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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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subject book bibliographic info
aristotle, influence, on parable interpretation Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 237
context/influence, in de vita contemplativa, roman Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 7, 24, 36
development/influence, epro Bricault et al. (2007), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 3
influence Fisch, (2023), Written for Us: Paul’s Interpretation of Scripture and the History of Midrash, 1, 2, 20, 24, 162, 183
Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 277, 349
Neis (2012), When a Human Gives Birth to a Raven: Rabbis and the Reproduction of Species. 188, 209
Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 115, 121, 122, 184, 207
Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 115, 121, 122, 184, 207
influence, achaemenid Williamson (2021), Urban Rituals in Sacred Landscapes in Hellenistic Asia Minor, 115, 119, 140, 152, 229, 251
influence, antipater father of herod, of with arabs Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 174
influence, anxiety of Greensmith (2021), The Resurrection of Homer in Imperial Greek Epic: Quintus Smyrnaeus' Posthomerica and the Poetics of Impersonation, 241, 263
influence, aristobulus, stoic and pythagorean Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 139
influence, as dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 676
influence, at delphi, aetolia Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 55, 67
influence, author, of 2 maccabees, ptolemaic Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 278, 279, 541, 542, 543
influence, babylonian Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 113
influence, behind, archetypes, platonic Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 150
influence, between, mystery cult Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 213
influence, by roman law, synodal tribunals, procedure of Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 208
influence, causes of corruption, liturgical Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 297, 298
influence, cicero, on greek Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 221, 222
influence, concerning, sodom, philo’s Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 74, 283, 289, 290
influence, croesus, in herodotus, and layers of superhuman Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 242, 243, 246
influence, democratic procedures, of Gabrielsen and Paganini (2021), Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity, 56, 228, 233, 235, 239, 240, 241, 246
influence, demons Garcia (2021), On Human Nature in Early Judaism: Creation, Composition, and Condition, 187, 191
influence, demos, the people, of as non-elite Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 24, 29, 30
influence, donatists, cyprian’s Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 194
influence, donatists, parmenian’s Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 193
influence, education, as bad Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 150, 161
influence, elites, civic, of in polis Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 24, 29
influence, engagement with, gregory i the great pope, women of Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 696, 697, 698, 699, 700, 701, 702
influence, ennius Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 18, 19, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 48, 81
influence, epicurean Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 245
influence, etruscan phrase Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 176
influence, ezekiel, tragedian, greek tragedians Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 135, 203
influence, ezekiel, tragedian, hellenistic Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 49
influence, foreign cultural Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 431
influence, from cynicism, zeno of citium Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 250, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 259, 261
influence, gender, gregory the great’s engagement with women of Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 696, 697, 698, 699, 700, 701, 702
influence, germans and, roman Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 166, 167
influence, gods, loss of Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 142, 143, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163, 165, 166, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340
influence, greek Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 27, 35, 138, 143
influence, greek, culture, milieu, philosophy, reader, writer Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 131, 166, 370
influence, haustafeln, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 718, 719, 720
influence, helios soter, rhodian Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 25
influence, hellenism, hellenistic, character, flavor Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 13
influence, homer Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 18, 28, 29, 30, 31, 135, 136, 143
influence, in athens, gods Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 87, 122, 133, 141, 145, 154, 169, 254, 255, 256, 257, 263, 334, 356, 360
influence, in babylonia, palestinian rabbis, sages, increasing Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 31, 38, 42, 43, 55, 56
influence, in homer, character and divine Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 266
influence, in homer, layers of superhuman Joho (2022), Style and Necessity in Thucydides, 236, 237, 238, 240, 242
influence, in roman north africa, porphyry Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 23, 258, 261
influence, in roman, poetry, stoic Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 121, 229, 241
influence, in rome, egyptian religion, its Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 357, 358, 362
influence, inscriptions, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 511
influence, jewish sects, stoic Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 311
influence, lampridius, visigothic Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 98
Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 98
influence, language and style, book of judith, septuagint Gera (2014), Judith, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 82, 83, 89, 90, 91, 92, 143, 145, 146, 178, 179, 182, 185, 189, 198, 208, 209, 210, 218, 220, 240, 241, 243, 279, 280, 285, 290, 299, 301, 307, 308, 310, 312, 313, 314, 317, 321, 345, 350, 399, 408, 409, 417, 429, 444, 449, 450, 454, 459, 463, 464, 466
influence, literary Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 262
influence, livy, poetic Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 17, 81, 84
influence, men, as subject to womanly Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 227, 228, 229
influence, miletus speech, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 215
influence, minor, hellenistic Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 285
influence, mother Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 57, 65
influence, multiple pledge, greek-hellenistic Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 219
influence, muslim, muslims Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 339
influence, names, lists of at qumran, as indication of greek Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 90
influence, nt, semitic Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 91, 174, 224, 242
influence, of aeschylus on, wagner, r. Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 422
influence, of agrippina the younger, power and Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57
influence, of ambrose on, augustine Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 218
influence, of anxiety Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 220, 221
influence, of aphrodite, calming Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 11, 157
influence, of aristocratic families Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 71, 72, 74
influence, of aristotle on, dicaearchus of messana Bosak-Schroeder (2020), Other Natures: Environmental Encounters with Ancient Greek Ethnography, 24, 25
influence, of attitudes to genealogy, non-rabbinic jews Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 16, 36, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60
influence, of augustan restoration on, roman priests Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 19
influence, of augustine of hippo, on pagan divination, cicero Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 435, 438, 441
influence, of body Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 191, 192, 201, 203
influence, of callimachus on, martial Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391
Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391
influence, of caracalla, roman emperor, plautianus, restraining Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 162
influence, of caracalla, roman emperor, septimius severus Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 146
influence, of codex vaticanus graecus, greek historiography Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 50, 60
influence, of codex vaticanus graecus, thucydides Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 2, 53, 73
influence, of cyril of alexandria, pauline Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 162, 164, 181
influence, of de officiis on ars amatoria, cicero Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 66, 72, 73, 78, 80, 127, 141
influence, of declamation on, plutarch Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 104, 143
influence, of demeter, at eleusis, and rebirth Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 213
influence, of eleusinian rites Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 31, 135, 212, 224, 232, 257, 259, 287
influence, of epigraphic habits, external Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 74, 75, 77, 137, 138, 175, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 187, 188
influence, of eucharist, pagan theurgy Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 134
influence, of evagrius of pontus Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 546
influence, of evagrius, augustine Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 373
influence, of gift-culture, rome Satlow (2013), The Gift in Antiquity, 77
influence, of greek tragedy on josephus’ account of joseph Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 419
influence, of greek tragedy on josephus’ version of esther, book of Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 419, 420, 421, 422
influence, of greek views of on rabbis, philosophy, alleged Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 22, 23
influence, of hebrew on greek, septuagint, shows Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 29
influence, of hellenism on, revolutionaries, jewish Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 90
influence, of hellenism, boyarin daniel, on Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 109, 110
influence, of hellenism, lieberman, saul, on Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 15, 16, 18, 42, 43, 134, 176, 178, 179, 180, 275
influence, of hellenistic jewish polemic against paganism, heresy, rabbinic judaism Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 543, 544
influence, of hellenization of rabbis Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 22, 23, 24
influence, of hellenization upon, hasmoneans Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 20
influence, of historiographical outlook of the philosophical schools, heresy, rabbinic judaism Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 544, 545, 546
influence, of historiography, augustan rule Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 41
influence, of humours on, channels of the body, character Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 340
influence, of intellectuals, lack of Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 171
influence, of josephus Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 340
influence, of libanius Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 7, 266
influence, of livia, drusilla Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 210, 211
influence, of maccabees Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 44
influence, of manichaeism Nisula (2012), Augustine and the Functions of Concupiscence, 2
influence, of old testament, sinister de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 220, 221
influence, of on ambrosiaster, eusebius of caesarea Lunn-Rockliffe (2007), The Letter of Mara bar Sarapion in Context, 131, 138
influence, of on essenes, pythagoras, greek philosopher, alleged Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 17, 18
influence, of on hasmonean kings, warfare, greek methods Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 78
influence, of on historiography, drama Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 414, 415, 416, 417
influence, of on josephus, aeschylus Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 417, 418
influence, of on josephus, euripides Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 425, 426, 427
influence, of on josephus, exekiel, jewish tragedian Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 425
influence, of on josephus, polybius, author of monograph on numantine war Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 358, 359
influence, of on josephus, sophocles Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 427, 428, 429, 430, 431, 432, 433, 434, 435, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442
influence, of on other nations, hellenism Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 34
influence, of on plutarch, isocrates Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 524
influence, of on song of songs, mesopotamian poetry Lieber (2014), A Vocabulary of Desire: The Song of Songs in the Early Synagogue, 25
influence, of pagans upon jews in architecture Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 4, 5
influence, of palaephatus Hawes (2014), Rationalizing Myth in Antiquity, 95, 97, 122, 237
influence, of palestinian traditions, babylonian rabbis, sages, increasing Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 31, 38, 42, 43, 55, 56
influence, of parents, bad Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 154, 155, 156, 159, 161
influence, of patriarchs, jewish, height of Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 144, 145, 157
influence, of peripatetic writing on paradoxography, peripatetics Lightfoot (2021), Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78
influence, of philo on, origen Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 4
influence, of philodemus of gadara Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 6
influence, of philodemus, rufinus Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 6
influence, of ptolemy i, egyptian titulature Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 189
influence, of rhetoric and tragedy on history, isocrates, shows Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 414
influence, of rome Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 1, 6, 60, 64, 254, 368, 381, 382
influence, of socrates on, ethics Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 25, 337, 385
influence, of the causal one, love as a cause of bonds Osborne (1996), Eros Unveiled: Plato and the God of Love. 217
influence, of the cosmos, sympathetic Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 216
influence, of the one, and of causal beauty, goodness etc. Osborne (1996), Eros Unveiled: Plato and the God of Love. 192, 193, 194, 198, 207
influence, of the one, causal Osborne (1996), Eros Unveiled: Plato and the God of Love. 192
influence, of the paris school, religion/theology Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 464
influence, of the precepts on, iamblichus Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 52
influence, of the precepts on, stobaeus Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 52
influence, of theory of divine, plato, also platonic, academy Singer and van Eijk (2018), Galen: Works on Human Nature: Volume 1, Mixtures (De Temperamentis), 89
influence, of tragedy on, thucydides Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 414
influence, of tragedy, polybius, author of monograph on numantine war, not immune to Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 416
influence, of water on, body Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 165
influence, of wealth, isocrates, on the corrupting Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 285, 286
influence, of writing on, homer Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 44
influence, of yotzer shir ha-shirim yotzer or blessing Lieber (2014), A Vocabulary of Desire: The Song of Songs in the Early Synagogue, 399
influence, on annals, sallust Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 148
influence, on arator of liber pontificalis, liturgy Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 37
influence, on arator, ambrose Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 33, 40, 58, 59, 60, 61, 173, 178
influence, on arator, augustine Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 76, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 137, 138, 176, 177, 178
influence, on arator, physiologus Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 184, 185, 186, 187, 193
influence, on aristotle, plato Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137
influence, on aristotle, plato, and his Segev (2017), Aristotle on Religion, 29, 30, 33
influence, on athenians, funeral oration Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 41, 42
influence, on augustine, ambrose Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 218, 222
influence, on augustine, metaphysics Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270
influence, on augustine, philosophy, neoplatonic Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 222
influence, on birth rates, emperors Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 175, 176
influence, on chariton, epic poetry Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 167, 174
influence, on chariton, virgil Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 167
influence, on christian ideas, mystery religions, high-water mark of piety of Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 52
influence, on classical writers, philo, alleged Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 4
influence, on clement of alexandria, plutarch Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 315
influence, on color, lighting Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 2, 86
influence, on conscious beings, god Osborne (1996), Eros Unveiled: Plato and the God of Love. 133
influence, on crete, italian renaissance Alexiou and Cairns (2017), Greek Laughter and Tears: Antiquity and After. 376, 388, 389
influence, on demetrius of phalerum, aristotle Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 78, 79
influence, on divine realms, ḥiyya bar abba, r. Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 15, 68, 69, 86, 100, 123, 125, 126, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 238, 239, 259, 269, 291, 310, 311, 312, 338, 339, 342, 368, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 394, 395
influence, on ephrem, protevangelium of james Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 194
influence, on ethics, socrates Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 337, 385
influence, on fortune, its happiness Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 58, 181
influence, on galen, aristotle van der EIjk (2005), Medicine and Philosophy in Classical Antiquity: Doctors and Philosophers on Nature, Soul, Health and Disease, 293
influence, on god, man, humanity, its Lorberbaum (2015), In God's Image: Myth, Theology, and Law in Classical Judaism, 276
influence, on greek lawgivers, myth Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 78, 79, 80
influence, on greek ritual, near eastern Faraone (1999), Ancient Greek Love Magic, 37, 38
influence, on greek sacrifice, near east Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 29
influence, on gregory of nyssa, aristotle, as Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 101
influence, on gregory of nyssa, neoplatonic philosophers, as Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 101
influence, on gregory of nyssa, plato, as Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 101
influence, on hellenistic jewish authors, stoicism, stoics Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 140
influence, on histories, cited by Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 148
influence, on horace, cynics/cynicism Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 78, 79, 80, 98, 102, 108
influence, on horace, philodemus of gadara Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 8, 9, 60, 61, 67, 77, 78, 156, 157, 159, 160, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 229, 231
influence, on human life, providence O'Brien (2015), The Demiurge in Ancient Thought, 126
influence, on intelligence, regimen Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 223
influence, on its subjects, mixed populations, polybius monarchy Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 62, 63, 64, 72, 188
influence, on judaism, hellenism Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34
influence, on judith, daniel Gera (2014), Judith, 43, 48, 50, 51, 95, 96, 165, 222, 302, 303, 354, 374
influence, on judith, hasmoneans Gera (2014), Judith, 19, 39, 40, 41, 42, 95, 106, 175, 176, 255, 418, 419, 420, 421
influence, on judith, judas maccabeusnan Gera (2014), Judith, 39, 40, 41, 55, 171, 202, 247, 255, 315, 318, 396, 412, 432, 475
influence, on majority of jews, qumran texts Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 24, 40, 42, 47
influence, on martyrs de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 132, 195, 196, 197
influence, on nature, pesikta de-rav kahana, on gods Stern (2004), From Rebuke to Consolation: Exegesis and Theology in the Liturgical Anthology of the Ninth of Av Season, 63
influence, on nicene thought, platonism Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 11, 12, 143, 163, 170
influence, on origen, philo of alexandria Dawson (2001), Christian Figural Reading and the Fashioning of Identity, 231
influence, on paradoxography, herodotus Lightfoot (2021), Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68
influence, on philosophers views on the proper service of the gods and purity, plato Petrovic and Petrovic (2016), Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77
influence, on plato, pythagoras, pythagoreans Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 223
influence, on plotinus, gnostics, as Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 4, 49, 50, 133
influence, on proclus, iamblichus d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 32, 33, 37, 63, 82, 112, 121, 133, 134, 135, 136, 170, 210, 211, 212, 213, 227, 228, 242, 243, 263, 264, 265
influence, on pseudo-dionysius the areopagite, proclus d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 293, 294
influence, on racist ideas, darwin charles, on race, his Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 129
influence, on roman jurists, stoics, and Hayes (2015), What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives, 81, 82, 83
influence, on roman use of epithets, cultic, greek Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251, 252, 253
influence, on satires, aristotle Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 109
influence, on scepticism, socrates Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 44, 52, 76, 102, 109, 110, 232
influence, on seneca's treatment, doxography, lucretian Williams (2012), The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions', 214, 215, 219, 220, 222, 223, 225, 251
influence, on seneca, aristotle Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 243
influence, on shklovsky’s conception of defamiliarisation, aristotle Lightfoot (2021), Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World, 10, 141
influence, on stoics, medical writers, greek Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 226
influence, on the greeks, jewish people, the, and alleged Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 315, 318, 319, 320
influence, on the idea of eternal life, underworld books, egyptian Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 217
influence, on thought about, christianity, divination and prophecy Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 134
influence, on traits, environment Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 249
influence, on valentinus, plato O'Brien (2015), The Demiurge in Ancient Thought, 223
influence, on virgil, homers Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 30, 41, 135, 171, 276, 277, 288, 337
influence, on zeno, cynicism Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 250, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 259, 261
Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 250, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 259, 261
influence, on, augustine of hippo, optatus’s Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 205
influence, on, augustine of hippo, tyconius’s Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 280, 281, 283, 289, 292, 338
influence, on, augustine, cicero’s Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 216
influence, on, calendars, local, roman Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 162, 163
influence, on, demons, timaean Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 121
influence, on, donatistarum adversus parmenianum, cyprian’s Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 194, 195, 197, 198, 199, 201
influence, on, exposition of the law, roman Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 1
influence, on, frei, philos Dawson (2001), Christian Figural Reading and the Fashioning of Identity, 231
influence, on, jerome, tyconius’s Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 289
influence, on, mother of seven sons narrative, nature, gods Stern (2004), From Rebuke to Consolation: Exegesis and Theology in the Liturgical Anthology of the Ninth of Av Season, 63, 64
influence, on, mystery cults, possible christian Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 233
influence, on, persius, virgil’s Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer (2023), Dynamics Of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature. 71, 74
influence, on, philosophy, roman, greek Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 5, 6
influence, on, rabbinic literature, philo’s lack of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 77
influence, orient, oriental Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 80, 141, 180, 204, 211, 259, 326, 462, 463, 465, 466, 631, 632, 633, 634
influence, oriental source-material Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 65
influence, orientation, innate, oikeiosis Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 238
influence, paraenesis, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 167, 410, 690
influence, pastorals, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 117, 436, 508
influence, paul Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 126, 127, 128, 129
influence, petelia, orphic Edmonds (2004), Myths of the Underworld Journey: Plato, Aristophanes, and the ‘Orphic’ Gold Tablets, 163, 164, 165
influence, platonic MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 75
influence, pneumatology, lukan, ot Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 571
influence, poetic Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 18, 23
influence, popular morality, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 510
influence, power, divine, from heavens Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 25, 29, 30, 275
influence, reading, polemic against foreign Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 38
influence, rites, dionysiac Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 187, 336, 354
influence, roman era, greek Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 220, 221, 222
influence, roman law, christian Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 38, 39, 65, 162
influence, roman law, eastern Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 39
influence, semitic Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 56
influence, seneca, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 907
influence, soul, cosmic, apuleius on, timaean Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 120
influence, stoicism Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 103, 104, 105, 106
influence, symmetry gapbetween knowledge, training and Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 28, 29, 119, 120, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137
influence, testaments of the xii patriarchs, greek Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 284, 285
influence, upon arnobius, chaldaean theology Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 169, 170, 171
influence, upon judge, advocates, rhetorical Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 60
influence, upon proclus, chaldaean theology Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 170
influence, upon, animal sacrifice, platonic Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 1, 3, 182
influence, upon, diocletian, oriental Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 32
influence, upon, saturn, jovian Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 202
influence, virtue lists, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 559, 560
influence, vs. cultural fluidity models Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 45, 431
influence, vs. cultural fluidity models, in mesopotamia Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 47
influence, vs. cultural fluidity models, in palestine Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 44, 45
influence, vs. cultural fluidity models, sasanian persia Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 402
influence, vs. cultural fluidity models, sites of interaction Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 402
influence, wisdom of solomon, stoic Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 873
influence, women, and assocations Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 16, 83, 216, 221, 225, 231, 250, 366, 368, 460, 993, 1205
influence, ζητεῖν, dahl Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 856
influence/culture, etruscan Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 62, 212, 290, 328, 379
influenced, arnobius conversion, jerome, says dreams Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121
influenced, by alexander, plotinus Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 41, 42
influenced, by greek song, elisha ben abuya, rabbinic apostate Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 29
influenced, by mystery cult, heraclitus Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 116, 117, 118, 358, 401
influenced, by mystic doctrine, empedocles Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 195
influenced, by plato, aristotle Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137
Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137
influenced, by plotinus, proclus, as Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 69, 70
influenced, by porphyry, macrobius Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 180
influenced, by the babylonian talmud, ecclesiastes rabbah Mokhtarian (2021), Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran. 51, 52, 53
influenced, by tyconius Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 277, 349
influenced, by, babrius, septuagint Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 103, 104, 105, 106
influenced, by, evagrius of pontus, philoxenos Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 519
influenced, by, leontius of byzantium, theodore of raithou Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 640
influenced, by, porphyry, boethius Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 673
influenced, by, rhetoric, preaching Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 105, 108
influenced, cicero’s timaeus translation, academy, philo’s Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 81, 82
influences Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 126, 317, 348
influences, amoraim, babylonian, increasing palestinian Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 31, 38, 148
influences, and spread of cult to the east, zeus, foreign Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 12, 13
influences, antichresis, greek-hellenistic Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 45, 46, 260
influences, babrius, semitic Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 97, 105, 106
influences, book of judith, biblical Gera (2014), Judith, 257, 260, 270, 279, 320, 322, 354, 396, 417
influences, diocletian, porphyry Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 8, 77
influences, environmental, factors Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 169
influences, epicurus, on cultural Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 150
influences, fiscal pledge, hellenistic Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 322, 323, 324, 325
influences, greek architectural Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 314, 316, 331, 337
influences, greek cultural Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 125, 128, 131, 132, 133, 134, 235, 236, 242, 243, 253, 254, 268, 328, 339
influences, greek-hellenistic Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 45, 46, 130, 192, 193, 260, 281, 322, 323, 324, 325
influences, hammat gader, question of jewish Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 812, 813
influences, hypotheca, hellenistic Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 46, 188, 189, 192, 193, 201, 202, 203
influences, incubation, ancient near eastern, cross-cultural Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 37, 38, 71, 72
influences, incubation, egyptian and greco-egyptian, possible greek Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 98, 502
influences, libanius, autobiography Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 690, 707
influences, martyrdom intellectual Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 8, 9, 10, 11
influences, on cult, amphiaraos, pythagorean Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 242, 625, 626, 627
influences, on cult, asklepios, pythagorean Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 242, 626, 627
influences, on the persecution, millar, intellectual Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 22
influences, on, babylonian rabbis, sages, general Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 8, 11
influences, on, divination and prophecy, christian Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 134
influences, on, library of celsus Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 82
influences, on, philo Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65
influences, on, philodemus of gadara, cynic Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 73, 74, 79, 80
influences, on, philodemus of gadara, roman Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 44, 45
influences, on, satires, horace, epicurean Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 60, 61, 108
influences, on, satires, horace, literary Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 77, 78, 106, 107, 115, 116, 117, 131, 132, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 229, 231
influences, persia, persian empire, significance of cultural, social Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 8, 11, 58, 59, 118
influences, philo, on, greek and roman Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 64, 65, 368, 369, 372, 381, 382
influences, philo, on, jewish Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 45, 47, 48, 60, 61, 62, 297, 298, 369
influences, philo, on, of other exegetes Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 45
influences, philodemus of gadara, epigram to flora, possible Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 4, 5, 6, 7
influences, pythagorean precepts, aristoxenus, sources and Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 702, 703
influences, rome, roman empire, cultural, social Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 8, 11, 58, 59
influences, virgil and the aeneid, philosophical Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 8, 13
influences, xenophanes, and eastern Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 154
influences/references, satires, horace, cynic Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 78, 79, 80
influencing, augustine of hippo, on pagan divination, earlier critiques of astrology Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 428, 429, 430, 431
influencing, boethius, progelomena Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 572
influencing, decisions, factors Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28
influencing, each other, heresy, rabbinic judaism, as Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 542
influencing, freud, plato, non-rational parts of the soul compared with horses Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 95, 96
influencing, procedure, politics Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 59
influencing, rabbinic treatment of heresy, philosophical schools, as Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 544, 545, 546
influencing, sex of child, intercourse Brule (2003), Women of Ancient Greece, 165
of influence, of tragedy on, josephus, influence Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421, 422, 423, 424
teachings/influence, on, horace, father’s Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 67, 68, 69, 70, 110, 136, 137, 138, 152, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 168, 169, 178, 183, 251
‘influence’, and ‘resistance’ vs. cultural fluidity, romanization, impact and responses to Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 45
‘influence’, literary theory Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 262

List of validated texts:
146 validated results for "influence"
1. Hebrew Bible, Song of Songs, 3.7, 3.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Mesopotamian poetry, influence of on Song of Songs • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 176, 383; Lieber (2014), A Vocabulary of Desire: The Song of Songs in the Early Synagogue, 25

sup>
3.7 הִנֵּה מִטָּתוֹ שֶׁלִּשְׁלֹמֹה שִׁשִּׁים גִּבֹּרִים סָבִיב לָהּ מִגִּבֹּרֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃
3.11
צְאֶינָה וּרְאֶינָה בְּנוֹת צִיּוֹן בַּמֶּלֶךְ שְׁלֹמֹה בָּעֲטָרָה שֶׁעִטְּרָה־לּוֹ אִמּוֹ בְּיוֹם חֲתֻנָּתוֹ וּבְיוֹם שִׂמְחַת לִבּוֹ׃'' None
sup>
3.7 Behold, it is the litter of Solomon; Threescore mighty men are about it, of the mighty men of Israel.
3.11
Go forth, O ye daughters of Zion, And gaze upon king Solomon, Even upon the crown wherewith his mother hath crowned him in the day of his espousals, And in the day of the gladness of his heart.'' None
2. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 1.12 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • influence

 Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 115; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 115

sup>
1.12 וַתְּמָאֵן הַמַּלְכָּה וַשְׁתִּי לָבוֹא בִּדְבַר הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲשֶׁר בְּיַד הַסָּרִיסִים וַיִּקְצֹף הַמֶּלֶךְ מְאֹד וַחֲמָתוֹ בָּעֲרָה בוֹ׃'' None
sup>
1.12 But the queen Vashti refused to come at the king’s commandment by the chamberlains; therefore was the king very wroth, and his anger burned in him.'' None
3. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 15.2-15.3, 15.6 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Book of Judith, biblical influences • Judas Maccabeusnan, influence on Judith • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 178, 377, 379, 383, 385; Gera (2014), Judith, 89, 90, 299, 312, 313, 314, 315, 317, 320, 321, 449, 450, 454, 459

sup>
15.2 וַתִּקַּח מִרְיָם הַנְּבִיאָה אֲחוֹת אַהֲרֹן אֶת־הַתֹּף בְּיָדָהּ וַתֵּצֶאןָ כָל־הַנָּשִׁים אַחֲרֶיהָ בְּתֻפִּים וּבִמְחֹלֹת׃
15.2
עָזִּי וְזִמְרָת יָהּ וַיְהִי־לִי לִישׁוּעָה זֶה אֵלִי וְאַנְוֵהוּ אֱלֹהֵי אָבִי וַאֲרֹמְמֶנְהוּ׃ 15.3 יְהוָה אִישׁ מִלְחָמָה יְהוָה שְׁמוֹ׃
15.6
יְמִינְךָ יְהוָה נֶאְדָּרִי בַּכֹּחַ יְמִינְךָ יְהוָה תִּרְעַץ אוֹיֵב׃'' None
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15.2 The LORD is my strength and song, And He is become my salvation; This is my God, and I will glorify Him; My father’s God, and I will exalt Him. 15.3 The LORD is a man of war, The LORD is His name.
15.6
Thy right hand, O LORD, glorious in power, Thy right hand, O LORD, dasheth in pieces the enemy.'' None
4. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 6.7, 12.10-12.20, 16.4, 16.6, 18.10-18.12, 19.19-19.21, 20.1-20.18, 28.14, 28.20, 39.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aeschylus, influence of on Josephus • Babrius, Septuagint, influenced by • Book of Judith, biblical influences • Daniel, influence on Judith • Epistle of Barnabas, Influence • Incubation (Greek), ancient Near Eastern influences(?) • Incubation (ancient Near Eastern), cross-cultural influences • Judas Maccabeusnan, influence on Judith • Philo, influences on • Philo, influences on, Greek and Roman • Philo, influences on, Jewish • Philodemus of Gadara, epigram to Flora, possible influences • Rome, influence of • Sodom, Philo’s influence concerning • Stoicism, influence • influence • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 288; Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 44, 50, 74, 254, 290, 368, 369, 381, 382; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 7; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 418; Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 183, 338, 342; Gera (2014), Judith, 50, 208, 209, 222, 247, 307, 320, 345, 408, 409, 432; Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 104; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 71; Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 122; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 122; Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 103

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6.7 וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶמְחֶה אֶת־הָאָדָם אֲשֶׁר־בָּרָאתִי מֵעַל פְּנֵי הָאֲדָמָה מֵאָדָם עַד־בְּהֵמָה עַד־רֶמֶשׂ וְעַד־עוֹף הַשָּׁמָיִם כִּי נִחַמְתִּי כִּי עֲשִׂיתִם׃' '12.11 וַיְהִי כַּאֲשֶׁר הִקְרִיב לָבוֹא מִצְרָיְמָה וַיֹּאמֶר אֶל־שָׂרַי אִשְׁתּוֹ הִנֵּה־נָא יָדַעְתִּי כִּי אִשָּׁה יְפַת־מַרְאֶה אָתְּ׃ 12.12 וְהָיָה כִּי־יִרְאוּ אֹתָךְ הַמִּצְרִים וְאָמְרוּ אִשְׁתּוֹ זֹאת וְהָרְגוּ אֹתִי וְאֹתָךְ יְחַיּוּ׃ 12.13 אִמְרִי־נָא אֲחֹתִי אָתְּ לְמַעַן יִיטַב־לִי בַעֲבוּרֵךְ וְחָיְתָה נַפְשִׁי בִּגְלָלֵךְ׃ 12.14 וַיְהִי כְּבוֹא אַבְרָם מִצְרָיְמָה וַיִּרְאוּ הַמִּצְרִים אֶת־הָאִשָּׁה כִּי־יָפָה הִוא מְאֹד׃ 12.15 וַיִּרְאוּ אֹתָהּ שָׂרֵי פַרְעֹה וַיְהַלְלוּ אֹתָהּ אֶל־פַּרְעֹה וַתֻּקַּח הָאִשָּׁה בֵּית פַּרְעֹה׃ 12.16 וּלְאַבְרָם הֵיטִיב בַּעֲבוּרָהּ וַיְהִי־לוֹ צֹאן־וּבָקָר וַחֲמֹרִים וַעֲבָדִים וּשְׁפָחֹת וַאֲתֹנֹת וּגְמַלִּים׃ 12.17 וַיְנַגַּע יְהוָה אֶת־פַּרְעֹה נְגָעִים גְּדֹלִים וְאֶת־בֵּיתוֹ עַל־דְּבַר שָׂרַי אֵשֶׁת אַבְרָם׃ 12.18 וַיִּקְרָא פַרְעֹה לְאַבְרָם וַיֹּאמֶר מַה־זֹּאת עָשִׂיתָ לִּי לָמָּה לֹא־הִגַּדְתָּ לִּי כִּי אִשְׁתְּךָ הִוא׃ 12.19 לָמָה אָמַרְתָּ אֲחֹתִי הִוא וָאֶקַּח אֹתָהּ לִי לְאִשָּׁה וְעַתָּה הִנֵּה אִשְׁתְּךָ קַח וָלֵךְ׃
16.4
וַיָּבֹא אֶל־הָגָר וַתַּהַר וַתֵּרֶא כִּי הָרָתָה וַתֵּקַל גְּבִרְתָּהּ בְּעֵינֶיהָ׃
16.6
וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָם אֶל־שָׂרַי הִנֵּה שִׁפְחָתֵךְ בְּיָדֵךְ עֲשִׂי־לָהּ הַטּוֹב בְּעֵינָיִךְ וַתְּעַנֶּהָ שָׂרַי וַתִּבְרַח מִפָּנֶיהָ׃ 18.11 וְאַבְרָהָם וְשָׂרָה זְקֵנִים בָּאִים בַּיָּמִים חָדַל לִהְיוֹת לְשָׂרָה אֹרַח כַּנָּשִׁים׃ 18.12 וַתִּצְחַק שָׂרָה בְּקִרְבָּהּ לֵאמֹר אַחֲרֵי בְלֹתִי הָיְתָה־לִּי עֶדְנָה וַאדֹנִי זָקֵן׃
19.19
הִנֵּה־נָא מָצָא עַבְדְּךָ חֵן בְּעֵינֶיךָ וַתַּגְדֵּל חַסְדְּךָ אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂיתָ עִמָּדִי לְהַחֲיוֹת אֶת־נַפְשִׁי וְאָנֹכִי לֹא אוּכַל לְהִמָּלֵט הָהָרָה פֶּן־תִּדְבָּקַנִי הָרָעָה וָמַתִּי׃ 19.21 וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו הִנֵּה נָשָׂאתִי פָנֶיךָ גַּם לַדָּבָר הַזֶּה לְבִלְתִּי הָפְכִּי אֶת־הָעִיר אֲשֶׁר דִּבַּרְתָּ׃
20.1
וַיִּסַּע מִשָּׁם אַבְרָהָם אַרְצָה הַנֶּגֶב וַיֵּשֶׁב בֵּין־קָדֵשׁ וּבֵין שׁוּר וַיָּגָר בִּגְרָר׃
20.1
וַיֹּאמֶר אֲבִימֶלֶךְ אֶל־אַבְרָהָם מָה רָאִיתָ כִּי עָשִׂיתָ אֶת־הַדָּבָר הַזֶּה׃ 20.2 וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָהָם אֶל־שָׂרָה אִשְׁתּוֹ אֲחֹתִי הִוא וַיִּשְׁלַח אֲבִימֶלֶךְ מֶלֶךְ גְּרָר וַיִּקַּח אֶת־שָׂרָה׃ 20.3 וַיָּבֹא אֱלֹהִים אֶל־אֲבִימֶלֶךְ בַּחֲלוֹם הַלָּיְלָה וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ הִנְּךָ מֵת עַל־הָאִשָּׁה אֲשֶׁר־לָקַחְתָּ וְהִוא בְּעֻלַת בָּעַל׃ 20.4 וַאֲבִימֶלֶךְ לֹא קָרַב אֵלֶיהָ וַיֹּאמַר אֲדֹנָי הֲגוֹי גַּם־צַדִּיק תַּהֲרֹג׃ 20.5 הֲלֹא הוּא אָמַר־לִי אֲחֹתִי הִוא וְהִיא־גַם־הִוא אָמְרָה אָחִי הוּא בְּתָם־לְבָבִי וּבְנִקְיֹן כַּפַּי עָשִׂיתִי זֹאת׃ 20.6 וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו הָאֱלֹהִים בַּחֲלֹם גַּם אָנֹכִי יָדַעְתִּי כִּי בְתָם־לְבָבְךָ עָשִׂיתָ זֹּאת וָאֶחְשֹׂךְ גַּם־אָנֹכִי אוֹתְךָ מֵחֲטוֹ־לִי עַל־כֵּן לֹא־נְתַתִּיךָ לִנְגֹּעַ אֵלֶיהָ׃ 20.7 וְעַתָּה הָשֵׁב אֵשֶׁת־הָאִישׁ כִּי־נָבִיא הוּא וְיִתְפַּלֵּל בַּעַדְךָ וֶחְיֵה וְאִם־אֵינְךָ מֵשִׁיב דַּע כִּי־מוֹת תָּמוּת אַתָּה וְכָל־אֲשֶׁר־לָךְ׃ 20.8 וַיַּשְׁכֵּם אֲבִימֶלֶךְ בַּבֹּקֶר וַיִּקְרָא לְכָל־עֲבָדָיו וַיְדַבֵּר אֶת־כָּל־הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה בְּאָזְנֵיהֶם וַיִּירְאוּ הָאֲנָשִׁים מְאֹד׃ 20.9 וַיִּקְרָא אֲבִימֶלֶךְ לְאַבְרָהָם וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ מֶה־עָשִׂיתָ לָּנוּ וּמֶה־חָטָאתִי לָךְ כִּי־הֵבֵאתָ עָלַי וְעַל־מַמְלַכְתִּי חֲטָאָה גְדֹלָה מַעֲשִׂים אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יֵעָשׂוּ עָשִׂיתָ עִמָּדִי׃
20.11
וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָהָם כִּי אָמַרְתִּי רַק אֵין־יִרְאַת אֱלֹהִים בַּמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה וַהֲרָגוּנִי עַל־דְּבַר אִשְׁתִּי׃
20.12
וְגַם־אָמְנָה אֲחֹתִי בַת־אָבִי הִוא אַךְ לֹא בַת־אִמִּי וַתְּהִי־לִי לְאִשָּׁה׃
20.13
וַיְהִי כַּאֲשֶׁר הִתְעוּ אֹתִי אֱלֹהִים מִבֵּית אָבִי וָאֹמַר לָהּ זֶה חַסְדֵּךְ אֲשֶׁר תַּעֲשִׂי עִמָּדִי אֶל כָּל־הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר נָבוֹא שָׁמָּה אִמְרִי־לִי אָחִי הוּא׃
20.14
וַיִּקַּח אֲבִימֶלֶךְ צֹאן וּבָקָר וַעֲבָדִים וּשְׁפָחֹת וַיִּתֵּן לְאַבְרָהָם וַיָּשֶׁב לוֹ אֵת שָׂרָה אִשְׁתּוֹ׃
20.15
וַיֹּאמֶר אֲבִימֶלֶךְ הִנֵּה אַרְצִי לְפָנֶיךָ בַּטּוֹב בְּעֵינֶיךָ שֵׁב׃
20.16
וּלְשָׂרָה אָמַר הִנֵּה נָתַתִּי אֶלֶף כֶּסֶף לְאָחִיךְ הִנֵּה הוּא־לָךְ כְּסוּת עֵינַיִם לְכֹל אֲשֶׁר אִתָּךְ וְאֵת כֹּל וְנֹכָחַת׃
20.17
וַיִּתְפַּלֵּל אַבְרָהָם אֶל־הָאֱלֹהִים וַיִּרְפָּא אֱלֹהִים אֶת־אֲבִימֶלֶךְ וְאֶת־אִשְׁתּוֹ וְאַמְהֹתָיו וַיֵּלֵדוּ׃
20.18
כִּי־עָצֹר עָצַר יְהוָה בְּעַד כָּל־רֶחֶם לְבֵית אֲבִימֶלֶךְ עַל־דְּבַר שָׂרָה אֵשֶׁת אַבְרָהָם׃
28.14
וְהָיָה זַרְעֲךָ כַּעֲפַר הָאָרֶץ וּפָרַצְתָּ יָמָּה וָקֵדְמָה וְצָפֹנָה וָנֶגְבָּה וְנִבְרֲכוּ בְךָ כָּל־מִשְׁפְּחֹת הָאֲדָמָה וּבְזַרְעֶךָ׃'' None
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6.7 And the LORD said: ‘I will blot out man whom I have created from the face of the earth; both man, and beast, and creeping thing, and fowl of the air; for it repenteth Me that I have made them.’
12.10
And there was a famine in the land; and Abram went down into Egypt to sojourn there; for the famine was sore in the land. 12.11 And it came to pass, when he was come near to enter into Egypt, that he said unto Sarai his wife: ‘Behold now, I know that thou art a fair woman to look upon. 12.12 And it will come to pass, when the Egyptians shall see thee, that they will say: This is his wife; and they will kill me, but thee they will keep alive. 12.13 Say, I pray thee, thou art my sister; that it may be well with me for thy sake, and that my soul may live because of thee.’ 12.14 And it came to pass, that, when Abram was come into Egypt, the Egyptians beheld the woman that she was very fair. 12.15 And the princes of Pharaoh saw her, and praised her to Pharaoh; and the woman was taken into Pharaoh’s house. 12.16 And he dealt well with Abram for her sake; and he had sheep, and oxen, and he-asses, and men-servants, and maid-servants, and she-asses, and camels. 12.17 And the LORD plagued Pharaoh and his house with great plagues because of Sarai Abram’s wife. 12.18 And Pharaoh called Abram, and said: ‘What is this that thou hast done unto me? why didst thou not tell me that she was thy wife? 12.19 Why saidst thou: She is my sister? so that I took her to be my wife; now therefore behold thy wife, take her, and go thy way.’ 12.20 And Pharaoh gave men charge concerning him; and they brought him on the way, and his wife, and all that he had.
16.4
And he went in unto Hagar, and she conceived; and when she saw that she had conceived, her mistress was despised in her eyes.
16.6
But Abram said unto Sarai: ‘Behold, thy maid is in thy hand; do to her that which is good in thine eyes.’ And Sarai dealt harshly with her, and she fled from her face.
18.10
And He said: ‘I will certainly return unto thee when the season cometh round; and, lo, Sarah thy wife shall have a son.’ And Sarah heard in the tent door, which was behind him.— 18.11 Now Abraham and Sarah were old, and well stricken in age; it had ceased to be with Sarah after the manner of women.— 18.12 And Sarah laughed within herself, saying: ‘After I am waxed old shall I have pleasure, my lord being old also?’
19.19
behold now, thy servant hath found grace in thy sight, and thou hast magnified thy mercy, which thou hast shown unto me in saving my life; and I cannot escape to the mountain, lest the evil overtake me, and I die. 19.20 Behold now, this city is near to flee unto, and it is a little one; oh, let me escape thither—is it not a little one?—and my soul shall live.’ 19.21 And he said unto him: ‘See, I have accepted thee concerning this thing also, that I will not overthrow the city of which thou hast spoken.
20.1
And Abraham journeyed from thence toward the land of the South, and dwelt between Kadesh and Shur; and he sojourned in Gerar. 20.2 And Abraham said of Sarah his wife: ‘She is my sister.’ And Abimelech king of Gerar sent, and took Sarah. 20.3 But God came to Abimelech in a dream of the night, and said to him: ‘Behold, thou shalt die, because of the woman whom thou hast taken; for she is a man’s wife.’ 20.4 Now Abimelech had not come near her; and he said: ‘Lord, wilt Thou slay even a righteous nation? 20.5 Said he not himself unto me: She is my sister? and she, even she herself said: He is my brother. In the simplicity of my heart and the innocency of my hands have I done this.’ 20.6 And God said unto him in the dream: ‘Yea, I know that in the simplicity of thy heart thou hast done this, and I also withheld thee from sinning against Me. Therefore suffered I thee not to touch her. 20.7 Now therefore restore the man’s wife; for he is a prophet, and he shall pray for thee, and thou shalt live; and if thou restore her not, know thou that thou shalt surely die, thou, and all that are thine.’ 20.8 And Abimelech rose early in the morning, and called all his servants, and told all these things in their ears; and the men were sore afraid. 20.9 Then Abimelech called Abraham, and said unto him: ‘What hast thou done unto us? and wherein have I sinned against thee, that thou hast brought on me and on my kingdom a great sin? thou hast done deeds unto me that ought not to be done.’
20.10
And Abimelech said unto Abraham: ‘What sawest thou, that thou hast done this thing?’
20.11
And Abraham said: ‘Because I thought: Surely the fear of God is not in this place; and they will slay me for my wife’s sake.
20.12
And moreover she is indeed my sister, the daughter of my father, but not the daughter of my mother; and so she became my wife.
20.13
And it came to pass, when God caused me to wander from my father’s house, that I said unto her: This is thy kindness which thou shalt show unto me; at every place whither we shall come, say of me: He is my brother.’
20.14
And Abimelech took sheep and oxen, and men-servants and women-servants, and gave them unto Abraham, and restored him Sarah his wife.
20.15
And Abimelech said: ‘Behold, my land is before thee: dwell where it pleaseth thee.’
20.16
And unto Sarah he said: ‘Behold, I have given thy brother a thousand pieces of silver; behold, it is for thee a covering of the eyes to all that are with thee; and before all men thou art righted.’
20.17
And Abraham prayed unto God; and God healed Abimelech, and his wife, and his maid-servants; and they bore children.
20.18
For the LORD had fast closed up all the wombs of the house of Abimelech, because of Sarah Abraham’s wife.
28.14
And thy seed shall be as the dust of the earth, and thou shalt spread abroad to the west, and to the east, and to the north, and to the south. And in thee and in thy seed shall all the families of the earth be blessed.
28.20
And Jacob vowed a vow, saying: ‘If God will be with me, and will keep me in this way that I go, and will give me bread to eat, and raiment to put on,
39.10
And it came to pass, as she spoke to Joseph day by day, that he hearkened not unto her, to lie by her, or to be with her.' ' None
5. Hebrew Bible, Jonah, 3.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 173; Gera (2014), Judith, 182

