly shaping thought with his kindly precepts, Tempering envy, and cruelty, and anger. He tells of good deeds, instructs the rising age Through famous precedents, comforts the poor and ill. How would innocent boys, unmarried girls, have learnt Their hymns, if the Muse hadn’t granted them a bard? Their choir asks for help, and feels the divine presence, Calls for rain from heaven, taught by his winning prayer, Averts disease, dispels the threatened danger, Gains the gift of peace, and a year of rich harvests. By poetry gods above are soothed, spirits below. The farmers of old, those tough men blessed with little, After harvesting their crops, with their faithful wives And slaves, their fellow-workers, comforted body And mind, that bears all hardship for a hoped-for end, By propitiating Earth with a pig, SilvanusWith milk, the Genius who knows life brevity With flowers and wine. So Fescennine licence appeared, Whereby rustic abuse poured out in verse-exchanges, Freedom of speech had its place in the yearly cycle, In fond play, till its jests becoming fiercer, turned To open rage, and, fearless in their threats, ran through Decent houses. Those bitten by its teeth were pained: Even those who never felt its touch were drawn to Make common cause: and at last a law was passed, Declaring the punishment for portraying any man In malicious verse: all changed their tune, and were led, By fear of the cudgel, back to sweet and gracious speech.Captive Greece captured, in turn, her uncivilised Conquerors, and brought the arts to rustic Latium. So coarse Saturnian metres faded, and good taste Banished venom: though traces of our rural Past remained for many a year, and still remain. Not till later did Roman thought turn to Greek models, And in the calm after the Punic Wars began to ask What Sophocles, Thespis, Aeschylus might offer. Romans experimented, seeing if they could rework Such things effectively, noble and quick by nature, They pleased: happily bold, with tragic spirit enough, Yet novices, thinking it shameful, fearing, to revise. Some think that Comedy, making use of daily life, Needs little sweat, but in fact it’s more onerous, Less forgiving. Look at how badly Plautus handles A youthful lover’s part, or a tight-fisted father, Or treacherous pimp, what a Dossenus he makes, Sly villain, amongst his gluttonous parasites, How slipshod he is in sliding about the stage. Oh, he’s keen to fill his pockets, and after that Cares little if it fails, or stands on its own two feet. A cold audience deflates, a warm one inspires Those whom Fame’s airy chariot bears to the light: So slight, so small a thing it is, shatters and restores Minds that crave praise. Farewell to the comic theatre, If winning the palm makes me rich, its denial poor.often even the brave poet is frightened and routed, When those less in worth and rank, but greater in number, Stupid illiterates always ready for a fight If the knights challenge them, shout for bears or boxing Right in the midst of the play: it’s that the rabble love. Nowadays even the knight’s interest has wholly passed From the ear to the empty delights of the roaming eye. The curtain’s drawn back (lowered) for four hours or more, While squads of infantry, troops of horse, sweep by: Beaten kings are dragged past, hands bound behind them, Chariots, carriages, wagons and ships hurry along, Burdens of captured ivory, Corinthian bronze. If Democritus were still here on earth, he’d smile, Watching the crowd, more than the play itself, As presenting a spectacle more worth seeing, Than some hybrid creature, the camelopard, Or a white elephant, catching their attention. As for the authors he’d think they were telling their tales To a deaf donkey. What voices could ever prevail And drown the din with which our theatres echo? You’d think the Garganian woods or Tuscan Sea roared: Amongst such noise the entertainment’s viewed, the works of art, the foreign jewels with which the actor Drips, as he takes the stage to tumultuous applause. ‘Has he spoken yet?’ ‘Not a thing.’ ‘Then, why the fuss?’ ‘ Oh, it’s his wool robe dyed violet in Tarentum.’ But lest you happen to think I give scant praise to those Who handle with skill what I refuse to consider, Well that poet seems to me a magi, who can walk The tightrope, who can wring my heart with nothings, Inflame it, calm it, fill it with illusory fears, Set me down in Thebes one moment, Athens another.But come, give a moment’s care to those who trust themselves To the reader, rather than suffer the spectator’s Proud disdain, that is if you wish to fill with books Your gift worthy of Apollo, and spur our poets To seek Helicon’s verdant slopes with greater zeal. of course we poets frequently harm our own cause (Just as I’m axing my own vine) sending our books To you when you’re tired or anxious: when we’re hurt That a friend of ours has dared to criticise a verse: When we turn back to lines we’ve already read, unasked: When we moan that all our efforts go unnoticed, And our poetry, spun with such exquisite threads: While we live in hope that as soon as you hear that we Are composing verses, you’ll kindly send for us, Relieve our poverty, and command us to write. Still it’s worth while considering what kind of priests Virtue, tested at home and in war, should appoint, Since unworthy poets shouldn’t be given the task. Choerilus, who had his crude misbegotten verses To thank for the golden Philips, the royal coins, He received, more than pleased Alexander the Great: But often writers dim shining deeds with vile scrawls, As ink on the fingers will leaves its blots and stains. That same king, who paid so enormous a price for such Ridiculous poetry, issued an edict Forbidding anyone but Apelles to paint him, Anyone other than Lysippus to cast in bronze Brave Alexander’s artistic likeness. Yet if you Applied that judgement, so refined when viewing works of art, to books and to those same gifts of the Muses, You’d swear he’d been born to Boeotia’s dull air.But your judgement’s not discredited by your beloved Virgil and Varius, nor by the gifts your poets Receive, that redound to your credit, while features Are expressed no more vividly by a bronze statue, Than the spirit and character of famous heroes By the poet’s work. Rather than my earthbound pieces I’d prefer to compose tales of great deeds, Describe the contours of land and river, forts built On mountains, and barbarous kingdoms, of the end of all war, throughout the world, by your command, of the iron bars that enclose Janus, guardian of peace, of Rome, the terror of the Parthians, ruled by you, If I could do as much as I long to: but your greatness Admits of no lowly song, nor does my modesty Dare to attempt a task my powers cannot sustain. It’s a foolish zealousness that vexes those it loves, Above all when it commits itself to the art of verse: Men remember more quickly, with greater readiness, Things they deride, than those they approve and respect. I don’t want oppressive attention, nor to be shown Somewhere as a face moulded, more badly, in wax, Nor to be praised in ill-made verses, lest I’m forced To blush at the gift’s crudity, and then, deceased, In a closed box, be carried down, next to ‘my’ poet, To the street where they sell incense, perfumes, pepper, And whatever else is wrapped in redundant paper.If poems like wine improve with age, I’d like to know How many years it takes to give a work its value. Is a writer who died a century ago To be considered among the perfect classics, Or as one of the base moderns? Let’s set some limit To avoid dispute: ‘Over a hundred’s good and old.’ Well what about him, he died a year, a month short, How do we reckon him? As an ancient, or a poet Whom contemporaries and posterity will reject? ‘of course, if he falls short by a brief month, or even A whole year, he should be honoured among the ancients.’ I’ll accept that, and then like hairs in a horse’s tail I’ll subtract years, one by one, little by little, till By the logic of the dwindling pile, I demolish The man who turns to the calendar, and measures Value by age, only rates what Libitina’s blessed. Ennius, the ‘wise’ and ‘brave’, a second Homer, The critics declare, is free of anxiety it seems Concerning his Pythagorean dreams and claims. Naevius, isn’t he clinging to our hands and minds, Almost a modern? Every old poem is sacred, thus. Whenever the question’s raised who is superior, Old Pacuvius is ‘learned, Accius ‘noble’, Afranius’ toga’s the style of Meder’s, Plautus runs on like Sicilian Epicharmus, His model, Caecilius for dignity, Terence art. These mighty Rome memorises, watches them packed In her cramped theatre: these she owns to, counts them As poets, from the scribbler Livius’ day to our own.Sometimes the crowd see aright, sometimes they err. When they admire the ancient poets and praise them So none are greater, none can compare, they’re wrong. When they consider their diction too quaint, and often Harsh, when they confess that much of it’s lifeless, They’ve taste, they’re on my side, and judge like Jove. of course I’m not attacking Livius’ verses, Nor dream they should be destroyed, ones I remember Orbilius, the tartar, teaching me when I was a lad: But I’m amazed they’re thought finished, fine, almost perfect. Though maybe a lovely phrases glitters now and then, Or a couple of lines are a little more polished, That unjustly carry, and sell, the whole poem. I’m indigt that work is censured, not because It’s thought crudely or badly made, but because it’s new, While what’s old claims honours and prizes not indulgence. If I doubted whether a play of Atta’s could even make it Through the flowers and saffron, most old men would cry That Shame was dead, because I’d dared to criticise What grave Aesopus, and learned Roscius, acted: Either they think nothing’s good but what pleases them, Or consider it’s shameful to bow to their juniors, Confess: what beardless youth has learned, age should destroy. Indeed, whoever praises Numa’s Salian Hymn, And seems, uniquely, to follow what he and I can’t, Isn’t honouring and applauding some dead genius, But impugning ours, with envy, hating us and ours.If novelty had been as hateful to the Greeks As to us, what would we have, now, to call ancient? What would the crowd have to sample, read and thumb? As soon as Greece ceased fighting, she started fooling, And when better times had come, lapsed into error, One moment hot with enthusiasm for athletes, Then horses, mad for workers in ivory, marble, bronze: Mind and vision enraptured by painted panels, Crazy now for flute-players, now for tragic actors: Like a girl-child playing at her nurse’s feet, Quickly leaving when sated what she’s loudly craved. Such things blessed peace and fair breezes brought. For a long time, in Rome, it was a pleasant custom To be up at dawn, doors wide, to teach clients the law, To pay out good money to reliable debtors, To hear the elders out, tell the youngsters the way To grow an estate, and reduce their ruinous waste. But what likes and dislikes would you call immutable? The fickle public has changed its mind, fired as one With a taste for scribbling: sons and their stern fathers, Hair bound up with leaves, dine, and declaim their verse. Even I, who swear that I’m writing no more poetry, Lie more than a Parthian, wake before sun-up, And call for paper and pen and my writing-case. One without nautical skills fears to sail: no one Unskilled dares give Lad’s Love to the sick: doctors Practise medicine: carpenters handle carpentry tools: But, skilled or unskilled, we all go scribbling verses. |