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3.10 And God saw their works, that they turned from their evil way; and God repented of the evil, which He said He would do unto them; and He did it not.'' None
6. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 28.2, 28.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Daniel, influence on Judith • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 185, 388; Gera (2014), Judith, 302

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28.2 וּמִנְחָתָם סֹלֶת בְּלוּלָה בַשָּׁמֶן שְׁלֹשָׁה עֶשְׂרֹנִים לַפָּר וּשְׁנֵי עֶשְׂרֹנִים לָאַיִל תַּעֲשׂוּ׃
28.2
צַו אֶת־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאָמַרְתָּ אֲלֵהֶם אֶת־קָרְבָּנִי לַחְמִי לְאִשַּׁי רֵיחַ נִיחֹחִי תִּשְׁמְרוּ לְהַקְרִיב לִי בְּמוֹעֲדוֹ׃
28.8
וְאֵת הַכֶּבֶשׂ הַשֵּׁנִי תַּעֲשֶׂה בֵּין הָעַרְבָּיִם כְּמִנְחַת הַבֹּקֶר וּכְנִסְכּוֹ תַּעֲשֶׂה אִשֵּׁה רֵיחַ נִיחֹחַ לַיהוָה׃'' None
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28.2 Command the children of Israel, and say unto them: My food which is presented unto Me for offerings made by fire, of a sweet savour unto Me, shall ye observe to offer unto Me in its due season.
28.8
And the other lamb shalt thou present at dusk; as the meal-offering of the morning, and as the drink-offering thereof, thou shalt present it, an offering made by fire, of a sweet savour unto the LORD.'' None
7. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 74.12, 97.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Book of Judith, biblical influences • Daniel, influence on Judith • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 68, 259; Gera (2014), Judith, 322, 354

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74.12 וֵאלֹהִים מַלְכִּי מִקֶּדֶם פֹּעֵל יְשׁוּעוֹת בְּקֶרֶב הָאָרֶץ׃
97.2
עָנָן וַעֲרָפֶל סְבִיבָיו צֶדֶק וּמִשְׁפָּט מְכוֹן כִּסְאוֹ׃'' None
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74.12 Yet God is my King of old, Working salvation in the midst of the earth.
97.2
Clouds and darkness are round about Him; Righteousness and justice are the foundation of His throne.'' None
8. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • influence

 Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 121; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 121

9. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 5.1-5.15 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian influence • Daniel, influence on Judith • Hammat Gader, question of Jewish influences • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 222, 418; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 113; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 812

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5.1 וְנַעֲמָן שַׂר־צְבָא מֶלֶךְ־אֲרָם הָיָה אִישׁ גָּדוֹל לִפְנֵי אֲדֹנָיו וּנְשֻׂא פָנִים כִּי־בוֹ נָתַן־יְהוָה תְּשׁוּעָה לַאֲרָם וְהָאִישׁ הָיָה גִּבּוֹר חַיִל מְצֹרָע׃
5.1
וַיִּשְׁלַח אֵלָיו אֱלִישָׁע מַלְאָךְ לֵאמֹר הָלוֹךְ וְרָחַצְתָּ שֶׁבַע־פְּעָמִים בַּיַּרְדֵּן וְיָשֹׁב בְּשָׂרְךָ לְךָ וּטְהָר׃ 5.2 וַאֲרָם יָצְאוּ גְדוּדִים וַיִּשְׁבּוּ מֵאֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל נַעֲרָה קְטַנָּה וַתְּהִי לִפְנֵי אֵשֶׁת נַעֲמָן׃ 5.2 וַיֹּאמֶר גֵּיחֲזִי נַעַר אֱלִישָׁע אִישׁ־הָאֱלֹהִים הִנֵּה חָשַׂךְ אֲדֹנִי אֶת־נַעֲמָן הָאֲרַמִּי הַזֶּה מִקַּחַת מִיָּדוֹ אֵת אֲשֶׁר־הֵבִיא חַי־יְהוָה כִּי־אִם־רַצְתִּי אַחֲרָיו וְלָקַחְתִּי מֵאִתּוֹ מְאוּמָה׃ 5.3 וַתֹּאמֶר אֶל־גְּבִרְתָּהּ אַחֲלֵי אֲדֹנִי לִפְנֵי הַנָּבִיא אֲשֶׁר בְּשֹׁמְרוֹן אָז יֶאֱסֹף אֹתוֹ מִצָּרַעְתּוֹ׃ 5.4 וַיָּבֹא וַיַּגֵּד לַאדֹנָיו לֵאמֹר כָּזֹאת וְכָזֹאת דִּבְּרָה הַנַּעֲרָה אֲשֶׁר מֵאֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 5.5 וַיֹּאמֶר מֶלֶךְ־אֲרָם לֶךְ־בֹּא וְאֶשְׁלְחָה סֵפֶר אֶל־מֶלֶךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל וַיֵּלֶךְ וַיִּקַּח בְּיָדוֹ עֶשֶׂר כִּכְּרֵי־כֶסֶף וְשֵׁשֶׁת אֲלָפִים זָהָב וְעֶשֶׂר חֲלִיפוֹת בְּגָדִים׃ 5.6 וַיָּבֵא הַסֵּפֶר אֶל־מֶלֶךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל לֵאמֹר וְעַתָּה כְּבוֹא הַסֵּפֶר הַזֶּה אֵלֶיךָ הִנֵּה שָׁלַחְתִּי אֵלֶיךָ אֶת־נַעֲמָן עַבְדִּי וַאֲסַפְתּוֹ מִצָּרַעְתּוֹ׃ 5.7 וַיְהִי כִּקְרֹא מֶלֶךְ־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶת־הַסֵּפֶר וַיִּקְרַע בְּגָדָיו וַיֹּאמֶר הַאֱלֹהִים אָנִי לְהָמִית וּלְהַחֲיוֹת כִּי־זֶה שֹׁלֵחַ אֵלַי לֶאֱסֹף אִישׁ מִצָּרַעְתּוֹ כִּי אַךְ־דְּעוּ־נָא וּרְאוּ כִּי־מִתְאַנֶּה הוּא לִי׃ 5.8 וַיְהִי כִּשְׁמֹעַ אֱלִישָׁע אִישׁ־הָאֱלֹהִים כִּי־קָרַע מֶלֶךְ־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶת־בְּגָדָיו וַיִּשְׁלַח אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ לֵאמֹר לָמָּה קָרַעְתָּ בְּגָדֶיךָ יָבֹא־נָא אֵלַי וְיֵדַע כִּי יֵשׁ נָבִיא בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל׃ 5.9 וַיָּבֹא נַעֲמָן בסוסו בְּסוּסָיו וּבְרִכְבּוֹ וַיַּעֲמֹד פֶּתַח־הַבַּיִת לֶאֱלִישָׁע׃' 5.11 וַיִּקְצֹף נַעֲמָן וַיֵּלַךְ וַיֹּאמֶר הִנֵּה אָמַרְתִּי אֵלַי יֵצֵא יָצוֹא וְעָמַד וְקָרָא בְּשֵׁם־יְהוָה אֱלֹהָיו וְהֵנִיף יָדוֹ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם וְאָסַף הַמְּצֹרָע׃
5.12
הֲלֹא טוֹב אבנה אֲמָנָה וּפַרְפַּר נַהֲרוֹת דַּמֶּשֶׂק מִכֹּל מֵימֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל הֲלֹא־אֶרְחַץ בָּהֶם וְטָהָרְתִּי וַיִּפֶן וַיֵּלֶךְ בְּחֵמָה׃
5.13
וַיִּגְּשׁוּ עֲבָדָיו וַיְדַבְּרוּ אֵלָיו וַיֹּאמְרוּ אָבִי דָּבָר גָּדוֹל הַנָּבִיא דִּבֶּר אֵלֶיךָ הֲלוֹא תַעֲשֶׂה וְאַף כִּי־אָמַר אֵלֶיךָ רְחַץ וּטְהָר׃
5.14
וַיֵּרֶד וַיִּטְבֹּל בַּיַּרְדֵּן שֶׁבַע פְּעָמִים כִּדְבַר אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים וַיָּשָׁב בְּשָׂרוֹ כִּבְשַׂר נַעַר קָטֹן וַיִּטְהָר׃
5.15
וַיָּשָׁב אֶל־אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים הוּא וְכָל־מַחֲנֵהוּ וַיָּבֹא וַיַּעֲמֹד לְפָנָיו וַיֹּאמֶר הִנֵּה־נָא יָדַעְתִּי כִּי אֵין אֱלֹהִים בְּכָל־הָאָרֶץ כִּי אִם־בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל וְעַתָּה קַח־נָא בְרָכָה מֵאֵת עַבְדֶּךָ׃'' None
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5.1 Now Naaman, captain of the host of the king of Aram, was a great man with his master, and held in esteem, because by him the LORD had given victory unto Aram; he was also a mighty man of valour, but he was a leper. 5.2 And the Arameans had gone out in bands, and had brought away captive out of the land of Israel a little maid; and she waited on Naaman’s wife. 5.3 And she said unto her mistress: ‘Would that my lord were with the prophet that is in Samaria! then would he recover him of his leprosy.’ 5.4 And he went in, and told his lord, saying: ‘Thus and thus said the maid that is of the land of Israel.’ 5.5 And the king of Aram said: ‘Go now, and I will send a letter unto the king of Israel.’ And he departed, and took with him ten talents of silver, and six thousand pieces of gold, and ten changes of raiment. 5.6 And he brought the letter to the king of Israel, saying: ‘And now when this letter is come unto thee, behold, I have sent Naaman my servant to thee, that thou mayest recover him of his leprosy.’ 5.7 And it came to pass, when the king of Israel had read the letter, that he rent his clothes, and said: ‘Am I God, to kill and to make alive, that this man doth send unto me to recover a man of his leprosy? but consider, I pray you, and see how he seeketh an occasion against me.’ 5.8 And it was so, when Elisha the man of God heard that the king of Israel had rent his clothes, that he sent to the king, saying: ‘Wherefore hast thou rent thy clothes? let him come now to me, and he shall know that there is a prophet in Israel.’ 5.9 So Naaman came with his horses and with his chariots, and stood at the door of the house of Elisha.
5.10
And Elisha sent a messenger unto him, saying: ‘Go and wash in the Jordan seven times, and thy flesh shall come back to thee, and thou shalt be clean.’
5.11
But Naaman was wroth, and went away, and said: ‘Behold, I thought: He will surely come out to me, and stand, and call on the name of the LORD his God, and wave his hand over the place, and recover the leper.
5.12
Are not Amanah and Pharpar, the rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of Israel? may I not wash in them, and be clean?’ So he turned, and went away in a rage.
5.13
And his servants came near, and spoke unto him, and said: ‘My father, if the prophet had bid thee do some great thing, wouldest thou not have done it? how much rather then, when he saith to thee: Wash, and be clean?’
5.14
Then went he down, and dipped himself seven times in the Jordan, according to the saying of the man of God; and his flesh came back like unto the flesh of a little child, and he was clean.
5.15
And he returned to the man of God, he and all his company, and came, and stood before him; and he said: ‘Behold now, I know that there is no God in all the earth, but in Israel; now therefore, I pray thee, take a present of thy servant.’'' None
10. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 6.5, 12.16 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Christianity, influence of Judaism • Ethiopia, influence of Judaism • Incubation (Greek), ancient Near Eastern influences(?) • Incubation (ancient Near Eastern), cross-cultural influences • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence

 Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 341; Gera (2014), Judith, 182, 454; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 71

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6.5 וְדָוִד וְכָל־בֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל מְשַׂחֲקִים לִפְנֵי יְהוָה בְּכֹל עֲצֵי בְרוֹשִׁים וּבְכִנֹּרוֹת וּבִנְבָלִים וּבְתֻפִּים וּבִמְנַעַנְעִים וּבְצֶלְצֶלִים׃
12.16
וַיְבַקֵּשׁ דָּוִד אֶת־הָאֱלֹהִים בְּעַד הַנָּעַר וַיָּצָם דָּוִד צוֹם וּבָא וְלָן וְשָׁכַב אָרְצָה׃'' None
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6.5 And David and all the house of Yisra᾽el played before the Lord on all manner of instruments made of cypress wood, on lyres, and on lutes, and on timbrels, and on rattles, and on cymbals.
12.16
David therefore besought God for the child; and David fasted, and went in, and lay all night upon the ground.'' None
11. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 51.9-51.10, 55.11, 58.8 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Book of Judith, biblical influences • Epistle to Diognetus, Influences • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, on Gods influence on nature • influence • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence • mother of seven sons narrative, nature, Gods influence on • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 315; Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 311; Gera (2014), Judith, 322, 466; Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 121; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 121; Stern (2004), From Rebuke to Consolation: Exegesis and Theology in the Liturgical Anthology of the Ninth of Av Season, 63, 64

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51.9 עוּרִי עוּרִי לִבְשִׁי־עֹז זְרוֹעַ יְהוָה עוּרִי כִּימֵי קֶדֶם דֹּרוֹת עוֹלָמִים הֲלוֹא אַתְּ־הִיא הַמַּחְצֶבֶת רַהַב מְחוֹלֶלֶת תַּנִּין׃' 55.11 כֵּן יִהְיֶה דְבָרִי אֲשֶׁר יֵצֵא מִפִּי לֹא־יָשׁוּב אֵלַי רֵיקָם כִּי אִם־עָשָׂה אֶת־אֲשֶׁר חָפַצְתִּי וְהִצְלִיחַ אֲשֶׁר שְׁלַחְתִּיו׃
58.8
אָז יִבָּקַע כַּשַּׁחַר אוֹרֶךָ וַאֲרֻכָתְךָ מְהֵרָה תִצְמָח וְהָלַךְ לְפָנֶיךָ צִדְקֶךָ כְּבוֹד יְהוָה יַאַסְפֶךָ׃'' None
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51.9 Awake, awake, put on strength, O arm of the LORD; Awake, as in the days of old, The generations of ancient times. Art thou not it that hewed Rahab in pieces, That pierced the dragon? 51.10 Art thou not it that dried up the sea, The waters of the great deep; That made the depths of the sea a way For the redeemed to pass over?
55.11
So shall My word be that goeth forth out of My mouth: It shall not return unto Me void, Except it accomplish that which I please, And make the thing whereto I sent it prosper.
58.8
Then shall thy light break forth as the morning, And thy healing shall spring forth speedily; And thy righteousness shall go before thee, The glory of the LORD shall be thy rearward.' ' None
12. Hebrew Bible, Joshua, 2.10-2.11, 5.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Book of Judith, biblical influences • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 383; Gera (2014), Judith, 270, 418

sup>2.11 וַנִּשְׁמַע וַיִּמַּס לְבָבֵנוּ וְלֹא־קָמָה עוֹד רוּחַ בְּאִישׁ מִפְּנֵיכֶם כִּי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם הוּא אֱלֹהִים בַּשָּׁמַיִם מִמַּעַל וְעַל־הָאָרֶץ מִתָּחַת׃
5.1
וַיְהִי כִשְׁמֹעַ כָּל־מַלְכֵי הָאֱמֹרִי אֲשֶׁר בְּעֵבֶר הַיַּרְדֵּן יָמָּה וְכָל־מַלְכֵי הַכְּנַעֲנִי אֲשֶׁר עַל־הַיָּם אֵת אֲשֶׁר־הוֹבִישׁ יְהוָה אֶת־מֵי הַיַּרְדֵּן מִפְּנֵי בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל עַד־עברנו עָבְרָם וַיִּמַּס לְבָבָם וְלֹא־הָיָה בָם עוֹד רוּחַ מִפְּנֵי בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃
5.1
וַיַּחֲנוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל בַּגִּלְגָּל וַיַּעֲשׂוּ אֶת־הַפֶּסַח בְּאַרְבָּעָה עָשָׂר יוֹם לַחֹדֶשׁ בָּעֶרֶב בְּעַרְבוֹת יְרִיחוֹ׃' ' None
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2.10 For we have heard how the LORD dried up the water of the Red Sea before you, when ye came out of Egypt; and what ye did unto the two kings of the Amorites, that were beyond the Jordan, unto Sihon and to Og, whom ye utterly destroyed. 2.11 And as soon as we had heard it, our hearts did melt, neither did there remain any more spirit in any man, because of you; for the LORD your God, He is God in heaven above, and on earth beneath.
5.1
And it came to pass, when all the kings of the Amorites, that were beyond the Jordan westward, and all the kings of the Canaanites, that were by the sea, heard how that the LORD had dried up the waters of the Jordan from before the children of Israel, until they were passed over, that their heart melted, neither was there spirit in them any more, because of the children of Israel.'' None
13. Hesiod, Works And Days, 175-201 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Dicaearchus of Messana,, influence of Aristotle on • Plato and Platonism, Jewish and Christian influence of

 Found in books: Bosak-Schroeder (2020), Other Natures: Environmental Encounters with Ancient Greek Ethnography, 24; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 165

sup>
175 ἀνδράσιν, ἀλλʼ ἢ πρόσθε θανεῖν ἢ ἔπειτα γενέσθαι.'176 νῦν γὰρ δὴ γένος ἐστὶ σιδήρεον· οὐδέ ποτʼ ἦμαρ 177 παύονται καμάτου καὶ ὀιζύος, οὐδέ τι νύκτωρ 178 φθειρόμενοι. χαλεπὰς δὲ θεοὶ δώσουσι μερίμνας· 179 ἀλλʼ ἔμπης καὶ τοῖσι μεμείξεται ἐσθλὰ κακοῖσιν. 180 Ζεὺς δʼ ὀλέσει καὶ τοῦτο γένος μερόπων ἀνθρώπων, 181 εὖτʼ ἂν γεινόμενοι πολιοκρόταφοι τελέθωσιν. 182 οὐδὲ πατὴρ παίδεσσιν ὁμοίιος οὐδέ τι παῖδες, 183 οὐδὲ ξεῖνος ξεινοδόκῳ καὶ ἑταῖρος ἑταίρῳ, 184 οὐδὲ κασίγνητος φίλος ἔσσεται, ὡς τὸ πάρος περ. 185 αἶψα δὲ γηράσκοντας ἀτιμήσουσι τοκῆας· 186 μέμψονται δʼ ἄρα τοὺς χαλεποῖς βάζοντες ἔπεσσι 187 σχέτλιοι οὐδὲ θεῶν ὄπιν εἰδότες· οὐδέ κεν οἵ γε 188 γηράντεσσι τοκεῦσιν ἀπὸ θρεπτήρια δοῖεν 189 χειροδίκαι· ἕτερος δʼ ἑτέρου πόλιν ἐξαλαπάξει. 190 οὐδέ τις εὐόρκου χάρις ἔσσεται οὔτε δικαίου 191 οὔτʼ ἀγαθοῦ, μᾶλλον δὲ κακῶν ῥεκτῆρα καὶ ὕβριν 192 ἀνέρες αἰνήσουσι· δίκη δʼ ἐν χερσί, καὶ αἰδὼς 193 οὐκ ἔσται· βλάψει δʼ ὁ κακὸς τὸν ἀρείονα φῶτα 194 μύθοισιν σκολιοῖς ἐνέπων, ἐπὶ δʼ ὅρκον ὀμεῖται. 195 ζῆλος δʼ ἀνθρώποισιν ὀιζυροῖσιν ἅπασι 196 δυσκέλαδος κακόχαρτος ὁμαρτήσει, στυγερώπης. 197 καὶ τότε δὴ πρὸς Ὄλυμπον ἀπὸ χθονὸς εὐρυοδείης 198 λευκοῖσιν φάρεσσι καλυψαμένα χρόα καλὸν 199 ἀθανάτων μετὰ φῦλον ἴτον προλιπόντʼ ἀνθρώπους 200 Αἰδὼς καὶ Νέμεσις· τὰ δὲ λείψεται ἄλγεα λυγρὰ 201 θνητοῖς ἀνθρώποισι· κακοῦ δʼ οὐκ ἔσσεται ἀλκή. ' None
sup>
175 Sweet grain, blooming three times a year, was sent'176 To them by the earth, that gives vitality 177 To all mankind, and Cronus was their lord, 178 Far from the other gods, for Zeus, who reign 179 Over gods and men, had cut away the cord 180 That bound him. Though the lowest race, its gain 181 Were fame and glory. A fifth progeny 182 All-seeing Zeus produced, who populated 183 The fecund earth. I wish I could not be 184 Among them, but instead that I’d been fated 185 To be born later or be in my grave 186 Already: for it is of iron made. 187 Each day in misery they ever slave, 188 And even in the night they do not fade 189 Away. The gods will give to them great woe 190 But mix good with the bad. Zeus will destroy 191 Them too when babies in their cribs shall grow 192 Grey hair. No bond a father with his boy 193 Shall share, nor guest with host, nor friend with friend – 194 No love of brothers as there was erstwhile, 195 Respect for aging parents at an end. 196 Their wretched children shall with words of bile 197 Find fault with them in their irreverence 198 And not repay their bringing up. We’ll find 199 Cities brought down. There’ll be no deference 200 That’s given to the honest, just and kind. 201 The evil and the proud will get acclaim, ' None
14. Homer, Iliad, 14.214, 16.233-16.235 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Homer, influence • Incubation (Greek), ancient Near Eastern influences(?) • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 368; Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 30; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 100; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 368

sup>
14.214 ἦ, καὶ ἀπὸ στήθεσφιν ἐλύσατο κεστὸν ἱμάντα
16.233
Ζεῦ ἄνα Δωδωναῖε Πελασγικὲ τηλόθι ναίων 16.234 Δωδώνης μεδέων δυσχειμέρου, ἀμφὶ δὲ Σελλοὶ 16.235 σοὶ ναίουσʼ ὑποφῆται ἀνιπτόποδες χαμαιεῦναι,'' None
sup>
14.214 ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone,
16.233
and himself he washed his hands, and drew flaming wine. Then he made prayer, standing in the midst of the court, and poured forth the wine, looking up to heaven; and not unmarked was he of Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt:Zeus, thou king, Dodonaean, Pelasgian, thou that dwellest afar, ruling over wintry Dodona,—and about thee dwell the Selli, 16.235 thine interpreters, men with unwashen feet that couch on the ground. Aforetime verily thou didst hear my word, when I prayed: me thou didst honour, and didst mightily smite the host of the Achaeans; even so now also fulfill thou for me this my desire. Myself verily will I abide in the gathering of the ships, '' None
15. Xenophanes, Fragments, 1.21-1.23 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 336; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 336

sup>
1.21 Now is the floor clean, and the hands and cups of all; one sets twisted garlands on our heads, another hands us fragrant ointment on a salver. The mixing bowl stands ready, full of gladness, and there is more wine at hand that promises never to leave us in the lurch, soft and smelling of flowers in the jars. In the midst the frankincense sends up its holy scent, and there is cold water, sweet and clean. Brown loaves are set before us and a lordly table laden with cheese and rich honey. The altar in the midst is clustered round with flowers; song and revel fill the halls. But first it is meet that men should hymn the god with joy, with holy tales and pure words; then after libation and prayer made that we may have strength to do right—for that is in truth the first thing to do—no sin is it to drink as much as a man can take and get home without an attendant, so he be not stricken in years. And of all men is he to be praised who after drinking gives goodly proof of himself in the trial of skill, as memory and strength will serve him. Let him not sing of Titans and Giants—those fictions of the men of old—nor of turbulent civil broils in which is no good thing at all; but to give heedful reverence to the gods is ever good. 1.23 Now is the floor clean, and the hands and cups of all; one sets twisted garlands on our heads, another hands us fragrant ointment on a salver. The mixing bowl stands ready, full of gladness, and there is more wine at hand that promises never to leave us in the lurch, soft and smelling of flowers in the jars. In the midst the frankincense sends up its holy scent, and there is cold water, sweet and clean. Brown loaves are set before us and a lordly table laden with cheese and rich honey. The altar in the midst is clustered round with flowers; song and revel fill the halls. But first it is meet that men should hymn the god with joy, with holy tales and pure words; then after libation and prayer made that we may have strength to do right—for that is in truth the first thing to do—no sin is it to drink as much as a man can take and get home without an attendant, so he be not stricken in years. And of all men is he to be praised who after drinking gives goodly proof of himself in the trial of skill, as memory and strength will serve him. Let him not sing of Titans and Giants—those fictions of the men of old—nor of turbulent civil broils in which is no good thing at all; but to give heedful reverence to the gods is ever good.'' None
16. Euripides, Hippolytus, 1253-1254 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389

sup>
1253 καὶ τὴν ἐν ̓́Ιδῃ γραμμάτων πλήσειέ τις'1254 πεύκην: ἐπεί νιν ἐσθλὸν ὄντ' ἐπίσταμαι." '" None
sup>
1253 yet will I never believe so monstrous a charge against thy son’s character, no! not though the whole race of womankind should hang itself, or one should fill with writing every pine-tree tablet grown on Ida, sure as I am of his uprightness. Choru'1254 yet will I never believe so monstrous a charge against thy son’s character, no! not though the whole race of womankind should hang itself, or one should fill with writing every pine-tree tablet grown on Ida, sure as I am of his uprightness. Choru ' None
17. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 39 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389

sup>
39 write the letter which is still in your hands and then erase the same words again, sealing and reopening the tablet, then flinging it to the ground with flood'' None
18. Euripides, Orestes, 735 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 116; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 116

sup>
735 συγκατασκάπτοις ἂν ἡμᾶς: κοινὰ γὰρ τὰ τῶν φίλων.'' None
sup>
735 You must destroy me also; for friends have all in common. Oreste'' None
19. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 9.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Judas Maccabeusnan, influence on Judith • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 338; Gera (2014), Judith, 202, 299

sup>
9.8 וּמָצָאתָ אֶת־לְבָבוֹ נֶאֱמָן לְפָנֶיךָ וְכָרוֹת עִמּוֹ הַבְּרִית לָתֵת אֶת־אֶרֶץ הַכְּנַעֲנִי הַחִתִּי הָאֱמֹרִי וְהַפְּרִזִּי וְהַיְבוּסִי וְהַגִּרְגָּשִׁי לָתֵת לְזַרְעוֹ וַתָּקֶם אֶת־דְּבָרֶיךָ כִּי צַדִּיק אָתָּה׃'' None
sup>
9.8 and foundest his heart faithful before Thee, and madest a covet with him to give the land of the Canaanite, the Hittite, the Amorite, and the Perizzite, and the Jebusite, and the Girgashite, even to give it unto his seed, and hast performed Thy words; for Thou art righteous;'' None
20. Plato, Charmides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 127; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 127

167c ἐστιν ἢ ἑαυτῆς τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιστημῶν ἐπιστήμη, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀνεπιστημοσύνης ἡ αὐτὴ αὕτη;'168c πάντως ἄν που ἐκεῖνό γʼ αὐτῷ ὑπάρχοι, εἴπερ ἑαυτοῦ μεῖζον εἴη, καὶ ἔλαττον ἑαυτοῦ εἶναι· ἢ οὔ; ' None167c is precisely a science of itself and of the other sciences, and moreover is a science of the lack of science at the same time.'168b You are right. 168c beside which the others are greater, I take it there can be no doubt that it would be in the situation of being, if greater than itself, at the same time smaller than itself, would it not? ' None
21. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 85; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 85

462b ΣΩ. καὶ νῦν δὴ τούτων ὁπότερον βούλει ποίει, ἐρώτα ἢ ἀποκρίνου. ΠΩΛ. ἀλλὰ ποιήσω ταῦτα. καί μοι ἀπόκριναι, ὦ Σώκρατες· ἐπειδὴ Γοργίας ἀπορεῖν σοι δοκεῖ περὶ τῆς ῥητορικῆς, σὺ αὐτὴν τίνα φῂς εἶναι; ΣΩ. ἆρα ἐρωτᾷς ἥντινα τέχνην φημὶ εἶναι; ΠΩΛ. ἔγωγε. ΣΩ. οὐδεμία ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ὦ Πῶλε, ὥς γε πρὸς σὲ τἀληθῆ εἰρῆσθαι. ΠΩΛ. ἀλλὰ τί σοι δοκεῖ ἡ ῥητορικὴ εἶναι; ΣΩ. πρᾶγμα ὃ φῂς σὺ ποιῆσαι τέχνην ἐν τῷ συγγράμματι'' None462b Soc. So now, take whichever course you like: either put questions, or answer them. Pol. Well, I will do as you say. So answer me this, Socrates: since you think that Gorgias is at a loss about rhetoric, what is your own account of it? Soc. Are you asking what art I call it? Pol. Yes. Soc. None at all, I consider, Polus, if you would have the honest truth. Pol. But what do you consider rhetoric to be?'' None
22. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389

741c τὸν ἐθέλοντα ἢ μὴ κληροῦσθαι, ὡς πρῶτον μὲν τῆς γῆς ἱερᾶς οὔσης τῶν πάντων θεῶν, εἶτα ἱερέων τε καὶ ἱερειῶν εὐχὰς ποιησομένων ἐπὶ τοῖς πρώτοις θύμασι καὶ δευτέροις καὶ μέχρι τριῶν, τὸν πριάμενον ἢ ἀποδόμενον ὧν ἔλαχεν οἰκοπέδων ἢ γηπέδων τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοις πρέποντα πάσχειν πάθη· γράψαντες δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς θήσουσι κυπαριττίνας μνήμας εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον καταγεγραμμένας, πρὸς τούτοις δʼ ἔτι φυλακτήρια τούτων, ὅπως ἂν γίγνηται,'' None741c or refuse an allotment on the understanding that, first, the land is sacred to all the gods, and further, that prayers shall be made at the first, second, and third sacrifices by the priests and priestesses,—therefore the man who buys or sells the house-plot or land-plot allotted to him must suffer the penalty attached to this sin. The officials shall inscribe on tablets of cypress-wood written records for future reference, and shall place them in the shrines; furthermore,'' None
23. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Iamblichus influence on Proclus • Plato, influence on Aristotle • Plato, influence on philosophers views on the proper service of the gods and purity

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 99, 127, 131; Petrovic and Petrovic (2016), Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion, 76; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 99, 127, 131; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 133

101a ἐλάττω, ἀλλὰ διαμαρτύροιο ἂν ὅτι σὺ μὲν οὐδὲν ἄλλο λέγεις ἢ ὅτι τὸ μεῖζον πᾶν ἕτερον ἑτέρου οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ μεῖζόν ἐστιν ἢ μεγέθει, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μεῖζον, διὰ τὸ μέγεθος, τὸ δὲ ἔλαττον οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ ἔλαττον ἢ σμικρότητι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἔλαττον, διὰ τὴν σμικρότητα, φοβούμενος οἶμαι μή τίς σοι ἐναντίος λόγος ἀπαντήσῃ, ἐὰν τῇ κεφαλῇ μείζονά τινα φῇς εἶναι καὶ ἐλάττω, πρῶτον μὲν τῷ αὐτῷ τὸ μεῖζον μεῖζον εἶναι καὶ τὸ ἔλαττον ἔλαττον, ἔπειτα τῇ κεφαλῇ σμικρᾷ οὔσῃ τὸν' 101b μείζω μείζω εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτο δὴ τέρας εἶναι, τὸ σμικρῷ τινι μέγαν τινὰ εἶναι: ἢ οὐκ ἂν φοβοῖο ταῦτα; καὶ ὁ Κέβης γελάσας, ἔγωγε, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν, ἦ δ’ ὅς, τὰ δέκα τῶν ὀκτὼ δυοῖν πλείω εἶναι, καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν ὑπερβάλλειν, φοβοῖο ἂν λέγειν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πλήθει καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος; καὶ τὸ δίπηχυ τοῦ πηχυαίου ἡμίσει μεῖζον εἶναι ἀλλ’ οὐ μεγέθει; ὁ αὐτὸς γάρ που φόβος. πάνυ γ᾽, ἔφη. unit="para"/τί δέ; ἑνὶ ἑνὸς προστεθέντος τὴν πρόσθεσιν αἰτίαν εἶναι 101c τοῦ δύο γενέσθαι ἢ διασχισθέντος τὴν σχίσιν οὐκ εὐλαβοῖο ἂν λέγειν; καὶ μέγα ἂν βοῴης ὅτι οὐκ οἶσθα ἄλλως πως ἕκαστον γιγνόμενον ἢ μετασχὸν τῆς ἰδίας οὐσίας ἑκάστου οὗ ἂν μετάσχῃ, καὶ ἐν τούτοις οὐκ ἔχεις ἄλλην τινὰ αἰτίαν τοῦ δύο γενέσθαι ἀλλ’ ἢ τὴν τῆς δυάδος μετάσχεσιν, καὶ δεῖν τούτου μετασχεῖν τὰ μέλλοντα δύο ἔσεσθαι, καὶ μονάδος ὃ ἂν μέλλῃ ἓν ἔσεσθαι, τὰς δὲ σχίσεις ταύτας καὶ προσθέσεις καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς τοιαύτας κομψείας ἐῴης ἂν χαίρειν, παρεὶς ἀποκρίνασθαι τοῖς σεαυτοῦ σοφωτέροις: σὺ δὲ δεδιὼς ἄν, τὸ 101d λεγόμενον, τὴν σαυτοῦ σκιὰν καὶ τὴν ἀπειρίαν, ἐχόμενος ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς ὑποθέσεως, οὕτως ἀποκρίναιο ἄν. εἰ δέ τις αὐτῆς τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἔχοιτο, χαίρειν ἐῴης ἂν καὶ οὐκ ἀποκρίναιο ἕως ἂν τὰ ἀπ’ ἐκείνης ὁρμηθέντα σκέψαιο εἴ σοι ἀλλήλοις συμφωνεῖ ἢ διαφωνεῖ: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐκείνης αὐτῆς δέοι σε διδόναι λόγον, ὡσαύτως ἂν διδοίης, ἄλλην αὖ ὑπόθεσιν ὑποθέμενος ἥτις τῶν ἄνωθεν βελτίστη φαίνοιτο, 102c ἔχειν; οὐ γάρ που πεφυκέναι Σιμμίαν ὑπερέχειν τούτῳ, τῷ Σιμμίαν εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ μεγέθει ὃ τυγχάνει ἔχων: οὐδ’ αὖ Σωκράτους ὑπερέχειν ὅτι Σωκράτης ὁ Σωκράτης ἐστίν, ἀλλ’ ὅτι σμικρότητα ἔχει ὁ Σωκράτης πρὸς τὸ ἐκείνου μέγεθος; unit="para"/ἀληθῆ. οὐδέ γε αὖ ὑπὸ Φαίδωνος ὑπερέχεσθαι τῷ ὅτι Φαίδων ὁ Φαίδων ἐστίν, ἀλλ’ ὅτι μέγεθος ἔχει ὁ Φαίδων πρὸς τὴν Σιμμίου σμικρότητα; ἔστι ταῦτα. unit="para"/οὕτως ἄρα ὁ Σιμμίας ἐπωνυμίαν ἔχει σμικρός τε καὶ μέγας εἶναι, ἐν μέσῳ ὢν ἀμφοτέρων, τοῦ μὲν τῷ μεγέθει 113d τούτων δὲ οὕτως πεφυκότων, ἐπειδὰν ἀφίκωνται οἱ τετελευτηκότες εἰς τὸν τόπον οἷ ὁ δαίμων ἕκαστον κομίζει, πρῶτον μὲν διεδικάσαντο οἵ τε καλῶς καὶ ὁσίως βιώσαντες καὶ οἱ μή. καὶ οἳ μὲν ἂν δόξωσι μέσως βεβιωκέναι, πορευθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀχέροντα, ἀναβάντες ἃ δὴ αὐτοῖς ὀχήματά ἐστιν, ἐπὶ τούτων ἀφικνοῦνται εἰς τὴν λίμνην, καὶ ἐκεῖ οἰκοῦσί τε καὶ καθαιρόμενοι τῶν τε ἀδικημάτων διδόντες δίκας ἀπολύονται, εἴ τίς τι ἠδίκηκεν, τῶν τε εὐεργεσιῶν 118a ὁ δ’ οὐκ ἔφη. ΦΑΙΔ. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο αὖθις τὰς κνήμας: καὶ ἐπανιὼν οὕτως ἡμῖν ἐπεδείκνυτο ὅτι ψύχοιτό τε καὶ πήγνυτο. καὶ αὐτὸς ἥπτετο καὶ εἶπεν ὅτι, ἐπειδὰν πρὸς τῇ καρδίᾳ γένηται αὐτῷ, τότε οἰχήσεται. unit="para"/ἤδη οὖν σχεδόν τι αὐτοῦ ἦν τὰ περὶ τὸ ἦτρον ψυχόμενα, καὶ ἐκκαλυψάμενος — ἐνεκεκάλυπτο γάρ — εἶπεν — ὃ δὴ τελευταῖον ἐφθέγξατο — ὦ Κρίτων, ἔφη, τῷ Ἀσκληπιῷ ὀφείλομεν ἀλεκτρυόνα: ἀλλὰ ἀπόδοτε καὶ μὴ ἀμελήσητε. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα, ἔφη, ἔσται, ὁ Κρίτων : ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα εἴ τι ἄλλο λέγεις. ταῦτα ἐρομένου αὐτοῦ οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀπεκρίνατο, ἀλλ’ ὀλίγον χρόνον διαλιπὼν ἐκινήθη τε καὶ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐξεκάλυψεν αὐτόν, καὶ ὃς τὰ ὄμματα ἔστησεν: ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Κρίτων συνέλαβε τὸ στόμα καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς. ἥδε ἡ τελευτή, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, τοῦ ἑταίρου ἡμῖν ἐγένετο, ἀνδρός, ὡς ἡμεῖς φαῖμεν ἄν, τῶν τότε ὧν ἐπειράθημεν ἀρίστου καὶ ἄλλως φρονιμωτάτου καὶ δικαιοτάτου. ' None101a but you would insist that you say only that every greater thing is greater than another by nothing else than greatness, and that it is greater by reason of greatness, and that which is smaller is smaller by nothing else than smallness and is smaller by reason of smallness. For you would, I think, be afraid of meeting with the retort, if you said that a man was greater or smaller than another by a head, first that the greater is greater and the smaller is smaller by the same thing, and secondly, that' 101b the greater man is greater by a head, which is small, and that it is a monstrous thing that one is great by something that is small. Would you not be afraid of this? And Cebes laughed and said, Yes, I should. Then, he continued, you would be afraid to say that ten is more than eight by two and that this is the reason it is more. You would say it is more by number and by reason of number; and a two cubit measure is greater than a one-cubit measure not by half but by magnitude, would you not? For you would have the same fear. Certainly, said he. Well, then, if one is added to one 101c or if one is divided, you would avoid saying that the addition or the division is the cause of two? You would exclaim loudly that you know no other way by which any thing can come into existence than by participating in the proper essence of each thing in which it participates, and therefore you accept no other cause of the existence of two than participation in duality, and things which are to be two must participate in duality, and whatever is to be one must participate in unity, and you would pay no attention to the divisions and additions and other such subtleties, leaving those for wiser men to explain. You would distrust 101d your inexperience and would be afraid, as the saying goes, of your own shadow; so you would cling to that safe principle of ours and would reply as I have said. And if anyone attacked the principle, you would pay him no attention and you would not reply to him until you had examined the consequences to see whether they agreed with one another or not; and when you had to give an explanation of the principle, you would give it in the same way by assuming some other principle which seemed to you the best of the higher ones, and so on until 102c by reason of being Simmias, but by reason of the greatness he happens to have; nor is he greater than Socrates because Socrates is Socrates, but because Socrates has smallness relatively to his greatness. True. And again, he is not smaller than Phaedo because Phaedo is Phaedo, but because Phaedo has greatness relatively to Simmias’s smallness. That is true. Then Simmias is called small and great, when he is between the two, 113d Such is the nature of these things. Now when the dead have come to the place where each is led by his genius, first they are judged and sentenced, as they have lived well and piously, or not. And those who are found to have lived neither well nor ill, go to the Acheron and, embarking upon vessels provided for them, arrive in them at the lake; there they dwell and are purified, and if they have done any wrong they are absolved by paying the penalty for their wrong doings, 118a his thighs; and passing upwards in this way he showed us that he was growing cold and rigid. And again he touched him and said that when it reached his heart, he would be gone. The chill had now reached the region about the groin, and uncovering his face, which had been covered, he said—and these were his last words— Crito, we owe a cock to Aesculapius. Pay it and do not neglect it. That, said Crito, shall be done; but see if you have anything else to say. To this question he made no reply, but after a little while he moved; the attendant uncovered him; his eyes were fixed. And Crito when he saw it, closed his mouth and eyes.Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend, who was, as we may say, of all those of his time whom we have known, the best and wisest and most righteous man. ' None
24. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 85, 97; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 85, 97