8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.37, 2.41 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • cross-cultural interaction Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 362; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 362 2.37 Therefore, being settled in a secret place, and nothing even being present with them except the elements of nature, the earth, the water, the air, and the heaven, concerning the creation of which they were going in the first place to explain the sacred account; for the account of the creation of the world is the beginning of the law; they, like men inspired, prophesied, not one saying one thing and another another, but every one of them employed the self-same nouns and verbs, as if some unseen prompter had suggested all their language to them. 2.41 On which account, even to this very day, there is every year a solemn assembly held and a festival celebrated in the island of Pharos, to which not only the Jews but a great number of persons of other nations sail across, reverencing the place in which the first light of interpretation shone forth, and thanking God for that ancient piece of beneficence which was always young and fresh. |
9. Strabo, Geography, 13.1.54, 14.5.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • cross-cultural interaction Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 236; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 236 " 13.1.54 From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kings to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to Apellicon of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicons library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts — a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both here and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men.", 14.5.13 The people at Tarsus have devoted themselves so eagerly, not only to philosophy, but also to the whole round of education in general, that they have surpassed Athens, Alexandria, or any other place that can be named where there have been schools and lectures of philosophers. But it is so different from other cities that there the men who are fond of learning, are all natives, and foreigners are not inclined to sojourn there; neither do these natives stay there, but they complete their education abroad; and when they have completed it they are pleased to live abroad, and but few go back home. But the opposite is the case with the other cities which I have just mentioned except Alexandria; for many resort to them and pass time there with pleasure, but you would not see many of the natives either resorting to places outside their country through love of learning or eager about pursuing learning at home. With the Alexandrians, however, both things take place, for they admit many foreigners and also send not a few of their own citizens abroad. Further, the city of Tarsus has all kinds of schools of rhetoric; and in general it not only has a flourishing population but also is most powerful, thus keeping up the reputation of the mother-city. |
10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.11-12.118 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • cross-cultural interaction Found in books: Konig and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 363; König and Wiater, Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue (2022) 363 " 12.11 Βασιλεύσαντος δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἔτη δώδεκα καὶ μετ αὐτὸν Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Σωτῆρος τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἕν, ἔπειτα τὴν βασιλείαν τῆς Αἰγύπτου παραλαβὼν ὁ Φιλάδελφος καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἐπ ἔτη ἑνὸς δέοντα τεσσαράκοντα τόν τε νόμον ἡρμήνευσε καὶ τοὺς δουλεύοντας ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν ἀπέλυσε τῆς δουλείας ὄντας περὶ δώδεκα μυριάδας ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης:", 12.12 Δημήτριος ὁ Φαληρεύς, ὃς ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν τοῦ βασιλέως, σπουδάζων εἰ δυνατὸν εἴη πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην συναγαγεῖν βιβλία καὶ συνωνούμενος, εἴ τι που μόνον ἀκούσειε σπουδῆς ἄξιον ὄν, τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως προαιρέσει, μάλιστα γὰρ τὰ περὶ τὴν συλλογὴν τῶν βιβλίων εἶχεν φιλοκάλως, συνηγωνίζετο. " 12.13 ἐρομένου δ αὐτόν ποτε τοῦ Πτολεμαίου, πόσας ἤδη μυριάδας ἔχοι συνειλεγμένας βιβλίων, τῶν μὲν ὑπαρχόντων εἶπεν εἶναι περὶ εἴκοσι, ὀλίγου δὲ χρόνου εἰς πεντήκοντα συναθροίσειν.", " 12.14 μεμηνῦσθαι δ ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ πολλὰ εἶναι καὶ παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις τῶν παρ αὐτοῖς νομίμων συγγράμματα σπουδῆς ἄξια καὶ τῆς βασιλέως βιβλιοθήκης, ἃ τοῖς ἐκείνων χαρακτῆρσιν καὶ τῇ διαλέκτῳ γεγραμμένα πόνον αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγον παρέξειν εἰς τὴν ̔Ελληνικὴν μεταβαλλόμενα γλῶτταν.", " 12.15 δοκεῖ μὲν γὰρ εἶναι τῇ ἰδιότητι τῶν Συρίων γραμμάτων ἐμφερὴς ὁ χαρακτὴρ αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ὁμοίαν αὐτοῖς ἀπηχεῖν, ἰδιότροπον δὲ αὐτὴν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν. οὐδὲν οὖν ἔλεγεν κωλύειν καὶ ταῦτα μεταβαλόντα, δύνασθαι γὰρ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸ χορηγίας εὐποροῦντα, ἔχειν ἐν τῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ καὶ τὰ παρ ἐκείνοις.", 12.16 δόξας οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἄριστα τὸν Δημήτριον φιλοτιμουμένῳ περὶ πλῆθος αὐτῷ βιβλίων ὑποτίθεσθαι γράφει τῷ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερεῖ ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι. " 12.17 ̓Αρισταῖος δέ τις φίλος ὢν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ σπουδαζόμενος ὑπ αὐτοῦ διὰ μετριότητα, πολλάκις μὲν καὶ πρότερον ἔγνω παρακαλέσαι τὸν βασιλέα, ὅπως ἀπολύσῃ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ̓Ιουδαίους ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν ἦσαν αὐτοῦ,", " 12.18 καιρὸν δ ἐπιτήδειον τοῦτον εἶναι δοκιμάσας τῆς δεήσεως πρώτοις περὶ τούτου διαλέγεται τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν σωματοφυλάκων Σωσιβίῳ τῷ Ταραντίνῳ καὶ ̓Ανδρέᾳ, συναγωνίσασθαι περὶ ὧν ἐντυγχάνειν μέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ παρακαλῶν αὐτούς.", 12.19 προσλαβὼν δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν προειρημένων γνώμην ὁ ̓Αρισταῖος, προσελθὼν τῷ βασιλεῖ λόγους πρὸς αὐτὸν τοιούτους ἐποιήσατο: 12.11 1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty years within one. He procured the law to be interpreted, and set free those that were come from Jerusalem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and twenty thousand. The occasion was this: 12.12 Demetrius Phalerius, who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible, to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king’s inclination, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination of his Demetrius was zealously subservient. 12.13 And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. 12.14 But he said he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and worthy of the king’s library, but which, being written in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue; 12.15 that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. 12.16 So the king thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly. 12.17 2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king’s most intimate friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; 12.18 and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the captains of the king’s guards, Sosibius of Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was going to intercede with the king for. 12.19 Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king, and made the following speech to him: 12.20 “It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open. For since we have determined not only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom? ... 12.109 And when they all commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing was judged to have been well done, it might continue for ever. 12.111 Demetrius made answer, “that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the description of these laws, because they were divine and venerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God.”, 12.112 He also told him, that “Theopompus was desirous of writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon disturbed in his mind for above thirty days’ time; and upon some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God by prayer, as suspecting that his madness proceeded from that cause.” Nay, indeed, he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged too great a curiosity about divine matters, and was desirous of publishing them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered his understanding again. 12.113 Moreover, he informed him of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation he was desirous to make mention of things that were contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing God (by prayer), he was freed from that affliction. 12.114 15. And when the king had received these books from Demetrius, as we have said already, he adored them, and gave order that great care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him out of Judea, 12.115 and that both on account of the respects that he would pay them, and on account of the presents he would make them; for he said it was now but just to send them away, although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what his generosity was able to give them. 12.116 So he then sent them away, and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of the room wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them. 12.117 But by them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God. 12.118 He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued a conversation with men of such learning, and should be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honor, from Ptolemy Philadelphus. |
11. New Testament, Apocalypse, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Angels, Interaction of Enoch with • New Testament studies, and interaction between Christianity and imperial cult Found in books: Brodd and Reed, Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult (2011) 142; Stuckenbruck, 1 Enoch 91-108 (2007) 160 4.1 Μετὰ ταῦτα εἶδον, καὶ ἰδοὺ θύρα ἠνεῳγμένη ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, καὶ ἡ φωνὴ ἡ πρώτη ἣν ἤκουσα ὡςσάλπιγγοςλαλούσης μετʼ ἐμοῦ, λέγωνἈνάβαὧδε, καὶ δείξω σοιἃ δεῖ γενέσθαι. 4.1 After these things I looked and saw a door opened in heaven, and the first voice that I heard, like a trumpet speaking with me, was one saying, "Come up here, and I will show you the things which must happen after this." |
12. Plutarch, Pericles, 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • audience, the subject’s interaction with his • rules/rituals of (violent) interaction Found in books: Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 95; Riess, Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens (2012) 365 5.3 ὡς δʼ ἔμελλεν εἰσιέναι σκότους ὄντος ἤδη, προσέταξέ τινι τῶν οἰκετῶν φῶς λαβόντι παραπέμψαι καὶ καταστῆσαι πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον. ὁ δὲ ποιητὴς Ἴων μοθωνικήν φησι τὴν ὁμιλίαν καὶ ὑπότυφον εἶναι τοῦ Περικλέους, καὶ ταῖς μεγαλαυχίαις αὐτοῦ πολλὴν ὑπεροψίαν ἀναμεμῖχθαι καὶ περιφρόνησιν τῶν ἄλλων· ἐπαινεῖ δὲ τὸ Κίμωνος ἐμμελὲς καὶ ὑγρὸν καὶ μεμουσωμένον ἐν ταῖς περιφοραῖς. 5.3 When he was about to go in doors, it being now dark, he ordered a servant to take a torch and escort the fellow in safety back to his own home. The poet Ion, however, says that Pericles had a presumptuous and somewhat arrogant manner of address, and that into his haughtiness there entered a good deal of disdain and contempt for others; he praises, on the other hand, the tact, complaisance, and elegant address which Cimon showed in his social intercourse. Cf. Plut. Cim. 9 . |
13. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, 92a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian Talmud (Bavli), aggadahhalakhah interaction in • Palestinian rabbis, sages, interaction with NRs not always cordial Found in books: Borowitz, The Talmud's Theological Language-Game: A Philosophical Discourse Analysis (2006) 233; Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 126 92a יקבוהו לאום ואין לאום אלא עוברין שנאמר (בראשית כה, כג) ולאום מלאום יאמץ ואין קבה אלא קללה שנאמר (במדבר כג, ח) מה אקב לא קבה אל ואין בר אלא תורה שנאמר (תהלים ב, יב) נשקו בר פן יאנף,עולא בר ישמעאל אומר מנקבין אותו ככברה כתיב הכא (משלי יא, כו) יקבוהו לאום וכתיב התם (מלכים ב יב, י) ויקב חור בדלתו ואמר אביי כי אוכלא דקצרי,ואם למדו מה שכרו אמר רבא אמר רב ששת זוכה לברכות כיוסף שנאמר (משלי יא, כו) וברכה לראש משביר ואין משביר אלא יוסף שנאמר (בראשית מב, ו) ויוסף הוא השליט על הארץ הוא המשביר לכל עם הארץ,אמר רב ששת כל המלמד תורה בעוה"ז זוכה ומלמדה לעולם הבא שנאמר (משלי יא, כה) ומרוה גם הוא יורה,אמר רבא מניין לתחיית המתים מן התורה שנאמר (דברים לג, ו) יחי ראובן ואל ימות יחי ראובן בעולם הזה ואל ימות לעולם הבא רבינא אמר מהכא (דניאל יב, ב) ורבים מישני אדמת עפר יקיצו אלה לחיי עולם ואלה לחרפות לדראון עולם רב אשי אמר מהכא (דניאל יב, יג) ואתה לך לקץ ותנוח ותעמוד לגורלך לקץ הימין,אמר רבי אלעזר כל פרנס שמנהיג את הצבור בנחת זוכה ומנהיגם לעוה"ב שנאמר (ישעיהו מט, י) כי מרחמם ינהגם ועל מבועי מים ינהלם,וא"ר אלעזר גדולה דעה שניתנה בין שתי אותיות שנאמר (שמואל א ב, ג) כי אל דעות ה\,וא"ר אלעזר גדול מקדש שניתן בין שתי אותיות שנאמר (שמות טו, יז) פעלת ה\ מקדש ה\ כוננו ידיך מתקיף לה רב אדא קרחינאה אלא מעתה גדולה נקמה שניתנה בין שתי אותיות דכתיב (תהלים צד, א) אל נקמות ה\ אל נקמות הופיע,אמר ליה למילתיה הכי נמי כדעולא דאמר עולא שתי הופעיות הללו למה אחת למדת טובה ואחת למדת פורענות,ואמר ר\ אלעזר כל אדם שיש בו דעה כאילו נבנה בית המקדש בימיו שזה ניתן בין שתי אותיות וזה ניתן בין שתי אותיות,ואמר ר\ אלעזר כל אדם שיש בו דעה לסוף מתעשר שנאמר (משלי כד, ד) ובדעת חדרים ימלאו כל הון יקר ונעים,ואמר ר\ אלעזר כל אדם שאין בו דעה אסור לרחם עליו שנאמר (ישעיהו כז, יא) כי לא עם בינות הוא על כן לא ירחמנו עושהו ויוצרו לא יחוננו,וא"ר אלעזר כל הנותן פיתו למי שאין בו דעה יסורין באין עליו שנאמר (עובדיה א, ז) לחמך ישימו מזור תחתיך אין תבונה בו ואין מזור אלא יסורין שנאמר (הושע ה, יג) וירא אפרים את חליו ויהודה את מזורו,ואמר ר\ אלעזר כל אדם שאין בו דעה לסוף גולה שנאמר (ישעיהו ה, יג) לכן גלה עמי מבלי דעת,ואמר ר"א כל בית שאין דברי תורה נשמעים בו בלילה אש אוכלתו שנאמר (איוב כ, כו) כל חשך טמון לצפוניו תאכלהו אש לא נופח ירע שריד באהלו אין שריד אלא ת"ח שנאמר (יואל ג, ה) ובשרידים אשר ה\ קורא,ואמר ר\ אלעזר כל שאינו מהנה תלמידי חכמים מנכסיו אינו רואה סימן ברכה לעולם שנאמר (איוב כ, כא) אין שריד לאכלו על כן לא יחיל טובו אין שריד אלא תלמידי חכמים שנאמר ובשרידים אשר ה\ קורא,ואמר רבי אלעזר כל שאינו משייר פת על שלחנו אינו רואה סימן ברכה לעולם שנאמר אין שריד לאכלו על כן לא יחיל טובו,והאמר רבי אלעזר כל המשייר פתיתים על שלחנו כאילו עובד ע"ז שנאמר (ישעיהו סה, יא) העורכים לגד שלחן והממלאים למני ממסך לא קשיא הא דאיכא שלימה בהדיה הא דליכה שלימה בהדיה,ואמר רבי אלעזר כל המחליף בדבורו כאילו עובד ע"ז כתיב הכא (בראשית כז, יב) והייתי בעיניו כמתעתע וכתיב התם (ירמיהו י, טו) הבל המה מעשה תעתועים,ואמר רבי אלעזר כל המסתכל בערוה קשתו ננערת שנאמר (חבקוק ג, ט) עריה תעור קשתך,ואמר רבי אלעזר לעולם הוי קבל וקיים אמר רבי זירא אף אנן נמי תנינא בית אפל אין פותחין לו חלונות לראות נגעו ש"מ,אמר ר\ טבי אמר ר\ יאשיה מאי דכתיב (משלי ל, טז) שאול ועוצר רחם ארץ לא שבעה מים וכי מה ענין שאול אצל רחם אלא לומר לך מה רחם מכניס ומוציא אף שאול מכניס ומוציא,והלא דברים קל וחומר ומה רחם שמכניסין בו בחשאי מוציאין ממנו בקולי קולות שאול שמכניסין בו בקולות אינו דין שמוציאין ממנו בקולי קולות מיכן תשובה לאומרין אין תחיית המתים מן התורה,תנא דבי אליהו צדיקים שעתיד הקדוש ברוך הוא להחיותן אינן חוזרין לעפרן שנאמר (ישעיהו ד, ג) והיה הנשאר בציון והנותר בירושלים קדוש יאמר לו כל הכתוב לחיים בירושלים מה קדוש לעולם קיים אף הם לעולם קיימין 92a the people leom shall curse him yikkevuhu, but blessing shall be upon the head of one who provides” (Proverbs 11:26). And the term leom is referring to nothing other than fetuses, as it is stated: “Two nations are in your womb, and two peoples shall be separated from your bowels; and the one leom shall overcome the other leom” (Genesis 25:23). And kabbo is referring to nothing other than curse, as it is stated in the statement of Balaam: “How can I curse one who is not cursed kabbo by God?” (Numbers 23:8). And bar is referring to nothing other than Torah, as it is stated: “Pay homage to bar lest He be angry” (Psalms 2:12), i.e. observe the Torah to avoid God’s wrath.Ulla bar Yishmael says: One perforates like a sieve a person who withholds halakha from a student. It is written here: “He who withholds bar, the people yikkevuhu” (Proverbs 11:26), and it is written there: “And he bored vayyikkov a hole in its lid of it” (IIKings 12:10). And Abaye says: One perforates him like a launderers’ utensil used for sprinkling water on garments.And if one teaches the student halakha rather than withholding it, what is his reward? Rava says that Rav Sheshet says: He is privileged to receive blessings like Joseph, as it is stated at the end of that verse: “But blessing shall be upon the head of one who provides mashbir” (Proverbs 11:26). And mashbir is referring to no one other than Joseph, as it is stated: “And Joseph was the governor of the land, and he was the provider hamashbir to all the people of the land” (Genesis 42:6).Rav Sheshet says: Anyone who teaches Torah in this world is privileged and teaches it in the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “And he who satisfies abundantly umarveh shall be satisfied himself yoreh” (Proverbs 11:25). Rav Sheshet interprets the verse homiletically: By transposing the letters of the word marveh: Mem, reish, vav, heh, one arrives at the word moreh, meaning teaches. The verse means that one who teaches moreh will teach yoreh in the future as well.The Gemara returns to the topic of the source for resurrection in the Torah. Rava says: From where is resurrection of the dead derived from the Torah? It is derived from a verse, as it is stated: “Let Reuben live and not die, in that his men become few” (Deuteronomy 33:6). This is interpreted: “Let Reuben live” in this world “and not die” in the World-to-Come. Ravina says that resurrection is derived from here: “And many of those who sleep in the dust of the earth shall awaken, some to everlasting life, and some to reproaches and everlasting disgrace” (Daniel 12:2). Rav Ashi says proof is derived from here: “But go you your way until the end be; and you shall rest, and arise to your lot at the end of days” (Daniel 12:13).