259e ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν, ὅπερ νῦν προυθέμεθα σκέψασθαι, τὸν λόγον ὅπῃ καλῶς ἔχει λέγειν τε καὶ γράφειν καὶ ὅπῃ μή, σκεπτέον. ΦΑΙ. δῆλον. ΣΩ. ἆρʼ οὖν οὐχ ὑπάρχειν δεῖ τοῖς εὖ γε καὶ καλῶς ῥηθησομένοις τὴν τοῦ λέγοντος διάνοιαν εἰδυῖαν τὸ ἀληθὲς ὧν ἂν ἐρεῖν πέρι μέλλῃ; ΦΑΙ. οὑτωσὶ περὶ τούτου ἀκήκοα, ὦ φίλε Σώκρατες, οὐκ'274b πάσχειν ὅτι ἄν τῳ συμβῇ παθεῖν. ΦΑΙ. καὶ μάλα. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν τὸ μὲν τέχνης τε καὶ ἀτεχνίας λόγων πέρι ἱκανῶς ἐχέτω. ΦΑΙ. τί μήν; ΣΩ. τὸ δʼ εὐπρεπείας δὴ γραφῆς πέρι καὶ ἀπρεπείας, πῇ γιγνόμενον καλῶς ἂν ἔχοι καὶ ὅπῃ ἀπρεπῶς, λοιπόν. ἦ γάρ; ΦΑΙ. ναί. ΣΩ. οἶσθʼ οὖν ὅπῃ μάλιστα θεῷ χαριῇ λόγων πέρι πράττων ἢ λέγων; ΦΑΙ. οὐδαμῶς· σὺ δέ; ' None259e Socrates. We should, then, as we were proposing just now, discuss the theory of good (or bad) speaking and writing. Phaedrus. Clearly. Socrates. If a speech is to be good, must not the mind of the speaker know the truth about the matters of which he is to speak?'274b noble objects, no matter what happens to us. Phaedrus. Certainly. Socrates. We have, then, said enough about the art of speaking and that which is no art. Phaedrus. Assuredly. Socrates. But we have still to speak of propriety and impropriety in writing, how it should be done and how it is improper, have we not? Phaedrus. Yes. Socrates. Do you know how you can act or speak about rhetoric so as to please God best? Phaedrus. Not at all; do you? ' None
25. Plato, Statesman, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 127, 129; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 127, 129

283d τε καὶ ἐλλείψεως· ἡ γάρ που μετρητικὴ περὶ πάντʼ ἐστὶ ταῦτα. ΝΕ. ΣΩ. ναί. ΞΕ. διέλωμεν τοίνυν αὐτὴν δύο μέρη· δεῖ γὰρ δὴ πρὸς ὃ νῦν σπεύδομεν. ΝΕ. ΣΩ. λέγοις ἂν τὴν διαίρεσιν ὅπῃ. ΞΕ. τῇδε· τὸ μὲν κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ἄλληλα μεγέθους καὶ σμικρότητος κοινωνίαν, τὸ δὲ τὸ κατὰ τὴν τῆς γενέσεως ἀναγκαίαν οὐσίαν. ΝΕ. ΣΩ. πῶς λέγεις; ΞΕ. ἆρʼ οὐ κατὰ φύσιν δοκεῖ σοι τὸ μεῖζον μηδενὸς ἑτέρου δεῖν μεῖζον λέγειν ἢ τοῦ ἐλάττονος, καὶ τοὔλαττον αὖ 283e τοῦ μείζονος ἔλαττον, ἄλλου δὲ μηδενός; ΝΕ. ΣΩ. ἔμοιγε. ΞΕ. τί δέ; τὸ τὴν τοῦ μετρίου φύσιν ὑπερβάλλον καὶ ὑπερβαλλόμενον ὑπʼ αὐτῆς ἐν λόγοις εἴτε καὶ ἐν ἔργοις ἆρʼ οὐκ αὖ λέξομεν ὡς ὄντως γιγνόμενον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ διαφέρουσι μάλιστα ἡμῶν οἵ τε κακοὶ καὶ οἱ ἀγαθοί; ΝΕ. ΣΩ. φαίνεται. ΞΕ. διττὰς ἄρα ταύτας οὐσίας καὶ κρίσεις τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ τοῦ σμικροῦ θετέον, ἀλλʼ οὐχ ὡς ἔφαμεν ἄρτι πρὸς ἄλληλα μόνον δεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ νῦν εἴρηται μᾶλλον τὴν μὲν πρὸς ἄλληλα λεκτέον, τὴν δʼ αὖ πρὸς τὸ μέτριον· οὗ δὲ ἕνεκα, μαθεῖν ἆρʼ ἂν βουλοίμεθα; ΝΕ. ΣΩ. τί μήν;' ' None283d for all of them may be regarded as the subjects of the art of measurement. Y. Soc. Yes. Str. Let us, then, divide that art into two parts; that is essential for our present purpose. Y. Soc. Please tell how to make the division. Str. In this way: one part is concerned with relative greatness or smallness, the other with the something without which production would not be possible. Y. Soc. What do you mean? Str. Do you not think that, by the nature of the case, we must say that the greater is greater than the less and than nothing else, 283e and that the less is less than the greater and than nothing else? Y. Soc. Yes. Str. But must we not also assert the real existence of excess beyond the standard of the mean, and of inferiority to the mean, whether in words or deeds, and is not the chief difference between good men and bad found in such excess or deficiency? Y. Soc. That is clear. Str. Then we must assume that there are these two kinds of great and small, and these two ways of distinguishing between them; we must not, as we did a little while ago, say that they are relative to one another only, but rather, as we have just said, that one kind is relative in that way, and the other is relative to the standard of the mean. Should we care to learn the reason for this? Y. Soc. of course.' ' None
26. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 116, 117, 118, 126, 127, 130, 132; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 116, 117, 118, 126, 127, 130, 132

424a δεῖ ταῦτα κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν πάντα ὅτι μάλιστα κοινὰ τὰ φίλων ποιεῖσθαι.'436b ἀδελφά, ἢ ὅλῃ τῇ ψυχῇ καθʼ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν πράττομεν, ὅταν ὁρμήσωμεν. ταῦτʼ ἔσται τὰ χαλεπὰ διορίσασθαι ἀξίως λόγου. 437c εἰς ἐκεῖνά ποι ἂν θείης τὰ εἴδη τὰ νυνδὴ λεχθέντα; οἷον ἀεὶ τὴν τοῦ ἐπιθυμοῦντος ψυχὴν οὐχὶ ἤτοι ἐφίεσθαι φήσεις ἐκείνου οὗ ἂν ἐπιθυμῇ, ἢ προσάγεσθαι τοῦτο ὃ ἂν βούληταί οἱ γενέσθαι, ἢ αὖ, καθʼ ὅσον ἐθέλει τί οἱ πορισθῆναι, ἐπινεύειν τοῦτο πρὸς αὑτὴν ὥσπερ τινὸς ἐρωτῶντος, ἐπορεγομένην αὐτοῦ τῆς γενέσεως; 438b του, τὰ μὲν ποιὰ ἄττα ποιοῦ τινός ἐστιν, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τὰ δʼ αὐτὰ ἕκαστα αὐτοῦ ἑκάστου μόνον.' '517c ἀγαθοῦ ἰδέα καὶ μόγις ὁρᾶσθαι, ὀφθεῖσα δὲ συλλογιστέα εἶναι ὡς ἄρα πᾶσι πάντων αὕτη ὀρθῶν τε καὶ καλῶν αἰτία, ἔν τε ὁρατῷ φῶς καὶ τὸν τούτου κύριον τεκοῦσα, ἔν τε νοητῷ αὐτὴ κυρία ἀλήθειαν καὶ νοῦν παρασχομένη, καὶ ὅτι δεῖ ταύτην ἰδεῖν τὸν μέλλοντα ἐμφρόνως πράξειν ἢ ἰδίᾳ ἢ δημοσίᾳ. 540b καὶ ἑαυτοὺς κοσμεῖν τὸν ἐπίλοιπον βίον ἐν μέρει ἑκάστους, τὸ μὲν πολὺ πρὸς φιλοσοφίᾳ διατρίβοντας, ὅταν δὲ τὸ μέρος ἥκῃ, πρὸς πολιτικοῖς ἐπιταλαιπωροῦντας καὶ ἄρχοντας ἑκάστους τῆς πόλεως ἕνεκα, οὐχ ὡς καλόν τι ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀναγκαῖον πράττοντας, καὶ οὕτως ἄλλους ἀεὶ παιδεύσαντας τοιούτους, ἀντικαταλιπόντας τῆς πόλεως φύλακας, εἰς μακάρων νήσους ἀπιόντας οἰκεῖν· μνημεῖα δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ θυσίας 540c τὴν πόλιν δημοσίᾳ ποιεῖν, ἐὰν καὶ ἡ Πυθία συναναιρῇ, ὡς δαίμοσιν, εἰ δὲ μή, ὡς εὐδαίμοσί τε καὶ θείοις. ' None424a and the procreation of children and all that sort of thing should be made as far as possible the proverbial goods of friends that are common. Yes, that would be the best way, he said. And, moreover, said I, the state, if it once starts well, proceeds as it were in a cycle of growth. I mean that a sound nurture and education if kept up creates good natures in the state, and sound natures in turn receiving an education of this sort develop into better men than their predecessor' 436b and generation and their kind, or whether it is with the entire soul that we function in each case when we once begin. That is what is really hard to determine properly. I think so too, he said. Let us then attempt to define the boundary and decide whether they are identical with one another in this way. How? It is obvious that the same thing will never do or suffer opposites in the same respect in relation to the same thing and at the same time. So that if ever we find these contradictions in the functions of the mind 437c just described? Will you not say, for example, that the soul of one who desires either strives for that which he desires or draws towards its embrace what it wishes to accrue to it; or again, in so far as it wills that anything be presented to it, nods assent to itself thereon as if someone put the question, striving towards its attainment? I would say so, he said. But what of not-willing and not consenting nor yet desiring, shall we not put these under the soul’s rejection and repulsion from itself and 438b that of relative terms those that are somehow qualified are related to a qualified correlate, those that are severally just themselves to a correlate that is just itself. I don’t understand, he said. Don’t you understand, said I, that the greater is such as to be greater than something? Certainly. Is it not than the less? Yes. But the much greater than the much less. Is that not so? Yes. And may we add the one time greater than the one time less and that which will be greater than that which will be less? Surely. 440e take note of this? of what? That what we now think about the spirited element is just the opposite of our recent surmise. For then we supposed it to be a part of the appetitive, but now, far from that, we say that, in the factions of the soul, it much rather marshals itself on the side of the reason. By all means, he said. Is it then distinct from this too, or is it a form of the rational, so that there are not three but two kinds in the soul, the rational and the appetitive, or just as in the city there were 449c aid he. And for what reason, pray? said I. We think you are a slacker, he said, and are trying to cheat us out of a whole division, and that not the least, of the argument to avoid the trouble of expounding it, and expect to get away with it by observing thus lightly that, of course, in respect to women and children it is obvious to everybody that the possessions of friends will be in common. Well, isn’t that right, Adeimantus? I said. Yes, said he, but this word right, like other things, requires defining as to the way and manner of such a community. There might be many ways. Don’t, then, pass over the one 517c and that when seen it must needs point us to the conclusion that this is indeed the cause for all things of all that is right and beautiful, giving birth in the visible world to light, and the author of light and itself in the intelligible world being the authentic source of truth and reason, and that anyone who is to act wisely in private or public must have caught sight of this.” “I concur,” he said, “so far as I am able.” “Come then,” I said, “and join me in this further thought, and do not be surprised that those who have attained to this height are not willing to occupy themselves with the affairs of men, but their souls ever feel the upward urge and 520e Impossible, he said: “for we shall be imposing just commands on men who are just. Yet they will assuredly approach office as an unavoidable necessity, and in the opposite temper from that of the present rulers in our cities.” “For the fact is, dear friend,” said I, “if you can discover a better way of life than office-holding 540b throughout the remainder of their lives, each in his turn, devoting the greater part of their time to the study of philosophy, but when the turn comes for each, toiling in the service of the state and holding office for the city’s sake, regarding the task not as a fine thing but a necessity; and so, when each generation has educated others like themselves to take their place as guardians of the state, they shall depart to the Islands of the Blest and there dwell. And the state shall establish public memorial 540c and sacrifices for them as to divinities if the Pythian oracle approves or, if not, as to divine and godlike men.” “A most beautiful finish, Socrates, you have put upon your rulers, as if you were a statuary.” “And on the women too, Glaucon,” said I; “for you must not suppose that my words apply to the men more than to all women who arise among them endowed with the requisite qualities.” “That is right,” he said, “if they are to share equally in all things with the men as we laid it down.” ' None
27. Plato, Sophist, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 126, 129; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 126, 129

255c ἀμφότερα οὕτως αὐτὰ ταὐτὸν ὡς ὄντα προσεροῦμεν. ΘΕΑΙ. ἀλλὰ μὴν τοῦτό γε ἀδύνατον. ΞΕ. ἀδύνατον ἄρα ταὐτὸν καὶ τὸ ὂν ἓν εἶναι. ΘΕΑΙ. σχεδόν. ΞΕ. τέταρτον δὴ πρὸς τοῖς τρισὶν εἴδεσιν τὸ ταὐτὸν τιθῶμεν; ΘΕΑΙ. πάνυ μὲν οὖν. ΞΕ. τί δέ; τὸ θάτερον ἆρα ἡμῖν λεκτέον πέμπτον; ἢ τοῦτο καὶ τὸ ὂν ὡς δύʼ ἄττα ὀνόματα ἐφʼ ἑνὶ γένει διανοεῖσθαι δεῖ; ΘΕΑΙ. τάχʼ ἄν. ΞΕ. ἀλλʼ οἶμαί σε συγχωρεῖν τῶν ὄντων τὰ μὲν αὐτὰ καθʼ αὑτά, τὰ δὲ πρὸς ἄλλα ἀεὶ λέγεσθαι. ΘΕΑΙ. τί δʼ οὔ; 255d ΞΕ. τὸ δέ γʼ ἕτερον ἀεὶ πρὸς ἕτερον· ἦ γάρ; ΘΕΑΙ. οὕτως. ΞΕ. οὐκ ἄν, εἴ γε τὸ ὂν καὶ τὸ θάτερον μὴ πάμπολυ διεφερέτην· ἀλλʼ εἴπερ θάτερον ἀμφοῖν μετεῖχε τοῖν εἰδοῖν ὥσπερ τὸ ὄν, ἦν ἄν ποτέ τι καὶ τῶν ἑτέρων ἕτερον οὐ πρὸς ἕτερον· νῦν δὲ ἀτεχνῶς ἡμῖν ὅτιπερ ἂν ἕτερον ᾖ, συμβέβηκεν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἑτέρου τοῦτο ὅπερ ἐστὶν εἶναι. ΘΕΑΙ. λέγεις καθάπερ ἔχει. ΞΕ. πέμπτον δὴ τὴν θατέρου φύσιν λεκτέον ἐν τοῖς' ' None255c ince they are. Theaet. But surely that is impossible. Str. Then it is impossible for being and the same to be one. Theaet. Pretty nearly. Str. So we shall consider the same a fourth class in addition to the other three? Theaet. Certainly. Str. Then shall we call the other a fifth class? Or must we conceive of this and being as two names for one class? Theaet. May be. Str. But I fancy you admit that among the entities some are always conceived as absolute, and some as relative. Theaet. of course. 255d Str. And other is always relative to other, is it not? Theaet. Yes. Str. It would not be so, if being and the other were not utterly different. If the other, like being, partook of both absolute and relative existence, there would be also among the others that exist another not in relation to any other; but as it is, we find that whatever is other is just what it is through compulsion of some other. Theaet. The facts are as you say. Str. Then we must place the nature of the other as a fifth' ' None
28. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Martial, influence of Callimachus on • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 366; Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 123, 126, 127; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 366; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 123, 126, 127

213d ἠράσθην, οὐκέτι ἔξεστίν μοι οὔτε προσβλέψαι οὔτε διαλεχθῆναι καλῷ οὐδʼ ἑνί, ἢ οὑτοσὶ ζηλοτυπῶν με καὶ φθονῶν θαυμαστὰ ἐργάζεται καὶ λοιδορεῖταί τε καὶ τὼ χεῖρε μόγις ἀπέχεται. ὅρα οὖν μή τι καὶ νῦν ἐργάσηται, ἀλλὰ διάλλαξον ἡμᾶς, ἢ ἐὰν ἐπιχειρῇ βιάζεσθαι, ἐπάμυνε, ὡς ἐγὼ τὴν τούτου μανίαν τε καὶ φιλεραστίαν πάνυ ὀρρωδῶ.' ' None213d either to look upon or converse with a single handsome person, but the fellow flies into a spiteful jealousy which makes him treat me in a monstrous fashion, girding at me and hardly keeping his hands to himself. So take care that he does no mischief now: pray reconcile us; or if he sets about using force, protect me, for I shudder with alarm at his amorous frenzy.' ' None
29. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 127, 129; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 127, 129

155a οὐ δυσκολαίνοντες ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐξετάζοντες, ἅττα ποτʼ ἐστὶ ταῦτα τὰ φάσματα ἐν ἡμῖν; ὧν πρῶτον ἐπισκοποῦντες φήσομεν, ὡς ἐγὼ οἶμαι, μηδέποτε μηδὲν ἂν μεῖζον μηδὲ ἔλαττον γενέσθαι μήτε ὄγκῳ μήτε ἀριθμῷ, ἕως ἴσον εἴη αὐτὸ ἑαυτῷ. οὐχ οὕτως; ΘΕΑΙ. ναί. ΣΩ. δεύτερον δέ γε, ᾧ μήτε προστιθοῖτο μήτε ἀφαιροῖτο, τοῦτο μήτε αὐξάνεσθαί ποτε μήτε φθίνειν, ἀεὶ δὲ ἴσον εἶναι. ΘΕΑΙ. κομιδῇ μὲν οὖν.' ' None155a THEAET. Yes. SOC. And secondly, that anything to which nothing is added and from which nothing is subtracted, is neither increased nor diminished, but is always equal. THEAET. Certainly.' ' None
30. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 94; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 94

48e ἐπικαλεσάμενοι πάλιν ἀρχώμεθα λέγειν. ΤΙ. τὰ μὲν γὰρ δύο ἱκανὰ ἦν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λεχθεῖσιν, ἓν μὲν ὡς παραδείγματος εἶδος ὑποτεθέν, νοητὸν καὶ ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ὄν, μίμημα δὲ'' None48e to a conclusion based on likelihood, and thus begin our account once more. Tim. For our former exposition those two were sufficient, one of them being assumed as a Model Form, intelligible and ever uniformly existent,'' None
31. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Cynicism, influence on Zeno • Plato, influence on Aristotle • Zeno of Citium, influence from Cynicism

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 91, 261; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 91, 261

32. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 335, 362, 363; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 335, 362, 363

33. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 116; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 116

34. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389

35. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 86, 131; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 86, 131

36. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 86; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 86

37. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 136, 137; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 120, 121, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 136, 137

38. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 127, 131; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 127, 131

39. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 93, 94; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 93, 94

40. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 101; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 101

41. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 84, 117; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 84, 117

42. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 84, 88, 92, 101, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 136; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 84, 88, 92, 101, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 136

43. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 119; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 119

44. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 90, 95; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 90, 95

45. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 84, 94, 136; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 84, 94, 136

46. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Dahl, influence, Haustafeln • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 89, 96, 131; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 720; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 89, 96, 131

47. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 95, 130, 131, 133; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 95, 130, 131, 133

48. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 130, 131, 132, 133, 136; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 130, 131, 132, 133, 136

49. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 97; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 97

50. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 328, 362, 366, 385, 388; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 328, 362, 366, 385, 388

51. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 337, 352, 353, 359, 367, 374, 377, 384; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 337, 352, 353, 359, 367, 374, 377, 384

52. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 357, 362, 374, 386; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 357, 362, 374, 386

53. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 353, 361, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 353, 361, 366

54. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 388; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 388

55. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 350; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 350

56. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Greek cultural influences • epithets, cultic, Greek influence on Roman use of

 Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 253; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 251

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2.62 Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres\' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. '' None
57. Cicero, On Duties, 1.128 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cynicism, influence on Zeno • Zeno of Citium, influence from Cynicism

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 254; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 254

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1.128 Nec vero audiendi sunt Cynici, aut si qui filerunt Stoici paene Cynici, qui reprehendunt et irrident, quod ea, quae turpia non sint, verbis flagitiosa ducamus, illa autem, quae turpia sint, nominibus appellemus suis. Latrocinari, fraudare, adulterare re turpe est, sed dicitur non obscene; liberis dare operam re honestum est, nomine obscenum; pluraque in ear sententiam ab eisdem contra verecundiam disputantur. Nos autem naturam sequamur et ab omni, quod abhorret ab oculorum auriumque approbatione, fugiamus; status incessus, sessio accubitio, vultus oculi manuum motus teneat illud decorum.'' None
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1.128 \xa0But we should give no heed to the Cynics (or to some Stoics who are practically Cynics) who censure and ridicule us for holding that the mere mention of some actions that are not immoral is shameful, while other things that are immoral we call by their real names. Robbery, fraud, and adultery, for example, are immoral in deed, but it is not indecent to name them. To beget children in wedlock is in deed morally right; to speak of it is indecent. And they assail modesty with a great many other arguments to the same purport. But as for us, let us follow Nature and shun everything that is offensive to our eyes or our ears. So, in standing or walking, in sitting or reclining, in our expression, our eyes, or the movements of our hands, let us preserve what we have called "propriety." <'' None
58. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.22, 4.49 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Judas Maccabeusnan, influence on Judith • Septuagint, influence of language of • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence

 Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 167; Gera (2014), Judith, 40, 171, 317

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1.22 He took also the table for the bread of the Presence, the cups for drink offerings, the bowls, the golden censers, the curtain, the crowns, and the gold decoration on the front of the temple; he stripped it all off.
4.49
They made new holy vessels, and brought the lampstand, the altar of incense, and the table into the temple.'' None
59. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 15.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Dahl, influence, Pastorals • Judas Maccabeusnan, influence on Judith • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 241, 432; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 436

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15.27 So, fighting with their hands and praying to God in their hearts, they laid low no less than thirty-five thousand men, and were greatly gladdened by God's manifestation.'"" None
60. Septuagint, Judith, 8.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Architecture, influence of pagans upon Jews in • Daniel, influence on Judith • language and style, Book of Judith, Septuagint influence

 Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 5; Gera (2014), Judith, 51, 52

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8.18 "For never in our generation, nor in these present days, has there been any tribe or family or people or city of ours which worshiped gods made with hands, as was done in days gone by -- '' None
61. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 369; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 369

62. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Daniel, influence on Judith • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Maccabees, influence of • martyrdom intellectual influences

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 48, 95, 96, 165; Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 9; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 44

63. Catullus, Poems, 13.11-13.14, 23.12-23.14, 65.16, 95.4-95.7, 116.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, influence of De officiis on Ars amatoria • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 330, 331, 341, 347, 348, 352, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 368, 370, 371, 386; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 330, 331, 341, 347, 348, 352, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 368, 370, 371, 386; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 66

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13.11 I'll give thee unguent lent my girl to scent" '13.12 By every Venus and all Cupids sent, 13.13 Which, as thou savour, pray Gods interpose 13.14 And thee, Fabúllus, make a Naught-but-nose.
23.12
Your frames are hard and dried like horn, 23.13 Or if more arid aught ye know 23.14 By suns and frosts and hunger-throe.
65.16
Yet amid grief so great to thee, my Hortalus, send I 95.5 "Zmyrna" shall travel afar as the hollow breakers of Satrax, 95.6 "Zmyrna" by ages grey lastingly shall be perused.' "95.7 But upon Padus' brink shall die Volusius his annal" 116.2 How I could send thee songs chaunted of Battiadés,' " None
64. Horace, Sermones, 1.2, 1.4.11, 1.4.22-1.4.23, 1.4.25-1.4.32, 1.4.48-1.4.52, 1.4.62, 1.4.70, 1.4.73, 1.4.81, 1.4.103, 1.4.105-1.4.106, 1.10.50, 2.2.77-2.2.79 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cynics/Cynicism, influence on Horace • Horace, father’s teachings/influence on • Martial, influence of Callimachus on • Persius, Virgil’s influence on • Philodemus of Gadara, Cynic influences on • Philodemus of Gadara, influence on Horace • Satires (Horace), Cynic influences/references • Satires (Horace), literary influences on

 Found in books: Arampapaslis, Augoustakis, Froedge, Schroer (2023), Dynamics of Marginality: Liminal Characters and Marginal Groups in Neronian and Flavian Literature. 74; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 336, 352, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 336, 352, 366; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 67, 68, 70, 74, 79, 131, 136, 156, 157, 158, 163, 164, 212, 251

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1.2 However, since I observe a considerable number of people giving ear to the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill will to us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a late date, because they are not so much as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most famous historiographers among the Grecians,
1.2
Moreover, he attests that we Jews, went as auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add farther what he says he learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these:—
1.2
for if we remember, that in the beginning the Greeks had taken no care to have public records of their several transactions preserved, this must for certain have afforded those that would afterward write about those ancient transactions, the opportunity of making mistakes, and the power of making lies also;
1.4.11
As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skilful in the knowledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks themselves. I will also show, that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us, are to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary.
1.4.11
but as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and precepts for the conduct of human life.
2.2.77
As for the number of those that were expelled out of Egypt, he hath contrived to have the very same number with Lysimachus, and says they were a hundred and ten thousand. He then assigns a certain wonderful and plausible occasion for the name of Sabbath;
2.2.77
I shall now therefore begin a confutation of the remaining authors who have written any thing against us; although I confess I have had a doubt upon me about Apion the grammarian, whether I ought to take the trouble of confuting him or not;
2.2.77
It commands us also, when we marry, not to have regard to portion, nor to take a woman by violence, nor to persuade her deceitfully and knavishly; but to demand her in marriage of him who hath power to dispose of her, and is fit to give her away by the nearness of his kindred; 2.2.79 It commands us also, when we marry, not to have regard to portion, nor to take a woman by violence, nor to persuade her deceitfully and knavishly; but to demand her in marriage of him who hath power to dispose of her, and is fit to give her away by the nearness of his kindred; ' ' None
65. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.137-1.138, 2.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 360, 378; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 360, 378

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1.137 Nil opus est digitis, per quos arcana loquaris, 1.138 rend=
2.4
rend='' None
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1.137 Their fear was one, but not one face of fear: 1.138 Some rend the lovely tresses of the hair:
2.4
My artful nets inclose the lovely spoils.'' None
66. Ovid, Fasti, 3.260-3.392 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 369; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 369

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3.260 arma ferant Salii Mamuriumque cat? 3.261 nympha, mone, nemori stagnoque operata Dianae; 3.262 nympha, Numae coniunx, ad tua facta veni. 3.263 vallis Aricinae silva praecinctus opaca 3.264 est lacus, antiqua religione sacer. 3.265 hic latet Hippolytus loris direptus equorum, 3.266 unde nemus nullis illud aditur equis. 3.267 licia dependent longas velantia saepes, 3.268 et posita est meritae multa tabella deae. 3.269 saepe potens voti, frontem redimita coronis, 3.270 femina lucentes portat ab urbe faces. 3.271 regna tenent fortes manibus pedibusque fugaces, 3.272 et perit exemplo postmodo quisque suo. 3.273 defluit incerto lapidosus murmure rivus: 3.274 saepe, sed exiguis haustibus, inde bibi. 3.275 Egeria est, quae praebet aquas, dea grata Camenis; 3.276 illa Numae coniunx consiliumque fuit. 3.277 principio nimium promptos ad bella Quirites 3.278 molliri placuit iure deumque metu; 3.279 inde datae leges, ne firmior omnia posset, 3.280 coeptaque sunt pure tradita sacra coli. 3.281 exuitur feritas, armisque potentius aequum est, 3.282 et cum cive pudet conseruisse manus; 3.283 atque aliquis, modo trux, visa iam vertitur ara 3.284 vinaque dat tepidis farraque salsa focis. 3.285 ecce deum genitor rutilas per nubila flammas 3.286 spargit et effusis aethera siccat aquis; 3.287 non alias missi cecidere frequentius ignes: 3.288 rex pavet et volgi pectora terror habet, 3.289 cui dea ‘ne nimium terrere! piabile fulmen 3.290 est,’ ait ‘et saevi flectitur ira Iovis, 3.291 sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi 3.292 tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli. 3.293 nec sine vi tradent: adhibe tu vincula captis.’ 3.294 atque ita qua possint edidit arte capi. 3.295 lucus Aventino suberat niger ilicis umbra, 3.296 quo posses viso dicere numen inest. 3.297 in medio gramen, muscoque adoperta virenti 3.298 manabat saxo vena perennis aquae: 3.299 inde fere soli Faunus Picusque bibebant. 3.300 huc venit et fonti rex Numa mactat ovem, 3.301 plenaque odorati disponit pocula Bacchi, 3.302 cumque suis antro conditus ipse latet, 3.303 ad solitos veniunt silvestria numina fontes 3.304 et relevant multo pectora sicca mero. 3.305 vina quies sequitur; gelido Numa prodit ab antro 3.306 vinclaque sopitas addit in arta manus, 3.307 somnus ut abscessit, pugdo vincula temptant 3.308 rumpere: pugtes fortius illa tenent. 3.309 tunc Numa: ‘di nemorum, factis ignoscite nostris, 3.310 si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo; 3.311 quoque modo possit fulmen, monstrate, piari.’ 3.312 sic Numa; sic quatiens cornua Faunus ait: 3.313 ‘magna petis nec quae monitu tibi discere nostro 3.314 fas sit: habent finis numina nostra suos. 3.315 di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis 3.316 montibus: arbitrium est in sua tela Iovi. 3.317 hunc tu non poteris per te deducere caelo, 3.318 at poteris nostra forsitan usus ope.’ 3.319 dixerat haec Faunus; par est sententia Pici: 3.320 deme tamen nobis vincula, Picus ait: 3.321 ‘Iuppiter huc veniet, valida perductus ab arte. 3.322 nubila promissi Styx mihi testis erit.’ 3.323 emissi laqueis quid agant, quae carmina dicant, 3.324 quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Iovem, 3.325 scire nefas homini: nobis concessa canentur 3.326 quaeque pio dici vatis ab ore licet, 3.327 eliciunt caelo te, Iuppiter, unde minores 3.328 nunc quoque te celebrant Eliciumque vocant, 3.329 constat Aventinae tremuisse cacumina silvae, 3.330 terraque subsedit pondere pressa Iovis, 3.331 corda micant regis, totoque e corpore sanguis 3.332 fugit, et hirsutae deriguere comae, 3.333 ut rediit animus, da certa piamina dixit 3.334 ‘fulminis, altorum rexque paterque deum, 3.335 si tua contigimus manibus donaria puris, 3.336 hoc quoque, quod petitur, si pia lingua rogat.’ 3.337 adnuit oranti, sed verum ambage remota 3.338 abdidit et dubio terruit ore virum. 3.339 caede caput dixit: cui rex parebimus, inquit 3.340 caedenda est hortis eruta caepa meis. 3.341 addidit, hic hominis: sumes ait ille capillos. 3.342 postulat hic animam, cui Numa piscis ait. 3.343 risit et his inquit ‘facito mea tela procures, 3.344 o vir conloquio non abigende deum. 3.345 sed tibi, protulerit cum totum crastinus orbem 3.346 Cynthius, imperii pignora certa dabo.’ 3.347 dixit et ingenti tonitru super aethera motum 3.348 fertur, adorantem destituitque Numam, 3.349 ille redit laetus memoratque Quiritibus acta: 3.350 tarda venit dictis difficilisque fides. 3.351 at certe credemur, ait ‘si verba sequetur 3.352 exitus: en audi crastina, quisquis ades. 3.353 protulerit terris cum totum Cynthius orbem, 3.354 Iuppiter imperii pignora certa dabit.’ 3.355 discedunt dubii, promissaque tarda videntur, 3.356 dependetque fides a veniente die. 3.357 mollis erat tellus rorata mane pruina: 3.358 ante sui populus limina regis adest, 3.359 prodit et in solio medius consedit acerno. 3.360 innumeri circa stantque silentque viri. 3.361 ortus erat summo tantummodo margine Phoebus: 3.362 sollicitae mentes speque metuque pavent, 3.363 constitit atque caput niveo velatus amictu 3.364 iam bene dis notas sustulit ille manus, 3.365 atque ita tempus adest promissi muneris, inquit 3.366 pollicitam dictis, Iuppiter, adde fidem. 3.367 dum loquitur, totum iam sol emoverat orbem, 3.368 et gravis aetherio venit ab axe fragor. 3.369 ter tonuit sine nube deus, tria fulmina misit. 3.370 credite dicenti: mira, sed acta, loquor, 3.371 a media caelum regione dehiscere coepit; 3.372 summisere oculos cum duce turba suo. 3.373 ecce levi scutum versatum leniter aura 3.374 decidit, a populo clamor ad astra venit. 3.375 tollit humo munus caesa prius ille iuvenca, 3.376 quae dederat nulli colla premenda iugo, 3.377 idque ancile vocat, quod ab omni parte recisum est, 3.378 quemque notes oculis, angulus omnis abest, 3.379 tum, memor imperii sortem consistere in illo, 3.380 consilium multae calliditatis init. 3.381 plura iubet fieri simili caelata figura, 3.382 error ut ante oculos insidiantis eat. 3.383 Mamurius (morum fabraene exactior artis, 3.384 difficile est ulli dicere) clausit opus. 3.385 cui Numa munificus facti pete praemia, dixit; 3.386 si mea nota fides, inrita nulla petes. 3.387 iam dederat Saliis a saltu nomina dicta 3.388 armaque et ad certos verba canenda modos. 3.389 tum sic Mamurius: ‘merces mihi gloria detur, 3.390 nominaque extremo carmine nostra sonent.’ 3.391 inde sacerdotes operi promissa vetusto 3.392 praemia persolvunt Mamuriumque vocant,'' None
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3.260 Teach me, nymph, who serves Diana’s lake and grove: 3.261 Nymph, Egeria, wife to Numa, speak of your actions. 3.262 There is a lake in the vale of Aricia, ringed by dense woods, 3.263 And sacred to religion from ancient times. 3.264 Here Hippolytus hides, who was torn to piece 3.265 By his horses, and so no horse may enter the grove. 3.266 The long hedge is covered with hanging threads, 3.267 And many tablets witness the goddess’s merit. 3.268 often a woman whose prayer is answered, brow wreathed 3.269 With garlands, carries lighted torches from the City. 3.270 One with strong hands and swift feet rules there, 3.271 And each is later killed, as he himself killed before. 3.272 A pebble-filled stream flows down with fitful murmurs: 3.273 often I’ve drunk there, but in little draughts. 3.274 Egeria, goddess dear to the Camenae, supplies the water: 3.275 She who was wife and counsellor to Numa. 3.276 The Quirites were too prompt to take up arms, 3.277 And Numa quietened them with justice, and fear of the gods. 3.278 So laws were made, that the stronger might not take all, 3.279 And traditional rights were properly observed. 3.280 They left off being savages, justice superseded arms, 3.281 And citizens were ashamed to fight each other: 3.282 Those who had once been violent were transformed, on seeing 3.283 An altar, offering wine and salted meal on the warm hearths. 3.284 See, the father of the gods scatters red lightning through 3.285 The clouds, and clears the sky with showers of rain: 3.286 The forked flames never fell thicker: 3.287 The king was fearful, the people filled with terror. 3.288 The goddess said: ‘Don’t be so afraid! Lightning 3.289 Can be placated, and fierce Jupiter’s anger averted. 3.290 Picus and Faunus, each a deity native to Roman soil, 3.291 Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t 3.292 Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’ 3.293 And she revealed the arts by which they could be caught. 3.294 There was a grove, dark with holm-oaks, below the Aventine, 3.295 At sight of which you would say: ‘There’s a god within.’ 3.296 The centre was grassy, and covered with green moss, 3.297 And a perennial stream of water trickled from the rock. 3.298 Faunus and Picus used to drink there alone. 3.299 Numa approached and sacrificed a sheep to the spring, 3.300 And set out cups filled with fragrant wine. 3.301 Then he hid with his people inside the cave. 3.302 The woodland spirits came to their usual spring, 3.303 And quenched their dry throats with draughts of wine. 3.304 Sleep succeeded wine: Numa emerged from the icy cave 3.305 And clasped the sleepers’ hands in tight shackles. 3.306 When sleep vanished, they fought and tried to burst 3.307 Their bonds, which grew tighter the more they struggled. 3.308 Then Numa spoke: ‘Gods of the sacred groves, if you accept 3.309 My thoughts were free of wickedness, forgive my actions: 3.310 And show me how the lightning may be averted.’ 3.311 So Numa: and, shaking his horns, so Faunus replied: 3.312 ‘You seek great things, that it’s not right for you to know 3.313 Through our admission: our powers have their limits. 3.314 We are rural gods who rule in the high mountains: 3.315 Jupiter has control of his own weapons. 3.316 You could never draw him from heaven by yourself, 3.317 But you may be able, by making use of our aid.’ 3.318 Faunus spoke these words: Picus too agreed, 3.319 ‘But remove our shackles,’ Picus added: 3.320 ‘Jupiter will arrive here, drawn by powerful art. 3.321 Cloudy Styx will be witness to my promise.’ 3.322 It’s wrong for men to know what the gods enacted when loosed 3.323 From the snare, or what spells they spoke, or by what art 3.324 They drew Jupiter from his realm above. My song will sing 3.325 of lawful things, such as a poet may speak with pious lips. 3.326 The drew you (eliciunt) from the sky, Jupiter, and later 3.327 Generations now worship you, by the name of Elicius. 3.328 It’s true that the crowns of the Aventine woods trembled, 3.329 And the earth sank under the weight of Jove. 3.330 The king’s heart shook, the blood fled from his body, 3.331 And the bristling hair stood up stiffly on his head. 3.332 When he regained his senses, he said: ‘King and father 3.333 To the high gods, if I have touched your offering 3.334 With pure hands, and if a pious tongue, too, asks for 3.335 What I seek, grant expiation from your lightning,’ 3.336 The god accepted his prayer, but hid the truth with deep 3.337 Ambiguities, and terrified him with confusing words. 3.338 ‘Sever a head,’ said the god: the king replied; ‘I will, 3.339 We’ll sever an onion’s, dug from my garden.’ 3.340 The god added: ‘of a man’: ‘You’ll have the hair,’ 3.341 Said the king. He demanded a life, Numa replied: ‘A fish’s’. 3.342 The god laughed and said: ‘Expiate my lightning like this, 3.343 O man who cannot be stopped from speaking with gods. 3.344 And when Apollo’s disc is full tomorrow, 3.345 I’ll give you sure pledges of empire.’ 3.346 He spoke, and was carried above the quaking sky, 3.347 In loud thunder, leaving Numa worshipping him. 3.348 The king returned joyfully, and told the Quirite 3.349 What had happened: they were slow to believe his words. 3.350 ‘It will surely be believed,’ he said, ‘if the event follow 3.351 My speech: listen, all you here, to what tomorrow brings. 3.352 When Apollo’s disc has lifted fully above the earth, 3.353 Jupiter will grant me sure pledges of empire.’ 3.354 The left, doubtful, considering it long to wait, 3.355 But setting their hopes on the following day. 3.356 The ground was soft at dawn, with a frost of dew: 3.357 When the crowd gathered at the king’s threshold. 3.358 He emerged, and sat in the midst on a maple wood throne. 3.359 Countless warriors stood around him in silence. 3.360 Phoebus had scarcely risen above the horizon: 3.361 Their anxious minds trembled with hope and fear. 3.362 The king stood, his head covered with a white cloth 3.363 Raising his hands, that the god now knew so well. 3.364 He spoke as follows: ‘The time is here for the promised gift, 3.365 Jupiter, make true the words of your pledge.’ 3.366 As he spoke, the sun’s full disc appeared, 3.367 And a loud crash came from the depths of the sky. 3.368 Three times the god thundered, and hurled his lightning, 3.369 From cloudless air, believe what I say, wonderful but true. 3.370 The sky began to split open at the zenith: 3.371 The crowd and its leader lifted their eyes. 3.372 Behold, a shield fell, trembling in the light breeze. 3.373 The sound of the crowd’s shouting reached the stars. 3.374 The king first sacrificed a heifer that had never known 3.375 The yoke, then raised the gift from the ground, 3.376 And called it ancile, because it was cut away (recisum) 3.377 All round, and there wasn’t a single angle to note. 3.378 Then, remembering the empire’s fate was involved, 3.379 He thought of a very cunning idea. 3.380 He ordered many shields cut in the same shape, 3.381 In order to confuse the eyes of any traitor. 3.382 Mamurius carried out the task: whether he was superior 3.383 In his craft or his character it would be hard to say. 3.384 Gracious Numa said to him: ‘Ask a reward for your work, 3.385 You’ll not ask in vain of one known for honesty.’ 3.386 He’d already given the Salii, named from their leaping (saltus), 3.387 Weapons: and words to be sung to a certain tune. 3.388 Mamurius replied: ‘Give me glory as my prize, 3.389 And let my name be sounded at the song’s end.’ 3.390 So the priests grant the reward promised for hi 3.391 Ancient work, and now call out ‘Mamurius’. 3.392 Girl if you’d marry, delay, however eager both are:'' None
67. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.365, 8.549-8.559, 10.214-10.216 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 344, 366, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 344, 366, 367