§ Rabbi Elazar says: Any communal leader who leads the community calmly, without anger and honestly, is privileged and leads them in the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “For he that has compassion upon them will lead them, even by the springs of water shall he guide them” (Isaiah 49:10). Just as he led them in this world, so too will he guide them in the World-to-Come.The Gemara proceeds to cite additional statements of Rabbi Elazar relating to recommended conduct. And Rabbi Elazar says: Great is knowledge, as it was placed between two letters, two names of God, as it is stated: “For a God of knowledge is the Lord” (ISamuel 2:3).And Rabbi Elazar says: Great is the Holy Temple, as it too was placed between two letters, two names of God, as it is stated: “The place in which to dwell that You have made, Lord, the Temple, Lord, which Your hands have prepared” (Exodus 15:17). Rav Adda Karḥina’a objects to the explanation that being placed between two names of God accords significance. If that is so, the same should hold true for vengeance. Shall one say: Great is vengeance, as it was placed between two letters, as it is written: “God of vengeance, Lord, God of vengeance shine forth” (Psalms 94:1)?Rabbi Elazar said to him: In its context, indeed, vengeance is great, in accordance with the statement of Ulla. As Ulla says with regard to these two appearances: “O Lord, God to Whom vengeance belongs; God to Whom vengeance belongs, appear” (Psalms 94:1), and: “He appeared from Mount Paran” (Deuteronomy 33:2), why are both necessary? One, the second verse, is necessary for the attribute of divine good, with which God gave the Torah at Sinai, and one, the first verse, is necessary for the attribute of divine punishment, with which God exacts vengeance against the enemies and oppressors of the Jewish people.And Rabbi Elazar says: With regard to any person in whom there is knowledge, it is as though the Temple was built in his days, as this, knowledge, was placed between two letters and that, the Temple, was placed between two letters.,And Rabbi Elazar says: Any person in whom there is knowledge ultimately becomes wealthy, as it is stated: “And by knowledge are the chambers filled with all precious and pleasant riches” (Proverbs 24:4).And Rabbi Elazar says: With regard to any person in whom there is no knowledge, it is prohibited to have mercy upon him, as it is stated: “For it is a people of no understanding; therefore its Maker will have no mercy on them, and its Creator will show them no favor” (Isaiah 27:11). If God has no mercy upon them, all the more so should people not show them mercy.And Rabbi Elazar says: With regard to anyone who gives his bread to one without knowledge, afflictions befall him, as it is stated: “They who eat your bread will place mazor under you, in whom there is no discernment” (Obadiah 1:7). And mazor means nothing other than afflictions, based on the parallel with another verse, as it is stated: “And Ephraim saw his sickness and Judah his wound mezoro” (Hosea 5:13). This indicates that one who gives his bread to one without discernment will ultimately fall ill.And Rabbi Elazar says: Any person in whom there is no knowledge is ultimately exiled, as it is stated: “Therefore my people are exiled, for lack of knowledge” (Isaiah 5:13).And Rabbi Elazar says: With regard to any house in which there are no matters of Torah heard at night, the fire of Gehenna consumes it, as it is stated: “All darkness is laid up for his treasures, a fire not fanned shall consume him; it shall go ill with a sarid in his tent” (Job 20:26). Sarid is referring to no one but a Torah scholar, as it is stated: “And among the seridim, those whom the Lord shall call” (Joel 3:5). A house that is dark at night and in which no Torah is heard will be consumed by a fire that does not require fanning with a bellows, the fire of Gehenna.And Rabbi Elazar says: Anyone who does not benefit Torah scholars from his property never sees a sign of blessing, as it is stated: “None of his food shall remain sarid; therefore his prosperity shall not endure” (Job 20:21). Sarid is referring to no one but Torah scholars, as it is stated: “And among the seridim, those whom the Lord shall call.” No prosperity will come to one who does not share his food with a Torah scholar.And Rabbi Elazar says: Anyone who does not leave bread on his table at the end of his meal indicating his gratitude to God for providing him more than enough never sees a sign of blessing, as it is stated: “None of his food shall remain; therefore his prosperity shall not endure.”,The Gemara asks: But doesn’t Rabbi Elazar say: With regard to anyone who leaves pieces of bread on his table, it is as if he worships idols, as it is stated: “Who prepare a table for Fortune Gad and offer blended wine for Destiny” (Isaiah 65:11). The people would leave pieces of bread on the table as an offering to the constellation Gad, which they believed influences the fortune of the home. This practice was a form of idol worship. The Gemara answers: This apparent contradiction is not difficult: This case, where leaving pieces of bread is a form of idol worship, applies when there is a whole loaf together with the pieces, as the addition of the pieces is clearly for idol worship; that case, where failure to leave bread on the table is criticized, applies when there is no whole loaf together with the pieces.And Rabbi Elazar says: With regard to anyone who amends the truth in his speech, it is as though he worships idols. As, it is written here, in the verse where Jacob sought to resist taking his father’s blessing from Esau: “And I shall seem to him a deceiver metate’a” (Genesis 27:12), and it is written there with regard to idol worship: “They are vanity, the work of deception tatuim” (Jeremiah 10:15).And Rabbi Elazar says: With regard to anyone who looks at nakedness erva, his bow is emptied, i.e. he will be robbed of his potency, as it is stated: “Your bow is stripped bare erya” (Habakkuk 3:9).And Rabbi Elazar says: Forever be in the dark, i.e. anonymous, and you will continue to exist. Rabbi Zeira says: We learn a similar idea in a mishna as well (Nega’im 2:3): In a dark house, one does not open windows to illuminate it in order to see whether or not its blemish is leprosy, and the house retains the presumptive status of ritual purity. Those matters that are obscured are allowed to continue. The Gemara affirms: Conclude from that mishna that this is so.§ The Gemara returns to the topic of the source for resurrection in the Torah. Rabbi Tavi says that Rabbi Yoshiya says: What is the meaning of that which is written: “There are three that are never satisfied…the grave, and the barren womb, and earth that does not receive sufficient water” (Proverbs 30:15–16)? And what does a grave have to do with a womb? Rather, they are juxtaposed to say to you: Just as a womb takes in and gives forth, so too a grave takes in and also gives forth, with the resurrection of the dead.And are these matters not inferred a fortiori: If with regard to a womb, into which one introduces the embryo in secret, one removes the baby from it accompanied by the loud sounds of the woman crying out during childbirth, then with regard to the grave, into which one introduces the corpse with sounds of wailing and mourning the dead, is it not right that one removes from it the resurrected dead accompanied by the loud sounds of the resurrected multitudes? From here there is a response to those who say: There is no resurrection of the dead derived from the Torah.,The school of Eliyahu taught: The righteous whom the Holy One, Blessed be He, is destined to resurrect do not return to their dust, as it is stated: “And it shall come to pass, that he who remains in Zion and he who remains in Jerusalem shall be called holy, anyone who is written unto life in Jerusalem” (Isaiah 4:3). Just as the Holy One exists forever, so too will they exist forever. |
14. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, 116a, 116b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Bible-reading heretics, non-Jews, interaction with Palestinian rabbis • Zoroastrianism, Jewish interactions with Zoroastrians • influence vs. cultural fluidity models, sites of interaction • minim, interaction between rabbis and, in Palestine Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 402; Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 69 116a שאין זה מקומה ר\ אומר לא מן השם הוא זה אלא מפני שספר חשוב הוא בפני עצמו,כמאן אזלא הא דא"ר שמואל בר נחמן א"ר יונתן (משלי ט, א) חצבה עמודיה שבעה אלו שבעה ספרי תורה כמאן כר\,מאן תנא דפליג עליה דר\ רשב"ג הוא דתניא רשב"ג אומר עתידה פרשה זו שתיעקר מכאן ותכתב במקומה ולמה כתבה כאן כדי להפסיק בין פורענות ראשונה לפורענות שנייה פורענות שנייה מאי היא (במדבר יא, א) ויהי העם כמתאוננים פורענות ראשונה (במדבר י, לג) ויסעו מהר ה\ וא"ר חמא בר\ חנינא שסרו מאחרי ה\ והיכן מקומה אמר רב אשי בדגלים,איבעיא להו הגליונין של ס"ת מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה או אין מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה ת"ש ס"ת שבלה אם יש בו ללקט שמונים וחמש אותיות כגון פרשת ויהי בנסוע הארון מצילין ואם לאו אין מצילין ואמאי תיפוק ליה משום גיליון דידיה בלה שאני,ת"ש ס"ת שנמחק אם יש בו ללקט שמונים וחמש אותיות כגון פרשת ויהי בנסוע הארון מצילין ואם לאו אין מצילין ואמאי תיפוק ליה משום גיליון דידיה מקום הכתב לא קמיבעיא לי דכי קדוש אגב כתב הוא דקדוש אזל כתב אזלא לה קדושתיה כי קמיבעיא לי של מעלה ושל מטה שבין פרשה לפרשה שבין דף לדף שבתחלת הספר שבסוף הספר ותיפוק ליה משום ההוא דגייז ושדי,ת"ש הגליונין של מעלה ושל מטה שבין פרשה לפרשה שבין דף לדף שבתחלת הספר שבסוף הספר מטמאין את הידים דילמא אגב ס"ת שאני,ת"ש הגיליונין וספרי מינין אין מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה אלא נשרפין במקומן הן ואזכרותיהן מאי לאו גליונין דספר תורה לא גליונין דספרי מינין השתא ספרי מינין גופייהו אין מצילין גליונין מבעיא הכי קאמר וספרי מינין הרי הן כגליונים,גופא הגליונים וספרי מינין אין מצילין אותם מפני הדליקה רבי יוסי אומר בחול קודר את האזכרות שבהן וגונזן והשאר שורפן א"ר טרפון אקפח את בני שאם יבאו לידי שאני אשרוף אותם ואת האזכרות שבהן שאפי\ אדם רודף אחריו להורגו ונחש רץ להכישו נכנס לבית ע"ז ואין נכנס לבתיהן של אלו שהללו מכירין וכופרין והללו אין מכירין וכופרין ועליהן הכתוב אומר (ישעיהו נז, ח) ו אחר הדלת והמזוזה שמת זכרונך,א"ר ישמעאל ק"ו ומה לעשות שלום בין איש לאשתו אמרה תורה שמי שנכתב בקדושה ימחה על המים הללו שמטילין קנאה ואיבה ותחרות בין ישראל לאביהן שבשמים על אחת כמה וכמה ועליהם אמר דוד (תהלים קלט, כא) הלא משנאיך ה\ אשנא ובתקוממיך אתקוטט תכלית שנאה שנאתים לאויבים היו לי וכשם שאין מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה כך אין מצילין אותן לא מן המפולת ולא מן המים ולא מדבר המאבדן,בעי מיניה יוסף בר חנין מר\ אבהו הני ספרי דבי אבידן מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה או אין מצילין אין ולאו ורפיא בידיה רב לא אזיל לבי אבידן וכ"ש לבי נצרפי שמואל לבי נצרפי לא אזיל לבי אבידן אזיל אמרו ליה לרבא מ"ט לא אתית לבי אבידן אמר להו דיקלא פלניא איכא באורחא וקשי לי ניעקריה דוכתיה קשי לי מר בר יוסף אמר אנא מינייהו אנא ולא מסתפינא מינייהו זימנא חדא אזיל בעו לסכוניה הוספה מחסרונות הש"ס: רבי מאיר הוה קרי ליה און גליון רבי יוחנן הוה קרי ליה עון גליון.אימא שלום דביתהו דרבי אליעזר אחתיה דרבן גמליאל הואי הוה ההוא פילוסופא בשבבותיה 116b דהוה שקיל שמא דלא מקבל שוחדא בעו לאחוכי ביה אעיילא ליה שרגא דדהבא ואזול לקמיה אמרה ליה בעינא דניפלגי לי בנכסי דבי נשי אמר להו פלוגו א"ל כתיב לן במקום ברא ברתא לא תירות א"ל מן יומא דגליתון מארעכון איתנטלית אורייתא דמשה ואיתיהיבת ספרא אחריתי וכתיב ביה ברא וברתא כחדא ירתון,למחר הדר עייל ליה איהו חמרא לובא אמר להו שפילית לסיפיה דספרא וכתב ביה אנא לא למיפחת מן אורייתא דמשה אתיתי ולא לאוספי על אורייתא דמשה אתיתי וכתיב ביה במקום ברא ברתא לא תירות אמרה ליה נהור נהוריך כשרגא א"ל רבן גמליאל אתא חמרא ובטש לשרגא:ומפני מה אין קורין כו\: אמר רב לא שנו אלא בזמן בית המדרש אבל שלא בזמן בהמ"ד קורין ושמואל אמר אפילו שלא בזמן בית המדרש אין קורין איני והא נהרדעא אתריה דשמואל הוה ובנהרדעא פסקי סידרא בכתובים במנחתא דשבתא אלא אי איתמר הכי איתמר אמר רב לא שנו אלא במקום בהמ"ד אבל שלא במקום בהמ"ד קורין ושמואל אמר,בין במקום בהמ"ד בין שלא במקום בהמ"ד בזמן בהמ"ד אין קורין שלא בזמן בית המדרש קורין ואזדא שמואל לטעמיה דבנהרדעא פסקי סידרא דכתובים במנחתא דשבתא,רב אשי אמר לעולם כדאמרן מעיקרא ושמואל כרבי נחמיה דתניא אע"פ שאמרו כתבי הקדש אין קורין בהן אבל שונין בהן ודורשין בהן נצרך לפסוק מביא ורואה בו א"ר נחמיה מפני מה אמרו כתבי הקדש אין קורין בהן כדי שיאמרו בכתבי הקדש אין קורין וכ"ש בשטרי הדיוטות:מתני׳ מצילין תיק הספר עם הספר ותיק התפילין עם התפילין ואע"פ שיש בתוכן מעות ולהיכן מצילין אותן למבוי שאינו מפולש בן בתירא אומר אף למפולש:גמ׳ ת"ר ארבעה עשר שחל להיות בשבת מפשיטין את הפסח עד החזה דברי רבי ישמעאל בנו של רבי יוחנן בן ברוקה וחכ"א מפשיטין את כולו בשלמא לרבי ישמעאל בנו של ר\ יוחנן בן ברוקה דהא איתעביד ליה צורך גבוה אלא לרבנן מ"ט אמר רבה בר בר חנה א"ר יוחנן דאמר קרא (משלי טז, ד) כל פעל ה\ למענהו והכא מאי למענהו איכא רב יוסף אמר שלא יסריח רבא אמר שלא יהו קדשי שמים מוטלין כנבלה,מאי בינייהו איכא בינייהו דמנח אפתורא דדהבא אי נמי יומא דאסתנא ורבי ישמעאל בנו של רבי יוחנן בן ברוקה האי פעל ה\ למענהו מאי עביד ליה שלא יוציא את האימורין קודם הפשטת העור מ"ט אמר רב הונא בריה דרב נתן משום נימין,אמר רב חסדא אמר מר עוקבא מאי אהדרו ליה חברייא לרבי ישמעאל בנו של רבי יוחנן בן ברוקה הכי קאמרי ליה אם מצילין תיק הספר עם הספר לא נפשיט את הפסח מעורו מי דמי התם טלטול הכא מלאכה אמר רב אשי בתרתי פליגי פליגי בטלטול ופליגי במלאכה והכי קאמרי ליה אם מצילין תיק הספר עם הספר לא נטלטל עור אגב בשר, 116a that this is not its place, as the previous portion does not discuss the nation’s travels. Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi says: It is not for that reason that signs were inserted. Rather, the signs are there because this portion is considered a book unto itself.,The Gemara asks: According to whose opinion is that which Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥman said that Rabbi Yonatan said, that with regard to the verse: “With wisdom she built her house, she carved its seven pillars” (Proverbs 9:1), these are the seven books of the Torah? According to whose opinion? It is according to the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, as by his count there are seven books of the Torah: Genesis; Exodus; Leviticus; Numbers until: “And when the Ark traveled”; the portion: “And when the Ark traveled,” which is considered its own book; the remainder of Numbers; and Deuteronomy.Who is the tanna who disagrees with Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi? It is Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel. As it was taught in a baraita that Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: In the future, this portion will be uprooted from here, where it appears, and will be written in its proper place. And why was it written here, even though it discusses the travels of the children of Israel, and the portion before it does not? It is in order to demarcate between the first punishment and the second punishment. What is the second punishment that appears immediately afterward? It is the verse: “And the people complained wickedly in God’s ears, and God heard and became angry, and the fire of God burned in them and it consumed the edge of the camp” (Numbers 11:1). What is the first punishment? It is the verse: “And they traveled from the mountain of God mehar Hashem for three days” (Numbers 10:33), and Rabbi Ḥama, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, said: That they turned from after God me’aḥarei Hashem and hurriedly fled Mount Sinai. The Gemara asks: And if so, where is the proper place for this paragraph? Rav Ashi said: In the portion of the flags, where there is a description of the manner in which the Jewish people traveled through the desert.A dilemma was raised before the Sages: With regard to the blank folios of parchment of a Torah scroll, does one rescue them from the fire on Shabbat, or does one not rescue them from the fire? Come and hear a resolution to this from that which we learned: With regard to a Torah scroll that is worn, if there is enough in it to compile eighty-five complete letters as in the portion of: “And when the Ark traveled,” one rescues it from the fire, and if not one does not rescue it. If even the blank folios are rescued, why would one not rescue a Torah scroll with fewer than the requisite number of letters? Derive that this scroll may be rescued due to its blank folios. The Gemara answers: A Torah scroll that is worn is different, because at that point its sanctity is negated, and its blank folios are not sacred. Therefore, one may rescue the scroll only if it contains eighty-five letters.Come and hear a different resolution from that which was taught in another baraita: With regard to a Torah scroll that was erased, if there is enough in it to compile eighty-five complete letters as in the portion of: “And when the Ark traveled,” one rescues it from the fire, and if not, one does not rescue it. And why is that so? Derive that this scroll may be rescued due to its blank folios, as the erased section is surely no less significant than the blank folios of the scroll. The Gemara answers: That is not so. In a case where the place of the writing is erased it is not a dilemma for me, as it is sacred due to the writing. If the writing is gone, its sanctity is gone. When it is a dilemma for me is with regard to the blank portions that are above and below, that are between one section and another section, that are between one page and another page, that are at the beginning of the scroll, and that are at the end of the scroll. The Gemara asks again: Derive that this scroll may be rescued due to that area that is blank, whose sanctity remains. The Gemara replies: There, it is referring to a case where the blank area was cut and thrown out, and all that remains is the place of the writing.Come and hear a different resolution from what we learned in a mishna: The Sages decreed that the blank folios that are above and below, that are between one section and another section, that are between one page and another page, that are at the beginning of the scroll, and that are at the end of the scroll render the hands that touch them ritually impure. Apparently, the blank folios have the sanctity of a Torah scroll. The Gemara replies: That is not a proof, as perhaps when it is part of the Torah scroll, it is different, and in those circumstances the sanctity of the Torah extends to the blank portions. When they stand alone they have no sanctity.Therefore, come and hear a different resolution from that which was taught in another baraita: With regard to the blank folios and the Torah scrolls of heretics, one does not rescue them from the fire; rather, they burn in their place, they and the names of God contained therein. What, is this not referring to the blank folios of a Torah scroll? The Gemara rejects this: No, it is referring to the blank folios of the scrolls of heretics. The Gemara is surprised at this: Now, with regard to the scrolls of heretics themselves, one does not rescue them; is it necessary to say that one does not rescue their blank folios? Rather, this is what it is saying: And the scrolls of heretics are like blank folios.,Apropos the scrolls of heretics, the Gemara analyzes the matter itself. With regard to the blank folios and the Torah scrolls of the heretics, one does not rescue them from the fire. Rabbi Yosei says: During the week, one cuts the names of God contained therein and buries them, and burns the rest. Rabbi Tarfon said in the form of an oath: I will bury my sons if I fail to do the following, that if these books come into my possession I will burn them and the names contained therein. As even if a person is pursuing him with the intent to kill him, and a snake is hurrying to bite him, one enters a house of idolatry and does not enter the houses of these heretics. The reason is that these heretics are aware of the greatness of the Creator manifest in the Torah and its mitzvot, and nevertheless, they deny the existence of God; whereas these idolators are not aware, and that is the reason that they deny the existence of God. And with regard to the heretics, the verse says: “And behind the door and the doorpost you place your memory” (Isaiah 57:8). Although they remember the word of God, they treat it contemptuously, as if casting it behind the door.Rabbi Yishmael said: The fact that the names of God in the scrolls of heretics may be burned can be derived through an a fortiori inference: Just as to make peace between a husband and his wife, the Torah says: My name that was written in sanctity shall be erased in the water in the framework of the ordeal of the sota; these, the heretics, who impose jealousy, and hatred, and conflict between the Jewish people and their Father in Heaven, all the more so it is proper to erase God’s names because of them. And with regard to heretics, David said: “For I hate those who hate You, God, and I fight those who rise against You. I hate them with the utmost hatred, they have become enemies to me” (Psalms 139:21–22). And just as they, the scrolls of heretics, are not rescued from the fire, neither are they rescued from a rockslide, nor from water, nor from any other matter that destroys them.,Yosef bar Ḥanin raised a dilemma before Rabbi Abbahu: With regard to these books of the house of Abidan, does one rescue them from the fire or does one not rescue them? There were sacred Jewish texts in that house, which were used in debates and discussions on matters of faith. Rabbi