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7.365 Phoebeamque Rhodon et Ialysios Telchinas,
8.549
Clausit iter fecitque moras Achelous eunti 8.550 imbre tumens. “Succede meis,” ait “inclite, tectis, 8.551 Cecropida, nec te committe rapacibus undis: 8.552 ferre trabes solidas obliquaque volvere magno 8.553 murmure saxa solent. Vidi contermina ripae 8.555 profuit armentis, nec equis velocibus esse. 8.556 Multa quoque hic torrens nivibus de monte solutis 8.557 corpora turbineo iuvenalia flumine mersit. 8.558 Tutior est requies, solito dum flumina currant 8.559 limite, dum tenues capiat suus alveus undas.”
10.214
Non satis hoc Phoebo est (is enim fuit auctor honoris): 10.215 ipse suos gemitus foliis inscribit, et AI AI 10.216 flos habet inscriptum, funestaque littera dicta est.' ' None
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7.365 the flying dragons, harnessed by their necks,
8.549
with fatal onset rushed among this band 8.550 of noble lads, and stretched upon the ground 8.551 Eupalamon and Pelagon whose guard 8.552 was on the right; and their companions bore 8.553 their bodies from the field. 8.555 the brave son of Hippocoon received 8.556 a deadly wound—while turning to escape, 8.557 the sinew of his thigh was cut and failed 8.558 to bear his tottering steps.— 8.559 And Nestor might
10.214
up to the starry heavens. And the God, 10.215 groaning with sorrow, said; “You shall be mourned 10.216 incerely by me, surely as you mourn' ' None
68. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 2.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lieberman, Saul, on influence of Hellenism • architecture, influence of synagogues • synagogues, influence of Christian architecture

 Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 702; Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 43

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2.62 Accordingly, on the seventh day there are spread before the people in every city innumerable lessons of prudence, and temperance, and courage, and justice, and all other virtues; during the giving of which the common people sit down, keeping silence and pricking up their ears, with all possible attention, from their thirst for wholesome instruction; but some of those who are very learned explain to them what is of great importance and use, lessons by which the whole of their lives may be improved. '' None
69. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.25-2.44, 2.216 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influence on Demetrius of Phalerum • Philo, influences on • Philo, influences on, Jewish • Rome, influence of • architecture, influence of synagogues • synagogues, influence of Christian architecture

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 60, 61, 62; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 702; Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 79

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2.25 And that beauty and dignity of the legislation of Moses is honoured not among the Jews only, but also by all other nations, is plain, both from what has been already said and from what I am about to state. 2.26 In olden time the laws were written in the Chaldaean language, and for a long time they remained in the same condition as at first, not changing their language as long as their beauty had not made them known to other nations; 2.27 but when, from the daily and uninterrupted respect shown to them by those to whom they had been given, and from their ceaseless observance of their ordices, other nations also obtained an understanding of them, their reputation spread over all lands; for what was really good, even though it may through envy be overshadowed for a short time, still in time shines again through the intrinsic excellence of its nature. Some persons, thinking it a scandalous thing that these laws should only be known among one half portion of the human race, namely, among the barbarians, and that the Greek nation should be wholly and entirely ignorant of them, turned their attention to their translation. 2.28 And since this undertaking was an important one, tending to the general advantage, not only of private persons, but also of rulers, of whom the number was not great, it was entrusted to kings and to the most illustrious of all kings. 2.29 Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelphus, was the third in succession after Alexander, the monarch who subdued Egypt; and he was, in all virtues which can be displayed in government, the most excellent sovereign, not only of all those of his time, but of all that ever lived; so that even now, after the lapse of so many generations, his fame is still celebrated, as having left many instances and monuments of his magimity in the cities and districts of his kingdom, so that even now it is come to be a sort of proverbial expression to call excessive magnificence, and zeal, for honour and splendour in preparation, Philadelphian, from his name; 2.30 and, in a word, the whole family of the Ptolemies was exceedingly eminent and conspicuous above all other royal families, and among the Ptolemies, Philadelphus was the most illustrious; for all the rest put together scarcely did as many glorious and praiseworthy actions as this one king did by himself, being, as it were, the leader of the herd, and in a manner the head of all the kings. 2.31 He, then, being a sovereign of this character, and having conceived a great admiration for and love of the legislation of Moses, conceived the idea of having our laws translated into the Greek language; and immediately he sent out ambassadors to the high-priest and king of Judea, for they were the same person. 2.32 And having explained his wishes, and having requested him to pick him out a number of men, of perfect fitness for the task, who should translate the law, the high-priest, as was natural, being greatly pleased, and thinking that the king had only felt the inclination to undertake a work of such a character from having been influenced by the providence of God, considered, and with great care selected the most respectable of the Hebrews whom he had about him, who in addition to their knowledge of their national scriptures, had also been well instructed in Grecian literature, and cheerfully sent them. ' "2.33 And when they arrived at the king's court they were hospitably received by the king; and while they feasted, they in return feasted their entertainer with witty and virtuous conversation; for he made experiment of the wisdom of each individual among them, putting to them a succession of new and extraordinary questions; and they, since the time did not allow of their being prolix in their answers, replied with great propriety and fidelity as if they were delivering apophthegms which they had already prepared. " '2.34 So when they had won his approval, they immediately began to fulfil the objects for which that honourable embassy had been sent; and considering among themselves how important the affair was, to translate laws which had been divinely given by direct inspiration, since they were not able either to take away anything, or to add anything, or to alter anything, but were bound to preserve the original form and character of the whole composition, they looked out for the most completely purified place of all the spots on the outside of the city. For the places within the walls, as being filled with all kinds of animals, were held in suspicion by them by reason of the diseases and deaths of some, and the accursed actions of those who were in health. 2.35 The island of Pharos lies in front of Alexandria, the neck of which runs out like a sort of tongue towards the city, being surrounded with water of no great depth, but chiefly with shoals and shallow water, so that the great noise and roaring from the beating of the waves is kept at a considerable distance, and so mitigated. 2.36 They judged this place to be the most suitable of all the spots in the neighbourhood for them to enjoy quiet and tranquillity in, so that they might associate with the laws alone in their minds; and there they remained, and having taken the sacred scriptures, they lifted up them and their hands also to heaven, entreating of God that they might not fail in their object. And he assented to their prayers, that the greater part, or indeed the universal race of mankind might be benefited, by using these philosophical and entirely beautiful commandments for the correction of their lives. 2.37 Therefore, being settled in a secret place, and nothing even being present with them except the elements of nature, the earth, the water, the air, and the heaven, concerning the creation of which they were going in the first place to explain the sacred account; for the account of the creation of the world is the beginning of the law; they, like men inspired, prophesied, not one saying one thing and another another, but every one of them employed the self-same nouns and verbs, as if some unseen prompter had suggested all their language to them. 2.38 And yet who is there who does not know that every language, and the Greek language above all others, is rich in a variety of words, and that it is possible to vary a sentence and to paraphrase the same idea, so as to set it forth in a great variety of manners, adapting many different forms of expression to it at different times. But this, they say, did not happen at all in the case of this translation of the law, but that, in every case, exactly corresponding Greek words were employed to translate literally the appropriate Chaldaic words, being adapted with exceeding propriety to the matters which were to be explained; 2.39 for just as I suppose the things which are proved in geometry and logic do not admit any variety of explanation, but the proposition which was set forth from the beginning remains unaltered, in like manner I conceive did these men find words precisely and literally corresponding to the things, which words were alone, or in the greatest possible degree, destined to explain with clearness and force the matters which it was desired to reveal. 2.40 And there is a very evident proof of this; for if Chaldaeans were to learn the Greek language, and if Greeks were to learn Chaldaean, and if each were to meet with those scriptures in both languages, namely, the Chaldaic and the translated version, they would admire and reverence them both as sisters, or rather as one and the same both in their facts and in their language; considering these translators not mere interpreters but hierophants and prophets to whom it had been granted it their honest and guileless minds to go along with the most pure spirit of Moses. 2.41 On which account, even to this very day, there is every year a solemn assembly held and a festival celebrated in the island of Pharos, to which not only the Jews but a great number of persons of other nations sail across, reverencing the place in which the first light of interpretation shone forth, and thanking God for that ancient piece of beneficence which was always young and fresh. ' "2.42 And after the prayers and the giving of thanks some of them pitched their tents on the shore, and some of them lay down without any tents in the open air on the sand of the shore, and feasted with their relations and friends, thinking the shore at that time a more beautiful abode than the furniture of the king's palace. " '2.43 In this way those admirable, and incomparable, and most desirable laws were made known to all people, whether private individuals or kings, and this too at a period when the nation had not been prosperous for a long time. And it is generally the case that a cloud is thrown over the affairs of those who are not flourishing, so that but little is known of them; 2.44 and then, if they make any fresh start and begin to improve, how great is the increase of their renown and glory? I think that in that case every nation, abandoning all their own individual customs, and utterly disregarding their national laws, would change and come over to the honour of such a people only; for their laws shining in connection with, and simultaneously with, the prosperity of the nation, will obscure all others, just as the rising sun obscures the stars.
2.216
in accordance with which custom, even to this day, the Jews hold philosophical discussions on the seventh day, disputing about their national philosophy, and devoting that day to the knowledge and consideration of the subjects of natural philosophy; for as for their houses of prayer in the different cities, what are they, but schools of wisdom, and courage, and temperance, and justice, and piety, and holiness, and every virtue, by which human and divine things are appreciated, and placed upon a proper footing?'' None
70. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 340; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 340

71. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • aristocratic families, influence of • emperors, influence on birth rates

 Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 163; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 71

72. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 365, 370; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 365, 370

73. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cynics/Cynicism, influence on Horace • Greek architectural influences • Martial, influence of Callimachus on • Philodemus of Gadara, influence on Horace • Satires (Horace), Cynic influences/references • Satires (Horace), literary influences on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334, 366, 367, 378; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 314; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334, 366, 367, 378; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 78

74. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 371; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 371

75. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, influence of De officiis on Ars amatoria • Etruscan influence/culture • Martial, influence of Callimachus on • Orient, Oriental influence • Philodemus of Gadara, Cynic influences on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 366; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 211, 212, 466; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 366; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 66, 80; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 74

76. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329, 331, 342, 367, 382, 383; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329, 331, 342, 367, 382, 383

77. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 378; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 378

78. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329

79. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rome, influence of • orientation, innate (oikeiosis), influence

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 254; Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 238

80. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329, 366, 378; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329, 366, 378

81. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 2.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 328

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2.5.1 τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ Ἡρακλῆς εἰς Τίρυνθα ἦλθε, καὶ τὸ προσταττόμενον ὑπὸ Εὐρυσθέως ἐτέλει. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τοῦ Νεμέου λέοντος τὴν δορὰν κομίζειν· τοῦτο δὲ ζῷον ἦν ἄτρωτον, ἐκ Τυφῶνος γεγεννημένον. 2 -- πορευόμενος οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν λέοντα ἦλθεν εἰς Κλεωνάς, καὶ ξενίζεται παρὰ ἀνδρὶ χερνήτῃ Μολόρχῳ. καὶ θύειν ἱερεῖον θέλοντι εἰς ἡμέραν ἔφη τηρεῖν τριακοστήν, καὶ ἂν μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς θήρας σῶος ἐπανέλθῃ, Διὶ σωτῆρι θύειν, ἐὰν δὲ ἀποθάνῃ, τότε ὡς 3 -- ἥρωι ἐναγίζειν. εἰς δὲ τὴν Νεμέαν ἀφικόμενος καὶ τὸν λέοντα μαστεύσας ἐτόξευσε τὸ πρῶτον· ὡς δὲ ἔμαθεν ἄτρωτον ὄντα, ἀνατεινάμενος τὸ ῥόπαλον ἐδίωκε. συμφυγόντος δὲ εἰς ἀμφίστομον 1 -- σπήλαιον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἑτέραν ἐνῳκοδόμησεν 2 -- εἴσοδον, διὰ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας ἐπεισῆλθε τῷ θηρίῳ, καὶ περιθεὶς τὴν χεῖρα τῷ τραχήλῳ κατέσχεν ἄγχων ἕως ἔπνιξε, καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων ἐκόμιζεν εἰς Κλεωνάς. 3 -- καταλαβὼν δὲ τὸν Μόλορχον ἐν τῇ τελευταίᾳ τῶν ἡμερῶν ὡς νεκρῷ μέλλοντα τὸ ἱερεῖον ἐναγίζειν, σωτῆρι θύσας Διὶ ἦγεν εἰς Μυκήνας τὸν λέοντα. Εὐρυσθεὺς δὲ καταπλαγεὶς 4 -- αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀνδρείαν ἀπεῖπε τὸ λοιπὸν 5 -- αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσιέναι, δεικνύειν δὲ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐκέλευε τοὺς ἄθλους. φασὶ δὲ ὅτι δείσας καὶ πίθον ἑαυτῷ χαλκοῦν εἰσκρυβῆναι ὑπὸ γῆν 6 -- κατεσκεύασε, καὶ πέμπων κήρυκα Κοπρέα Πέλοπος τοῦ Ἠλείου ἐπέταττε τοὺς ἄθλους. οὗτος δὲ Ἴφιτον κτείνας, φυγὼν εἰς Μυκήνας καὶ τυχὼν παρʼ Εὐρυσθέως καθαρσίων ἐκεῖ κατῴκει.'' None
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2.5.1 When Hercules heard that, he went to Tiryns and did as he was bid by Eurystheus. First, Eurystheus ordered him to bring the skin of the Nemean lion; now that was an invulnerable beast begotten by Typhon. On his way to attack the lion he came to Cleonae and lodged at the house of a day-laborer, Molorchus; and when his host would have offered a victim in sacrifice, Hercules told him to wait for thirty days, and then, if he had returned safe from the hunt, to sacrifice to Saviour Zeus, but if he were dead, to sacrifice to him as to a hero. And having come to Nemea and tracked the lion, he first shot an arrow at him, but when he perceived that the beast was invulnerable, he heaved up his club and made after him. And when the lion took refuge in a cave with two mouths, Hercules built up the one entrance and came in upon the beast through the other, and putting his arm round its neck held it tight till he had choked it; so laying it on his shoulders he carried it to Cleonae. And finding Molorchus on the last of the thirty days about to sacrifice the victim to him as to a dead man, he sacrificed to Saviour Zeus and brought the lion to Mycenae . Amazed at his manhood, Eurystheus forbade him thenceforth to enter the city, but ordered him to exhibit the fruits of his labours before the gates. They say, too, that in his fear he had a bronze jar made for himself to hide in under the earth, and that he sent his commands for the labours through a herald, Copreus, son of Pelops the Elean. This Copreus had killed Iphitus and fled to Mycenae, where he was purified by Eurystheus and took up his abode.'' None
82. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.43 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Author, of 2 maccabees, Ptolemaic Influence • heresy, Rabbinic Judaism, influence of Hellenistic Jewish polemic against paganism

 Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 543; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 278

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1.43 ἤδη οὖν πολλοὶ πολλάκις ἑώρανται τῶν αἰχμαλώτων στρέβλας καὶ παντοίων θανάτων τρόπους ἐν θεάτροις ὑπομένοντες ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν ῥῆμα προέσθαι παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰς μετὰ τούτων ἀναγραφάς.'' None
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1.43 For it is no new thing for our captives, many of them in number, and frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that they may not be obliged to say one word against our laws and the records that contain them; '' None
83. Lucan, Pharsalia, 9.336 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343

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9.336 By neither battle nor blockade subdued Caesar shall give you life! O slaves most base, Your former master slain, ye seek his heir! Why doth it please you not yet more to earn Than life and pardon? Bear across the sea Metellus' daughter, Magnus' weeping spouse, And both his sons; outstrip the Pharian gift, Nor spare this head, which, laid before the feet of that detested tyrant, shall deserve A full reward. Thus, cowards, shall ye learn "" None
84. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Semitic influence, NT • martyrdom intellectual influences

 Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 242; Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 11

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4.3 Τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, ὁ ἁγιασμὸς ὑμῶν, ἀπέχεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ τῆς πορνείας,'' None
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4.3 For this is the will of God: your sanctification, that you abstain from sexual immorality, '' None
85. New Testament, Acts, 2.36, 12.1-12.10, 18.8, 20.7, 20.17-20.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Ambrose, influence on Arator • Arianism, influences on Arius • Augustine, influence on Arator • Dahl, influence, Miletus speech • Ezekiel, Tragedian, Greek tragedians influence • Liber Pontificalis, liturgy, influence on Arator of • Physiologus, influence on Arator • architecture, influence of synagogues • synagogues, influence of Christian architecture

 Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 707, 989; Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 37, 176, 177, 178, 184, 185, 186, 187, 193; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 215; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 203

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2.36 ἀσφαλῶς οὖν γινωσκέτω πᾶς οἶκος Ἰσραὴλ ὅτι καὶ κύριον αὐτὸν καὶ χριστὸν ἐποίησεν ὁ θεός, τοῦτον τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὃν ὑμεῖς ἐσταυρώσατε.
12.1
Κατʼ ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἐπέβαλεν Ἡρῴδης ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰς χεῖρας κακῶσαί τινας τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. 12.2 ἀνεῖλεν δὲ Ἰάκωβον τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰωάνου μαχαίρῃ· 12.3 ἰδὼν δὲ ὅτι ἀρεστόν ἐστιν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις προσέθετο συλλαβεῖν καὶ Πέτρον, (ἦσαν δὲ ἡμέραι τῶν ἀζύμων) 12.4 ὃν καὶ πιάσας ἔθετο εἰς φυλακήν, παραδοὺς τέσσαρσιν τετραδίοις στρατιωτῶν φυλάσσειν αὐτόν, βουλόμενος μετὰ τὸ πάσχα ἀναγαγεῖν αὐτὸν τῷ λαῷ. 12.5 ὁ μὲν οὖν Πέτρος ἐτηρεῖτο ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ· προσευχὴ δὲ ἦν ἐκτενῶς γινομένη ὑπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας πρὸς τὸν θεὸν περὶ αὐτοῦ. 12.6 Ὅτε δὲ ἤμελλεν προσαγαγεῖν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἡρῴδης, τῇ νυκτὶ ἐκείνῃ ἦν ὁ Πέτρος κοιμώμενος μεταξὺ δύο στρατιωτῶν δεδεμένος ἁλύσεσιν δυσίν, φύλακές τε πρὸ τῆς θύρας ἐτήρουν τὴν φυλακήν. 12.7 καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄγγελος Κυρίου ἐπέστη, καὶ φῶς ἔλαμψεν ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι· πατάξας δὲ τὴν πλευρὰν τοῦ Πέτρου ἤγειρεν αὐτὸν λέγων Ἀνάστα ἐν τάχει· καὶ ἐξέπεσαν αὐτοῦ αἱ ἁλύσεις ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν. 12.8 εἶπεν δὲ ὁ ἄγγελος πρὸς αὐτόν Ζῶσαι καὶ ὑπόδησαι τὰ σανδάλιά σου· ἐποίησεν δὲ οὕτως. καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Περιβαλοῦ τὸ ἱμάτιόν σου καὶ ἀκολούθει μοι· 12.9 καὶ ἐξελθὼν ἠκολούθει, καὶ οὐκ ᾔδει ὅτι ἀληθές ἐστιν τὸ γινόμενον διὰ τοῦ ἀγγέλου, ἐδόκει δὲ ὅραμα βλέπειν.
12.10
διελθόντες δὲ πρώτην φυλακὴν καὶ δευτέραν ἦλθαν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην τὴν σιδηρᾶν τὴν φέρουσαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἥτις αὐτομάτη ἠνοίγη αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐξελθόντες προῆλθον ῥύμην μίαν, καὶ εὐθέως ἀπέστη ὁ ἄγγελος ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ.
18.8
Κρίσπος δὲ ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος ἐπίστευσεν τῷ κυρίῳ σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀκούοντες ἐπίστευον καὶ ἐβαπτίζοντο.
20.7
Ἐν δὲ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων συνηγμένων ἡμῶν κλάσαι ἄρτον ὁ Παῦλος διελέγετο αὐτοῖς, μέλλων ἐξιέναι τῇ ἐπαύριον, παρέτεινέν τε τὸν λόγον μέχρι μεσονυκτίου.
20.17
Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Μιλήτου πέμψας εἰς Ἔφεσον μετεκαλέσατο τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους τῆς ἐκκλησίας. 20.18 ὡς δὲ παρεγένοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ὑμεῖς ἐπίστασθε ἀπὸ πρώτης ἡμέρας ἀφʼ ἧς ἐπέβην εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν πῶς μεθʼ ὑμῶν τὸν πάντα χρόνον ἐγενόμην, 20.19 δουλεύων τῷ κυρίῳ μετὰ πάσης ταπεινοφροσύνης καὶ δακρύων καὶ πειρασμῶν τῶν συμβάντων μοι ἐν ταῖς ἐπιβουλαῖς τῶν Ἰουδαίων· 20.20 ὡς οὐδὲν ὑπεστειλάμην τῶν συμφερόντων τοῦ μὴ ἀναγγεῖλαι ὑμῖν καὶ διδάξαι ὑμᾶς δημοσίᾳ καὶ κατʼ οἴκους, 20.21 διαμαρτυρόμενος Ἰουδαίοις τε καὶ Ἕλλησιν τὴν εἰς θεὸν μετάνοιαν καὶ πίστιν εἰς τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν. 20.22 καὶ νῦν ἰδοὺ δεδεμένος ἐγὼ τῷ πνεύματι πορεύομαι εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ, τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ συναντήσοντα ἐμοὶ μὴ εἰδώς, 20.23 πλὴν ὅτι τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον κατὰ πόλιν διαμαρτύρεταί μοι λέγον ὅτι δεσμὰ καὶ θλίψεις με μένουσιν· 20.24 ἀλλʼ οὐδενὸς λόγου ποιοῦμαι τὴν ψυχὴν τιμίαν ἐμαυτῷ ὡς τελειώσω τὸν δρόμον μου καὶ τὴν διακονίαν ἣν ἔλαβον παρὰ τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ, διαμαρτύρασθαι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς χάριτος τοῦ θεοῦ. 20.25 καὶ νῦν ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ οἶδα ὅτι οὐκέτι ὄψεσθε τὸ πρόσωπόν μου ὑμεῖς πάντες ἐν οἷς διῆλθον κηρύσσων τὴν βασιλείαν· 20.26 διότι μαρτύρομαι ὑμῖν ἐν τῇ σήμερον ἡμέρᾳ ὅτι καθαρός εἰμι ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος πάντων, 20.27 οὐ γὰρ ὑπεστειλάμην τοῦ μὴ ἀναγγεῖλαι πᾶσαν τὴν βουλὴν τοῦ θεοῦ ὑμῖν. 20.28 προσέχετε ἑαυτοῖς καὶ παντὶ τῷ ποιμνίῳ, ἐν ᾧ ὑμᾶς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἔθετο ἐπισκόπους, ποιμαίνειντὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἣν περιεποιήσατο διὰ τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ ἰδίου. 20.29 ἐγὼ οἶδα ὅτι εἰσελεύσονται μετὰ τὴν ἄφιξίν μου λύκοι βαρεῖς εἰς ὑμᾶς μὴ φειδόμενοι τοῦ ποιμνίου, 20.30 καὶ ἐξ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἀναστήσονται ἄνδρες λαλοῦντες διεστραμμένα τοῦ ἀποσπᾷν τοὺς μαθητὰς ὀπίσω ἑαυτῶν· 20.31 διὸ γρηγορεῖτε, μνημονεύοντες 20.32 καὶ τὰ νῦν παρατίθεμαι ὑμᾶς τῷ κυρίῳ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ τῷ δυναμένῳ οἰκοδομῆσαι καὶ δοῦναι τὴν κληρονομίαν ἐν τοῖς ἡγιασμένοις πᾶσιν. 20.33 ἀργυρίου ἢ χρυσίου ἢ ἱματισμοῦ οὐδενὸς ἐπεθύμησα· 20.34 αὐτοὶ γινώσκετε ὅτι ταῖς χρείαις μου καὶ τοῖς οὖσι μετʼ ἐμοῦ ὑπηρέτησαν αἱ χεῖρες αὗται. 20.35 πάντα ὑπέδειξα ὑμῖν ὅτι οὕτως κοπιῶντας δεῖ ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῶν ἀσθενούντων, μνημονεύειν τε τῶν λόγων τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ ὅτι αὐτὸς εἶπεν Μακάριόν ἐστιν μᾶλλον διδόναι ἢ λαμβάνειν.'' None
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2.36 "Let all the house of Israel therefore know assuredly that God has made him both Lord and Christ, this Jesus whom you crucified."
12.1
Now about that time, Herod the king stretched out his hands to oppress some of the assembly. 12.2 He killed James, the brother of John, with the sword. 12.3 When he saw that it pleased the Jews, he proceeded to seize Peter also. This was during the days of unleavened bread. 12.4 When he had captured him, he put him in prison, and delivered him to four squads of four soldiers each to guard him, intending to bring him out to the people after the Passover. 12.5 Peter therefore was kept in the prison, but constant prayer was made by the assembly to God for him. 12.6 The same night when Herod was about to bring him out, Peter was sleeping between two soldiers, bound with two chains. Guards in front of the door kept the prison. 12.7 Behold, an angel of the Lord stood by him, and a light shone in the cell. He struck Peter on the side, and woke him up, saying, "Stand up quickly!" His chains fell off from his hands. 12.8 The angel said to him, "Put on your clothes, and tie on your sandals." He did so. He said to him, "Put on your cloak, and follow me."' "12.9 He went out, and followed him. He didn't know that what was done by the angel was real, but thought he saw a vision. " 12.10 When they were past the first and the second guard, they came to the iron gate that leads into the city, which opened to them by itself. They went out, and passed on through one street, and immediately the angel departed from him.
18.8
Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his house. Many of the Corinthians, hearing, believed and were baptized.
20.7
On the first day of the week, when the disciples were gathered together to break bread, Paul talked with them, intending to depart on the next day, and continued his speech until midnight.
20.17
From Miletus he sent to Ephesus, and called to himself the elders of the assembly. 20.18 When they had come to him, he said to them, "You yourselves know, from the first day that I set foot in Asia, how I was with you all the time, 20.19 serving the Lord with all humility, with many tears, and with trials which happened to me by the plots of the Jews; ' "20.20 how I didn't shrink from declaring to you anything that was profitable, teaching you publicly and from house to house, " '20.21 testifying both to Jews and to Greeks repentance toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ. 20.22 Now, behold, I go bound by the Spirit to Jerusalem, not knowing what will happen to me there; 20.23 except that the Holy Spirit testifies in every city, saying that bonds and afflictions wait for me. ' "20.24 But these things don't count; nor do I hold my life dear to myself, so that I may finish my race with joy, and the ministry which I received from the Lord Jesus, to fully testify to the gospel of the grace of God. " '20.25 Now, behold, I know that you all, among whom I went about preaching the Kingdom of God, will see my face no more. 20.26 Therefore I testify to you this day that I am clean from the blood of all men, ' "20.27 for I didn't shrink from declaring to you the whole counsel of God. " '20.28 Take heed, therefore, to yourselves, and to all the flock, in which the Holy Spirit has made you overseers, to shepherd the assembly of the Lord and God which he purchased with his own blood. 20.29 For I know that after my departure, vicious wolves will enter in among you, not sparing the flock. 20.30 Men will arise from among your own selves, speaking perverse things, to draw away the disciples after them. ' "20.31 Therefore watch, remembering that for a period of three years I didn't cease to admonish everyone night and day with tears. " '20.32 Now, brothers, I entrust you to God, and to the word of his grace, which is able to build up, and to give you the inheritance among all those who are sanctified. ' "20.33 I coveted no one's silver, or gold, or clothing. " '20.34 You yourselves know that these hands ministered to my necessities, and to those who were with me. 20.35 In all things I gave you an example, that so laboring you ought to help the weak, and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, that he himself said, \'It is more blessed to give than to receive.\'"'' None
86. New Testament, Apocalypse, 14.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • influence

 Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 207; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 207

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14.13 Καὶ ἤκουσα φωνῆς ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ λεγούσης Γράψον Μακάριοι οἱ νεκροὶ οἱ ἐν κυρίῳ ἀποθνήσκοντες ἀπʼ ἄρτι. ναί, λέγει τὸ πνεῦμα, ἵνα ἀναπαήσονται ἐκ τῶν κόπων αὐτῶν, τὰ γὰρ ἔργα αὐτῶν ἀκολουθεῖ μετʼ αὐτῶν.'' None
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14.13 I heard the voice from heaven saying, "Write, \'Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord from now on.\'""Yes," says the Spirit, "that they may rest from their labors; for their works follow with them."'' None
87. New Testament, Colossians, 1.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Causes of corruption, Liturgical influence • Epistle to Diognetus, Influences

 Found in books: Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 315; Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 297

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1.15 ὅς ἐστιν εἰκὼν τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἀοράτου, πρωτότοκος πάσης κτίσεως,'' None
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1.15 who is the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation. '' None
88. New Testament, Romans, 3.18, 3.20, 12.4-12.6, 13.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Causes of corruption, Liturgical influence • Frei, Philos influence on • Greek (culture, milieu, philosophy, reader, writer, influence) • Philo of Alexandria, influence on Origen • influence

 Found in books: Dawson (2001), Christian Figural Reading and the Fashioning of Identity, 231; Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 297; Fisch, (2023), Written for Us: Paul’s Interpretation of Scripture and the History of Midrash, 24; Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 166, 370

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3.18
3.20
διότι ἐξ ἔργων νόμουοὐ δικαιωθήσεται πᾶσα σὰρξ ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ,διὰ γὰρ νόμου ἐπίγνωσις ἁμαρτίας.
12.4
καθάπερ γὰρ ἐν ἑνὶ σώματι πολλὰ μέλη ἔχομεν, τὰ δὲ μέλη πάντα οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει πρᾶξιν, 12.5 οὕτως οἱ πολλοὶ ἓν σῶμά ἐσμεν ἐν Χριστῷ, τὸ δὲ καθʼ εἷς ἀλλήλων μέλη. 12.6 Ἔχοντες δὲ χαρίσματα κατὰ τὴν χάριν τὴν δοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν διάφορα, εἴτε προφητείαν κατὰ τὴν ἀναλογίαν τῆς πίστεως,
13.13
ὡς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ εὐσχημόνως περιπατήσωμεν, μὴ κώμοις καὶ μέθαις, μὴ κοίταις καὶ ἀσελγείαις, μὴ ἔριδι καὶ ζήλῳ.'' None
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3.18 "There is no fear of God before their eyes."
3.20
Because by the works of the law, no flesh will be justified in his sight. For through the law comes the knowledge of sin. ' "
12.4
For even as we have many members in one body, and all the members don't have the same function, " '12.5 so we, who are many, are one body in Christ, and individually members one of another. 12.6 Having gifts differing according to the grace that was given to us, if prophecy, let us prophesy according to the proportion of our faith;
13.13
Let us walk properly, as in the day; not in reveling and drunkenness, not in sexual promiscuity and lustful acts, and not in strife and jealousy. '' None
89. New Testament, John, 1.1, 1.18, 10.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Arianism, influences on Arius • Cyril of Alexandria, Nonnus influenced by • Greek (culture, milieu, philosophy, reader, writer, influence) • Jewish culture, Greek philosophy, influence of • Platonism influence on Nicene thought

 Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 989; Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 370; Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 239, 250; Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 143

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1.1 ΕΝ ΑΡΧΗ ἦν ὁ λόγος, καὶ ὁ λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν θεόν, καὶ θεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος.

1.18
θεὸν οὐδεὶς ἑώρακεν πώποτε· μονογενὴς θεὸς ὁ ὢν εἰς τὸν κόλπον τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκεῖνος ἐξηγήσατο.
10.30
ἐγὼ καὶ ὁ πατὴρ ἕν ἐσμεν.'' None
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1.1 In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.

1.18
No one has seen God at any time. The one and only Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, he has declared him.
10.30
I and the Father are one."'' None
90. New Testament, Luke, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Causes of corruption, Liturgical influence • Qumran texts, influence on majority of Jews

 Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 298; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 24

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11.3 τὸν ἄρτον ἡμῶν τὸν ἐπιούσιον δίδου ἡμῖν τὸ καθʼ ἡμέραν·'' None
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11.3 Give us day by day our daily bread. '' None
91. New Testament, Matthew, 26.39 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Causes of corruption, Liturgical influence • Stoicism, influence

 Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 297; Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 106

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26.39 καὶ προελθὼν μικρὸν ἔπεσεν ἐπὶ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ προσευχόμενος καὶ λέγων Πάτερ μου, εἰ δυνατόν ἐστιν, παρελθάτω ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ τὸ ποτήριον τοῦτο· πλὴν οὐχ ὡς ἐγὼ θέλω ἀλλʼ ὡς σύ.'' None
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26.39 He went forward a little, fell on his face, and prayed, saying, "My Father, if it is possible, let this cup pass away from me; nevertheless, not what I desire, but what you desire."'' None
92. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 369; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 369

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13.3 τούτοις μὲν οὖν μαρτυρῆσαι λέγουσι καὶ τὰ τῆς νόσου παραχρῆμα παυσάμενα. τὴν δὲ πέλτην προθέντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κελεύσαντος ἁμιλλᾶσθαι τοὺς τεχνίτας ὑπὲρ τῆς ὁμοιότητος, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἀπειπεῖν, Οὐετούριον δὲ Μαμούριον ἕνα α τῶν ἄκρων δημιουργῶν οὕτως ἐφικέσθαι τῆς ἐμφερείας, καὶ κατασκευάσαι πάσας ὁμοίας, ὥστε μηδʼ αὐτὸν ἔτι τὸν Νομᾶν διαγινώσκειν. τούτων οὖν φύλακας καὶ ἀμφιπόλους ἀπέδειξε τοὺς Σαλίους ἱερεῖς.'' None
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13.3 Moreover, they say that the truth of all this was attested by the immediate cessation of the pestilence. When Numa showed the buckler to the artificers and bade them do their best to make others like it, they all declined, except Veturius Mamurius, a most excellent workman, who was so happy in his imitation of it, and made all the eleven so exactly like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. For the watch and care of these bucklers, then, he appointed the priesthood of the Salii.
13.3
Moreover, they say that the truth of all this was attested by the immediate cessation of the pestilence. When Numa showed the buckler to the artificers and bade them do their best to make others like it, they all declined, except Veturius Mamurius, a most excellent workman, who was so happy in his imitation of it, and made all the eleven so exactly like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. For the watch and care of these bucklers, then, he appointed the priesthood of the Salii.'' None
93. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.5.20, 6.3.45, 10.1.58, 10.1.96 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329, 331, 341; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329, 331, 341

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1.5.20 \xa0Older authors used it but rarely even before vowels, saying aedus or ircus, while its conjunction with consots was for a long time avoided, as in words such as Graccus or triumpus. Then for a short time it broke out into excessive use, witness such spelling as chorona, chenturia or praecho, which may still be read in certain inscriptions: the well-known epigram of Catullus will be remembered in this connexion.
6.3.45
\xa0On the other hand brevity in wit gives greater point and speed. It may be employed in two ways, according as we are the aggressors, or are replying to our opponents; the method, however, in both cases is to some extent the same. For there is nothing that can be said in attack that cannot be used in riposte.' ' None
94. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.5.20, 6.3.45, 10.1.58, 10.1.96 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329, 331, 341; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329, 331, 341

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1.5.20 \xa0Older authors used it but rarely even before vowels, saying aedus or ircus, while its conjunction with consots was for a long time avoided, as in words such as Graccus or triumpus. Then for a short time it broke out into excessive use, witness such spelling as chorona, chenturia or praecho, which may still be read in certain inscriptions: the well-known epigram of Catullus will be remembered in this connexion.
6.3.45
\xa0On the other hand brevity in wit gives greater point and speed. It may be employed in two ways, according as we are the aggressors, or are replying to our opponents; the method, however, in both cases is to some extent the same. For there is nothing that can be said in attack that cannot be used in riposte.' ' None
95. Suetonius, Domitianus, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343

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3.1 \xa0At the beginning of his reign he used to spend hours in seclusion every day, doing nothing but catch flies and stab them with a keenly-sharpened stylus. Consequently when someone once asked whether anyone was in there with Caesar, Vibius Crispus made the witty reply: "Not even a fly." Then he saluted his wife Domitia as Augusta. He had had a son by her in his second consul­ship, whom he lost the second year after he became emperor; he divorced her because of her love for the actor Paris, but could not bear the separation and soon took her back, alleging that the people demanded it.'' None
96. Suetonius, Nero, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334

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31.1 There was nothing however in which he was more ruinously prodigal than in building. He made a palace extending all the way from the Palatine to the Esquiline, which at first he called the House of Passage, but when it was burned shortly after its completion and rebuilt, the Golden House. Its size and splendour will be sufficiently indicated by the following details. Its vestibule was large enough to contain a colossal statue of the emperor a\xa0hundred and twenty feet high; and it was so extensive that it had a triple colonnade a\xa0mile long. There was a pond too, like a sea, surrounded with buildings to represent cities, besides tracts of country, varied by tilled fields, vineyards, pastures and woods, with great numbers of wild and domestic animals.'' None
97. Tacitus, Annals, 12.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Agrippina the Younger, power and influence of • mob, influence of

 Found in books: Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 53; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 196

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12.7 Haud defuere qui certatim, si cunctaretur Caesar, vi acturos testificantes erumperent curia. conglobatur promisca multitudo populumque Romanum eadem orare clamitat. nec Claudius ultra expectato obvius apud forum praebet se gratantibus, senatumque ingressus decretum postulat quo iustae inter patruos fratrumque filias nuptiae etiam in posterum statuerentur. nec tamen repertus est nisi unus talis matrimonii cupitor, Alledius Severus eques Romanus, quem plerique Agrippinae gratia impulsum ferebant. versa ex eo civitas et cuncta feminae oboediebant, non per lasciviam, ut Messalina, rebus Romanis inludenti. adductum et quasi virile servitium: palam severitas ac saepius superbia; nihil domi impudicum, nisi dominationi expediret. cupido auri immensa obtentum habebat, quasi subsidium regno pararetur.'' None
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12.7 \xa0Members were not lacking to rush from the curia, with emulous protestations that, if the emperor hesitated, they would proceed by force. A\xa0motley crowd flocked together, and clamoured that such also was the prayer of the Roman people. Waiting no longer, Claudius met them in the Forum, and offered himself to their felicitations, then entered the senate, and requested a decree legitimizing for the future also the union of uncles with their brothers' daughters. None the less, only a single enthusiast for that form of matrimony was discovered â\x80\x94 the Roman knight Alledius Severus, whose motive was generally said to have been desire for the favour of Agrippina. â\x80\x94 From this moment it was a changed state, and all things moved at the fiat of a woman â\x80\x94 but not a woman who, as Messalina, treated in wantonness the Roman Empire as a toy. It was a tight-drawn, almost masculine tyranny: in public, there was austerity and not infrequently arrogance; at home, no trace of unchastity, unless it might contribute to power. A\xa0limitless passion for gold had the excuse of being designed to create a bulwark of despotism. <"" None
98. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 335; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 335

99. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 327, 328, 331, 344, 345, 348, 349, 367, 373, 376, 378; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 327, 328, 331, 344, 345, 348, 349, 367, 373, 376, 378

100. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 344, 348, 352, 367, 368; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 344, 348, 352, 367, 368

101. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 337; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 337

102. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 375; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 375

103. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • influence

 Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 207; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 207

104. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 335, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 335, 389

105. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 371, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 371, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391

106. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 332, 333, 334; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 332, 333, 334

107. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 352, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 352, 366

108. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334

109. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustine of Hippo, on pagan divination, earlier critiques of astrology influencing • power, influence, divine, from heavens

 Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 429; Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 275

110. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Martial, influence of Callimachus on • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 362; Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 86; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 362; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 86

59d "A.What about Plato and Speusippus and Menedemus? On what subjects are they discoursing toâ\x80\x91day? What weighty idea, what crucial point is now debated in their school? Tell me wisely, if you\'ve come with any knowledge, for the land\'s sake, tell me. â\x80\x94 B.Why, yes, Ican tell you about these fellows with certainty. At the Panathenaea Isaw a troop of lads ... at the playground of the Academy Iheard words unutterable, extraordinary. For they were making definitions about nature,' ' None
111. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.3.3-4.3.5, 5.3.2-5.3.3, 6.22 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 330, 331, 375; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 330, 331, 375

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4.3.3 To Arrius Antoninus. That you, like your ancestors of old, have been twice consul, that you have been proconsul of Asia with a record such as not more than one or two of your predecessors and successors have enjoyed - for your modesty is such that I do not like to say that no one has equalled you - that in purity of life, influence and age, you are the principal man of the State, - all these things inspire respect and give distinction, and yet I admire you even more in your retirement. For to season, as you do, all your strict uprightness with charm of manner equally striking, and to be such an agreeable companion as well as such a man of weight, that is no less difficult than it is desirable. Yet you succeed in so doing with wonderful sweetness both in your conversation and above all, when you set pen to paper. For when you talk, all the honey of Homer's old man eloquent * seems to flow from your tongue, and when you write, the bees seem to be busy pouring into every line their choicest essences and charging them with sweetness. That certainly was my impression when I recently read your Greek epigrams and iambics. ** What breadth of feeling they contain, what choice expressions, how graceful they are, how musical, how exact! I thought I was holding in my hands Callimachus or Herodas, or even a greater poet than these, if greater there be, yet neither of these two poets attempted or excelled in both these forms of verse. Is it possible for a Roman to write such Greek? I do not believe that even Athens has so pure an Attic touch. But why go on? I am jealous of the Greeks that you should have elected to write in their language, for it is easy to guess what choice work you could turn out in your mother-tongue, when you have produced such splendid results with an exotic language which has been transplanted into our midst. Farewell. 0 " "4.3.5 To Arrius Antoninus. That you, like your ancestors of old, have been twice consul, that you have been proconsul of Asia with a record such as not more than one or two of your predecessors and successors have enjoyed - for your modesty is such that I do not like to say that no one has equalled you - that in purity of life, influence and age, you are the principal man of the State, - all these things inspire respect and give distinction, and yet I admire you even more in your retirement. For to season, as you do, all your strict uprightness with charm of manner equally striking, and to be such an agreeable companion as well as such a man of weight, that is no less difficult than it is desirable. Yet you succeed in so doing with wonderful sweetness both in your conversation and above all, when you set pen to paper. For when you talk, all the honey of Homer's old man eloquent * seems to flow from your tongue, and when you write, the bees seem to be busy pouring into every line their choicest essences and charging them with sweetness. That certainly was my impression when I recently read your Greek epigrams and iambics. ** What breadth of feeling they contain, what choice expressions, how graceful they are, how musical, how exact! I thought I was holding in my hands Callimachus or Herodas, or even a greater poet than these, if greater there be, yet neither of these two poets attempted or excelled in both these forms of verse. Is it possible for a Roman to write such Greek? I do not believe that even Athens has so pure an Attic touch. But why go on? I am jealous of the Greeks that you should have elected to write in their language, for it is easy to guess what choice work you could turn out in your mother-tongue, when you have produced such splendid results with an exotic language which has been transplanted into our midst. Farewell. 0 " 5.3.2 To Titius Aristo. While I gratefully acknowledge your many acts of kindness to me, I must especially thank you for not concealing from me the fact that my verses have formed the subject of many long discussions at your house, that such discussions have been lengthened owing to the different views expressed, and that some people, while finding no fault with the writings themselves, blamed me in a perfectly friendly and candid way for having written on such themes and for having read them in public. Well, in order to aggravate my misdeeds, here is my reply to them Nor does it annoy me that people should form such opinions about my character, when it is plain that those who are surprised that I should compose such poems are unaware that the most learned of men and the gravest and purest livers have regularly done the same thing. But I feel sure that I shall easily obtain permission from those who know the character and calibre of the authors in whose footsteps I am treading, to stray in company with men whom it is an honour to follow, not only in their serious but in their lightest moods. I will not mention the names of those still living for fear of seeming to flatter, but is a person like myself to be afraid that it will be unbecoming for him to do what well became Marcus Tullius, Caius Calvus, Asinius Pollio, Marcus Messalla, Quintus Hortensius, M. Brutus, Lucius Sulla, Quintus Catulus, Quintus Scaevola, Servius Sulpicius, Varro, Torquatus - or rather the Torquati, - Caius Memmius, Lentulus Gaetulicus, Annaeus Seneca, Lucan, and, last of all, Verginius Rufus? If the names of these private individuals are not enough, I may add those of the divine Julius, Augustus and Nerva, and that of Tiberius Caesar. I pass by the name of Nero, though I am aware that a practice does not become any the worse because it is sometimes followed by men of bad character, while a practice usually followed by men of good character retains its honesty. Among the latter class of men one must give a pre-eminent place to Publius Vergilius, Cornelius Nepos, and to Attius and Ennius, who should perhaps come first. These men were not senators, but purity of character is the same in all ranks. But, you say, I recite my compositions and I cannot be sure that they did. Granted, but they may have been content with their own judgment, whereas I am too modest to think that any composition of mine is sufficiently perfect when it has no other approbation but my own. Consequently, these are the reasons why I recite in public, first, because a man who recites becomes a keener critic of his own writings out of deference to his audience, and, secondly, because, where he is in doubt, he can decide by referring the point to his listeners. Moreover, he constantly meets with criticism from many quarters, and even if it is not openly expressed, he can tell what each person thinks by watching the expression and eyes of his hearers, or by a nod, a motion of the hand, a murmur, or dead silence. All these things are tolerably clear indications which enable one to distinguish judgment from complaisance. And so, if any one who was present at my reading takes the trouble to look through the same compositions, he will find that I have either altered or omitted certain passages, in compliance perhaps with his judgment, though he never uttered a word to me. But I am arguing on this point as though I invited the whole populace to my reading room and not merely a few friends to my private chamber, while the possession of a large circle of friends has been a source of pride to many men and a reproach to none. Farewell. 5.3.3 To Titius Aristo. While I gratefully acknowledge your many acts of kindness to me, I must especially thank you for not concealing from me the fact that my verses have formed the subject of many long discussions at your house, that such discussions have been lengthened owing to the different views expressed, and that some people, while finding no fault with the writings themselves, blamed me in a perfectly friendly and candid way for having written on such themes and for having read them in public. Well, in order to aggravate my misdeeds, here is my reply to them Nor does it annoy me that people should form such opinions about my character, when it is plain that those who are surprised that I should compose such poems are unaware that the most learned of men and the gravest and purest livers have regularly done the same thing. But I feel sure that I shall easily obtain permission from those who know the character and calibre of the authors in whose footsteps I am treading, to stray in company with men whom it is an honour to follow, not only in their serious but in their lightest moods. I will not mention the names of those still living for fear of seeming to flatter, but is a person like myself to be afraid that it will be unbecoming for him to do what well became Marcus Tullius, Caius Calvus, Asinius Pollio, Marcus Messalla, Quintus Hortensius, M. Brutus, Lucius Sulla, Quintus Catulus, Quintus Scaevola, Servius Sulpicius, Varro, Torquatus - or rather the Torquati, - Caius Memmius, Lentulus Gaetulicus, Annaeus Seneca, Lucan, and, last of all, Verginius Rufus? If the names of these private individuals are not enough, I may add those of the divine Julius, Augustus and Nerva, and that of Tiberius Caesar. I pass by the name of Nero, though I am aware that a practice does not become any the worse because it is sometimes followed by men of bad character, while a practice usually followed by men of good character retains its honesty. Among the latter class of men one must give a pre-eminent place to Publius Vergilius, Cornelius Nepos, and to Attius and Ennius, who should perhaps come first. These men were not senators, but purity of character is the same in all ranks. But, you say, I recite my compositions and I cannot be sure that they did. Granted, but they may have been content with their own judgment, whereas I am too modest to think that any composition of mine is sufficiently perfect when it has no other approbation but my own. Consequently, these are the reasons why I recite in public, first, because a man who recites becomes a keener critic of his own writings out of deference to his audience, and, secondly, because, where he is in doubt, he can decide by referring the point to his listeners. Moreover, he constantly meets with criticism from many quarters, and even if it is not openly expressed, he can tell what each person thinks by watching the expression and eyes of his hearers, or by a nod, a motion of the hand, a murmur, or dead silence. All these things are tolerably clear indications which enable one to distinguish judgment from complaisance. And so, if any one who was present at my reading takes the trouble to look through the same compositions, he will find that I have either altered or omitted certain passages, in compliance perhaps with his judgment, though he never uttered a word to me. But I am arguing on this point as though I invited the whole populace to my reading room and not merely a few friends to my private chamber, while the possession of a large circle of friends has been a source of pride to many men and a reproach to none. Farewell. ' "
6.22
To Tiro. A case has just been heard which is of great importance to all who are to govern provinces, and to all who entrust themselves too implicitly to their friends. Lustricius Bruttianus, after detecting Montanus Atticinus, his colleague, in a number of criminal offences, wrote a letter to Caesar. Atticinus thereupon added to his misdeeds by accusing the friend whom he had deceived. A judicial examination was granted, and I was one of the judges. Each party pleaded his own case, but in a summary fashion and without going into detail, a method of pleading by which the truth is easily got at. Bruttianus produced his will, which he declared was in the handwriting of Atticinus, for, by so doing, he proved the intimacy of their friendship, and the necessity he was under of complaining of one who had previously been so dear to him. He read a list of disgraceful offences, which were clearly proved, and when Atticinus found that he could not disprove them, he dealt with him in such a way as to appear a rascal when he was excusing himself, and a villain when he was accusing Bruttianus. For it transpired that he had bribed the slave of Bruttianus's secretary, intercepted the diaries and cut out passages therefrom, thus, by a piece of shameful wickedness, making capital out of his own offences against his friend. Caesar acted most nobly, for he at once put the question, not about Bruttianus, but Atticinus. The latter was found guilty and banished to an island, while Bruttianus received a well-earned tribute to his integrity, and he also won a reputation for the way he saw the matter through. For after he had cleared his good name as quickly as possible, he carried the war boldly into the enemy's camp and thus proved himself to be as resolute as he was honourable and upright. I have written you this letter to warn you, now that you have gone out to be a provincial governor, * to rely as far as possible on yourself, and to trust no one too implicitly. I also want you to know that if - which Heaven forbid - anyone should play you false, there is punishment ready waiting for the offender. However, be continually on your guard that the necessity may not arise, for though it is gratifying to get one's revenge, the gratification is no compensation for the annoyance of having been tricked. Farewell. "" None
112. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cynicism, influence on Zeno • Zeno of Citium, influence from Cynicism • ethics, influence of Socrates on

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 250; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 25; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 250

113. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cynicism, influence on Zeno • Zeno of Citium, influence from Cynicism

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 250; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 250

114. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 362; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 362

115. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian rabbis, sages, increasing influence of Palestinian traditions • Palestinian rabbis, sages, increasing influence in Babylonia • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 387; Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 43

10a ימצא חיים בעלי עושר דכתיב צדקה בעלי אגדה דכתיב וכבוד כתיב הכא וכבוד וכתיב התם (משלי ג, לה) כבוד חכמים ינחלו,תניא היה רבי מאיר אומר יש לו לבעל הדין להשיבך ולומר לך אם אלהיכם אוהב עניים הוא מפני מה אינו מפרנסן אמור לו כדי שניצול אנו בהן מדינה של גיהנם וזו שאלה שאל טורנוסרופוס הרשע את ר"ע אם אלהיכם אוהב עניים הוא מפני מה אינו מפרנסם אמר לו כדי שניצול אנו בהן מדינה של גיהנם,אמר לו אדרבה זו שמחייבתן לגיהנם אמשול לך משל למה הדבר דומה למלך בשר ודם שכעס על עבדו וחבשו בבית האסורין וצוה עליו שלא להאכילו ושלא להשקותו והלך אדם אחד והאכילו והשקהו כששמע המלך לא כועס עליו ואתם קרוין עבדים שנאמר (ויקרא כה, נה) כי לי בני ישראל עבדים,אמר לו ר"ע אמשול לך משל למה הדבר דומה למלך בשר ודם שכעס על בנו וחבשו בבית האסורין וצוה עליו שלא להאכילו ושלא להשקותו והלך אדם אחד והאכילו והשקהו כששמע המלך לא דורון משגר לו ואנן קרוין בנים דכתיב (דברים יד, א) בנים אתם לה\' אלהיכם,אמר לו אתם קרוים בנים וקרוין עבדים בזמן שאתם עושין רצונו של מקום אתם קרוין בנים ובזמן שאין אתם עושין רצונו של מקום אתם קרוין עבדים ועכשיו אין אתם עושין רצונו של מקום אמר לו הרי הוא אומר (ישעיהו נח, ז) הלא פרוס לרעב לחמך ועניים מרודים תביא בית אימתי עניים מרודים תביא בית האידנא וקאמר הלא פרוס לרעב לחמך:,דרש רבי יהודה ברבי שלום כשם שמזונותיו של אדם קצובין לו מראש השנה כך חסרונותיו של אדם קצובין לו מראש השנה זכה הלא פרוס לרעב לחמך לא זכה ועניים מרודים תביא בית,כי הא דבני אחתיה דרבן יוחנן בן זכאי חזא להו בחילמא דבעו למיחסר שבע מאה דינרי עשינהו שקל מינייהו לצדקה פוש גבייהו שיבסר דינרי כי מטא מעלי יומא דכיפורי שדור דבי קיסר נקטינהו,אמר להו רבן יוחנן בן זכאי לא תדחלון שיבסר דינרי גבייכו שקלינהו מינייכו אמרי ליה מנא ידעת אמר להו חלמא חזאי לכו אמרו ליה ואמאי לא אמרת לן דניתבינהו אמר להו אמינא כי היכי דתעבדו מצוה לשמה,רב פפא הוה סליק בדרגא אישתמיט כרעיה בעי למיפל אמר השתא כן איחייב מאן דסני לן כמחללי שבתות וכעובדי עבודת כוכבים א"ל חייא בר רב מדפתי לרב פפא שמא עני בא לידך ולא פרנסתו,דתניא רבי יהושע בן קרחה אומר כל המעלים עיניו מן הצדקה כאילו עובד עבודת כוכבים כתיב הכא (דברים טו, ט) השמר לך פן יהיה דבר עם לבבך בליעל וכתיב התם (דברים יג, יד) יצאו אנשים בני בליעל מה להלן עבודת כוכבים אף כאן עבודת כוכבים,תניא א"ר אלעזר בר\' יוסי כל צדקה וחסד שישראל עושין בעולם הזה שלום גדול ופרקליטין גדולין בין ישראל לאביהן שבשמים שנאמר (ירמיהו טז, ה) כה אמר ה\' אל תבא בית מרזח ואל תלך לספוד ואל תנוד להם כי אספתי את שלומי מאת העם הזה וגו\' את החסד ואת הרחמים חסד זו גמילות חסדים רחמים זו צדקה,תניא רבי יהודה אומר גדולה צדקה שמקרבת את הגאולה שנאמר (ישעיהו נו, א) כה אמר ה\' שמרו משפט ועשו צדקה כי קרובה ישועתי לבא וצדקתי להגלות הוא היה אומר עשרה דברים קשים נבראו בעולם הר קשה ברזל מחתכו ברזל קשה אור מפעפעו אור קשה מים מכבין אותו מים קשים עבים סובלים אותן עבים קשים רוח מפזרתן רוח קשה גוף סובלו גוף קשה פחד שוברו פחד קשה יין מפיגו יין קשה שינה מפכחתו ומיתה קשה מכולם וצדקה מצלת מן המיתה דכתיב (משלי י, ב) וצדקה תציל ממות,דרש רבי דוסתאי ברבי ינאי בוא וראה שלא כמדת הקב"ה מדת בשר ודם מדת בשר ודם אדם מביא דורון גדול למלך ספק מקבלין אותו הימנו ספק אין מקבלין אותו הימנו ואם תמצא לומר מקבלים אותו ממנו ספק רואה פני המלך ספק אינו רואה פני המלך והקדוש ברוך הוא אינו כן אדם נותן פרוטה לעני זוכה ומקבל פני שכינה שנאמר (תהלים יז, טו) אני בצדק אחזה פניך אשבעה בהקיץ תמונתך,רבי אלעזר יהיב פרוטה לעני והדר מצלי אמר דכתיב אני בצדק אחזה פניך מאי אשבעה בהקיץ תמונתך אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק אלו תלמידי חכמים שמנדדין שינה מעיניהם בעולם הזה והקב"ה משביען מזיו השכינה לעולם הבא,א"ר יוחנן מאי דכתיב (משלי יט, יז) מלוה ה\' חונן דל אלמלא מקרא כתוב אי אפשר לאומרו כביכול עבד לוה לאיש מלוה,א"ר חייא בר אבא רבי יוחנן (רמי) כתיב (משלי יא, ד) לא יועיל הון ביום עברה וצדקה תציל ממות וכתיב (משלי י, ב) לא יועילו אוצרות רשע וצדקה תציל ממות שתי צדקות הללו למה אחת שמצילתו ממיתה משונה ואחת שמצילתו מדינה של גיהנם ואי זו היא שמצילתו מדינה של גיהנם ההוא דכתיב ביה עברה דכתיב (צפניה א, טו) יום עברה היום ההוא ואי זו היא שמצילתו ממיתה משונה'' None10a “He who pursues charity and mercy, finds life” (Proverbs 21:21), and with regard to wisdom it is written: “He who finds Me, finds life” (Proverbs 8:35). Masters of wealth, as it is written: “He who pursues charity and mercy finds charity,” meaning he will be able to give charity. Masters of aggada, as it is written: “He who pursues charity and mercy, finds honor.” And how do we know that this refers to masters of aggada? It is written here “honor,” and it is written there: “The wise shall inherit honor” (Proverbs 3:35).,§ It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Meir would say: An opponent may bring an argument against you and say to you: If your God loves the poor, for what reason does He not support them Himself? In such a case, say to him: He commands us to act as His agents in sustaining the poor, so that through them we will be credited with the performance of mitzvot and therefore be saved from the judgment of Gehenna. And this is the question that Turnus Rufus the wicked asked Rabbi Akiva: If your God loves the poor, for what reason does He not support them Himself? Rabbi Akiva said to him: He commands us to sustain the poor, so that through them and the charity we give them we will be saved from the judgment of Gehenna.,Turnus Rufus said to Rabbi Akiva: On the contrary, it is this charity which condemns you, the Jewish people, to Gehenna because you give it. I will illustrate this to you with a parable. To what is this matter comparable? It is comparable to a king of flesh and blood who was angry with his slave and put him in prison and ordered that he should not be fed or given to drink. And one person went ahead and fed him and gave him to drink. If the king heard about this, would he not be angry with that person? And you, after all, are called slaves, as it is stated: “For the children of Israel are slaves to Me” (Leviticus 25:55). If God decreed that a certain person should be impoverished, one who gives him charity defies the will of God.,Rabbi Akiva said to Turnus Rufus: I will illustrate the opposite to you with a different parable. To what is this matter comparable? It is comparable to a king of flesh and blood who was angry with his son and put him in prison and ordered that he should not be fed or given to drink. And one person went ahead and fed him and gave him to drink. If the king heard about this once his anger abated, would he not react by sending that person a gift? And we are called sons, as it is written: “You are sons of the Lord your God” (Deuteronomy 14:1).,Turnus Rufus said to him: You are called sons and you are called slaves. When you fulfill the will of the Omnipresent, you are called sons; when you do not fulfill the will of the Omnipresent, you are called slaves. And since now you do not fulfill the will of the Omnipresent, the parable that I offered is more apt. Rabbi Akiva said to him: The verse states: “Is it not to share your bread with the hungry, and that you shall bring the poor that are cast out to your house?” (Isaiah 58:7). When do we bring the poor that are cast out into our houses? Now, when we have to billet the Roman soldiers in our homes; and about that very time, the verse states: “Is it not to share your bread with the hungry?”,Rabbi Yehuda, son of Rabbi Shalom taught: Just as a person’s entire livelihood is allocated to him from Rosh HaShana, when God issues His judgments for the entire year, so too are a person’s monetary losses allocated to him from Rosh HaShana. If one merits, the following verse is applied to him: “You shall share your bread with the hungry,” i.e., he will spend the sum allocated to him on gifts of charity; and if he does not merit, the following verse is applied to him: “You shall bring the poor that are cast out to your house, i.e., he will be compelled by the government to billet soldiers in his house and feed them against his will.,It is like this incident involving the nephews of Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai, who once saw in a dream that his nephews were destined to lose seven hundred dinars over the course of the year. He encouraged them and took money from them for charity, and they were left with seventeen dinars out of the seven hundred. When Yom Kippur eve arrived, the government sent messengers who came and took the remaining seventeen dinars.,Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai said to them: Do not fear that they will take even more from you; they took from you the seventeen dinars that were still with you. The nephews said to him: How did you know? Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai said to them: I saw a dream about you, and he related his dream to them. They said to him: And why did you not tell us about the dream? Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai said to them: I said, It is better that they perform a mitzva for its own sake. Had you known from the start that you were fated to lose that amount of money, the mitzva would not have been performed purely for its own sake.,The Gemara relates: Rav Pappa was once climbing up a ladder when his foot slipped and he almost fell. He said: Now, is the one who hates us, a euphemism for himself, liable like Shabbat desecrators and idol worshippers, who are subject to death by stoning, which is similar to death by falling, the punishment that Rav Pappa narrowly escaped? Ḥiyya bar Rav of Difti said to Rav Pappa: Perhaps a poor person once approached you and you did not sustain him, and therefore you were given a glimpse of the punishment that you actually deserve.,As it is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa says: Anyone who turns his eyes away from one seeking charity is considered as if he worships idols. From where is this derived? It is written here: “Beware that there be not a base thought in your heart…and your eye be evil against your poor brother, and you give him nothing” (Deuteronomy 15:9). And it is written there: “Certain base men have gone out…and have drawn away the inhabitants of their city, saying, Let us go and serve other gods” (Deuteronomy 13:14). Just as there, the base men sin with idolatry, so too here, the base thought is treated like idolatry.,It is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, said: All acts of charity and kindness that Jews perform in this world make great peace and are great intercessors between the Jewish people and their Father in Heaven, as it is stated: “So said the Lord, enter not into a house of mourning, neither go to lament nor bemoan them, for I have taken away My peace from this people, says the Lord, both kindness and mercy” (Jeremiah 16:5). “Kindness”; this is referring to acts of kindness. “Mercy”; this is referring to acts of charity. This indicates that when there is kindness and mercy, God is at peace with His people.,It is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Yehuda says: Great is charity in that it advances the redemption, as it is stated: “So said the Lord, uphold justice and do charity, for My salvation is near to come, and My righteousness to be revealed” (Isaiah 56:1). He would say: Ten strong entities were created in the world, one stronger than the other. A mountain is strong, but iron, which is stronger, cleaves it. Iron is strong, but fire melts it. Fire is strong, but water extinguishes it. Water is strong, but clouds bear it. Clouds are strong, but wind disperses them. Wind is strong, but the human body withstands it. The human body is strong, but fear breaks it. Fear is strong, but wine dispels it. Wine is strong, but sleep drives it off. And death is stronger than them all, but charity saves a person from death, as it is written: “And charity delivers from death” (Proverbs 10:2, 11:4).,Rabbi Dostai, son of Rabbi Yannai, taught: Come and see that the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He, is not like the attribute of flesh and blood. An illustration of the attribute of flesh and blood is that when a person brings a great gift to the king, it is uncertain whether the king will accept it from him or will not accept it from him. And if you say that the king will accept it from him, it is uncertain whether the person who brought the gift will eventually see the face of the king, or will not see the face of the king. But the Holy One, Blessed be He, does not act in this way. Even when a person gives a mere peruta to a poor person, he merits to receive the Divine Presence, as it is stated: “As for me, I will behold Your face through charity; I will be satisfied, when I awake, with Your likeness” (Psalms 17:15).,It is related that Rabbi Elazar would first give a peruta to a poor person and only then would he pray. He said: As it is written in the same verse: “I will behold Your face through charity.” The Gemara asks: What is the meaning of that which is written: “I will be satisfied, when I awake, with your likeness”? Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: These are Torah scholars, who in pursuit of their studies banish sleep from their eyes in this world, and the Holy One, Blessed be He, satiates them with the radiance of the Divine Presence in the World-to-Come.,Rabbi Yoḥa says: What is the meaning of that which is written: “He that graciously gives to the poor makes a loan to the Lord, and that which he has given, He will pay him back” (Proverbs 19:17)? How can it be that one is considered to have granted a loan to God? Were it not explicitly written in the verse, it would be impossible to say this, that somebody who is gracious to a poor person is seen as lending to God. It would be impertinent, since “the borrower is servant to the lender” (Proverbs 22:7), as it were.,Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba says: Rabbi Yoḥa raises a contradiction between two texts. In one place it is written: “Riches profit not on the day of wrath, but charity delivers from death” (Proverbs 11:4), and elsewhere it is written: “Treasures of wickedness profit nothing, but charity delivers from death” (Proverbs 10:2). Why is it necessary to have these two verses about charity, that it delivers from death? Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba continues: One verse serves to teach that charity delivers from an unnatural death in this world, and one verse serves to teach that charity delivers from the judgment of Gehenna in the World-to-Come. And in which of the verses is that charity which delivers from the judgment of Gehenna mentioned? It is in that verse in which “wrath” is written, as with regard to the day of judgment it is written: “That day is a day of wrath” (Zephaniah 1:15). And which type of charity is that which delivers from an unnatural death?'' None
116. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Ecclesiastes Rabbah, influenced by the Babylonian Talmud • influence

 Found in books: Mokhtarian (2021), Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran. 51, 52; Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 184; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 184