Abbahu did not give him a clear answer but said yes and no, and the matter was uncertain to him. Rav would not go to the house of Abidan for conversation, and all the more so he would not go to the house of Nitzrefei, the Persian fire-temple. Shmuel, to the house of Nitzrefei he did not go, but to the house of Abidan he did go. The gentile scholars said to Rava: Why did you not come to the house of Abidan? He evaded their question with an excuse and said to them: There is a certain palm tree on the road, and that makes the path difficult for me. They said to him: We will uproot it. He said to them: Nevertheless, the resulting pit in its place will be difficult for me. Mar bar Yosef said: I am one of them, we are friends, and I do not fear them. Still, one time he went and argued with them and they sought to endanger his life. Rabbi Meir would call the Christian writing, the Evangelion, the wicked folio aven gilyon; Rabbi Yoḥa called it the sinful folio avon gilyon.,The Gemara relates: Imma Shalom, the wife of Rabbi Eliezer, was Rabban Gamliel’s sister. There was a Christian philosopher pilosofa in their neighborhood 116b who disseminated about himself the reputation that he does not accept bribes. They wanted to mock him and reveal his true nature. She privately gave him a golden lamp, and she and her brother came before him, approaching him as if they were seeking judgment. She said to the philosopher: I want to share in the inheritance of my father’s estate. He said to them: Divide it. Rabban Gamliel said to him: It is written in our Torah: In a situation where there is a son, the daughter does not inherit. The philosopher said to him: Since the day you were exiled from your land, the Torah of Moses was taken away and the avon gilyon was given in its place. It is written in the avon gilyon: A son and a daughter shall inherit alike.,The next day Rabban Gamliel brought the philosopher a Libyan donkey. Afterward, Rabban Gamliel and his sister came before the philosopher for a judgment. He said to them: I proceeded to the end of the avon gilayon, and it is written: I, avon gilayon, did not come to subtract from the Torah of Moses, and I did not come to add to the Torah of Moses. And it is written there: In a situation where there is a son, the daughter does not inherit. She said to him: May your light shine like a lamp, alluding to the lamp she had given him. Rabban Gamliel said to him: The donkey came and kicked the lamp, thereby revealing the entire episode.We learned in the mishna: And why does one not read the Writings on Shabbat? Due to suspension of Torah study in the study hall. Rav said: They only taught that it is prohibited to read from the Writings on Shabbat during the hours of study in the study hall; but when it is not during the hours of study in the study hall, one may read them. And Shmuel said: Even when it is not the hours of study in the study hall one may not read from the Writings on Shabbat. The Gemara asks: Is that so? Wasn’t Neharde’a Shmuel’s place where he was the rabbi of the town, and in Neharde’a they concluded their regular weekly discourse with Writings on Shabbat afternoon. Rather, if a dispute was stated in this matter, it was stated as follows: Rav said: It was only taught that there is a prohibition in a place where there is a study hall nearby that people can attend; but not in a place where there is a study hall, one may read Writings.And Shmuel said: Whether it is in the place of the study hall or it is not the place of the study hall, one may not read anywhere when it is during the hours of study in the study hall; but when it is not during the hours of study in the study hall, one may read. And Shmuel follows his line of reasoning stated elsewhere, as in Neharde’a they would conclude their studies with Writings on Shabbat afternoon.,Rav Ashi said: Actually, the dispute is as we stated initially, and Shmuel said what he said in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Neḥemya. As it was taught in a baraita: Although the Sages said with regard to sacred writings that they may not be read on Shabbat, one may study the midrash on them and teach them before the congregation; if one requires a verse that is written in the Writings, he brings a book and looks in it. Rabbi Neḥemya said: Why did they say that sacred writings are not read on Shabbat? So that people will say: Sacred writings may not be read, all the more so that is the case with ordinary documents, i.e. contracts and letters. If so, according to Rabbi Neḥemya, reading any sacred writings on Shabbat is prohibited so that people will refrain from reading non-sacred documents on Shabbat. It was not prohibited to encourage attendance the study hall. Shmuel himself does not hold in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Neḥemya. |
15. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, 22a, 46b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian Talmud (Bavli), aggadahhalakhah interaction in • bath houses, and interaction of rabbis, non-rabbis • study houses, and interaction of rabbis, non-rabbis Found in books: Borowitz, The Talmud's Theological Language-Game: A Philosophical Discourse Analysis (2006) 233; Kalmin, The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity (1998) 44 22a שקרא ושנה ולא שימש תלמידי חכמים,אתמר קרא ושנה ולא שימש ת"ח ר\ אלעזר אומר הרי זה עם הארץ ר\ שמואל בר נחמני אמר הרי זה בור ר\ ינאי אומר ה"ז כותי,רב אחא בר יעקב אומר הרי זה מגוש אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מסתברא כרב אחא בר יעקב דאמרי אינשי רטין מגושא ולא ידע מאי אמר תני תנא ולא ידע מאי אמר,ת"ר איזהו ע"ה כל שאינו קורא ק"ש שחרית וערבית בברכותיה דברי ר\ מאיר וחכ"א כל שאינו מניח תפילין בן עזאי אומר כל שאין לו ציצית בבגדו ר\ יונתן בן יוסף אמר כל שיש לו בנים ואינו מגדלן ללמוד תורה אחרים אומרים אפילו קורא ושונה ולא שימש ת"ח זהו ע"ה,קרא ולא שנה הרי זה בור לא קרא ולא שנה עליו הכתוב אומר (ירמיהו לא, כז) וזרעתי את בית ישראל ואת בית יהודה זרע אדם וזרע בהמה,(משלי כד, כא) ירא את ה\ בני ומלך ועם שונים אל תתערב אמר רבי יצחק אלו ששונים הלכות פשיטא מהו דתימא שונין בחטא וכדרב הונא דאמר רב הונא כיון שעבר אדם עבירה ושנה בה הותרה לו קמ"ל,תנא התנאים מבלי עולם מבלי עולם ס"ד אמר רבינא שמורין הלכה מתוך משנתן תניא נמי הכי א"ר יהושע וכי מבלי עולם הן והלא מיישבי עולם הן שנאמר (חבקוק ג, ו) הליכות עולם לו אלא שמורין הלכה מתוך משנתן,אשה פרושה וכו\ ת"ר בתולה צליינית ואלמנה שובבית וקטן שלא כלו לו חדשיו הרי אלו מבלי עולם,איני והאמר רבי יוחנן למדנו יראת חטא מבתולה וקיבול שכר מאלמנה יראת חטא מבתולה דר\ יוחנן שמעה לההיא בתולה דנפלה אאפה וקאמרה רבש"ע בראת גן עדן ובראת גיהנם בראת צדיקים ובראת רשעים יהי רצון מלפניך שלא יכשלו בי בני אדם,קיבול שכר מאלמנה דההיא אלמנה דהואי בי כנישתא בשיבבותה כל יומא הות אתיא ומצלה בי מדרשיה דר\ יוחנן אמר לה בתי לא בית הכנסת בשיבבותך אמרה ליה רבי ולא שכר פסיעות יש לי,כי קאמר כגון יוחני בת רטיבי,מאי קטן שלא כלו לו חדשיו הכא תרגימו זה ת"ח המבעט ברבותיו,רבי אבא אמר זה תלמיד שלא הגיע להוראה ומורה דא"ר אבהו אמר רב הונא אמר רב מאי דכתיב (משלי ז, כו) כי רבים חללים הפילה ועצומים כל הרוגיה כי רבים חללים הפילה זה ת"ח שלא הגיע להוראה ומורה ועצומים כל הרוגיה זה ת"ח שהגיע להוראה ואינו מורה 46b (במדבר כד, כא) איתן מושבך ושים בסלע קנך ואומר (מיכה ו, ב) שמעו הרים את ריב ה\ והאיתנים מוסדי ארץ אחרים אומרים מנין לאיתן שהוא ישן שנאמר (ירמיהו ה, טו) גוי איתן הוא גוי מעולם הוא,ועורפין אותה בקופיץ מאחוריה מ"ט גמר עריפה עריפה מחטאת העוף,ומקומה אסור מלזרוע ומליעבד ת"ר (דברים כא, ד) אשר לא יעבד בו ולא יזרע לשעבר דברי רבי יאשיה רבי יונתן אומר להבא,רבא אמר להבא דכ"ע לא פליגי דכתיב ולא יזרע כי פליגי לשעבר רבי יאשיה סבר מי כתיב ולא יעובד ורבי יונתן מי כתיב אשר לא נעבד ורבי יאשיה אשר לשעבר משמע ור\ יונתן אשר רבויא הוא,ומותר לסרוק שם פשתן ולנקר שם אבנים ת"ר אשר לא יעבד בו ולא יזרע אין לי אלא זריעה שאר עבודות מנין תלמוד לומר אשר לא יעבד בו מכל מקום,אם כן מה ת"ל ולא יזרע לומר לך מה זריעה מיוחדת שהיא בגופה של קרקע אף כל שהיא בגופה של קרקע יצא סריקת פשתן וניקור אבנים שאינן בגופה של קרקע,ואימא אשר לא יעבד בו כלל ולא יזרע פרט כלל ופרט אין בכלל אלא מה שבפרט זריעה אין מידי אחרינא לא אשר רבויא הוא,זקני העיר רוחצין ידיהן כו\ ת"ר (דברים כא, ו) וכל זקני העיר ההיא הקרובים אל החלל ירחצו את ידיהם על העגלה הערופה בנחל שאין ת"ל הערופה ומה ת"ל הערופה על מקום עריפתה של עגלה,ואמרו ידינו לא שפכו את הדם הזה ועינינו לא ראו וכי על לבנו עלתה שב"ד שופכין דמים אלא לא בא לידינו ופטרנוהו בלא מזונות ולא ראינוהו והנחנוהו בלא לויה,תניא היה ר"מ אומר כופין ללויה ששכר הלויה אין לה שיעור שנאמר (שופטים א, כד) ויראו השומרים איש יוצא מן העיר ויאמרו לו הראנו נא את מבוא העיר ועשינו עמך חסד וכתיב ויראם את מבוא העיר ומה חסד עשו עמו שכל אותה העיר הרגו לפי חרב ואותו האיש ומשפחתו שלחו,(שופטים א, כו) וילך האיש ארץ החתים ויבן עיר ויקרא שמה לוז היא שמה עד היום הזה תניא היא לוז שצובעין בה תכלת היא לוז שבא סנחריב ולא בלבלה נבוכדנצר ולא החריבה ואף מלאך המות אין לו רשות לעבור בה אלא זקנים שבה בזמן שדעתן קצה עליהן יוצאין חוץ לחומה והן מתים,והלא דברים ק"ו ומה כנעני זה שלא דיבר בפיו ולא הלך ברגליו גרם הצלה לו ולזרעו עד סוף כל הדורות מי שעושה לויה ברגליו על אחת כמה וכמה,במה הראה להם חזקיה אמר בפיו עקם להם ר\ יוחנן אמר באצבעו הראה להם תניא כוותיה דר\ יוחנן בשביל שכנעני זה הראה באצבעו גרם הצלה לו ולזרעו עד סוף כל הדורות,אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי המהלך בדרך ואין לו לויה יעסוק בתורה שנאמר (משלי א, ט) כי לוית חן הם לראשך וענקים לגרגרותיך ואמר ר\ יהושע בן לוי בשביל ארבעה פסיעות שלוה פרעה לאברהם שנאמר (בראשית יב, כ) ויצו עליו פרעה אנשים וגו\ נשתעבד בבניו ארבע מאות שנה שנאמר (בראשית טו, יג) ועבדום וענו אותם ארבע מאות שנה אמר רב יהודה אמר רב כל המלוה את חבירו ארבע אמות בעיר אינו ניזוק רבינא אלויה לרבא בר יצחק ד\ אמות בעיר מטא לידיה היזיקא ואיתציל,ת"ר הרב לתלמיד עד עיבורה של עיר חבר לחבר עד תחום שבת תלמיד לרב אין לו שיעור וכמה א"ר ששת עד פרסה ולא אמרן אלא רבו שאינו מובהק אבל רבו מובהק שלשה פרסאות,רב כהנא אלויה לרב שימי בר אשי מפום נהרא עד בי ציניתא דבבל כי מטו התם אמר ליה ודאי דאמריתו הני ציניתא דבבל משני אדם הראשון איתנהו,א"ל אדכרתן מלתא דאמר רבי יוסי בר\ חנינא מאי דכתיב (ירמיהו ב, ו) בארץ לא עבר בה איש ולא ישב אדם שם וכי מאחר שלא עבר היכן ישב (ומאחר שלא ישב היכן עבר) אלא ארץ שגזר עליה אדם הראשון לישוב נתישבה ארץ שלא גזר עליה אדם הראשון לא נתישבה,רב מרדכי אלויה לרב אשי מהגרוניא ועד בי כיפי ואמרי לה עד בי דורא,אמר רבי יוחנן משום רבי מאיר כל שאינו מלוה ומתלוה כאילו שופך דמים שאילמלי ליווהו אנשי יריחו לאלישע לא גירה דובים לתינוקות שנאמר (מלכים ב ב, כג) ויעל משם בית אל והוא עלה בדרך ונערים קטנים יצאו מן העיר ויתקלסו בו ויאמרו לו עלה קרח עלה קרח,אמרו לו עלה שהקרחת עלינו את המקום מאי ונערים קטנים אמר ר\ אלעזר שמנוערים מן המצות קטנים שהיו מקטני אמנה תנא נערים היו ובזבזו עצמן כקטנים,מתקיף לה רב יוסף ודלמא על שם מקומן מי לא כתיב (מלכים ב ה, ב) וארם יצאו גדודים וישבו מארץ ישראל נערה קטנה וקשיא לן נערה וקטנה ואמר ר\ פדת קטנה דמן נעורן התם לא מפרש מקומה הכא מפורש מקומן,(מלכים ב ב, כד) ויפן אחריו ויראם ויקללם בשם ה\ מה ראה אמר רב ראה ממש כדתניא רבן שמעון בן גמליאל אומר כל מקום שנתנו חכמים עיניהם או מיתה או עוני ושמואל אמר ראה שכולן נתעברה בהן אמן ביום הכיפורים,ורבי יצחק נפחא אמר בלורית ראה להן כאמוריים ורבי יוחנן אמר ראה שלא היתה בהן לחלוחית של מצוה ודלמא בזרעייהו ניהוה הוה אמר רבי אלעזר לא בם ולא בזרעם עד סוף כל הדורות,(מלכים ב ב, כד) ותצאנה שתים דובים מן היער ותבקענה מהם ארבעים ושני ילדים, 22a is one who read the Written Torah and learned the Mishna but did not serve Torah scholars in order to learn the reasoning behind the halakhot. Since he believes himself knowledgeable, he issues halakhic rulings, but due to his lack of understanding he rules erroneously and is therefore considered wicked. His cunning is in his public display of knowledge, which misleads others into considering him a true Torah scholar.It was stated: With regard to one who read the Written Torah and learned the Mishna but did not serve Torah scholars, Rabbi Elazar says: This person is an ignoramus. Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said: This person is a boor. Rabbi Yannai says: This person is comparable to a Samaritan, who follows the Written Torah but not the traditions of the Sages.Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov says: This person is comparable to a sorcerer magosh, who uses his knowledge to mislead people. Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: It is reasonable to accept the opinion of Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov, as people say proverbially: The sorcerer chants and does not know what he is saying; so too, the tanna teaches the Mishna and does not know what he is saying.,§ The Sages taught: Who is an ignoramus am ha’aretz? It is anyone who does not recite Shema in the morning and evening with its blessings; this is the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say: It is anyone who does not don phylacteries. Ben Azzai says: It is anyone who does not have ritual fringes on his garment. Rabbi Yonatan ben Yosef said: It is anyone who has sons and does not raise them to study Torah. Aḥerim say: Even if one reads the Written Torah and learns the Mishna but does not serve Torah scholars, he is an ignoramus.,If one read the Written Torah but did not learn the Mishna, he is a boor. With regard to one who did not read and did not learn at all, the verse states: “Behold, the days come, says the Lord, and I will sow the house of Israel and the house of Judah with the seed of man, and with the seed of beast” (Jeremiah 31:26). One who has not studied at all is comparable to a beast.The verse states: “My son, fear the Lord and the king; and meddle not with those who are repeating” (Proverbs 24:21). Rabbi Yitzḥak says: These are individuals who repeatedly learn the halakhot but do not know the reasons behind them. The Gemara asks: Isn’t that obvious? How else could the verse be understood? The Gemara answers: He states this lest you say that the verse is referring to individuals who repeatedly commit sins, and this is in accordance with the words of Rav Huna, as Rav Huna says: Once a person committed a transgression and repeated it, in his eyes it became permitted for him. Since the verse could be interpreted in this manner, Rabbi Yitzḥak teaches us that the verse is referring to those who learn without understanding.It was taught in a baraita: The tanna’im, who recite the tannaitic sources by rote, are individuals who erode the world. The Gemara is puzzled by this statement: Could it enter your mind that they are individuals who erode the world? Ravina says: This statement is referring to those who issue halakhic rulings based on their knowledge of mishnayot. This is also taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yehoshua said: Are they individuals who erode the world? Aren’t they settling the world, as it is stated: “His ways halikhot are eternal” (Habakkuk 3:6)? The Sages read the term halikhot as halakhot, inferring that one who learns halakhot attains eternal life. Rather, this is referring to those who issue halakhic rulings based on their knowledge of mishnayot.,§ The mishna states that an abstinent woman is among those who erode the world. The Sages taught: A maiden who prays constantly, and a neighborly shovavit widow who constantly visits her neighbors, and a child whose months of gestation were not completed, all these are people who erode the world.,The Gemara asks: Is that so? But didn’t Rabbi Yoḥa say: We learned the meaning of fear of sin from a maiden, and the significance of receiving divine reward from a widow. The meaning of fear of sin can be learned from a maiden, as Rabbi Yoḥa heard a certain maiden who fell on her face in prayer, and she was saying: Master of the Universe, You created the Garden of Eden and You created Gehenna, You created the righteous and You created the wicked. May it be Your will that men shall not stumble because of me and consequently go to Gehenna.The significance of receiving divine reward can be learned from a widow, as there was a certain widow in whose neighborhood there was a synagogue, and despite this every day she went and prayed in the study hall of Rabbi Yoḥa. Rabbi Yoḥa said to her: My daughter, is there not a synagogue in your neighborhood? She said to him: My teacher, don’t I attain a reward for all the steps I take while walking to pray in the distant study hall?The Gemara answers: When it is stated in the baraita that a maiden who prays constantly is one who erodes the world, it is referring, for example, to Yoḥani bat Retivi, who constantly prayed and pretended to be saintly but actually engaged in sorcery.The Gemara asks: What is the meaning of a child whose months of gestation were not completed? Here, in Babylonia, they interpreted this as alluding to an imperfect, incomplete Torah scholar who scorns his teachers.,Rabbi Abba says: This is a student who has not yet attained the ability to issue halakhic rulings, and yet he issues rulings and is therefore compared to a prematurely born child. This is as Rabbi Abbahu says that Rav Huna says that Rav says: What is the meaning of that which is written: “For she has cast down many wounded; and a mighty host are all her slain” (Proverbs 7:26)? “For she has cast down hippila many wounded”; this is referring to a Torah scholar who has not yet attained the ability to issue rulings, and yet he issues rulings. “And a mighty host ve’atzumim are all her slain”; this is referring to a Torah scholar who has attained the ability to issue rulings, but does not issue rulings and prevents the masses from learning Torah properly. 46b “Firm eitan is your dwelling-place, and your nest is set in the rock” (Numbers 24:21), and it states: “Hear, O you mountains, the Lord’s controversy, and the enduring rocks eitanim, the foundations of the earth” (Micah 6:2). The use of the word in these verses indicates that “eitan” means something hard, like a rock or a mountain. Others say a different explanation of the word eitan: From where is it derived that eitan means old? As it is stated: “It is an ancient eitan nation, a nation from of old” (Jeremiah 5:15).§ The mishna taught: And they break the neck orfin of the heifer from behind with a cleaver. The Gemara explains: What is the reason that the Sages understood that the heifer is killed in this manner? They derive that the term arifa, which describes what is done to the heifer, refers to breaking the back of the neck, from the term arifa stated with regard to the bird brought as a sin-offering (see Leviticus 5:8).§ The mishna taught further: And with regard to its place, it is prohibited for that ground to be sown or to be worked. The Sages taught: The verse: “Which may be neither worked nor sown” (Deuteronomy 21:4) is referring to the past, that is, a place which has not previously been worked or sown. This is the statement of Rabbi Yoshiya. Rabbi Yonatan says: It speaks of the future, meaning it is prohibited to sow or work the land from that point onward.Rava said: As for the future, everyone agrees that it is prohibited to sow or work the land, as it is written “neither worked nor sown” in the future tense. When they disagree is with regard to the past. Rabbi Yoshiya, who disqualifies a place that was sown beforehand, holds: Does it state: And shall not be worked, in the form of a future command? And Rabbi Yonatan responds: Does it state: And was not worked, in the past tense? And Rabbi Yoshiya answers: The term “which” indicates the past. And as for Rabbi Yonatan, in his opinion the term “which” is a term of amplification, as will be explained later in the Gemara, and it is not referring to the past.§ The mishna taught: But it is permitted to comb flax there or to cut stones there. The Sages taught: From the phrase “which may be neither worked nor sown,” I have derived only sowing; from where do I derive that other types of labor are also prohibited? The verse states: “Which may be neither worked,” indicating that it may not be worked in any manner.,The baraita continues: If so, why does the verse also need to state “nor sown”? It is in order to say to you: Just as sowing is unique in that it is labor performed on the land itself, so too, all labor that is performed on the land itself is prohibited. This excludes combing flax and cutting stones, which are not done on the land itself.,The Gemara raises an objection: And perhaps one can say a different exposition: “Which may be neither worked” is a generalization, and “nor sown” a detail. When the Torah writes a generalization and a detail, there is nothing in the generalization other than what is in the detail, i.e. the detail serves to impose a limit on the generalization. Consequently, the verse is teaching that with regard to sowing, yes, it is prohibited, but with regard to anything else, no, it is not prohibited. The Gemara again answers: The term “which” is an amplification, and the addition of this term results in this verse not belonging to the category of generalizations and details.