8b ואפילו (במדבר לב) עטרות ודיבון שכל המשלים פרשיותיו עם הצבור מאריכין לו ימיו ושנותיו,רב ביבי בר אביי סבר לאשלומינהו לפרשייתא דכולא שתא במעלי יומא דכפורי תנא ליה חייא בר רב מדפתי כתיב (ויקרא כג) ועניתם את נפשתיכם בתשעה לחדש בערב,וכי בתשעה מתענין והלא בעשרה מתענין אלא לומר לך כל האוכל ושותה בתשיעי מעלה עליו הכתוב כאילו מתענה תשיעי ועשירי.,סבר לאקדומינהו אמר ליה ההוא סבא תנינא ובלבד שלא יקדים ושלא יאחר,כדאמר להו ר\' יהושע בן לוי לבניה אשלימו פרשיותייכו עם הצבור שנים מקרא ואחד תרגום,והזהרו בורידין כרבי יהודה דתנן רבי יהודה אומר עד שישחוט את הורידין,והזהרו בזקן ששכח תלמודו מחמת אונסו דאמרינן לוחות ושברי לוחות מונחות בארון,אמר להו רבא לבניה כשאתם חותכין בשר אל תחתכו על גב היד איכא דאמרי משום סכנה ואיכא דאמרי משום קלקול סעודה,ואל תשבו על מטת ארמית ואל תעברו אחורי בית הכנסת בשעה שהצבור מתפללין. ואל תשבו על מטת ארמית. איכא דאמרי לא תגנו בלא ק"ש ואיכא דאמרי דלא תנסבו גיורתא וא"ד ארמית ממש,ומשום מעשה דרב פפא דרב פפא אזל לגבי ארמית הוציאה לו מטה אמרה לו שב אמר לה איני יושב עד שתגביהי את המטה הגביהה את המטה ומצאו שם תינוק מת מכאן אמרו חכמים אסור לישב על מטת ארמית,ואל תעברו אחורי בית הכנסת בשעה שהצבור מתפללין מסייע ליה לרבי יהושע בן לוי דאמר ר\' יהושע בן לוי אסור לו לאדם שיעבור אחורי בית הכנסת בשעה שהצבור מתפללין,אמר אביי ולא אמרן אלא דליכא פתחא אחרינא אבל איכא פתחא אחרינא לית לן בה ולא אמרן אלא דליכא בי כנישתא אחרינא אבל איכא בי כנישתא אחרינא לית לן בה ולא אמרן אלא דלא דרי טונא ולא רהיט ולא מנח תפילין אבל איכא חד מהנך לית לן בה:,תניא אמר ר"ע בשלשה דברים אוהב אני את המדיים כשחותכין את הבשר אין חותכין אלא על גבי השולחן כשנושקין אין נושקין אלא על גב היד וכשיועצין אין יועצין אלא בשדה,אמר רב אדא בר אהבה מאי קראה (בראשית לא) וישלח יעקב ויקרא לרחל וללאה השדה אל צאנו:,תניא אמר רבן גמליאל בשלשה דברים אוהב אני את הפרסיים הן צנועין באכילתן וצנועין בבית הכסא וצנועין בדבר אחר:,(ישעיהו יג) אני צויתי למקודשי תני רב יוסף אלו הפרסיים המקודשין ומזומנין לגיהנם:,רבן גמליאל אומר וכו\': אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל הלכה כר"ג,תניא ר"ש בן יוחי אומר פעמים שאדם קורא ק"ש שתי פעמים בלילה אחת קודם שיעלה עמוד השחר ואחת לאחר שיעלה עמוד השחר ויוצא בהן ידי חובתו אחת של יום ואחת של לילה.,הא גופא קשיא אמרת פעמים שאדם קורא קרית שמע שתי פעמים בלילה אלמא לאחר שיעלה עמוד השחר ליליא הוא והדר תני יוצא בהן ידי חובתו אחת של יום ואחת של לילה אלמא יממא הוא,לא לעולם ליליא הוא והא דקרי ליה יום דאיכא אינשי דקיימי בההיא שעתא,אמר רב אחא בר חנינא אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי הלכה כרבי שמעון בן יוחי,איכא דמתני להא דרב אחא בר חנינא אהא דתניא רבי שמעון בן יוחי אומר משום ר\' עקיבא פעמים שאדם קורא ק"ש שתי פעמים ביום אחת קודם הנץ החמה ואחת לאחר הנץ החמה ויוצא בהן ידי חובתו אחת של יום ואחת של לילה,הא גופא קשיא אמרת פעמים שאדם קורא קרית שמע שתי פעמים ביום אלמא קודם הנץ החמה יממא הוא והדר תני יוצא בהן ידי חובתו אחת של יום ואחת של לילה אלמא ליליא הוא 26a אקמטרא ככלי בתוך כלי דמי. אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי ס"ת צריך לעשות לו מחיצה עשרה מר זוטרא איקלע לבי רב אשי חזייה לדוכתיה דמר בר רב אשי דמנח ביה ספר תורה ועביד ליה מחיצה עשרה אמר ליה כמאן כרבי יהושע בן לוי אימר דאמר רבי יהושע בן לוי דלית ליה ביתא אחרינא מר הא אית ליה ביתא אחרינא אמר ליה לאו אדעתאי:,כמה ירחיק מהן ומן הצואה ארבע אמות: אמר רבא אמר רב סחורה אמר רב הונא לא שנו אלא לאחוריו אבל לפניו מרחיק מלא עיניו וכן לתפלה,איני והא אמר רפרם בר פפא אמר רב חסדא עומד אדם כנגד בית הכסא ומתפלל הכא במאי עסקינן בבית הכסא שאין בו צואה,איני והאמר רב יוסף בר חנינא בית הכסא שאמרו אע"פ שאין בו צואה ובית המרחץ שאמרו אע"פ שאין בו אדם אלא הכא במאי עסקינן בחדתי,והא מיבעי ליה לרבינא הזמינו לבית הכסא מהו יש זימון או אין זימון כי קא מיבעי ליה לרבינא למיקם עליה לצלויי בגויה אבל כנגדו לא,אמר רבא הני בתי כסאי דפרסאי אע"ג דאית בהו צואה כסתומין דמו:,40b אבל היכא דכי שקלת ליה לפירי ליתיה לגווזא דהדר מפיק לא מברכינן עליה בורא פרי העץ אלא בפה"א:,ועל כולן אם אמר שהכל וכו\': אתמר רב הונא אמר חוץ מן הפת ומן היין ורבי יוחנן אמר אפי\' פת ויין,נימא כתנאי ראה פת ואמר כמה נאה פת זו ברוך המקום שבראה יצא ראה תאנה ואמר כמה נאה תאנה זו ברוך המקום שבראה יצא דברי ר\' מאיר ר\' יוסי אומר כל המשנה ממטבע שטבעו חכמים בברכות לא יצא ידי חובתו נימא רב הונא דאמר כר\' יוסי ור\' יוחנן דאמר כר\' מאיר,אמר לך רב הונא אנא דאמרי אפי\' לר\' מאיר עד כאן לא קאמר ר\' מאיר התם אלא היכא דקא מדכר שמיה דפת אבל היכא דלא קא מדכר שמיה דפת אפילו ר\' מאיר מודה,ור\' יוחנן אמר לך אנא דאמרי אפילו לרבי יוסי עד כאן לא קאמר ר\' יוסי התם אלא משום דקאמר ברכה דלא תקינו רבנן אבל אמר שהכל נהיה בדברו דתקינו רבנן אפילו ר\' יוסי מודה,בנימין רעיא כרך ריפתא ואמר בריך מריה דהאי פיתא אמר רב יצא והאמר רב כל ברכה שאין בה הזכרת השם אינה ברכה דאמר בריך רחמנא מריה דהאי פיתא,והא בעינן שלש ברכות מאי יצא דקאמר רב נמי יצא ידי ברכה ראשונה,מאי קמשמע לן אע"ג דאמרה בלשון חול,תנינא ואלו נאמרים בכל לשון פרשת סוטה וידוי מעשר וקריאת שמע ותפלה וברכת המזון אצטריך סד"א הני מילי דאמרה בלשון חול כי היכי דתקינו רבנן בלשון קדש אבל לא אמרה בלשון חול כי היכי דתקינו רבנן בלשון קדש אימא לא קמ"ל:,גופא אמר רב כל ברכה שאין בה הזכרת השם אינה ברכה ורבי יוחנן אמר כל ברכה שאין בה מלכות אינה ברכה אמר אביי כוותיה דרב מסתברא דתניא (דברים כו, יג) לא עברתי ממצותיך ולא שכחתי לא עברתי מלברכך ולא שכחתי מלהזכיר שמך עליו ואילו מלכות לא קתני,ור\' יוחנן תני ולא שכחתי מלהזכיר שמך ומלכותך עליו:,8b This applies to every verse, even a verse like: “Atarot and Divon and Yazer and Nimra and Ḥeshbon and Elaleh and Sevam and Nevo and Beon” (Numbers 32:3). While that verse is comprised entirely of names of places that are identical in Hebrew and Aramaic, one is nevertheless required to read the verse twice and its translation once, as one who completes his Torah portions with the congregation is rewarded that his days and years are extended.,Rav Beivai bar Abaye thought to finish all the Torah portions of the entire year, which he had been unable to complete at their appointed time, on the eve of Yom Kippur when he would have time to do so. But Ḥiyya bar Rav of Difti taught him: It is written with regard to Yom Kippur: “And you shall afflict your souls on the ninth day of the month in the evening, from evening to evening you shall keep your Sabbath” (Leviticus 23:32).,The Gemara wonders: And does one fast on the ninth of Tishrei? Doesn’t one fast on the tenth of Tishrei, as the Torah says at the beginning of that portion: “However, on the tenth day of this seventh month is the Day of Atonement; there shall be a holy convocation for you, and you shall afflict your souls” (Leviticus 23:27)? Rather, this verse comes to tell you: One who eats and drinks on the ninth day of Tishrei in preparation for the fast the next day, the verse ascribes him credit as if he fasted on both the ninth and the tenth of Tishrei. Ḥiyya bar Rav of Difti cited this verse to Rav Beivai bar Abaye to teach him that Yom Kippur eve is dedicated to eating and drinking, not to completing the Torah portions one may have missed throughout the year.,When Rav Beivai heard this, he thought to read the Torah portions earlier, before they were to be read by the community. A certain unnamed elder told him, we learned: As long as one does not read the Torah portions earlier or later than the congregation. One must read them together with the congregation.,As Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi told his sons: Complete your portions with the congregation, the Bible text twice and the translation once.,He also advised them: Be careful with the jugular veins, in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda, as we learned in a mishna with regard to the laws of ritual slaughter: Rabbi Yehuda said: Cutting the trachea and esophagus in the ritual slaughter of a bird does not render the bird kosher until he slaughters the jugular veins as well. While this is not halakhically required, it is appropriate to do so to prevent significant amounts of blood from remaining in the bird.,Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi further advised: And be careful to continue to respect an elder who has forgotten his Torah knowledge due to circumstances beyond his control. Even though he is no longer a Torah scholar, he must still be respected for the Torah that he once possessed. As we say: Both the tablets of the Covet and the broken tablets are placed in the Ark of the Covet in the Temple. Even though the first tablets were broken, their sanctity obligates one not to treat them with contempt. An elder who forgot the Torah knowledge he once possessed is likened to these broken tablets.,Rava said to his sons three bits of advice: When you cut meat, do not cut it on your hand. The Gemara offers two explanations for this. Some say: Due to the danger that one might accidentally cut his hand, and some say: Due to the fact that it could ruin the meal, as even if one only cut himself slightly, that small amount of blood could still spoil the meat and render it repulsive to eat.,And Rava also advised: Do not sit on the bed of an Aramean woman, and do not pass by a synagogue when the community is praying. The Gemara explains: Some say: Do not sit on the bed of an Aramean woman means one should not go to sleep without reciting Shema, as by doing so, it is tantamount to sleeping in the bed of a non-Jew, as his conduct is unbecoming a Jew. Others say: This means that one should not marry a woman who converted, and it is better to marry a woman who was born Jewish. And some say: It literally means that one should not sit on the bed of an Aramean, i.e., a non-Jewish woman.,This bit of advice was due to an incident involving Rav Pappa. Rav Pappa went to visit an Aramean woman. She took out a bed and she said to him: Sit. He said to her: I will not sit until you lift the sheets covering the bed. She did so and they found a dead baby there. Had Rav Pappa sat upon the bed, he would have been blamed for killing the baby. From that incident, the Sages said: One is prohibited from sitting on the bed of an Aramean woman.,And Rava’s third bit of advice was, do not pass behind a synagogue while the congregation is praying. This statement supports the opinion of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: One is prohibited from passing behind a synagogue while the congregation is praying because they will suspect that he does not want to pray, and it is a show of contempt for the synagogue.,Abaye introduced several caveats to Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi’s statement and said: rWe only said this prohibition if there is no other entrance to the synagogue, but if there is another entrance, since it is possible that he will simply use the second entrance, they will not suspect him, and the prohibition does not apply. rAnd we only said this prohibition if there is no other synagogue in the city, but if there is another synagogue, the prohibition does not apply. rAnd we only said this prohibition when he is not carrying a burden, and not running, and not wearing phylacteries. But if one of those factors applies, the prohibition does not apply. If he is carrying a burden or running, clearly he is occupied with his work. If he is wearing phylacteries, it is evident that he is a God-fearing individual and they will not suspect him.,The Gemara cites a statement from a baraita, along the lines of Rava’s advice to refrain from cutting meat on one’s hands: Rabbi Akiva said: In three aspects of their conduct, I like the Medes, and we should learn from their practices. When they cut meat, they cut it only on the table and not on their hands; when they kiss, either as a show of affection or honor, they kiss only the back of the hand and do not give the person being kissed an unpleasant feeling; and when they hold counsel, they only hold counsel in the field so others will not hear their secrets.,Rav Adda bar Ahava said: From what verse is this derived? From the verse, “And Jacob sent and he called Rachel and Leah to the field to his flock” (Genesis 31:4); it was only there in the field that he held counsel with them.,It was taught in a baraita, Rabban Gamliel said: In three aspects of their conduct, I like the Persians: They are a modest people; they are modest in their eating, they are modest in the lavatory, and they are modest in another matter, i.e., sexual relations.,While they have been praised here regarding certain specific aspects of their conduct, the Gemara proceeds to offer another perspective on the Persians based on a verse describing the destruction of Babylonia at the hands of the Persian and Medean armies: “I have commanded My consecrated ones; I have also called My mighty ones for My anger, even My proudly exulting ones” (Isaiah 13:3). Rav Yosef taught a baraita: These are the Persians who are consecrated and designated for Gehenna, for they have been sent by God to carry out his mission of anger, and they will be sent to Gehenna.,The Gemara returns to explain the mishna, in which we learned that Rabban Gamliel says: One may recite Shema until dawn. Rav Yehuda said that Shmuel said: The halakha is in accordance with the opinion of Rabban Gamliel.,It was taught in a baraita: Based on Rabban Gamliel’s ruling, Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai said: At times, one recites Shema twice at night, once just before dawn and once just after dawn, and he thereby fulfills his obligation to recite Shema, one of the day and one of the night. According to Rabban Gamliel, the Shema that he recited before dawn fulfills his evening obligation and the Shema that he recited after dawn fulfills his morning obligation.,This Tosefta is self-contradictory. Initially, you said: At times one recites Shema twice at night. Apparently, the time just after dawn is still night. And then you taught: He thereby fulfills his obligation to recite Shema one of the day and one of the night. Apparently, the time in question is considered day, as otherwise, he would not have fulfilled his obligation to recite Shema during the day. There is an internal contradiction with regard to the status of the time just after dawn. Is it considered day or night?,The Gemara answers: No, there is no contradiction. Actually, the time just after dawn, when it is still dark, is considered night and the fact that it is referred to here as day is because there are people who rise from their sleep at that time and, if the need arises, it can be characterized as bekumekha, when you rise, despite the fact that it is still night.,Rav Aḥa bar Ḥanina said that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: The halakha is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai.,Some teach this statement of Rav Aḥa bar Ḥanina, in which he ruled that the halakha is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai, with regard to this halakha, which is stylistically similar to the previous halakha. As it was taught in a baraita that Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai said in the name of Rabbi Akiva: At times, one recites Shema twice during the day, once just before sunrise and once just after sunrise, and he thereby fulfills his dual obligation to recite Shema: One, that he recites after sunrise, Shema of the day, and one, that he recites before sunrise, Shema of the night.,This baraita is self-contradictory. Initially, you said: “At times one recites Shema twice during the day.” Apparently, the time just before sunrise is considered day. And then you taught: “He thereby fulfills his dual obligation to recite Shema, one of the day and one of the night.” Apparently, the time in question is considered night, as otherwise, he could not thereby fulfill his obligation to recite Shema during the night. 26a atop a chest is like a vessel within a vessel. On a similar note, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: One who wishes to engage in marital relations in a room in which there is a Torah scroll, must erect a partition ten handbreadths high. The Gemara relates: Mar Zutra happened to come to the house of Rav Ashi and he saw that in the bed chamber of his son Mar bar Rav Ashi, there was a Torah scroll, and a partition of ten handbreadths had been erected for it. He said to him: In accordance with whose opinion did you do this? Is it in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi? Say that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said this only as a makeshift solution in exigent situations, when he has no other room in which to place it, but don’t you, Master, have another room where you could place the Torah scroll? He said to him: Indeed, that did not enter my mind.,We learned in the mishna: And, how far must one distance himself from urine and from feces in order to recite Shema? Four cubits. Rava said that Rav Seḥora said that Rav Huna said: They only taught that it is sufficient to distance oneself four cubits when the feces are behind him, but if they are before him he must distance himself to the point that it is no longer within his range of vision; and the halakha is the same for prayer.,The Gemara challenges this: Is that so? Didn’t Rafram bar Pappa say that Rav Ḥisda said: One may stand opposite a bathroom and pray. The Gemara resolves this contradiction: With what are we dealing here? With a bathroom that has no feces, and therefore there is no need to distance himself to that extent.,The Gemara asks again: Is that so? Didn’t Rav Yosef bar Ḥanina say: The bathroom to which the Sages referred in all of the halakhot of distancing oneself was even one in which there were no feces, and the bathhouse to which the Sages referred in all of the halakhot of uttering sacred matters, was even one in which there was no naked person. Rather, with what are we dealing here? We are dealing with a new structure, built as a bathroom but not yet used for that purpose.,The Gemara asks: Wasn’t this already raised as a dilemma by Ravina: One who designated the structure for use as a bathroom, what is its legal status? Is designation effective or is designation not effective? The Gemara replies: When Ravina raised the dilemma, it was whether or not one may stand and pray inside it, but he had no dilemma whether or not one may pray opposite it.,Rava said: These Persian bathrooms, even though they contain feces, they are considered as sealed, as they are constructed on an incline so the feces will roll out of the bathroom underground.,halakhot of immersion for Torah study and prayer for one who experienced a seminal emission, the mishna discusses a case where individuals who were already impure with a severe form of ritual impurity are exposed to the impurity of a seminal emission as well. They are required to immerse themselves and purify themselves of the impurity of the seminal emission even though they remain impure due to the more severe impurity. Consequently, even a zav, whose impurity lasts at least seven days, who experienced a seminal emission, for which, were he not a zav, he would be impure for only one day; a menstruating woman who discharged semen, despite the fact that she is already impure with a severe impurity unaffected by her immersion; and a woman who engaged in conjugal relations with her husband and later saw menstrual blood, all require immersion. And Rabbi Yehuda exempts them from immersion.,A dilemma was raised before the students of the yeshiva: One who experienced a seminal emission and was therefore required to immerse himself, who later saw a discharge that rendered him a zav; according to Rabbi Yehuda, what is his legal status? The Gemara explains the sides of the dilemma: When, in our mishna, Rabbi Yehuda exempted a zav who saw a seminal emission from immersion, that was because from the outset he was not fit for immersion, as the immersion would not be effective in purifying him from the impurity of a zav; however, one who experienced a seminal emission, who later saw a discharge that rendered him a zav, who was fit for immersion and only later became impure with the severe impurity of a zav, would Rabbi Yehuda require immersion? Or perhaps there is no difference and he is exempt from immersion in both cases?,In order to resolve this dilemma, come and hear the last case of the mishna: A woman who engaged in conjugal relations with her husband and later saw menstrual blood requires immersion. And Rabbi Yehuda exempts them from immersion. Isn’t the woman who engaged in conjugal relations with her husband and later saw menstrual blood like one who experienced a seminal emission, who later saw a discharge that rendered him a zav, as in both cases there is a less severe ritual impurity followed by a more severe impurity; and nevertheless, Rabbi Yehuda exempts. Conclude from this that Rabbi Yehuda does not distinguish between the cases. And indeed, Rabbi Ḥiyya explicitly taught: One who experienced a seminal emission who later saw a discharge that rendered him a zav requires immersion, and Rabbi Yehuda exempts.,,the morning prayer may be recited until noon. Rabbi Yehuda says: It may be recited only until four hours after sunrise. According to the Rabbis, the afternoon prayer may be recited until the evening. Rabbi Yehuda says: It may be recited only until the midpoint of the afternoon pelag haminḥa, i.e., the midpoint of the period that begins with the sacrifice of the daily afternoon offering and ends at nightfall, which is the end of the afternoon.,The evening prayer may be recited throughout the night and is not fixed to a specific hour. According to the Rabbis, the additional prayer may be recited all day. Rabbi Yehuda says: It may be recited only until seven hours after sunrise.,raises a contradiction based on what was taught in a baraita: The mitzva is to recite the morning Shema with sunrise so that he will juxtapose redemption, which is mentioned in the blessings following Shema, to the Amida prayer, which is recited immediately after sunrise, and find himself praying in the daytime. Clearly, the time to recite the morning prayer is immediately after sunrise.,The Gemara responds: This baraita does not establish a binding halakha. Rather, it taught that rule specifically with regard to those who are scrupulous in fulfillment of mitzvot vatikin. As Rabbi Yoḥa said: Vatikin would finish reciting the morning Shema with sunrise, but those who are not vatikin may recite their prayers later.,The Gemara asks: Does everyone hold that one may recite the morning prayer only until noon and no later? Didn’t Rav Mari, son of Rav Huna, son of Rabbi Yirmeya bar Abba, say that Rabbi Yoḥa said: One who erred and did not recite the evening prayer, prays in the morning prayer two Amida prayers; one who erred and did not recite the morning prayer, prays in the afternoon prayer two Amida prayers? Apparently, the morning prayer may be recited until the evening, at least in the event that he forgot to recite it in the morning.,The Gemara answers: Indeed, one may continue praying for the entire day. However, if he prayed until noon, they give him a reward for reciting the prayer at its appointed time. If he prayed from there on, they give him a reward for reciting the prayer. They do not give him a reward for reciting the prayer at its appointed time.,On the topic of one who forgot to pray and seeks to compensate for the prayer that he missed, a dilemma was raised before them in the study hall: One who erred and did not recite the afternoon prayer, what is the ruling? May he recite in the evening prayer two Amida prayers? The Gemara articulates the sides of the dilemma: If you say that one who erred and did not pray the evening prayer prays in the morning prayer two Amida prayers, perhaps that is because the evening and the morning are both part of one day, as it is written: “And there was evening and there was morning, one day” (Genesis 1:5); the evening and the following morning constitute a single unit. But here, in the case under discussion, perhaps prayer is in place of sacrifice. Since in the case of sacrifice we say, since its day passed, its sacrifice is invalid and there is no way to compensate for the missed opportunity, the same should be true for prayer. Or, perhaps, since prayer is supplication, any time that one wishes, he may continue to pray?,Come and hear a resolution to this dilemma from that which Rav Huna bar Yehuda said that Rabbi Yitzḥak said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: One who erred and did not recite the afternoon prayer, prays in the evening prayer two Amida prayers and there is no element of: Its day passed, its sacrifice is invalid.,With regard to the possibility to compensate for a prayer that he failed to recite at its appointed time, the Gemara raises an objection based on what was taught in a baraita. The meaning of the verse: “That which is crooked cannot be made straight; and that which is wanting cannot be numbered” (Ecclesiastes 1:15), is as follows: That which is crooked cannot be made straight refers to one who omitted the evening Shema and the morning Shema, or the evening prayer, or the morning prayer. And that which is wanting cannot be numbered lehimanot refers to one whose friends reached a consensus nimnu to perform a mitzva and he was not part of their consensus nimnu and, consequently, he missed his opportunity to join them in performance of the mitzva. This baraita clearly states that there is no way to compensate for a missed prayer.,To resolve this difficulty, Rabbi Yitzḥak said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: With what are we dealing here in this baraita? We are dealing with a case where one intentionally failed to recite the prayer. Only then he has no remedy. However, one who failed to pray due to error can compensate for the missed prayer by reciting the next prayer twice.,Rav Ashi said: The language of the baraita is also precise as it teaches omitted and did not teach erred. This indicates that the halakha is different in the case of error. The Gemara concludes: Indeed, learn from this.' 40b However, in a situation where, when you take the fruit, the branch does not remain and again produce fruit, we do not recite the blessing: Who creates fruit of the tree, but rather: Who creates fruit of the ground.,We learned in the mishna: And on all food items, if he recited: By whose word all things came to be, he fulfilled his obligation. It was stated that the amora’im disputed the precise explanation of the mishna. Rav Huna said: This halakha applies to all foods except for bread and wine. Since they have special blessings, one does not fulfill his obligation by reciting the general blessing: By whose word all things came to be. And Rabbi Yoḥa said: One fulfills his obligation with the blessing: By whose word all things came to be, even over bread and wine.,The Gemara remarks: Let us say that this dispute is parallel to a tannaitic dispute found elsewhere, as it was taught in a Tosefta: One who saw bread and said: How pleasant is this bread, blessed is the Omnipresent Who created it, fulfilled his obligation to recite a blessing. One who saw a fig and said: How pleasant is this fig, blessed is the Omnipresent Who created it, fulfilled his obligation. This is the statement of Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Yosei says: One who deviates from the formula coined by the Sages in blessings, did not fulfill his obligation. If so, let us say that Rav Huna, who said that one who recites: By whose word all things came to be, over bread or wine, did not fulfill his obligation, holds in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yosei; and Rabbi Yoḥa, who said that one who recites: By whose word all things came to be, over bread or wine fulfills his obligation, holds in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Meir.,The Gemara rejects this: Rav Huna could have said to you: I said my statement, even in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Meir, as Rabbi Meir only stated his opinion, that one who alters the formula of the blessing fulfills his obligation, there, where the individual explicitly mentions the term bread in his blessing, but where he does not mention the term bread, even Rabbi Meir agrees that he did not fulfill his obligation.,And Rabbi Yoḥa could have said to you: I said my statement, even in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yosei, as Rabbi Yosei only stated his opinion, that one who alters the formula of the blessing does not fulfill his obligation, there, because he recited a blessing that was not instituted by the Sages; however, if he recited: By whose word all things came to be, which was instituted by the Sages, even Rabbi Yosei agrees that, after the fact, he fulfilled his obligation to recite a blessing.,Regarding blessings that do not conform to the formula instituted by the Sages, the Gemara relates that Binyamin the shepherd ate bread and afterward recited in Aramaic: Blessed is the Master of this bread. Rav said, he thereby fulfilled his obligation to recite a blessing. The Gemara objects: But didn’t Rav himself say: Any blessing that does not contain mention of God’s name is not considered a blessing? The Gemara emends the formula of his blessing. He said: Blessed is the All-Merciful, Master of this bread.,The Gemara asks: But don’t we require three blessings in Grace after Meals? How did he fulfill his obligation with one sentence? The Gemara explains: What is: Fulfills his obligation, that Rav also said? He fulfills the obligation of the first of the three blessings, and must recite two more to fulfill his obligation completely.,The Gemara asks: What is he teaching us? The Gemara answers: Although he recited the blessing in a secular language, other than Hebrew, he fulfilled his obligation.,This remains difficult, as we already learned this in a mishna in Sota: And these are recited in any language that one understands: The portion of the swearing of the sota, the confession of the tithes when a homeowner declares that he has given all teruma and tithes appropriately, the recitation of Shema, and the Amida prayer and Grace after Meals. If Grace after Meals is clearly on the list of matters that may be recited in any language, what did Rav teach us? The Gemara answers: Rav’s ruling with regard to Binyamin the Shepherd is necessary, as it might have entered your mind to say: This, the permission to recite Grace after Meals in any language, applies only to a case where one recited it in a secular language, just as it was instituted by the Sages in the holy tongue. However, in a case where one did not recite the blessing in a secular language, just as it was instituted by the Sages in the holy tongue, say that no, he did not fulfill his obligation. Therefore, Rav teaches us that, after the fact, not only is the language not an impediment to fulfillment of his obligation to recite a blessing, the formula is not an impediment either.,The Gemara considers the matter of Rav’s opinion itself and cites the fundamental dispute in that regard. Rav said: Any blessing that does not contain mention of God’s name is not considered a blessing. And Rabbi Yoḥa said: Any blessing that does not contain mention of God’s sovereignty is not considered a blessing. Abaye said: It stands to reason in accordance with the opinion of Rav, as it was taught in a Tosefta: In the confession of the tithes, one recites, “I did not transgress your mitzvot and I did not forget” (Deuteronomy 26:13). The meaning of phrase, I did not transgress, is that I did not refrain from blessing You when separating tithes; and the meaning of the phrase, and I did not forget, is that I did not forget to mention Your name in the blessing recited over it. However, this baraita did not teach that one must mention God’s sovereignty in the blessing.,And Rabbi Yoḥa would say: Emend the baraita: And I did not forget to mention Your name and Your sovereignty in the blessing recited over it; indicating that one must mention both God’s name and God’s sovereignty.,And over a food item whose growth is not from the ground, one recites: By whose word all things came to be. And over vinegar, wine that fermented and spoiled, and over novelot, dates that spoiled, and over locusts, one recites: By whose word all things came to be. Rabbi Yehuda says: Over any food item that is a type resulting from a curse, one does not recite a blessing over it at all. None of the items listed exist under normal conditions, and they come about as the result of a curse.,On a different note: If there were many types of food before him, over which food should he recite a blessing first? Rabbi Yehuda says: If there is one of the seven species for which Eretz Yisrael was praised among them, he recites the first blessing over it. And the Rabbis say: He recites a blessing over whichever of them he wants.,The Sages taught: Over a food item whose growth is not from the earth, for example, meat from domesticated animals, non-domesticated animals, and fowl and fish, one recites: By whose word all things came to be. So too, over milk, and over eggs, and over cheese, one recites: By whose word all things came to be. This is not only true with regard to items that come from animals, but over moldy bread, and over wine that fermented slightly, and over a cooked dish that spoiled, one recites: By whose word all things came to be, because the designated blessing is inappropriate for food that is partially spoiled. Similarly, over salt and over brine, and over truffles and mushrooms, one recites: By whose word all things came to be. The Gemara asks: Is this to say that truffles and mushrooms are not items that grow from the ground? Wasn’t it taught in a baraita: One who vows not to eat from the fruit of the earth is forbidden to eat all fruit of the earth; however, he is permitted to eat truffles and mushrooms. And if he said: All items that grow from the ground are forbidden to me, he is forbidden to eat even truffles and mushrooms. Apparently, truffles and mushrooms are items that grow from the ground.,Abaye said: With regard to growth, they grow from the earth, but with regard to sustece, they do not draw sustece from the earth.,The Gemara asks: Why is that distinction significant? Wasn’t it taught: Over a food item whose growth is not from the ground one recites the blessing: By whose word all things came to be? Even according to Abaye, mushrooms grow from the ground. The Gemara answers: Emend the baraita to read: Over a food item that does not draw sustece from the ground, one recites: By whose word all things came to be. Consequently, even over mushrooms one recites: By whose word all things came to be.,We learned in the mishna that over novelot one recites: By whose word all things came to be. The Gemara asks: What are novelot? The Gemara responds that the amora’im Rabbi Zeira and Rabbi Il’a disputed this. One said that the term refers to dates that, due to extreme conditions, were burned by the heat of the sun and ripened prematurely. And one said that they are dates that fell from the tree because of the wind.,We learned later in the mishna that Rabbi Yehuda says: Over any food item that is a type resulting from a curse, one does not recite a blessing over it at all. Granted, according to the one who said that novelot are dates burned by the heat of the sun, that is the reason that he considers them a type of curse; however, according to the one who said that novelot are dates that fell because of the wind, what is the reason that it is considered a type of curse? Dates that fell from the tree are no worse than other dates.,The Gemara reconciles: Rabbi Yehuda’s statement was about the rest, the vinegar and locusts, not about the novelot.,Some say that the Gemara raised the question differently: Granted, according to the one who said that novelot are dates burned by the heat of the sun, that is the reason that we recite over them: By whose word all things came to be, as they are of inferior quality. However, to the one who said that novelot are dates that fell because of the wind, should we recite over them: By whose word all things came to be? We should recite: Who creates fruit of the tree.,Rather, the conclusion is, with regard to novelot unmodified, everyone agrees that they are dates that were burned by the heat of the sun. When they argue, it is with regard to those dates known as novelot temara, as we learned in a mishna concerning the laws of doubtfully tithed produce demai: Although, under normal circumstances, fruits that come into one’s possession by means of an am ha’aretz must be tithed due to concern lest the am ha’aretz failed to do so, the following fruits of inferior quality are lenient with regard to demai and one need not tithe them: Shittin, rimin, uzradin, benot shuaḥ, benot shikma, gufnin, nitzpa, and novelot temara.,The Gemara identifies these plants. Shittin, Rabba bar bar Ḥana said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: They are a type of figs. Rimin are lote. Uzradin are crabapples. Benot shuaḥ, Rabba bar bar Ḥana said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: They are white figs. Benot shikma, Rabba bar bar Ḥana said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: They are the fruit of the sycamore tree. Gufnin are the last grapes which remain on the tree at the end of the season. Nitzpa are the fruit of the caper-bush. Novelot temara, Rabbi Il’a and Rabbi Zeira disagreed. One said that they are dates burned by the heat of the sun, and one said that they are dates that fell because of the wind.,Here too, the Gemara asks: Granted, according to the one who said that novelot temara are dates burned by the heat of the sun, that is the reason that it was taught concerning them: Their halakhot are lenient with regard to demai, meaning that it is those with regard to which there is uncertainty whether or not they were tithed that are exempt from being tithed. Those with regard to which there is certainty that they were not tithed, one is obligated to tithe those dates. However, according to the one who said that novelot temara are dates felled because of the wind, this is difficult: Those regarding which there is certainty that they were not tithed, one is obligated? They are ownerless, and ownerless produce is exempt from the requirement to tithe.,The Gemara responds: With what are we dealing here? With a case where he gathered the dates that fell because of the wind and made them into a pile, like a pile of threshed grain, signifying that the produce is a finished product. As Rabbi Yitzḥak said that Rabbi Yoḥa said in the name of Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov: Even gifts to the poor such as gleanings, forgotten sheaves, and produce of the corners, which are normally exempt from tithes, if a poor person gathered them and made them into a pile of threshed grain, by rabbinic law they were rendered obligated in tithes. In that case, only demai would be exempt from tithes.,Some say that the discussion was as follows: ' None
117. Babylonian Talmud, Niddah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • men, as subject to womanly influence • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 175; Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 227, 228, 229

31b שמשהין עצמן בבטן כדי שיזריעו נשותיהן תחלה שיהו בניהם זכרים מעלה עליהן הכתוב כאילו הם מרבים בנים ובני בנים והיינו דאמר רב קטינא יכולני לעשות כל בני זכרים אמר רבא הרוצה לעשות כל בניו זכרים יבעול וישנה,ואמר רבי יצחק אמר רבי אמי אין אשה מתעברת אלא סמוך לוסתה שנאמר (תהלים נא, ז) הן בעון חוללתי,ורבי יוחנן אמר סמוך לטבילה שנאמר (תהלים נא, ז) ובחטא יחמתני אמי,מאי משמע דהאי חטא לישנא דדכויי הוא דכתיב (ויקרא יד, מט) וחטא את הבית ומתרגמינן וידכי ית ביתא ואי בעית אימא מהכא (תהלים נא, ט) תחטאני באזוב ואטהר,ואמר רבי יצחק אמר רבי אמי כיון שבא זכר בעולם בא שלום בעולם שנאמר (ישעיהו טז, א) שלחו כר מושל ארץ זכר זה כר,ואמר ר\' יצחק דבי רבי אמי בא זכר בעולם בא ככרו בידו זכר זה כר דכתיב (מלכים ב ו, כג) ויכרה להם כירה גדולה,נקבה אין עמה כלום נקבה נקייה באה עד דאמרה מזוני לא יהבי לה דכתיב (בראשית ל, כח) נקבה שכרך עלי ואתנה,שאלו תלמידיו את רבי שמעון בן יוחי מפני מה אמרה תורה יולדת מביאה קרבן אמר להן בשעה שכורעת לילד קופצת ונשבעת שלא תזקק לבעלה לפיכך אמרה תורה תביא קרבן,מתקיף לה רב יוסף והא מזידה היא ובחרטה תליא מילתא ועוד קרבן שבועה בעי איתויי,ומפני מה אמרה תורה זכר לשבעה ונקבה לארבעה עשר זכר שהכל שמחים בו מתחרטת לשבעה נקבה שהכל עצבים בה מתחרטת לארבעה עשר,ומפני מה אמרה תורה מילה לשמונה שלא יהו כולם שמחים ואביו ואמו עצבים,תניא היה ר"מ אומר מפני מה אמרה תורה נדה לשבעה מפני שרגיל בה וקץ בה אמרה תורה תהא טמאה שבעה ימים כדי שתהא חביבה על בעלה כשעת כניסתה לחופה,שאלו תלמידיו את רבי דוסתאי ברבי ינאי מפני מה איש מחזר על אשה ואין אשה מחזרת על איש משל לאדם שאבד לו אבידה מי מחזר על מי בעל אבידה מחזיר על אבידתו,ומפני מה איש פניו למטה ואשה פניה למעלה כלפי האיש זה ממקום שנברא וזו ממקום שנבראת,ומפני מה האיש מקבל פיוס ואין אשה מקבלת פיוס זה ממקום שנברא וזו ממקום שנבראת,מפני מה אשה קולה ערב ואין איש קולו ערב זה ממקום שנברא וזו ממקום שנבראת שנאמר {שיר השירים ב } כי קולך ערב ומראך נאוה,31b they delay while in their wives’ abdomen, initially refraining from emitting semen so that their wives will emit seed first, in order that their children will be male, the verse ascribes them credit as though they have many sons and sons’ sons. And this statement is the same as that which Rav Ketina said: I could have made all of my children males, by refraining from emitting seed until my wife emitted seed first. Rava says another method through which one can cause his children to be males: One who wishes to make all of his children males should engage in intercourse with his wife and repeat the act.,§ And Rabbi Yitzḥak says that Rabbi Ami says: A woman becomes pregt only by engaging in intercourse close to the onset of her menstrual cycle, as it is stated: “Behold, I was brought forth in iniquity” (Psalms 51:7). This iniquity is referring to intercourse close to the woman’s menstrual cycle, when intercourse is prohibited. Accordingly, David is saying that his mother presumably conceived him at this time.,And Rabbi Yoḥa says: A woman becomes pregt only by engaging in intercourse near the time of her immersion in a ritual bath, through which she is purified from her status as a menstruating woman, as it is stated in the continuation of the same verse: “And in sin uvḥet did my mother conceive me” (Psalms 51:7).,The Gemara explains this derivation: From where may it be inferred that this term “ḥet” is a reference to purity? The Gemara answers: As it is written with regard to leprosy of houses: Veḥittei the house” (Leviticus 14:52), and we translate the verse into Aramaic as: And he shall purify the house. And if you wish, say that the interpretation is derived from here: “Purge me teḥatte’eni with hyssop, and I shall be pure” (Psalms 51:9). Evidently, the root ḥet, tet, alef refers to purification.,§ And Rabbi Yitzḥak says that Rabbi Ami says: When a male comes into the world, i.e., when a male baby is born, peace comes to the world, as it is stated: “Send the lambs khar for the ruler of the land” (Isaiah 16:1). This khar, or kar, a gift one sends the ruler, contributes to the stability of the government and peace, and the word male zakhar can be interpreted homiletically as an abbreviation of: This is a kar zeh kar.,And Rabbi Yitzḥak from the school of Rabbi Ami says: When a male comes into the world, his loaf of bread, i.e., his sustece, comes into his possession. In other words, a male can provide for himself. This is based on the aforementioned interpretation of the word male zakhar as an abbreviation of: This is a kar zeh kar, and the term kar refers to sustece, as it is written: “And he prepared great provision kera for them” (II\xa0Kings 6:23).,By contrast, when a female comes into the world, nothing, i.e., no sustece, comes with her. This is derived from the homiletic interpretation of the word female nekeva as an abbreviation of the phrase: She comes clean nekiya ba’a, i.e., empty. Furthermore, until she says: Give me sustece, people do not give her, as it is written in Laban’s request of Jacob: “Appoint me nokva your wages, and I will give it” (Genesis 30:28). Laban used the word nokva, similar to nekeva, when he said that he would pay Jacob only if he explicitly demanded his wages.,The students of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai asked him: For what reason does the Torah say that a woman after childbirth brings an offering? He said to them: At the time that a woman crouches to give birth, her pain is so great that she impulsively takes an oath that she will not engage in intercourse with her husband ever again, so that she will never again experience this pain. Therefore, the Torah says that she must bring an offering for violating her oath and continuing to engage in intercourse with her husband.,Rav Yosef objects to this answer: But isn’t the woman an intentional violator of her oath? And if she wishes that her oath be dissolved, so that she may engage in intercourse with her husband, the matter depends on her regret of her oath. One is obligated to bring an offering for violating an oath of an utterance only if his transgression is unwitting. And furthermore, if the purpose of the offering that a woman brings after childbirth is to atone for violating an oath, then she should be required to bring a female lamb or goat as an offering, which is the requirement of one who violated an oath, rather than the bird offering brought by a woman after childbirth.,And the students of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai further inquired of him: For what reason does the Torah say that a woman who gives birth to a male is ritually impure for seven days, but a woman who gives birth to a female is impure for fourteen days? Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai answered them: When a woman gives birth to a male, over which everyone is happy, she regrets her oath, that she will never again engage in intercourse with her husband, already seven days after giving birth. By contrast, after giving birth to a female, over which everyone is unhappy, she regrets her oath only fourteen days after giving birth.,And the students further asked him: For what reason does the Torah say that circumcision is performed only on the eighth day of the baby’s life, and not beforehand? He answered them: It is so that there will not be a situation where everyone is happy at the circumcision ceremony but the father and mother of the infant are unhappy, as they are still prohibited from engaging in intercourse.,It is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Meir would say: For what reason does the Torah say that a menstruating woman is prohibited from engaging in intercourse with her husband for seven days? It is because if a woman were permitted to engage in intercourse with her husband all the time, her husband would be too accustomed to her, and would eventually be repulsed by her. Therefore, the Torah says that a menstruating woman shall be ritually impure for seven days, during which she is prohibited from engaging in intercourse with her husband, so that when she becomes pure again she will be dear to her husband as at the time when she entered the wedding canopy with him.,§ The students of Rabbi Dostai, son of Rabbi Yannai, asked him: For what reason is it the norm that a man pursues a woman for marriage, but a woman does not pursue a man? Rabbi Dostai answered them by citing a parable of a person who lost an item. Who searches for what? Certainly the owner of the lost item searches for his item; the item does not search for its owner. Since the first woman was created from the body of the first man, the man seeks that which he has lost.,And the students of Rabbi Dostai further asked him: For what reason does a man engage in intercourse facing down, and a woman engage in intercourse facing up toward the man? Rabbi Dostai answered them: This man faces the place from which he was created, i.e., the earth, and that woman faces the place from which she was created, namely man.,And the students also inquired: For what reason is a man who is angry likely to accept appeasement, but a woman is not as likely to accept appeasement? Rabbi Dostai answered them: It is because this man behaves like the place from which he was created, i.e., the earth, which yields to pressure, and that woman behaves like the place from which she was created, i.e., from bone, which cannot be molded easily.,The students continued to ask Rabbi Dostai: For what reason is a woman’s voice pleasant, but a man’s voice is not pleasant? He answered: This man is similar to the place from which he was created, the earth, which does not issue a sound when it is struck, and that woman is similar to the place from which she was created, a bone, which makes a sound when it is struck. The proof that a woman’s voice is pleasant is that it is stated in Song of Songs that the man says to his beloved: “For sweet is your voice, and your countece is beautiful” (Song of Songs 2:14).,,girls are considered menstruating women from the time they lie in their cradle. And the Samaritan men impart ritual impurity to the lower bedding like the upper bedding, i.e., all layers of bedding beneath them are impure, and their status is like the bedding above a man who experiences a gonorrhea-like discharge zav: The status of both levels of bedding is that of first-degree ritual impurity, which can impart impurity to food and drink. This is due to the fact that Samaritan men are considered men who engage in intercourse with menstruating women.,And they are considered men who engage in intercourse with menstruating women because Samaritan women observe the seven-day menstrual period of ritual impurity for each and every emission of blood, even for blood that does not render them impure. Accordingly, if a Samaritan woman has an emission of impure blood during the seven-day period, she will nevertheless continue counting seven days from the first emission. It is therefore possible that the Samaritan men will engage in intercourse with their wives while they are still halakhically considered menstruating women, as the seven-day period of impurity should have been counted from the emission of the impure blood.,But one who enters the Temple while wearing those garments upon which a Samaritan had lain is not liable to bring an offering for entering the Temple in a status of impurity, nor does one burn teruma that came into contact with those garments, because their impurity is uncertain.,What are the circumstances of this statement? If the mishna is referring to girls who already see menstrual blood, then even our own, i.e., Jewish girls, are also considered menstruating women under such circumstances. And if it is referring to girls who do not yet see menstrual blood, then their girls, i.e., those of the Samaritans, should also not have the status of menstruating women.,Rava, son of Rav Aḥa bar Rav Huna, says that Rav Sheshet says: Here we are dealing with an unspecified case, i.e., it is unknown whether these girls have experienced their first menstrual period. Since there is a minority of girls who see menstrual blood, we are concerned with regard to each Samaritan girl that she might be from this minority. The Gemara asks: And who is the tanna who taught that one must be concerned for the minority?'' None
118. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Libanius, influence of • Persia, Persian empire, significance of cultural, social influences

 Found in books: Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 7; Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 118

145b אלא לעדות אשה בלבד,איבעיא להו עד מפי עד לעדות בכור מהו רב אמי אסיר ורב אסי שרי,א"ל רב אמי לרב אסי והא תנא דבי מנשיא אין עד מפי עד כשר אלא לעדות אשה בלבד אימא לעדות שהאשה כשרה לה בלבד רב יימר אכשר עד מפי עד לבכור קרי עליה מרימר יימר שרי בוכרא והלכתא עד מפי עד כשר לבכור:,חלות דבש: כי אתא רב הושעיא מנהרדעא אתא ואייתי מתניתא בידיה זיתים וענבים שריסקן מע"ש ויצאו מעצמן אסורין ור"א ור"ש מתירין,אמר רב יוסף גברא יתירא אתא לאשמעינן א"ל אביי טובא קמ"ל דאי ממתניתין הוה אמינא התם הוא דמעיקרא אוכלא ולבסוף אוכלא אבל הכא דמעיקרא אוכלא ולבסוף משקה אימא לא קמ"ל:,145b only for testimony that a woman’s husband died, enabling her to remarry. Only in that case can a ruling rely on hearsay testimony, and that is specifically so the woman will be allowed to remarry.,A dilemma was raised before the Sages about a related matter: With regard to hearsay testimony in testimony permitting a priest to eat a firstborn animal, what is the halakha? After the destruction of the Temple, the Sages decreed that if a priest has the firstborn offspring of a kosher animal and it becomes blemished, he must bring witnesses to testify that he did not cause the blemish. Priests were suspected of violating the prohibition against inflicting a wound on firstborn animals to enable them to eat the animals. The question here pertains to a case in which there is no one available who can testify that he saw firsthand how the animal was blemished, but there is someone who heard from an eyewitness how the blemish was caused. Rav Ami prohibited accepting hearsay testimony in this case, and Rav Asi permitted doing so.,Rav Ami said to Rav Asi: Didn’t the school of Menashya teach that hearsay testimony is only valid in testimony enabling a woman to remarry, indicating that it is not accepted in the case of a firstborn animal? Rav Asi answered: Emend the previously cited ruling and say: Hearsay testimony is only valid in testimony for which the testimony of a woman is valid. A woman’s testimony is accepted with regard to the death of a man, enabling his wife to remarry, and it is also accepted with regard to a firstborn animal. Rav Yeimar deemed hearsay testimony valid in permitting the slaughter of a firstborn animal that developed a blemish. Mareimar called him: Yeimar who permits the firstborn; Mareimar was of the opinion that testimony of that kind is invalid and cannot provide the basis to allow the animal to be slaughtered. The Gemara concludes: And the halakha is that hearsay testimony is valid with regard to a firstborn animal.,We learned in the mishna that according to Rabbi Eliezer, honey that flows on its own from honeycombs is permitted on Shabbat. When Rav Hoshaya came from Neharde’a, he came and brought a baraita with him: With regard to olives and grapes that one crushed before Shabbat and their juices seeped out on their own on Shabbat, the juices are prohibited for use on Shabbat; and Rabbi Elazar and Rabbi Shimon permit using them.,Rav Yosef said rhetorically: Did he merely come to teach us an additional person? This opinion already appears in the mishna in the name of Rabbi Elazar. Did Rav Hoshaya cite the baraita merely to add the name of Rabbi Shimon? Abaye said to him: He is teaching us a great deal, as if we learned this matter from the mishna alone, I would have said: It is there that it is permitted, because initially it was food and ultimately it remained food, since it is possible to assert that the honey that seeped is a food rather than a liquid. However, here, with regard to olives and grapes, which initially were food and ultimately became liquid, say that it is not permitted even according to Rabbi Elazar. Therefore, he is teaching us that Rabbi Elazar rules leniently even in the case of olives and grapes.,Any salted food item that was already placed in hot water, i.e., cooked, before Shabbat, one may soak it in hot water even on Shabbat. And anything that was not placed in hot water before Shabbat, one may rinse it in hot water on Shabbat but may not soak it, with the exception of old salted fish and small salted fish and the kolyas ha’ispanin fish, for which rinsing with hot water itself is completion of the prohibited labor of cooking.,In what case would soaking in hot water be required after the item was already cooked? Rav Safra said: In the case of the chicken of Rabbi Abba, which for medical reasons was cooked so thoroughly that it completely dissolved. And Rav Safra said: One time I happened to come there and he fed me chicken prepared that way, and if not for the fact that Rabbi Abba gave me three-leaf-, i.e., year, old wine to drink, I would have been forced to vomit.,The Gemara relates that Rabbi Yoḥa would spit from the thought of Babylonian kutaḥ, because he found it so disgusting. Rav Yosef said: Then we should spit from the thought of Rabbi Abba’s chicken, which is even more disgusting to people from Babylonia. And furthermore, Rav Gaza said: On one occasion I happened to come there, to Eretz Yisrael, and I prepared Babylonian kutaḥ, and all of the sick people of the West, Eretz Yisrael, asked me for it. Apparently, not everyone in Eretz Yisrael found it disgusting.,We learned in the mishna: Anything that was not cooked in hot water before Shabbat, one may rinse it in hot water on Shabbat except for salted fish and kolyas ha’ispanin. The Gemara asks: If one unwittingly rinsed it, what is the halakha? Rav Yosef said: If one rinsed these foods, he is liable to bring a sin-offering for having performed the prohibited labor of cooking. Mar, son of Ravina, said: We, too, have also learned this ruling in the mishna, which states: Except for old salted fish and kolyas ha’ispanin, rinsing itself is completion of their prohibited labor of cooking. One who rinses these items is considered to have performed a prohibited labor. The Gemara concludes: Indeed, learn from this that this is the ruling.,Apropos relations between the Jews of Eretz Yisrael and Babylonia, the Gemara relates: Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba and Rabbi Asi were sitting before Rabbi Yoḥa, and Rabbi Yoḥa was sitting and dozing. In the meantime the two of them conversed. Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said to Rabbi Asi: For what reason are the fowl in Babylonia fatter than those in Eretz Yisrael? He said to him: This is not at all the case; go to the desert of Gaza in Eretz Yisrael, and I will show you fowl that are fatter than them. Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba then asked: For what reason are Festivals in Babylonia more joyous than those in Eretz Yisrael? Rabbi Asi answered him: Because in Babylonia they are poor, and it is only on Festivals that they have a lot to eat, which causes them to rejoice. Rabbi Ḥiyya then asked: For what reason are Torah scholars in Babylonia distinguished by their special rabbinic garb? Rabbi Asi answered: Because they are not well-versed in Torah. If they would not distinguish themselves by dressing differently, they would not be respected for their Torah knowledge. He then asked: For what reason are gentiles ethically contaminated? He answered: Because they eat abominable creatures and crawling things, and that causes bad character traits.,Rabbi Yoḥa woke up due to their discussion and said to them: You children, did I not tell you this, that the verse “Say to wisdom: You are my sister, and call understanding your kin” (Proverbs 7:4) means that if the matter is as clear to you as the fact that your sister is forbidden to you, say it, and if not, do not say it; and these explanations that you offered are unfounded. They said to him: Then will the Master tell us the answers to some of them? He said to them: Why are the fowl in Babylonia fatter than those in Eretz Yisrael? Because they were not exiled, as it says: “Moab has been at ease since his youth and he has settled on his lees, and he was not emptied from vessel to vessel and did not go into captivity; therefore his taste remained in him and his scent did not change” (Jeremiah 48:11). Apparently, one who is not exiled retains his strength.,And here in Eretz Yisrael, from where do we derive that even the animals and birds were exiled? As it was taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yehuda says that no person passed through the land of Judea for fifty-two years, as it is stated: “I will raise crying and wailing for the mountains and a lamentation for the pastures of the wilderness, for they have been burned, with no person passing through, and they do not hear the voice of the cattle, from the bird of the heavens to the beast behema, spelled beit, heh, mem, heh, all have fled and gone” (Jeremiah 9:9). Behema has a numerical value of fifty-two, alluding to the fact that no one passed through for fifty-two years. From the verse cited in this baraita, it is clear that even the animals and birds were exiled, as it states: “All have fled and gone.”,Rabbi Ya’akov said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: They all returned except for the kolyas ha’ispanin, as Rav said: Those inclines of Babylonia return the water through underground watercourses to the spring of Eitam in Eretz Yisrael, and the fish also returned through these watercourses. And this fish, the kolyas, because its spine is not strong, it could not ascend these watercourses and did not return to Eretz Yisrael.,Rabbi Yoḥa continued to answer the questions of Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba and Rabbi Asi: For what reason are the Festivals in Babylonia more joyous than those in Eretz Yisrael? Because they were not included in that curse with which Eretz Yisrael was cursed, as it is written: “And I will cause all of her happiness to cease, her Festival, her New Moon, and her Shabbat and all her Festivals” (Hosea 2:13). And it is also written: “My soul hates your New Moons and your Festivals; they are a burden to Me; I am weary to bear them” (Isaiah 1:14). What is the meaning of the phrase: “They are a burden to me”? Rabbi Elazar said that the Holy One, Blessed be He, said: Is it not enough for the Jewish people that they sin before Me, that they also burden Me to know which harsh decree I will bring upon them? Rabbi Yitzḥak said: Because of this curse, there is not a single Festival on which troops did not come to Tzippori to conduct searches or to collect taxes. And Rabbi Ḥanina said: There is not a single Festival on which an egmon and a kamton and a branch bearer, Roman officials, did not come to Tiberias to collect taxes, thereby disrupting the festive celebrations.,For what reason are the Torah scholars in Babylonia distinguished by special garb? Because they are not native to that place and therefore require special dress to distinguish themselves, as people say in the folk expression: In my own city, I am honored for my name; in a place that is not my own city, I am honored for my clothing. The Gemara then praised the Sages of Babylonia by interpreting the verse “In days to come Jacob will take root, Israel will bud and blossom” (Isaiah 27:6). Rav Yosef taught: These are the Torah scholars in Babylonia, who add buds and blossoms to the Torah.,Rabbi Yoḥa then explained to them: Why are gentiles ethically contaminated? It is because they did not stand on Mount Sinai. As when'' None
119. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • influence

 Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 121, 122; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 121, 122