§ The mishna taught that the Elders of the city would then wash their hands. The Sages taught: With regard to the verse: “And all the Elders of that city, who are nearest to the slain man, shall wash their hands over the heifer whose neck was broken in the valley” (Deuteronomy 21:6), one might have thought that there is no need for the verse to state: “Whose neck was broken,” because there is no heifer mentioned other than the one whose neck was broken. And what is the meaning when the verse states: “Whose neck was broken”? It serves to teach us that they wash their hands over the place where the heifer’s neck was broken.,The verse further states: “And they shall say: Our hands did not spill this blood, nor did our eyes see” (Deuteronomy 21:7). The mishna explains: But did it enter our minds that the Elders of the court are spillers of blood, that they must make such a declaration? Rather, they mean to declare: The victim did not come to us and then we let him take his leave without food, and we did not see him and then leave him alone to depart without accompaniment. They therefore attest that they took care of all his needs and are not responsible for his death even indirectly.It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Meir would say: There is coercion with regard to accompaniment, i.e. one who does not want to accompany another is nevertheless required to do so, as the reward for accompaniment is without measure. The proof of the importance of accompaniment is from a verse, as it is stated with regard to when the Jewish people laid siege to the city of Bethel: “And the watchers saw a man come out of the city, and they said to him: Show us, please, the entrance into the city, and we will deal kindly with you” (Judges 1:24), and it is written: “And he showed them the entrance to the city” (Judges 1:25). And what kindness did they perform with him? It is that they killed the entire city by the sword, but that man and his family they sent free.The Gemara elaborates on the reward received in that story. The next verse states: “And the man went to the land of the Hittites, and he built a city, and he called its name Luz; that is its name to this day” (Judges 1:26). It is taught in a baraita: This is the city Luz where sky blue wool is dyed. It is the same city Luz where, although Sennacherib came and exiled many nations from place to place, he did not disarrange and exile its inhabitants; Nebuchadnezzar, who conquered many lands, did not destroy it; and even the angel of death has no permission to pass through it. Rather, its Elders, when they have decided that they have reached the end of life, go outside the city wall and die.,Are these matters not inferred a fortiori: And if this Canaanite, who did not speak with his mouth and explicitly tell them where the city entrance was, and did not walk with them by foot, but merely indicated the correct path to them, nevertheless caused himself to be rescued and also had the merit to provide rescue for his descendants until the end of all generations, then with regard to one who accompanies another by foot, all the more so will his reward be great.After stating that the man did not openly guide those watching the city, the Gemara asks: How did that Canaanite show them the entrance to the city? Ḥizkiyya says: He twisted his mouth for them, i.e. he showed them the path to the city by moving his lips. Rabbi Yoḥa says: He showed them with his finger alone. It is taught in a baraita in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yoḥa: Because this Canaanite showed them with his finger, he caused himself to be rescued and merited rescue for his descendants as well, until the end of all generations.,Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: One who walks along the way without having someone to accompany him should occupy himself with words of Torah, as it is stated with regard to words of Torah: “For they shall be a chaplet of grace to your head, and chains around your neck” (Proverbs 1:9). And Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi further says: Due to four steps that Pharaoh accompanied Abraham, as it is stated: “And Pharaoh gave men charge concerning him, and they brought him on the way, and his wife, and all that he had” (Genesis 12:20), Pharaoh enslaved Abraham’s descendants for four hundred years, as it is stated: “And shall serve them, and they shall afflict them four hundred years” (Genesis 15:13). Rav Yehuda says that Rav says: Anyone who accompanies his friend four cubits in a city will come to no harm by accompanying him. The Gemara relates: Ravina accompanied Rava bar Yitzḥak four cubits in a city. He came close to harm, but he was saved.,The Sages taught: A teacher accompanies a student until the outskirts of the city; a friend accompanies a friend until the Shabbat boundary of that city, which is two thousand cubits; and for a student who accompanies his teacher, there is no measure to the distance he accompanies him. The Gemara asks: And how far? The student is certainly not required to walk with him the entire way. Rav Sheshet says: Up to a parasang parsa, which is four mil. The Gemara comments: And we said this amount only with regard to one who is not his most significant teacher, but he accompanies his most significant teacher, who taught him most of his knowledge, three parasangs.,The Gemara relates a story about accompaniment: Rav Kahana accompanied Rav Shimi bar Ashi from the town of Pum Nahara to the palm grove in Babylonia. When they arrived there, Rav Kahana said to Rav Shimi bar Ashi: Is it true that you say that these palm trees of Babylonia have been in this place since the years of Adam the first man?Rav Shimi bar Ashi said to him: By mentioning Adam the first man you reminded me of something that Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, says: What is the meaning of that which is written: “Through a land that no man passed through, and where no person adam dwelt”? (Jeremiah 2:6). This verse is difficult: Since it is a land through which no man has passed, where would he dwell? And if he did not dwell, where did he pass? Why does the verse add that no person has dwelled there? Rather, this is the meaning: Any land concerning which Adam the first man decreed that it would be a settled area, was settled; but a land concerning which Adam the first man did not decree that it should be settled, was not settled.,The Gemara also relates that Rav Mordekhai accompanied Rav Ashi from the town of Hagronya until Bei Keifei, and some say that he accompanied him until Bei Dura.,The Gemara continues to discuss the importance of accompaniment. Rabbi Yoḥa says in the name of Rabbi Meir: Whoever does not accompany another or will not allow himself to be accompanied is like a spiller of blood and is held responsible for any deaths that occur as a result of his inaction. The proof for this is that had the inhabitants of Jericho accompanied Elisha, he would not have incited the bears to attack the children, as it is stated: “And he went up from there to Bethel, and as he was going up by the way, there came forth young lads out of the city and mocked him, and said to him: Go up, baldhead; go up, baldhead” (IIKings 2:23). Had the residents of Jericho accompanied him, they would have sent away those youths and prevented what occurred next.The Gemara proceeds to discuss this episode in detail, beginning with the meaning of the youths’ taunt. They said to him: Go up, away from here, for you have made the place bald, i.e. bare, for us. They had previously earned their living by providing the city of Jericho with water. Elisha sweetened the city’s own water, rendering their services unnecessary. The Gemara asks: What is the meaning of: “Young lads ne’arim ketannim”? One would have expected the verse to state either “young” or “lads,” but not both. Rabbi Elazar says: The word “lads ne’arim” means that they were shaken empty meno’arim of the mitzvot; the word “young ketannim” means that they were of little faith ketannei amana, as they had no trust that they would be able to earn their livelihood by any other means. The Sages taught: They were lads, that is, already of age, but they disgraced themselves like young children.Rav Yosef objects to this interpretation: And perhaps they were called ne’arim after their place of origin? Isn’t it written: “And the Arameans had gone out in bands, and had brought away captive from Eretz Yisrael a minor young woman na’ara ketana” (IIKings 5:2), and this verse raised a difficulty to us: A minor and a young woman; how could she be both of these? And Rabbi Pedat says it means a minor girl from the town of Ne’oran. This verse concerning the lads can be explained in a similar manner: They were young children from Ne’oran. The Gemara answers: These two cases are not comparable. There the verse does not specify her place of origin, so “na’ara” could mean from the town of Ne’oran; but here the verse specifies their place of origin, namely Jericho.The verse further states with regard to the same incident: “And he turned behind him and saw them, and he cursed them in the name of the Lord” (IIKings 2:24). The Gemara asks: What did he see? There are four explanations offered. Rav says: He literally saw, i.e. he stared and bored his eyes into them, as it is taught in a baraita: Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: Wherever it states that the Sages placed their eyes upon a certain person, they brought upon that person either death or poverty. And Shmuel says: He saw their essential nature, that all their mothers became pregt with them on Yom Kippur, when conjugal relations are forbidden.And Rabbi Yitzḥak Nappaḥa says: He saw that they had plaited locks grown on the back of their heads like the gentiles. And Rabbi Yoḥa says: He saw that they did not contain even a smidgen of a mitzva. The Gemara raises an objection to this last interpretation of Rabbi Yoḥa: But how could he curse them just because they did not have any mitzvot? Perhaps their descendants would have many mitzvot. Rabbi Elazar says: He saw that mitzvot would be found neither in them nor in their descendants, through all generations.,The verse states: “And two she-bears came out of the forest and tore forty-two children from them” (IIKings 2:24). |