35a וילכו ויבאו א"ר יוחנן משום רבי שמעון בן יוחי מקיש הליכה לביאה מה ביאה בעצה רעה אף הליכה בעצה רעה,(במדבר יג, כז) ויספרו לו ויאמרו באנו וגו\' וכתיב אפס כי עז העם אמר רבי יוחנן (סימן אמ"ת לבד"ו לוי"ה) משום ר"מ כל לשון הרע שאין בו דבר אמת בתחילתו אין מתקיים בסופו,(במדבר יג, ל) ויהס כלב את העם אל משה אמר רבה שהסיתן בדברים,פתח יהושע דקא משתעי אמרי ליה דין ראש קטיעה ימלל,אמר אי משתעינא אמרי בי מילתא וחסמין לי אמר להן וכי זו בלבד עשה לנו בן עמרם סברי בגנותיה קא משתעי אישתיקו,אמר להו הוציאנו ממצרים וקרע לנו את הים והאכילנו את המן אם יאמר עשו סולמות ועלו לרקיע לא נשמע לו (במדבר יג, ל) עלה נעלה וירשנו אותה וגו\',והאנשים אשר עלו עמו אמרו לא נוכל וגו\' אמר רבי חנינא בר פפא דבר גדול דברו מרגלים באותה שעה כי חזק הוא ממנו אל תקרי ממנו אלא ממנו כביכול אפילו בעל הבית אינו יכול להוציא כליו משם,(במדבר יג, לב) ארץ אוכלת יושביה היא דרש רבא אמר הקב"ה אני חשבתיה לטובה והם חשבו לרעה אני חשבתיה לטובה דכל היכא דמטו מת חשיבא דידהו כי היכי דניטרדו ולא לשאלו אבתרייהו ואיכא דאמרי איוב נח נפשיה ואטרידו כולי עלמא בהספידא הם חשבו לרעה ארץ אוכלת יושביה היא,(במדבר יג, לג) ונהי בעינינו כחגבים וכן היינו וגו\' אמר רב משרשיא מרגלים שקרי הוו בשלמא ונהי בעינינו כחגבים לחיי אלא וכן היינו בעיניהם מנא הוו ידעי,ולא היא כי הוו מברי אבילי תותי ארזי הוו מברי וכי חזינהו סלקו יתבי באילני שמעי דקאמרי קחזינן אינשי דדמו לקמצי באילני,(במדבר יד, א) ותשא כל העדה ויתנו את קולם ויבכו אמר רבה אמר רבי יוחנן אותו היום ערב תשעה באב היה אמר הקב"ה הן בכו בכיה של חנם ואני אקבע להם בכיה לדורות,ויאמרו כל העדה לרגום אותם באבנים וכתיב (במדבר יד, י) וכבוד ה\' נראה באהל מועד אמר רבי חייא בר אבא מלמד שנטלו אבנים וזרקום כלפי מעלה,(במדבר יד, לז) וימותו האנשים מוציאי דבת הארץ רעה במגפה אמר רבי שמעון בן לקיש שמתו מיתה משונה אמר רבי חנינא בר פפא דרש ר\' שילא איש כפר תמרתא מלמד שנשתרבב לשונם ונפל על טיבורם והיו תולעים יוצאות מלשונם ונכנסות בטיבורם ומטיבורם ונכנסות בלשונם ורב נחמן בר יצחק אמר באסכרה מתו,וכיון שעלה האחרון שבישראל מן הירדן חזרו מים למקומן שנאמר (יהושע ד, יח) ויהי בעלות הכהנים נושאי ארון ברית ה\' מתוך הירדן נתקו כפות רגלי הכהנים אל החרבה וישובו מי הירדן למקומם וילכו כתמול שלשום על כל גדותיו,נמצא ארון ונושאיו וכהנים מצד אחד וישראל מצד אחד נשא ארון את נושאיו ועבר שנאמר (יהושע ד, יא) ויהי כאשר תם כל העם לעבור ויעבור ארון ה\' והכהנים לפני העם,ועל דבר זה נענש עוזא שנאמר (דברי הימים א יג, ט) ויבאו עד גורן כידון וישלח עוזא את ידו לאחוז את הארון אמר לו הקב"ה עוזא נושאיו נשא עצמו לא כל שכן,(שמואל ב ו, ז) ויחר אף ה\' בעוזא ויכהו שם על השל וגו\' רבי יוחנן ור"א חד אמר על עסקי שלו וחד אמר שעשה צרכיו בפניו,(שמואל ב ו, ז) וימת שם עם ארון האלהים א"ר יוחנן עוזא בא לעוה"ב שנאמר עם ארון האלהים מה ארון לעולם קיים אף עוזא בא לעוה"ב,(שמואל ב ו, ח) ויחר לדוד על אשר פרץ ה\' פרץ בעוזא א"ר אלעזר שנשתנו פניו כחררה,אלא מעתה כל היכא דכתיב ויחר ה"נ התם כתיב אף הכא לא כתיב אף,דרש רבא מפני מה נענש דוד מפני שקרא לדברי תורה זמירות שנאמר (תהלים קיט, נד) זמירות היו לי חוקיך בבית מגורי,אמר לו הקב"ה ד"ת שכתוב בהן (משלי כג, ה) התעיף עיניך בו ואיננו אתה קורא אותן זמירות הריני מכשילך בדבר שאפילו תינוקות של בית רבן יודעין אותו דכתיב (במדבר ז, ט) ולבני קהת לא נתן כי עבודת הקודש וגו\' ואיהו אתייה בעגלתא,(שמואל א ו, יט) ויך באנשי בית שמש כי ראו בארון משום דראו ויך (אלהים) רבי אבהו ורבי אלעזר חד אמר קוצרין ומשתחוים היו וחד אמר מילי נמי אמור' ' None35a And they went and they came” (Numbers 13:25–26). Rabbi Yoḥa says in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai: This verse likens their going to their coming. Just as their coming back was with wicked counsel, so too, their going to Eretz Yisrael was with wicked counsel.,The Torah states: “And they told him, and said: We came to the land to which you sent us, and it also flows with milk and honey” (Numbers 13:27), and then it is written: “However the people that dwell in the land are fierce” (Numbers 13:28). Why did the spies praise the land and then slander it? Rabbi Yoḥa says three statements in the name of Rabbi Meir, represented by the mnemonic device: Truth, alone, borrowing. The first statement answers this question: Any slander that does not begin with a truthful statement ultimately does not stand, i.e., it is not accepted by others.,The verse states: “And Caleb stilled vayyahas the people toward Moses” (Numbers 13:30). Rabba says: This means that he persuaded them hesitan with his words. Vayyahas and hesitan share the same root in Hebrew.,How did he do so? Joshua began to address the people, and as he was speaking they said to him: Should this person, who has a severed head, as he has no children, speak to the people about entering Eretz Yisrael?,Caleb said to himself: If I speak they will also say something about me and stop me from speaking. He began to speak and said to them: And is this the only thing that the son of Amram, Moses, has done to us? They thought that he wanted to relate something to the discredit of Moses, and they were silent.,He then said to them: He took us out of Egypt, and split the sea for us, and fed us the manna. If he says to us: Build ladders and climb to the heavens, should we not listen to him? “We should go up at once,” even to the heavens, “and possess it” (Numbers 13:30).,The verses continue: “But the men that went up with him said: We are not able to go up against the people; as they are stronger than us” (Numbers 13:31). Rabbi Ḥanina bar Pappa says: The spies said a serious statement at that moment. When they said: “They are stronger,” do not read the phrase as: Stronger than us mimmennu, but rather read it as: Stronger than Him mimmennu, meaning that even the Homeowner, God, is unable to remove His belongings from there, as it were. The spies were speaking heresy and claiming that the Canaanites were stronger than God Himself.,The spies said: “It is a land that consumes its inhabitants” (Numbers 13:32). Rava taught: The Holy One, Blessed be He, said: I intended the land to appear to consume its inhabitants for their own good, but they considered this proof that the land was bad. I intended it for their good by causing many people to die there so that anywhere that the spies arrived, the most important of them died, so that the Canaanites would be preoccupied with mourning and would not inquire about them. And there are those who say that God caused Job to die at that time, and everyone in Canaan was preoccupied with his eulogy, and did not pay attention to the spies. However, the spies considered this proof that the land was bad and said: “It is a land that consumes its inhabitants.”,The spies said: “And we were like grasshoppers in our own eyes, and so were we in their eyes” (Numbers 13:33). Rav Mesharshiyya says: The spies were liars. Granted, to say: “We were like grasshoppers in our own eyes,” is well, but to say: “And so were we in their eyes,” from where could they have known this?,The Gemara responds: But that is not so, as when the Canaanites were having the mourners’ meal, they had the meal beneath cedar trees, and when the spies saw them they climbed up the trees and sat in them. From there they heard the Canaanites saying: We see people who look like grasshoppers in the trees.,The verse states: “And all the congregation lifted up their voice and cried” (Numbers 14:1). Rabba says that Rabbi Yoḥa says: That day was the eve of the Ninth of Av, and the Holy One, Blessed be He, said: On that day they wept a gratuitous weeping, so I will establish that day for them as a day of weeping for the future generations.,The verse states: “But all the congregation bade stone them with stones” (Numbers 14:10), and it is written immediately afterward: “When the glory of the Lord appeared in the Tent of Meeting” (Numbers 14:10). Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba says: This teaches that they took stones and threw them upward as if to throw them at God.,The verse states: “And those men who brought out an evil report of the land, died by the plague before the Lord” (Numbers 14:37). Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish says: This means that they died an unusual death. Rabbi Ḥanina bar Pappa says that Rabbi Sheila Ish Kefar Temarta taught: This teaches that their tongues were stretched out from their mouths and fell upon their navels, and worms were crawling out of their tongues and entering their navels, and worms were likewise coming out of their navels and entering their tongues. This is the painful death that they suffered. And Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: They died of diphtheria, which causes one to choke to death.,§ The Gemara returns to discuss the entry of the Jewish people into Eretz Yisrael. And once the last one of the Jewish people ascended out of the Jordan, the water returned to its place, as it is stated: “And it came to pass, as the priests that bore the Ark of the Covet of the Lord came up out of the midst of the Jordan, as soon as the soles of the priests’ feet were drawn up unto the dry ground, that the waters of the Jordan returned to their place, and went over all its banks, as it had before” (Joshua 4:18). The Gemara understands that the priests who carried the Ark stood in the water until all of the Jewish people passed through the Jordan. Once all the Jewish people had reached the other side of the Jordan, the priests stepped back from the water and the Jordan returned to its natural state.,It follows that the Ark and its bearers and the priests were on one side of the Jordan, the east side, and the rest of the Jewish people were on the other side, the west side. Subsequently, the Ark carried its bearers in the air and crossed the Jordan, as it is stated: “When all the people were completely passed over, the Ark of the Lord passed on, and the priests, before the people” (Joshua 4:11).,And over this matter Uzzah was punished for not taking proper care of the Ark, as it is stated: “And when they came to the threshing floor of Chidon, Uzzah put forth his hand to hold the Ark; for the oxen stumbled” (I\xa0Chronicles 13:9). The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to him: Uzzah, the Ark carried its bearers when it crossed the Jordan; all the more so is it not clear that it can carry itself?,§ The verse states: “And the anger of the Lord was kindled against Uzzah; and God smote him there for his error hashal (II\xa0Samuel 6:7). Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Elazar disagreed over the interpretation of this verse. One says: God smote him for his forgetfulness shalo, because he did not remember that the Ark can carry itself. And one says: God smote him because he lifted the edges shulayyim of his garment in front of the Ark and relieved himself in its presence.,The verse states: “And he died there with the Ark of God” (II\xa0Samuel 6:7). Rabbi Yoḥa says: Uzzah entered the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “With the Ark of God.” Just as the Ark exists forever, so too, Uzzah entered the World-to-Come.,The verse states: “And David was displeased vayyiḥar because the Lord had broken forth upon Uzzah” (II\xa0Samuel 6:8). Rabbi Elazar says: Vayyiḥar means that his face changed colors and darkened like baked bread ḥarara from displeasure.,The Gemara questions this statement: If that is so, anywhere that the word vayyiḥar is written, including when it is referring to God, should it be interpreted this way as well? The Gemara answers: There, it is written: “And the anger of the Lord was kindled vayyiḥar af ” (II\xa0Samuel 6:7), whereas here, the anger af is not written, but only vayyiḥar. Therefore it is interpreted differently.,Rava taught: For what reason was David punished with Uzzah’s death? He was punished because he called matters of Torah: Songs, as it is stated: “Your statutes have been my songs in the house of my pilgrimage” (Psalms 119:54).,The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to him: Matters of Torah are so difficult and demanding that it is written: “Will you set your eyes upon it? It is gone” (Proverbs 23:5), i.e., one whose eyes stray from the Torah even for a moment will forget it, and you call them songs? For this reason I will cause you to stumble in a matter that even schoolchildren know, as it is written with regard to the wagons brought to the Tabernacle: “And to the descendants of Kohath he did not give, because the service of the holy things belongs to them; they carry them upon their shoulders” (Numbers 7:9). And although the Ark clearly must be carried on people’s shoulders, David erred and brought it in a wagon.,§ When the Philistines returned the Ark during the period of Samuel, it is stated: “And He smote of the men of Beit Shemesh because they had gazed upon the Ark of the Lord” (I Samuel 6:19). The Gemara asks: Because they gazed upon it, God smote them? Why did their action warrant this punishment? Rabbi Abbahu and Rabbi Elazar disagreed with regard to the interpretation of the verse. One says that they were punished because they were reaping their crops and prostrating themselves at the same time; they did not stop working in reverence for the Ark. And one says that they also spoke denigrating words:' ' None
120. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • influence (foreign cultural) • influence vs. cultural fluidity models • Ḥiyya bar Abba (R.), Influence on Divine Realms

 Found in books: Fishbane (2003), Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 174; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 431

16a למתבייש מאחרים והיכא מנח להו אמר רבי יצחק במקום תפילין שנאמר (ישעיהו סא, ג) לשום לאבילי ציון לתת להם פאר תחת אפר:,רחוב תיבה ושקים אפר אפר קבורה ומוריה סימן: למה יוצאין לרחוב ר\' חייא בר אבא אמר לומר זעקנו בצנעא ולא נענינו נבזה עצמנו בפרהסיא,ריש לקיש אמר גלינו גלותינו מכפרת עלינו מאי בינייהו איכא בינייהו דגלי מבי כנישתא לבי כנישתא,ולמה מוציאין את התיבה לרחובה של עיר אמר ר\' יהושע בן לוי לומר כלי צנוע היה לנו ונתבזה בעוונינו,ולמה מתכסין בשקים אמר ר\' חייא בר אבא לומר הרי אנו חשובין כבהמה ולמה נותנין אפר מקלה על גבי תיבה אמר רבי יהודה בן פזי כלומר (תהלים צא, טו) עמו אנכי בצרה ריש לקיש אמר (ישעיהו סג, ט) בכל צרתם לו צר אמר ר\' זירא מריש כי הוה חזינא להו לרבנן דיהבי אפר מקלה על גבי תיבה מזדעזע לי כוליה גופאי,ולמה נותנין אפר בראש כל אחד ואחד פליגי בה ר\' לוי בר חמא ור\' חנינא חד אמר הרי אנו חשובין לפניך כאפר וחד אמר כדי שיזכור לנו אפרו של יצחק מאי בינייהו איכא בינייהו עפר סתם,למה יוצאין לבית הקברות פליגי בה ר\' לוי בר חמא ור\' חנינא חד אמר הרי אנו חשובין לפניך כמתים וחד אמר כדי שיבקשו עלינו מתים רחמים מאי בינייהו איכא בינייהו קברי עכו"ם,מאי (דברי הימים ב ג, א) הר המוריה פליגי בה ר\' לוי בר חמא ור\' חנינא חד אמר הר שיצא ממנו הוראה לישראל וחד אמר הר שיצא ממנו מורא לעובדי כוכבים:,הזקן שבהן אומר לפניהן דברי כבושין: ת"ר אם יש זקן אומר זקן ואם לאו אומר חכם ואם לאו אומר אדם של צורה אטו זקן דקאמרי אף על גב דלאו חכם הוא אמר אביי הכי קאמר אם יש זקן והוא חכם אומר זקן והוא חכם ואם לאו אומר חכם ואם לאו אומר אדם של צורה,אחינו לא שק ותענית גורמים אלא תשובה ומעשים טובים גורמים שכן מצינו באנשי נינוה שלא נאמר בהם וירא האלהים את שקם ואת תעניתם אלא (יונה ג, י) וירא האלהים את מעשיהם כי שבו מדרכם הרעה,(יונה ג, ח) ויתכסו שקים האדם והבהמה מאי הוו עבדי אסרא הבהמות לחוד ואת הוולדות לחוד אמרו לפניו רבונו של עולם אם אין אתה מרחם עלינו אין אנו מרחמים על אלו,(יונה ג, ח) ויקראו אל אלהים בחזקה מאי אמור אמרו לפניו רבונו של עולם עלוב ושאינו עלוב צדיק ורשע מי נדחה מפני מי,(יונה ג, ח) וישובו איש מדרכו הרעה ומן החמס אשר בכפיהם מאי ומן החמס אשר בכפיהם אמר שמואל אפילו גזל מריש ובנאו בבירה מקעקע כל הבירה כולה ומחזיר מריש לבעליו,אמר רב אדא בר אהבה אדם שיש בידו עבירה ומתודה ואינו חוזר בה למה הוא דומה לאדם שתופס שרץ בידו שאפי\' טובל בכל מימות שבעולם לא עלתה לו טבילה זרקו מידו כיון שטבל בארבעים סאה מיד עלתה לו טבילה,שנאמר (משלי כח, יג) ומודה ועוזב ירוחם ואומר (איכה ג, מא) נשא לבבינו אל כפים אל אל בשמים:,עמדו בתפלה מורידין לפני התיבה זקן כו\': תנו רבנן עמדו בתפלה אע"פ שיש שם זקן וחכם אין מורידין לפני התיבה אלא אדם הרגיל (איזהו רגיל) ר\' יהודה אומר מטופל ואין לו ויש לו יגיעה בשדה וביתו ריקם,ופרקו נאה ושפל ברך ומרוצה לעם ויש לו נעימה וקולו ערב ובקי לקרות בתורה ובנביאים ובכתובים ולשנות במדרש בהלכות ובאגדות ובקי בכל הברכות כולן ויהבו ביה רבנן עינייהו בר\' יצחק בר אמי'' None16a one who is humiliated by others. Accordingly, ashes are placed on the heads of the leaders of the community by others, to increase the appearance of their suffering. The Gemara asks: And where exactly are the ashes placed upon their heads? Rabbi Yitzḥak said: On the place of the phylacteries of the head, as it is stated: “To appoint to those who mourn in Zion, to give to them an ornament pe’er instead of ashes” (Isaiah 61:3). This verse likens the placement of ashes on one’s head to an ornament, and the term pe’er is traditionally interpreted as a reference to phylacteries.,§ The Gemara provides a mnemonic device for the forthcoming statements. Square; ark; and sackcloth; ashes; ashes; cemetery; and Moriah. The Gemara asks: Why do they go out to the square? Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said: This is a symbolic action, as though to say: We cried out in private inside the synagogue and we were not answered. We will therefore disgrace ourselves in public, so that our prayers will be heard.,Reish Lakish said that the move into the square symbolizes exile, as though they are saying: We have been exiled; may our exile atone for us. The Gemara asks: What is the practical difference between these two explanations? The Gemara answers that the practical difference between them is in a case where they are exiled, i.e., they move, from one synagogue to another synagogue. According to the opinion of Reish Lakish, they have exiled themselves, and therefore this ceremony is adequate. Conversely, Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba maintains that as the ritual is performed in private, it is insufficient.,The Gemara asks another question concerning the meaning of the ritual. And why do they remove the ark to the city square? Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: This is done as though to say: We had a modest vessel, which was always kept concealed, but it has been publicly exposed due to our transgressions.,The Gemara further asks: And why do they cover themselves in sackcloth? Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said: This is as though to say: We are considered before You like animals, which are likewise covered with hide. And why do they place burnt ashes on top of the ark? Rabbi Yehuda ben Pazi said: This is as though to say in God’s name: “I will be with him in trouble” (Psalms 91:15). Reish Lakish said that the same idea can be derived from a different verse: “In all their affliction, He was afflicted” (Isaiah 63:9). By placing burnt ash on the ark, which is the symbol of the Divine Presence, it is as though God Himself joins the Jews in their pain. Rabbi Zeira said: At first, when I saw the Sages place burnt ashes upon the ark, my entire body trembled from the intensity of the event.,And why do they place ashes upon the head of each and every individual? Rabbi Levi bar Ḥama and Rabbi Ḥanina disagree with regard to this matter. One said that this is as though to say: We are considered like ashes before You. And one said that these ashes are placed in order to remind God of the ashes of our forefather Isaac, on our behalf. The Gemara asks: What is the practical difference between these two explanations? The Gemara answers that the practical difference between them is in a case where one placed ordinary earth upon the heads of the individuals instead of ashes. Although earth does symbolize self-nullification and may be used according to the first explanation, it has no connection to the sacrifice of Isaac, and therefore it does not satisfy the second explanation.,The Gemara further asks: And why do they go out to the cemetery on a fast day? Again, Rabbi Levi bar Ḥama and Rabbi Ḥanina disagree with regard to this matter. One said this is as though to say: We are like the dead before You. And one said that one goes out to the cemetery in order that the deceased will request mercy on our behalf. The Gemara asks: What is the practical difference between them? The Gemara answers that the practical difference between them concerns graves of gentiles. If the purpose of going to graves is to say that they stand before God like the dead, graves of gentiles would suffice. However, if they go to the cemetery for the deceased to ask for mercy on their behalf, they should visit specifically Jewish graves.,§ Apropos disputes between Rabbi Levi bar Ḥama and Rabbi Ḥanina, the Gemara mentions another dispute between them. What is the meaning of the name Mount Har Moriah, the Temple Mount? Rabbi Levi bar Ḥama and Rabbi Ḥanina disagree with regard to this matter. One said that the name alludes to the Great Sanhedrin that convened there, as it is the mountain from which instruction hora’a went out to the Jewish people. And one said that it is the mountain from which fear mora went out to the nations of the world, as this place signifies God’s choice of the Jewish people.,§ The mishna taught: The eldest of the community says to them statements of reproof. The Sages taught in a baraita: If there is an elder, then the elder says the admonition, and if not, a Sage says the admonition. And if not, a person of imposing appearance says it. The Gemara asks: Is that to say that the elder of whom we spoke is preferred to a scholar simply by virtue of his age, even though he is not a scholar? Abaye said that this is what the mishna is saying: If there is an elder, and he is also a scholar, this elder scholar says the admonition. And if not, even a young scholar says the reproof. And if there is no scholar of any kind available, a person of imposing appearance says it.,What does he say? Our brothers, it is not sackcloth and fasting that cause atonement for our sins. Rather, repentance and good deeds will cause our atonement. This is as we find with regard to the people of Nineveh, that it is not stated about them: And God saw their sackcloth and their fasting. Rather, the verse states: “And God saw their deeds, that they had turned from their evil way” (Jonah 3:10).,§ Apropos the repentance of the inhabitants of Nineveh, the Gemara discusses their behavior further. The verse states: “But let them be covered with sackcloth, both man and beast” (Jonah 3:8). What did they do? They confined the female animals alone, and their young alone, in a different place. They then said before God: Master of the Universe, if You do not have mercy on us, we will not have mercy on these animals. Even if we are not worthy of Your mercy, these animals have not sinned.,It is further stated with regard to the people of Nineveh: “And let them cry mightily to God” (Jonah 3:8). The Gemara asks: What did they say that could be described as calling out “mightily”? The Gemara explains that they said before God: Master of the Universe, if there is a dispute between a submissive one and an intractable one, or between a righteous one and a wicked one, who must yield before whom? Certainly the righteous forgives the wicked. Likewise, You must have mercy on us.,The verse states: “And let them turn, every one from his evil way, and from the violence that is in their hands” (Jonah 3:8). What is the meaning of the phrase “and from the violence that is in their hands”? Shmuel said that the king of Nineveh proclaimed: Even if one stole a beam and built it into his building, he must tear down the entire building and return the beam to its owner. Although the Sages decreed that one need only pay ficial compensation in a case of this kind, these people wanted to repent completely by removing any remt of stolen property from their possession.,§ Similarly, Rav Adda bar Ahava said: A person who has a transgression in his hand, and he confesses but does not repent for his sin, to what is he comparable? To a person who holds in his hand a dead creeping animal, which renders one ritually impure by contact. As in this situation, even if he immerses in all the waters of the world, his immersion is ineffective for him, as long as the source of ritual impurity remains in his hand. However, if he has thrown the animal from his hand, once he has immersed in a ritual bath of forty se’a, the immersion is immediately effective for him.,As it is stated: “He who covers his transgressions shall not prosper, but whoever confesses and forsakes them shall obtain mercy” (Proverbs 28:13). That is, confession alone is futile, but one who also abandons his transgressions will receive mercy. And it states elsewhere: “Let us lift up our heart with our hands to God in Heaven” (Lamentations 3:41), which likewise indicates that it is not enough to lift one’s hands in prayer; rather, one must also raise his heart and return to God.,§ The mishna teaches: They stood for prayer, and the congregation appoints an elder. The Sages taught in a baraita: They stood for prayer, and even if there is a man there who is elderly and a scholar, they appoint to descend before the ark as prayer leader only a person who is accustomed to lead in prayer. Who is considered an accustomed prayer leader in this sense? Rabbi Yehuda says: One who has ficially dependent children but he does not have the means to support them, and he has no choice but to toil in the field, and whose house is empty, and who will therefore pray for rain with great devotion.,Rabbi Yehuda continues with his depiction of the worthy prayer leader. And his youth was becoming, and he is humble and accepted by the people, as he is likable. And furthermore, he must be familiar with songs and his voice pleasant, and he is expert in reading the Torah, the Prophets, and the Writings, and he knows how to study midrash, halakha, and aggada. And finally, he must be expert in all of the blessings. Clearly, it is hard to find someone with all these qualities. And the Gemara relates that when this worthy person was described, those Sages present turned their eyes toward Rav Yitzḥak bar Ami, who possessed all of these virtues.'' None
121. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.109-2.110, 2.113-2.120, 3.37, 4.39, 5.12, 6.103-6.105, 6.108, 7.1-7.5, 7.7-7.8, 7.10, 7.12, 7.15-7.16, 7.25-7.26, 7.28, 7.30-7.34, 7.160, 7.187-7.188, 9.115 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Cynicism, influence on Zeno • Cynics/Cynicism, influence on Horace • Philodemus of Gadara, Cynic influences on • Plato, influence on Aristotle • Satires (Horace), Cynic influences/references • Socrates, influence on scepticism • Zeno of Citium, influence from Cynicism • heresy, Rabbinic Judaism, influence of historiographical outlook of the philosophical schools • philosophical schools, as influencing Rabbinic treatment of heresy

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 85, 96, 123, 250, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 259; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 545; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 76; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 85, 96, 123, 250, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 259; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 79

sup>
2.109 Eubulides kept up a controversy with Aristotle and said much to discredit him.Among other members the school of Eubulides included Alexinus of Elis, a man very fond of controversy, for which reason he was called Elenxinus. In particular he kept up a controversy with Zeno. Hermippus says of him that he left Elis and removed to Olympia, where he studied philosophy. His pupils inquired why he took up his abode here, and were told that it was his intention to found a school which should be called the Olympian school. But as their provisions ran short and they found the place unhealthy, they left it, and for the rest of his days Alexinus lived in solitude with a single servant. And some time afterwards, as he was swimming in the Alpheus, the point of a reed ran into him, and of this injury he died. 2.110 I have composed the following lines upon him:It was not then a vain tale that once an unfortunate man, while diving, pierced his foot somehow with a nail; since that great man Alexinus, before he could cross the Alpheus, was pricked by a reed and met his death.He has written not only a reply to Zeno but other works, including one against Ephorus the historian.To the school of Eubulides also belonged Euphantus of Olynthus, who wrote a history of his own times. He was besides a poet and wrote several tragedies, with which he made a great reputation at the festivals. He taught King Antigonus and dedicated to him a work On Kingship which was very popular. He died of old age.
2.113
11. STILPOStilpo, a citizen of Megara in Greece, was a pupil of some of the followers of Euclides, although others make him a pupil of Euclides himself, and furthermore of Thrasymachus of Corinth, who was the friend of Ichthyas, according to Heraclides. And so far did he excel all the rest in inventiveness and sophistry that nearly the whole of Greece was attracted to him and joined the school of Megara. On this let me cite the exact words of Philippus the Megarian philosopher: for from Theophrastus he drew away the theorist Metrodorus and Timagoras of Gela, from Aristotle the Cyrenaic philosopher, Clitarchus, and Simmias; and as for the dialecticians themselves, he gained over Paeonius from Aristides; Diphilus of Bosphorus, the son of Euphantus, and Myrmex, the son of Exaenetus, who had both come to refute him, he made his devoted adherents. 2.114 And besides these he won over Phrasidemus the Peripatetic, an accomplished physicist, and Alcimus the rhetorician, the first orator in all Greece; Crates, too, and many others he got into his toils, and, what is more, along with these, he carried off Zeno the Phoenician.He was also an authority on politics.He married a wife, and had a mistress named Nicarete, as Onetor has somewhere stated. He had a profligate daughter, who was married to his friend Simmias of Syracuse. And, as she would not live by rule, some one told Stilpo that she was a disgrace to him. To this he replied, Not so, any more than I am an honour to her.' "2.115 Ptolemy Soter, they say, made much of him, and when he had got possession of Megara, offered him a sum of money and invited him to return with him to Egypt. But Stilpo would only accept a very moderate sum, and he declined the proposed journey, and removed to Aegina until Ptolemy set sail. Again, when Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, had taken Megara, he took measures that Stilpo's house should be preserved and all his plundered property restored to him. But when he requested that a schedule of the lost property should be drawn up, Stilpo denied that he had lost anything which really belonged to him, for no one had taken away his learning, while he still had his eloquence and knowledge." '2.116 And conversing upon the duty of doing good to men he made such an impression on the king that he became eager to hear him. There is a story that he once used the following argument concerning the Athena of Phidias: Is it not Athena the daughter of Zeus who is a goddess? And when the other said Yes, he went on, But this at least is not by Zeus but by Phidias, and, this being granted, he concluded, This then is not a god. For this he was summoned before the Areopagus; he did not deny the charge, but contended that the reasoning was correct, for that Athena was no god but a goddess; it was the male divinities who were gods. However, the story goes that the Areopagites ordered him to quit the city, and that thereupon Theodorus, whose nickname was Θεός, said in derision, Whence did Stilpo learn this? and how could he tell whether she was a god or a goddess? But in truth Theodorus was most impudent, and Stilpo most ingenious.' "2.117 When Crates asked him whether the gods take delight in prayers and adorations, he is said to have replied, Don't put such a question in the street, simpleton, but when we are alone! It is said that Bion, when he was asked the same question whether there are gods, replied:Will you not scatter the crowd from me, O much-enduring elder?In character Stilpo was simple and unaffected, and he could readily adapt himself to the plain man. For instance, when Crates the Cynic did not answer the question put to him and only insulted the questioner, I knew, said Stilpo, that you would utter anything rather than what you ought." '2.118 And once when Crates held out a fig to him when putting a question, he took the fig and ate it. Upon which the other exclaimed, O Heracles, I have lost the fig, and Stilpo remarked, Not only that but your question as well, for which the fig was payment in advance. Again, on seeing Crates shrivelled with cold in the winter, he said, You seem to me, Crates, to want a new coat, i.e. to be wanting in sense as well. And the other being annoyed replied with the following burlesque:And Stilpo I saw enduring toilsome woes in Megara, where men say that the bed of Typhos is. There he would ever be wrangling, and many comrades about him, wasting time in the verbal pursuit of virtue. 2.119 It is said that at Athens he so attracted the public that people would run together from the workshops to look at him. And when some one said, Stilpo, they stare at you as if you were some strange creature. No, indeed, said he, but as if I were a genuine man. And, being a consummate master of controversy, he used to demolish even the ideas, and say that he who asserted the existence of Man meant no individual; he did not mean this man or that. For why should he mean the one more than the other? Therefore neither does he mean this individual man. Again, vegetable is not what is shown to me, for vegetable existed ten thousand years ago. Therefore this is not vegetable. The story goes that while in the middle of an argument with Crates he hurried off to buy fish, and, when Crates tried to detain him and urged that he was leaving the argument, his answer was, Not I. I keep the argument though I am leaving you; for the argument will remain, but the fish will soon be sold.' "2.120 Nine dialogues of his are extant written in frigid style, Moschus, Aristippus or Callias, Ptolemy, Chaerecrates, Metrocles, Anaximenes, Epigenes, To his Daughter, Aristotle. Heraclides relates that Zeno, the founder of the Stoic school, was one of Stilpo's pupils; Hermippus that Stilpo died at a great age after taking wine to hasten his end.I have written an epitaph on him also:Surely you know Stilpo the Megarian; old age and then disease laid him low, a formidable pair. But he found in wine a charioteer too strong for that evil team; he quaffed it eagerly and was borne along.He was also ridiculed by Sophilus the Comic poet in his drama The Wedding:What Charinus says is just Stilpo's stoppers." 3.37 Nowhere in his writings does Plato mention himself by name, except in the dialogue On the Soul and the Apology. Aristotle remarks that the style of the dialogues is half-way between poetry and prose. And according to Favorinus, when Plato read the dialogue On the Soul, Aristotle alone stayed to the end; the rest of the audience got up and went away. Some say that Philippus of Opus copied out the Laws, which were left upon waxen tablets, and it is said that he was the author of the Epinomis. Euphorion and Panaetius relate that the beginning of the Republic was found several times revised and rewritten, and the Republic itself Aristoxenus declares to have been nearly all of it included in the Controversies of Protagoras.
4.39
And whereas many persons courted Antigonus and went to meet him whenever he came to Athens, Arcesilaus remained at home, not wishing to thrust himself upon his acquaintance. He was on the best of terms with Hierocles, the commandant in Munichia and Piraeus, and at every festival would go down to see him. And though Hierocles joined in urging him to pay his respects to Antigonus, he was not prevailed upon, but, after going as far as the gates, turned back. And after the battle at sea, when many went to Antigonus or wrote him flattering letters, he held his peace. However, on behalf of his native city, he did go to Demetrias as envoy to Antigonus, but failed in his mission. He spent his time wholly in the Academy, shunning politics.
5.12
but, until Nicanor shall arrive, Aristomenes, Timarchus, Hipparchus, Dioteles and (if he consent and if circumstances permit him) Theophrastus shall take charge as well of Herpyllis and the children as of the property. And when the girl shall be grown up she shall be given in marriage to Nicanor; but if anything happen to the girl (which heaven forbid and no such thing will happen) before her marriage, or when she is married but before there are children, Nicanor shall have full powers, both with regard to the child and with regard to everything else, to administer in a manner worthy both of himself and of us. Nicanor shall take charge of the girl and of the boy Nicomachus as he shall think fit in all that concerns them as if he were father and brother. And if anything should happen to Nicanor (which heaven forbid!) either before he marries the girl, or when he has married her but before there are children, any arrangements that he may make shall be valid.' "
6.103
Such are the lives of the several Cynics. But we will go on to append the doctrines which they held in common – if, that is, we decide that Cynicism is really a philosophy, and not, as some maintain, just a way of life. They are content then, like Ariston of Chios, to do away with the subjects of Logic and Physics and to devote their whole attention to Ethics. And what some assert of Socrates, Diocles records of Diogenes, representing him as saying: We must inquire intoWhate'er of good or ill within our halls is wrought.They also dispense with the ordinary subjects of instruction. At least Antisthenes used to say that those who had attained discretion had better not study literature, lest they should be perverted by alien influences." "6.104 So they get rid of geometry and music and all such studies. Anyhow, when somebody showed Diogenes a clock, he pronounced it a serviceable instrument to save one from being late for dinner. Again, to a man who gave a musical recital before him he said:By men's minds states are ordered well, and households,Not by the lyre's twanged strings or flute's trilled notes.They hold further that Life according to Virtue is the End to be sought, as Antisthenes says in his Heracles: exactly like the Stoics. For indeed there is a certain close relationship between the two schools. Hence it has been said that Cynicism is a short cut to virtue; and after the same pattern did Zeno of Citium live his life." '6.105 They also hold that we should live frugally, eating food for nourishment only and wearing a single garment. Wealth and fame and high birth they despise. Some at all events are vegetarians and drink cold water only and are content with any kind of shelter or tubs, like Diogenes, who used to say that it was the privilege of the gods to need nothing and of god-like men to want but little.They hold, further, that virtue can be taught, as Antisthenes maintains in his Heracles, and when once acquired cannot be lost; and that the wise man is worthy to be loved, impeccable, and a friend to his like; and that we should entrust nothing to fortune. Whatever is intermediate between Virtue and Vice they, in agreement with Ariston of Chios, account indifferent.So much, then, for the Cynics. We must now pass on to the Stoics, whose founder was Zeno, a disciple of Crates.
7.1
BOOK 7: 1. ZENOZeno, the son of Mnaseas (or Demeas), was a native of Citium in Cyprus, a Greek city which had received Phoenician settlers. He had a wry neck, says Timotheus of Athens in his book On Lives. Moreover, Apollonius of Tyre says he was lean, fairly tall, and swarthy – hence some one called him an Egyptian vine-branch, according to Chrysippus in the first book of his Proverbs. He had thick legs; he was flabby and delicate. Hence Persaeus in his Convivial Reminiscences relates that he declined most invitations to dinner. They say he was fond of eating green figs and of basking in the sun.' "7.2 He was a pupil of Crates, as stated above. Next they say he attended the lectures of Stilpo and Xenocrates for ten years – so Timocrates says in his Dion – and Polemo as well. It is stated by Hecato and by Apollonius of Tyre in his first book on Zeno that he consulted the oracle to know what he should do to attain the best life, and that the god's response was that he should take on the complexion of the dead. Whereupon, perceiving what this meant, he studied ancient authors. Now the way he came across Crates was this. He was shipwrecked on a voyage from Phoenicia to Peiraeus with a cargo of purple. He went up into Athens and sat down in a bookseller's shop, being then a man of thirty." "7.3 As he went on reading the second book of Xenophon's Memorabilia, he was so pleased that he inquired where men like Socrates were to be found. Crates passed by in the nick of time, so the bookseller pointed to him and said, Follow yonder man. From that day he became Crates's pupil, showing in other respects a strong bent for philosophy, though with too much native modesty to assimilate Cynic shamelessness. Hence Crates, desirous of curing this defect in him, gave him a potful of lentil-soup to carry through the Ceramicus; and when he saw that he was ashamed and tried to keep it out of sight, with a blow of his staff he broke the pot. As Zeno took to flight with the lentil-soup flowing down his legs, Why run away, my little Phoenician? quoth Crates, nothing terrible has befallen you." "7.4 For a certain space, then, he was instructed by Crates, and when at this time he had written his Republic, some said in jest that he had written it on Cynosura, i.e. on the dog's tail. Besides the Republic he wrote the following works:of Life according to Nature.of Impulse, or Human Nature.of Emotions.of Duty.of Law.of Greek Education.of Vision.of the Whole World.of Signs.Pythagorean Questions.Universals.of Varieties of Style.Homeric Problems, in five books.of the Reading of Poetry.There are also by him:A Handbook of Rhetoric.Solutions.Two books of Refutations.Recollections of Crates.Ethics.This is a list of his writings. But at last he left Crates, and the men above mentioned were his masters for twenty years. Hence he is reported to have said, I made a prosperous voyage when I suffered shipwreck. But others attribute this saying of his to the time when he was under Crates." '7.5 A different version of the story is that he was staying at Athens when he heard his ship was wrecked and said, It is well done of thee, Fortune, thus to drive me to philosophy. But some say that he disposed of his cargo in Athens, before he turned his attention to philosophy.He used then to discourse, pacing up and down in the Stoa Poikile, which is also called the stoa or Portico of Pisianax, but which received its name from the painting of Polygnotus; his object being to keep the spot clear of a concourse of idlers. It was the spot where in the time of the Thirty 1400 Athenian citizens had been put to death. Hither, then, people came henceforth to hear Zeno, and this is why they were known as men of the Stoa, or Stoics; and the same name was given to his followers, who had formerly been known as Zenonians. So it is stated by Epicurus in his letters. According to Eratosthenes in his eighth book On the Old Comedy, the name of Stoic had formerly been applied to the poets who passed their time there, and they had made the name of Stoic still more famous.' "
7.7
King Antigonus to Zeno the philosopher, greeting.While in fortune and fame I deem myself your superior, in reason and education I own myself inferior, as well as in the perfect happiness which you have attained. Wherefore I have decided to ask you to pay me a visit, being persuaded that you will not refuse the request. By all means, then, do your best to hold conference with me, understanding clearly that you will not be the instructor of myself alone but of all the Macedonians taken together. For it is obvious that whoever instructs the ruler of Macedonia and guides him in the paths of virtue will also be training his subjects to be good men. As is the ruler, such for the most part it may be expected that his subjects will become.And Zeno's reply is as follows:" '7.8 Zeno to King Antigonus, greeting.I welcome your love of learning in so far as you cleave to that true education which tends to advantage and not to that popular counterfeit of it which serves only to corrupt morals. But if anyone has yearned for philosophy, turning away from much-vaunted pleasure which renders effeminate the souls of some of the young, it is evident that not by nature only, but also by the bent of his will he is inclined to nobility of character. But if a noble nature be aided by moderate exercise and further receive ungrudging instruction, it easily comes to acquire virtue in perfection.

7.10
In the archonship of Arrhenides, in the fifth prytany of the tribe Acamantis on the twenty-first day of Maemacterion, at the twenty-third plenary assembly of the prytany, one of the presidents, Hippo, the son of Cratistoteles, of the deme Xypetaeon, and his co-presidents put the question to the vote; Thraso, the son of Thraso of the deme Anacaea, moved:Whereas Zeno of Citium, son of Mnaseas, has for many years been devoted to philosophy in the city and has continued to be a man of worth in all other respects, exhorting to virtue and temperance those of the youth who come to him to be taught, directing them to what is best, affording to all in his own conduct a pattern for imitation in perfect consistency with his teaching, it has seemed good to the people –

7.12
Thraso of the deme Anacaea, Philocles of Peiraeus, Phaedrus of Anaphlystus, Medon of Acharnae, Micythus of Sypalettus, and Dion of Paeania have been elected commissioners for the making of the crown and the building.These are the terms of the decree.Antigonus of Carystus tells us that he never denied that he was a citizen of Citium. For when he was one of those who contributed to the restoration of the baths and his name was inscribed upon the pillar as Zeno the philosopher, he requested that the words of Citium should be added. He made a hollow lid for a flask and used to carry about money in it, in order that there might be provision at hand for the necessities of his master Crates.' "

7.15
After Zeno's death Antigonus is reported to have said, What an audience I have lost. Hence too he employed Thraso as his agent to request the Athenians to bury Zeno in the Ceramicus. And when asked why he admired him, Because, said he, the many ample gifts I offered him never made him conceited nor yet appear poor-spirited.His bent was towards inquiry, and he was an exact reasoner on all subjects. Hence the words of Timon in his Silli:A Phoenician too I saw, a pampered old woman ensconced in gloomy pride, longing for all things; but the meshes of her subtle web have perished, and she had no more intelligence than a banjo." "
7.16
He used to dispute very carefully with Philo the logician and study along with him. Hence Zeno, who was the junior, had as great an admiration for Philo as his master Diodorus. And he had about him certain ragged dirty fellows, as Timon says in these lines:The while he got together a crowd of ignorant serfs, who surpassed all men in beggary and were the emptiest of townsfolk.Zeno himself was sour and of a frowning countece. He was very niggardly too, clinging to meanness unworthy of a Greek, on the plea of economy, If he pitched into anyone he would do it concisely, and not effusively, keeping him rather at arm's length. I mean, for example, his remark upon the fop showing himself off." "
7.25
According to Hippobotus he forgathered with Diodorus, with whom he worked hard at dialectic. And when he was already making progress, he would enter Polemo's school: so far from all self-conceit was he. In consequence Polemo is said to have addressed him thus: You slip in, Zeno, by the garden door – I'm quite aware of it – you filch my doctrines and give them a Phoenician make-up. A dialectician once showed him seven logical forms concerned with the sophism known as The Reaper, and Zeno asked him how much he wanted for them. Being told a hundred drachmas, he promptly paid two hundred: to such lengths would he go in his love of learning. They say too that he first introduced the word Duty and wrote a treatise on the subject. It is said, moreover, that he corrected Hesiod's lines thus:He is best of all men who follows good advice: good too is he who finds out all things for himself." '7.26 The reason he gave for this was that the man capable of giving a proper hearing to what is said and profiting by it was superior to him who discovers everything himself. For the one had merely a right apprehension, the other in obeying good counsel superadded conduct.When he was asked why he, though so austere, relaxed at a drinking-party, he said, Lupins too are bitter, but when they are soaked become sweet. Hecato too in the second book of his Anecdotes says that he indulged freely at such gatherings. And he would say, Better to trip with the feet than with the tongue. Well-being is attained by little and little, and nevertheless it is no little thing itself. Others attribute this to Socrates.
7.28
And in very truth in this species of virtue and in dignity he surpassed all mankind, ay, and in happiness; for he was ninety-eight when he died and had enjoyed good health without an ailment to the last. Persaeus, however, in his ethical lectures makes him die at the age of seventy-two, having come to Athens at the age of twenty-two. But Apollonius says that he presided over the school for fifty-eight years. The manner of his death was as follows. As he was leaving the school he tripped and fell, breaking a toe. Striking the ground with his fist, he quoted the line from the Niobe:I come, I come, why dost thou call for me?and died on the spot through holding his breath.' "
7.30
Here too is another by Zenodotus the Stoic, a pupil of Diogenes:Thou madest self-sufficiency thy rule,Eschewing haughty wealth, O godlike Zeno,With aspect grave and hoary brow serene.A manly doctrine thine: and by thy prudenceWith much toil thou didst found a great new school,Chaste parent of unfearing liberty.And if thy native country was Phoenicia,What need to slight thee? came not Cadmus thence,Who gave to Greece her books and art of writing?And Athenaeus the epigrammatist speaks of all the Stoics in common as follows:O ye who've learnt the doctrines of the StoaAnd have committed to your books divineThe best of human learning, teaching menThat the mind's virtue is the only good!She only it is who keeps the lives of menAnd cities, – safer than high gates and walls.But those who place their happiness in pleasureAre led by the least worthy of the Muses." "7.31 We have ourselves mentioned the manner of Zeno's death in the Pammetros (a collection of poems in various metres):The story goes that Zeno of Citium after enduring many hardships by reason of old age was set free, some say by ceasing to take food; others say that once when he had tripped he beat with his hand upon the earth and cried, I come of my own accord; why then call me?For there are some who hold this to have been the manner of his death.So much then concerning his death.Demetrius the Magnesian, in his work on Men of the Same Name, says of him: his father, Mnaseas, being a merchant often went to Athens and brought away many books about Socrates for Zeno while still a boy." '7.32 Hence he had been well trained even before he left his native place. And thus it came about that on his arrival at Athens he attached himself to Crates. And it seems, he adds, that, when the rest were at a loss how to express their views, Zeno framed a definition of the end. They say that he was in the habit of swearing by capers just as Socrates used to swear by the dog. Some there are, and among them Cassius the Sceptic and his disciples, who accuse Zeno at length. Their first count is that in the beginning of his Republic he pronounced the ordinary education useless: the next is that he applies to all men who are not virtuous the opprobrious epithets of foemen, enemies, slaves, and aliens to one another, parents to children, brothers to brothers, friends to friends. 7.33 Again, in the Republic, making an invidious contrast, he declares the good alone to be true citizens or friends or kindred or free men; and accordingly in the view of the Stoics parents and children are enemies, not being wise. Again, it is objected, in the Republic he lays down community of wives, and at line 200 prohibits the building of sanctuaries, law-courts and gymnasia in cities; while as regards a currency he writes that we should not think it need be introduced either for purposes of exchange or for travelling abroad. Further, he bids men and women wear the same dress and keep no part of the body entirely covered. 7.34 That the Republic is the work of Zeno is attested by Chrysippus in his De Republica. And he discussed amatory subjects in the beginning of that book of his which is entitled The Art of Love. Moreover, he writes much the same in his Interludes. So much for the criticisms to be found not only in Cassius but in Isidorus of Pergamum, the rhetorician. Isidorus likewise affirms that the passages disapproved by the school were expunged from his works by Athenodorus the Stoic, who was in charge of the Pergamene library; and that afterwards, when Athenodorus was detected and compromised, they were replaced. So much concerning the passages in his writings which are regarded as spurious.

7.160
2. ARISTONAriston the Bald, of Chios, who was also called the Siren, declared the end of action to be a life of perfect indifference to everything which is neither virtue nor vice; recognizing no distinction whatever in things indifferent, but treating them all alike. The wise man he compared to a good actor, who, if called upon to take the part of a Thersites or of an Agamemnon, will impersonate them both becomingly. He wished to discard both Logic and Physics, saying that Physics was beyond our reach and Logic did not concern us: all that did concern us was Ethics.

7.187
Again: If anyone is in Megara, he is not in Athens: now there is a man in Megara, therefore there is not a man in Athens. Again: If you say something, it passes through your lips: now you say wagon, consequently a wagon passes through your lips. And further: If you never lost something, you have it still; but you never lost horns, ergo you have horns. Others attribute this to Eubulides.There are people who run Chrysippus down as having written much in a tone that is gross and indecent. For in his work On the ancient Natural Philosophers at line 600 or thereabouts he interprets the story of Hera and Zeus coarsely, with details which no one would soil his lips by repeating.
7.188
Indeed, his interpretation of the story is condemned as most indecent. He may be commending physical doctrine; but the language used is more appropriate to street-walkers than to deities; and it is moreover not even mentioned by bibliographers, who wrote on the titles of books. What Chrysippus makes of it is not to be found in Polemo nor Hypsicrates, no, nor even in Antigonus. It is his own invention. Again, in his Republic he permits marriage with mothers and daughters and sons. He says the same in his work On Things for their own Sake not Desirable, right at the outset. In the third book of his treatise On Justice, at about line 1000, he permits eating of the corpses of the dead. And in the second book of his On the Means of Livelihood, where he professes to be considering a priori how the wise man is to get his living, occur the words:' "
9.115
Asked once by Arcesilaus why he had come there from Thebes, he replied, Why, to laugh when I have you all in full view! Yet, while attacking Arcesilaus in his Silli, he has praised him in his work entitled the Funeral Banquet of Arcesilaus.According to Menodotus he left no successor, but his school lapsed until Ptolemy of Cyrene re-established it. Hippobotus and Sotion, however, say that he had as pupils Dioscurides of Cyprus, Nicolochus of Rhodes, Euphranor of Seleucia, and Pralus of the Troad. The latter, as we learn from the history of Phylarchus, was a man of such unflinching courage that, although unjustly accused, he patiently suffered a traitor's death, without so much as deigning to speak one word to his fellow-citizens." ' None
122. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 5.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Porphyry of Tyre, influenced Diocletian to launch Great Persecution • Porphyry, influences Diocletian

 Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 850; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 77

sup>
5.2 Therefore, because there have been wanting among us suitable and skilful teachers, who might vigorously and sharply refute public errors, and who might defend the whole cause of truth with elegance and copiousness, this very want incited some to venture to write against the truth, which was unknown to them. I pass by those who in former times in vain assailed it. When I was teaching rhetorical learning in Bithynia, having been called there, and it had happened that at the same time the temple of God was overthrown, there were living at the same place two men who insulted the truth as it lay prostrate and overthrown, I know not whether with greater arrogance or harshness: the one of whom professed himself the high priest of philosophy; but he was so addicted to vice, that, though a teacher of abstinence, he was not less inflamed with avarice than with lusts; so extravagant in his manner of living, that though in his school he was the maintainer of virtue, the praiser of parsimony and poverty, he dined less sumptuously in a palace than at his own house. Nevertheless he sheltered his vices by his hair and his cloak, and (that which is the greatest screen ) by his riches; and that he might increase these, he used to penetrate with wonderful effort to the friendships of the judges; and he suddenly attached them to himself by the authority of a fictitious name, not only that he might make a traffic of their decisions, but also that he might by this influence hinder his neighbours, whom he was driving from their homes and lands, from the recovery of their property. This man, in truth, who overthrew his own arguments by his character, or censured his own character by his arguments, a weighty censor and most keen accuser against himself, at the very same time in which a righteous people were impiously assailed, vomited forth three books against the Christian religion and name; professing, above all things, that it was the office of a philosopher to remedy the errors of men, and to recall them to the true way, that is, to the worship of the gods, by whose power and majesty, as he said, the world is governed; and not to permit that inexperienced men should be enticed by the frauds of any, lest their simplicity should be a prey and sustece to crafty men. Therefore he said that he had undertaken this office, worthy of philosophy, that he might hold out to those who do not see the light of wisdom, not only that they may return to a healthy state of mind, having undertaken the worship of the gods, but also that, having laid aside their pertinacious obstinacy, they may avoid tortures of the body, nor wish in vain to endure cruel lacerations of their limbs. But that it might be evident on what account he had laboriously worked out that task, he broke out profusely into praises of the princes, whose piety and foresight, as he himself indeed said, had been distinguished both in other matters, and especially in defending the religious rites of the gods; that he had, in short, consulted the interests of men, in order that, impious and foolish superstition having been restrained, all men might have leisure for lawful sacred rites, and might experience the gods propitious to them. But when he wished to weaken the grounds of that religion against which he was pleading, he appeared senseless, vain, and ridiculous; because that weighty adviser of the advantage of others was ignorant not only what to oppose, but even what to speak. For if any of our religion were present, although they were silent on account of the time, nevertheless in their mind they derided him; since they saw a man professing that he would enlighten others, when he himself was blind; that he would recall others from error, when he himself was ignorant where to plant his feet; that he would instruct others to the truth, of which he himself had never seen even a spark at any time; inasmuch as he who was a professor of wisdom, endeavoured to overthrow wisdom. All, however, censured this, that he undertook this work at that time in particular, in which odious cruelty raged. O philosopher, a flatterer, and a time-server! But this man was despised, as his vanity deserved; for he did not gain the popularity which he hoped for, and the glory which he eagerly sought for was changed into censure and blame. Another wrote the same subject with more bitterness, who was then of the number of the judges, and who was especially the adviser of enacting persecution; and not contented with this crime, he also pursued with writings those whom he had persecuted. For he composed two books, not against the Christians, lest he might appear to assail them in a hostile manner but to the Christians, that he might be thought to consult for them with humanity and kindness. And in these writings he endeavoured so to prove the falsehood of sacred Scripture, as though it were altogether contradictory to itself; for he expounded some chapters which seemed to be at variance with themselves, enumerating so many and such secret things, that he sometimes appears to have been one of the same sect. But if this was so, what Demosthenes will be able to defend from the charge of impiety him who became the betrayer of the religion to which he had given his assent, and of the faith the name of which he had assumed, and of the mystery which he had received, unless it happened by chance that the sacred writings fell into his hands? What rashness was it, therefore, to dare to destroy that which no one explained to him! It was well that he either learned nothing or understood nothing. For contradiction is as far removed from the sacred writings as he was removed from faith and truth. He chiefly, however, assailed Paul and Peter, and the other disciples, as disseminators of deceit, whom at the same time he testified to have been unskilled and unlearned. For he says that some of them made gain by the craft of fishermen, as though he took it ill that some Aristophanes or Aristarchus did not devise that subject. '' None
123. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.43 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Chaldaean theology, influence upon Arnobius • Plato, influence on philosophers views on the proper service of the gods and purity

 Found in books: Petrovic and Petrovic (2016), Inner Purity and Pollution in Greek Religion, 75; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 171

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2.43 43.On this account, a wise and temperate man will be religiously afraid to use sacrifices of this kind, through which he will attract to himself such-like daemons; but he will endeavour in all possible ways to purify his soul. For these malefic beings do not attack a pure soul, because it is dissimilar to them; but if it is necessary to cities to render them propitious, this is nothing to us. For by these riches, and things external and corporeal, are thought to be good, and their contraries evil; but the smallest attention is paid by them to the good of the soul. We however, to the utmost of our ability, endeavour not to be in want of those things which they impart; but all our endeavour is to become similar to God, and to the divine powers with which he is surrounded both from what pertains to the soul, and from externals; and this is effected through an entire liberation from the dominion of the passions, an evolved perception of truly existing beings, and a vital tendency towards them. On the other hand, we strive to become dissimilar to depraved men and evil daemons, and, in short, to every being that rejoices in a mortal and material nature. So that, conformably to what is said by Theophrastus, we also shall sacrifice from those things which theologists permit us to use for this purpose; as well knowing, that by how much the more we neglect to exempt ourselves from the passions of the soul, by so much the more we connect ourselves with a depraved power, and render it necessary that he should become propitious to us. For, as theologists say, it is necessary for those who are bound 18 to things |71 external, and have not yet vanquished their passions, should avert the anger of this malefic power; since, if they do not, there will be no end to their labours.
124. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 23 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Iamblichus influence on Proclus • Porphyry of Tyre, influenced Diocletian to launch Great Persecution

 Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 850; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 33

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23 Good and kindly, singularly gentle and engaging: thus the oracle presents him, and so in fact we found him. Sleeplessly alert--Apollo tells--pure of soul, ever striving towards the divine which he loved with all his being, he laboured strenuously to free himself and rise above the bitter waves of this blood-drenched life: and this is why to Plotinus--God-like and lifting himself often, by the ways of meditation and by the methods Plato teaches in the Banquet, to the first and all-transcendent God--that God appeared, the God who has neither shape nor form but sits enthroned above the Intellectual-Principle and all the Intellectual-Sphere. 'There was shown to Plotinus the Term ever near': for the Term, the one end, of his life was to become Uniate, to approach to the God over all: and four times, during the period I passed with him, he achieved this Term, by no mere latent fitness but by the ineffable Act. To this God, I also declare, I Porphyry, that in my sixty-eighth year I too was once admitted and I entered into Union. We are told that often when he was leaving the way, the Gods set him on the true path again, pouring down before him a dense shaft of light; here we are to understand that in his writing he was overlooked and guided by the divine powers. 'In this sleepless vision within and without,' the oracle says, 'your eyes have beheld sights many and fair not vouchsafed to all that take the philosophic path': contemplation in man may sometimes be more than human, but compare it with the True-Knowing of the Gods and, wonderful though it be, it can never plunge into the depths their divine vision fathoms. Thus far the Oracle recounts what Plotinus accomplished and to what heights he attained while still in the body: emancipated from the body, we are told how he entered the celestial circle where all is friendship, tender delight, happiness, and loving union with God, where Minos and Rhadamanthus and Aeacus, the sons of God, are enthroned as judges of souls--not, however, to hold him to judgement but as welcoming him to their consort to which are bidden spirits pleasing to the Gods--Plato, Pythagoras, and all the people of the Choir of Immortal Love, there where the blessed spirits have their birth-home and live in days filled full of 'joyous festival' and made happy by the Gods. "" None
125. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustine, influence on Arator • heresy, Rabbinic Judaism, as influencing each other

 Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 542; Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 82

126. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Dahl, influence, Haustafeln • Iamblichus, influence of the Precepts on • Stobaeus, influence of the Precepts on

 Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 52; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 720

127. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 135; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 135

128. Augustine, The City of God, 10.29 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Jewish culture, Greek philosophy, influence of • Porphyry, influence in Roman North Africa

 Found in books: Goldhill (2022), The Christian Invention of Time: Temporality and the Literature of Late Antiquity, 240; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 23

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10.29 You proclaim the Father and His Son, whom you call the Father's intellect or mind, and between these a third, by whom we suppose you mean the Holy Spirit, and in your own fashion you call these three Gods. In this, though your expressions are inaccurate, you do in some sort, and as through a veil, see what we should strive towards; but the incarnation of the unchangeable Son of God, whereby we are saved, and are enabled to reach the things we believe, or in part understand, this is what you refuse to recognize. You see in a fashion, although at a distance, although with filmy eye, the country in which we should abide; but the way to it you know not. Yet you believe in grace, for you say it is granted to few to reach God by virtue of intelligence. For you do not say, Few have thought fit or have wished, but, It has been granted to few,- distinctly acknowledging God's grace, not man's sufficiency. You also use this word more expressly, when, in accordance with the opinion of Plato, you make no doubt that in this life a man cannot by any means attain to perfect wisdom, but that whatever is lacking is in the future life made up to those who live intellectually, by God's providence and grace. Oh, had you but recognized the grace of God in Jesus Christ our Lord, and that very incarnation of His, wherein He assumed a human soul and body, you might have seemed the brightest example of grace! But what am I doing? I know it is useless to speak to a dead man - useless, at least, so far as regards you, but perhaps not in vain for those who esteem you highly, and love you on account of their love of wisdom or curiosity about those arts which you ought not to have learned; and these persons I address in your name. The grace of God could not have been more graciously commended to us than thus, that the only Son of God, remaining unchangeable in Himself, should assume humanity, and should give us the hope of His love, by means of the mediation of a human nature, through which we, from the condition of men, might come to Him who was so far off - the immortal from the mortal; the unchangeable from the changeable; the just from the unjust; the blessed from the wretched. And, as He had given us a natural instinct to desire blessedness and immortality, He Himself continuing to be blessed; but assuming mortality, by enduring what we fear, taught us to despise it, that what we long for He might bestow upon us. But in order to your acquiescence in this truth, it is lowliness that is requisite, and to this it is extremely difficult to bend you. For what is there incredible, especially to men like you, accustomed to speculation, which might have predisposed you to believe in this - what is there incredible, I say, in the assertion that God assumed a human soul and body? You yourselves ascribe such excellence to the intellectual soul, which is, after all, the human soul, that you maintain that it can become consubstantial with that intelligence of the Father whom you believe in as the Son of God. What incredible thing is it, then, if some one soul be assumed by Him in an ineffable and unique manner for the salvation of many? Moreover, our nature itself testifies that a man is incomplete unless a body be united with the soul. This certainly would be more incredible, were it not of all things the most common; for we should more easily believe in a union between spirit and spirit, or, to use your own terminology, between the incorporeal and the incorporeal, even though the one were human, the other divine, the one changeable and the other unchangeable, than in a union between the corporeal and the incorporeal. But perhaps it is the unprecedented birth of a body from a virgin that staggers you? But, so far from this being a difficulty, it ought rather to assist you to receive our religion, that a miraculous person was born miraculously. Or, do you find a difficulty in the fact that, after His body had been given up to death, and had been changed into a higher kind of body by resurrection, and was now no longer mortal but incorruptible, He carried it up into heavenly places? Perhaps you refuse to believe this, because you remember that Porphyry, in these very books from which I have cited so much, and which treat of the return of the soul, so frequently teaches that a body of every kind is to be escaped from, in order that the soul may dwell in blessedness with God. But here, in place of following Porphyry, you ought rather to have corrected him, especially since you agree with him in believing such incredible things about the soul of this visible world and huge material frame. For, as scholars of Plato, you hold that the world is an animal, and a very happy animal, which you wish to be also everlasting. How, then, is it never to be loosed from a body, and yet never lose its happiness, if, in order to the happiness of the soul, the body must be left behind? The sun, too, and the other stars, you not only acknowledge to be bodies, in which you have the cordial assent of all seeing men, but also, in obedience to what you reckon a profounder insight, you declare that they are very blessed animals, and eternal, together with their bodies. Why is it, then, that when the Christian faith is pressed upon you, you forget, or pretend to ignore, what you habitually discuss or teach? Why is it that you refuse to be Christians, on the ground that you hold opinions which, in fact, you yourselves demolish? Is it not because Christ came in lowliness, and you are proud? The precise nature of the resurrection bodies of the saints may sometimes occasion discussion among those who are best read in the Christian Scriptures; yet there is not among us the smallest doubt that they shall be everlasting, and of a nature exemplified in the instance of Christ's risen body. But whatever be their nature, since we maintain that they shall be absolutely incorruptible and immortal, and shall offer no hindrance to the soul's contemplation, by which it is fixed in God, and as you say that among the celestials the bodies of the eternally blessed are eternal, why do you maintain that, in order to blessedness, every body must be escaped from? Why do you thus seek such a plausible reason for escaping from the Christian faith, if not because, as I again say, Christ is humble and you proud? Are you ashamed to be corrected? This is the vice of the proud. It is, forsooth, a degradation for learned men to pass from the school of Plato to the discipleship of Christ, who by His Spirit taught a fisherman to think and to say, In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The same was in the beginning with God. All things were made by Him; and without Him was not anything made that was made. In Him was life; and the life was the light of men. And the light shines in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not. John 1:1-5 The old saint Simplicianus, afterwards bishop of Milan, used to tell me that a certain Platonist was in the habit of saying that this opening passage of the holy gospel, entitled, According to John, should be written in letters of gold, and hung up in all churches in the most conspicuous place. But the proud scorn to take God for their Master, because the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us. John 1:14 So that, with these miserable creatures, it is not enough that they are sick, but they boast of their sickness, and are ashamed of the medicine which could heal them. And, doing so, they secure not elevation, but a more disastrous fall. "" None
129. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 328

130. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lampridius, Visigothic influence

 Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 98; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 98

131. None, None, nan (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Old Testament, sinister influence of • influence • influenced by Tyconius

 Found in books: Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 349; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 221

132. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None
 Tagged with subjects: • influence

 Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 122; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 122

4b (במדבר כד, טז) ויודע דעת עליון אפשר דעת בהמתו לא הוה ידע דעת עליון מי הוה ידע,מאי דעת בהמתו לא הוה ידע בעידנא דחזו ליה דהוה רכיב אחמריה אמרו ליה מאי טעמא לא רכבתא אסוסיא אמר להו ברטיבא שדאי ליה מיד ותאמר האתון הלא אנכי אתונך אמר לה לטעינא בעלמא,אמרה ליה אשר רכבת עלי אמר לה אקראי בעלמא אמרה ליה מעודך ועד היום הזה ולא עוד אלא שאני עושה לך רכיבות ביום ואישות בלילה כתיב הכא ההסכן הסכנתי וכתיב התם (מלכים א א, ב) ותהי לו סוכנת,אלא מאי ויודע דעת עליון שהיה יודע לכוין אותה שעה שהקב"ה כועס בה והיינו דקאמר להו נביא (מיכה ו, ה) עמי זכר נא מה יעץ בלק מלך מואב ומה ענה אותו בלעם בן בעור מן השטים ועד הגלגל למען דעת צדקות ה\',א"ר אלעזר אמר להן הקב"ה לישראל עמי ראו כמה צדקות עשיתי עמכם שלא כעסתי עליכם כל אותן הימים שאם כעסתי עליכם לא נשתייר מעובדי כוכבים משונאיהם של ישראל שריד ופליט והיינו דקאמר ליה בלעם לבלק (במדבר כג, ח) מה אקב לא קבה אל ומה אזעם לא זעם ה\',וכמה זעמו רגע וכמה רגע אמר אמימר ואיתימא רבינא רגע כמימריה ומנלן דרגע הוה ריתחיה דכתיב (תהלים ל, ו) כי רגע באפו חיים ברצונו ואיבעית אימא מהכא (ישעיהו כו, כ) חבי כמעט רגע עד יעבור זעם,אימת רתח אמר אביי בתלת שעי קמייתא כי חיורא כרבלתא דתרנגולא כל שעתא ושעתא מחוור חיורא כל שעתא אית ביה סורייקי סומקי ההיא שעתא לית ביה סורייקי סומקי,רבי יהושע בן לוי הוה מצער ליה ההוא מינא בקראי יומא חד נקט תרנגולא ואוקמיה בין כרעיה דערסא ועיין ביה סבר כי מטא ההיא שעתא אלטייה כי מטא ההיא שעתא נימנם,אמר שמע מינה לאו אורח ארעא למיעבד הכי ורחמיו על כל מעשיו כתיב וכתיב (משלי יז, כו) גם ענוש לצדיק לא טוב,תנא משמיה דר"מ בשעה שהמלכים מניחין כתריהן בראשיהן ומשתחוין לחמה מיד כועס הקב"ה אמר רב יוסף לא ליצלי איניש צלותא דמוספי בתלת שעי קמייתא דיומא ביומא קמא דריש שתא ביחיד דלמא כיון דמפקיד דינא דלמא מעייני בעובדיה ודחפו ליה מידחי,אי הכי דצבור נמי דצבור נפישא זכותיה אי הכי דיחיד דצפרא נמי לא כיון דאיכא צבורא דקא מצלו לא קא מדחי,והא אמרת שלש ראשונות הקב"ה יושב ועוסק בתורה איפוך,ואיבעית אימא לעולם לא תיפוך תורה דכתיב בה אמת דכתיב (משלי כג, כג) אמת קנה ואל תמכור אין הקב"ה עושה לפנים משורת הדין דין דלא כתיב ביה אמת הקב"ה עושה לפנים משורת הדין:,יום מעיד טרף בעגל סימן: גופא אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי מאי דכתיב (דברים ז, יא) אשר אנכי מצוך היום לעשותם היום לעשותם ולא למחר לעשותם היום לעשותם ולא היום ליטול שכרן,אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי כל מצות שישראל עושין בעולם הזה באות ומעידות אותם לעולם הבא שנאמר (ישעיהו מג, ט) יתנו עידיהם ויצדקו ישמעו ויאמרו אמת יתנו עידיהם ויצדקו אלו ישראל ישמעו ויאמרו אמת אלו עובדי כוכבים,ואמר רבי יהושע בן לוי כל מצות שישראל עושין בעולם הזה באות וטורפות אותם לעובדי כוכבים לעולם הבא על פניהם שנאמר (דברים ד, ו) ושמרתם ועשיתם כי היא חכמתכם ובינתכם לעיני העמים נגד העמים לא נאמר אלא לעיני העמים מלמד שבאות וטורפות לעובדי כוכבים על פניהם לעוה"ב,וא"ר יהושע בן לוי לא עשו ישראל את העגל אלא ליתן פתחון פה לבעלי תשובה שנאמר (דברים ה, כה) מי יתן והיה לבבם זה להם ליראה אותי כל הימים וגו\',והיינו דא"ר יוחנן משום ר"ש בן יוחאי לא דוד ראוי לאותו מעשה ולא ישראל ראוין לאותו מעשה לא דוד ראוי לאותו מעשה דכתיב (תהלים קט, כב) ולבי חלל בקרבי,ולא ישראל ראוין לאותו מעשה דכתיב מי יתן והיה לבבם זה להם ליראה אותי כל הימים אלא למה עשו' ' None4b “And knows the knowledge of the Most High” (Numbers 24:16). Now, this should not be understood to mean that Balaam knew the thoughts of God, as is it possible that Balaam did not know the mind of his animal, and yet he did know the mind of the Most High?,The Gemara clarifies: What is meant by the claim that Balaam did not know the mind of his animal? When the princes of Moab saw that Balaam was riding on his donkey, they said to him: What is the reason that you do not ride upon a horse, which is more fitting for you? Balaam said to them: I am riding on a donkey because I left my horse in a meadow to graze. Immediately: “And the donkey said to Balaam: Am not I your donkey?” (Numbers 22:30), i.e., the donkey you always use. Balaam said to it: For carrying burdens only, not for riding.,The donkey further said to Balaam: “Upon which you have ridden.” Balaam said to it: Merely at irregular occurrences. The donkey said to him: “All your life long unto this day” (Numbers 22:30). The donkey added: And moreover, I perform for you riding during the day, and marriage, i.e., intercourse, during the night. The Gemara explains: This is derived from the following comparison: It is written here that Balaam’s donkey said: “Was I ever wont hahasken hiskanti to do so to you” (Numbers 22:30), and it is written there, with regard to Abishag the Shunammite and King David: “And be a companion sokhenet unto him; and let her lie in your bosom” (I\xa0Kings 1:2). This teaches that the term hiskanti alludes to sexual intercourse.,The Gemara returns to its previous question: Rather, what is the meaning of: “And knows the knowledge of the Most High” (Numbers 24:16)? It means that he was able to determine precisely the hour at which the Holy One, Blessed be He, is angry. At that moment Balaam would utter his curse and, through God’s anger, it would be fulfilled. And this is what the prophet said to the Jewish people: “O My people, remember now what Balak, king of Moab, devised, and what Balaam, son of Beor, answered him; from Shittim unto Gilgal, that you may know the righteous acts of the Lord” (Micah 6:5).,Rabbi Elazar says, in explanation of that verse: The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to the Jewish people: My nation, see how many acts of kindness I performed for you, that I did not become angry at you during all of those days when Balaam attempted to curse the Jewish people, and he was not able to find a moment of divine anger. As, had I become angry at you, there would not have remained a remt or a refugee among the enemies of the Jewish people, a euphemism for the Jewish people themselves. Instead, God restrained His anger and Balaam’s curse went unfulfilled. And this is what Balaam said to Balak: Since God is not becoming angry, I can do nothing, as: “How shall I curse whom God has not cursed? And how shall I execrate whom the Lord has not execrated”? (Numbers 23:8).,The Gemara further discusses this matter: And how long does His indignation last? It lasts a moment. And how long is a moment? Ameimar, and some say Ravina, said: It lasts as long as it takes to say the word moment rega. The Gemara asks: And from where do we derive that God’s anger lasts for only a moment? As it is written: “His anger is but for a moment; His favor, for a lifetime” (Psalms 30:6). And if you wish, say instead that it is derived from here: “Hide yourself for a brief moment, until the anger passes” (Isaiah 26:20), meaning that God’s anger passes in a mere moment.,The Gemara asks: When is God angry? Abaye said: During the first three hours of the day, when the crest of the rooster whitens in the sun, as though life has left the rooster and it suddenly turns white, that is when God is angry. The Gemara asks: Doesn’t its crest whiten each and every hour? How can this serve as a sign? The Gemara answers: The difference is that every other hour there remain red streaks surayekei in the rooster’s crest, whereas at that hour of His anger there are no red streaks in its crest.,The Gemara relates: A certain heretic would distress Rabi Yehoshua ben Levi by incessantly challenging him as to the meaning of verses. One day, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi took a rooster and placed it between the legs of the bed upon which he sat, and looked at it. He thought: When that moment of God’s anger arrives, I will curse the heretic and be rid of him. When that moment of God’s anger arrived, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi fell asleep and missed the opportunity to curse the heretic.,Upon awakening, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: I can conclude from the fact that I fell asleep that it is not proper conduct to do this, to curse people, even if they are wicked, as the verse: “And His tender mercies are over all His works” (Psalms 145:9) is written even with regard to sinners. And moreover, it is inappropriate to cause the punishment of another, as it is written: “Punishment, even for the righteous, is not good” (Proverbs 17:26). Even for a righteous person, it is improper to punish another.,In explanation of the cause of God’s anger, it is taught in the name of Rabbi Meir: When the kings wake up and place their crowns on their heads and bow down to the sun, the Holy One, Blessed be He, immediately grows angry. This is why God’s anger occurs during the first three hours of the day. Rav Yosef says: A person should not recite the additional prayers during the first three hours of the day on the first day of Rosh HaShana if he is praying individually, as, since the judgment of the entire world is reckoned then, perhaps the Heavenly court will scrutinize his actions and reject him.,The Gemara raises a difficulty: If that is so, the prayer of the community should not be recited at that time as well. The Gemara explains: The prayer of the community is not rejected even at this time, due to its many merits. The Gemara asks: If that is so, then shouldn’t the morning prayer of one who is praying individually also not be recited at this time? The Gemara answers: Since there is in all places a community that prays the morning prayer at that same time, his prayer is not rejected. By contrast, the additional prayer is recited at different times by different communities, as unlike the morning prayer it does not have a fixed time but can be recited at any point during the day.,The Gemara raises another difficulty: But didn’t you say that during the first three hours of the day The Holy One, Blessed be He, sits and engages in Torah study, and He engages in judgment only during the second set of three hours? The Gemara answers: Reverse the order so that it is stated that He sits in judgment during the first three hours of the day.,And if you wish, say instead: Actually, do not reverse the order. Rather, this is the reason that an individual should not recite the additional prayer during the first three hours of the day when God is engaged in Torah study: In the case of the Torah, with regard to which it is written: Truth, as it is written: “Buy the truth, and sell it not” (Proverbs 23:23), the Holy One, Blessed be He, does not act in a manner that is beyond the letter of the law. But with regard to judgment, with regard to which it is not written: Truth, but it is a process that involves mercy and compromise, the Holy One, Blessed be He, can act in a manner that is beyond the letter of the law.,§ The Gemara presents a mnemonic for the ensuing statements of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi: Today, bear witness, shake, the golden calf. The Gemara returns to an earlier discussion (3a), first by citing the matter itself. Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: What is the meaning of that which is written: “Which I command you this day, to do them” (Deuteronomy 7:11)? This verse teaches that today is the time to do them, i.e., to perform the mitzvot, in this world, but tomorrow, in the World-to-Come, is not the time to do them. Furthermore, today is the time to do them, but today is not the time to receive one’s reward, which is given in the World-to-Come.,Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: All of the mitzvot that the Jews perform in this word will come and bear witness for them in the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “Let them bring their witnesses that they may be justified, and let them hear, and say: It is truth” (Isaiah 43:9). He explains: “Let them bring their witnesses that they may be justified”; these are referring to the Jews. “And let them hear, and say: It is truth”; these are referring to the nations of the world.,And Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: All of the mitzvot that the Jewish people perform in this world will come and strike the faces of the nations of the world in the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “Observe therefore and do them; for this is your wisdom and your understanding in the eyes of the nations” (Deuteronomy 4:6). It is not stated: Before the nations; rather, the verse states: “In the eyes of the nations,” which taken literally teaches that they will come and strike the faces of the nations of the world in the World-to-Come.,And Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: The Jewish people fashioned the Golden Calf (see Exodus, chapter 32) only to give a claim to penitents, as it is stated after the revelation at Sinai: “Who would give that they had such a heart as this always, to fear Me, and keep all My commandments, that it might be good for them, and with their children forever” (Deuteronomy 5:25). If the nation was truly at such a lofty spiritual state, how could they worship the Golden Calf? Rather, their sin occurred so that it would be made clear that one can repent for any sin, as even a sin as severe as the Golden Calf was forgiven.,And this is similar to that which Rabbi Yoḥa says in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai: David was not fit to act as he did in that incident involving Bathsheba, and the Jewish people were not fit to act as they did in that incident of the Golden Calf. David was not fit to act as he did in that incident involving Bathsheba (see II\xa0Samuel, chapter 11), as it is written: “And my heart is wounded within me” (Psalms 109:22), i.e., he had vanquished his evil inclination, and therefore it should not have been able to rule over him to that extent.,And likewise the Jewish people were not fit to act as they did in that incident of the Golden Calf, as it is written with regard to the Jewish people of that time: “Who would give that they had such a heart as this always, to fear Me and keep all My commandments, that it might be good for them, and with their children forever” (Deuteronomy 5:25). Rather, why did they perform these sins?' ' None
133. Strabo, Geography, 10.3.7
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 368; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 368

sup>
10.3.7 The accounts which are more remotely related, however, to the present subject, but are wrongly, on account of the identity of the names, brought into the same connection by the historians — I mean those accounts which, although they are called Curetan History and History of the Curetes, just as if they were the history of those Curetes who lived in Aitolia and Acaria, not only are different from that history, but are more like the accounts of the Satyri, Sileni, Bacchae, and Tityri; for the Curetes, like these, are called genii or ministers of gods by those who have handed down to us the Cretan and the Phrygian traditions, which are interwoven with certain sacred rites, some mystical, the others connected in part with the rearing of the child Zeus in Crete and in part with the orgies in honor of the Mother of the Gods which are celebrated in Phrygia and in the region of the Trojan Ida. But the variation in these accounts is so small that, whereas some represent the Corybantes, the Cabeiri, the Idaean Dactyli, and the Telchines as identical with the Curetes, others represent them as all kinsmen of one another and differentiate only certain small matters in which they differ in respect to one another; but, roughly speaking and in general, they represent them, one and all, as a kind of inspired people and as subject to Bacchic frenzy, and, in the guise of ministers, as inspiring terror at the celebration of the sacred rites by means of war-dances, accompanied by uproar and noise and cymbals and drums and arms, and also by flute and outcry; and consequently these rites are in a way regarded as having a common relationship, I mean these and those of the Samothracians and those in Lemnos and in several other places, because the divine ministers are called the same. However, every investigation of this kind pertains to theology, and is not foreign to the speculation of the philosopher.'' None
134. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.851, 8.440, 11.263
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 342, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 342, 367

sup>
6.851 tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento;
8.440
Aetnaei Cyclopes, et huc advertite mentem:
11.263
exsulat, Aetnaeos vidit Cyclopas Ulixes.'' None
sup>
6.851 Eridanus, through forests rolling free.
8.440
the Albula, its true and ancient style.
11.263
behold their comrades burning, and keep guard '' None
135. Vergil, Eclogues, 1.2, 6.4-6.5, 6.8
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 342, 357, 362; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 342, 357, 362

sup>
1.2 reclining, on the slender oat rehearse
6.4
of battles and of kings, the Cynthian god 6.5 plucked at mine ear and warned me: “Tityrus,
6.8
for lack there will not who would laud thy deeds,' ' None
136. Vergil, Georgics, 3.3-3.4, 3.37
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 351, 352, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 351, 352, 367

sup>
3.3 Cetera, quae vacuas tenuissent carmine mentes, 3.4 omnia iam volgata: quis aut Eurysthea durum

3.37
Invidia infelix Furias amnemque severum'' None
sup>
3.3 You, woods and waves Lycaean. All themes beside, 3.4 Which else had charmed the vacant mind with song,

3.37
Surging with war, and hugely flowing, the
137. None, None, nan (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, influenced by Plato • Plato, influence on Aristotle

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 121, 133, 134, 135; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 121, 133, 134, 135

138. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 332, 333, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 343, 344, 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370, 374, 375, 378, 383, 384, 387, 388, 389, 390; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 332, 333, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 343, 344, 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370, 374, 375, 378, 383, 384, 387, 388, 389, 390

139. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 366, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 366, 367

140. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 342, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 342, 343

141. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, influence of De officiis on Ars amatoria • Horace, father’s teachings/influence on

 Found in books: Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 80; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 155

142. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 384; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 384

143. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 388, 389, 390; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 388, 389, 390

144. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 377; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 377

145. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Martial, influence of Callimachus on

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 357, 362; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 357, 362

146. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • influence

 Found in books: Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 122; Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 122




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