1. Septuagint, Tobit, 1.6 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275 | 1.6. But I alone went often to Jerusalem for the feasts, as it is ordained for all Israel by an everlasting decree. Taking the first fruits and the tithes of my produce and the first shearings, I would give these to the priests, the sons of Aaron, at the altar. |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 19.23-19.25, 27.30-27.33 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275, 276, 277| 19.23. "וְכִי־תָבֹאוּ אֶל־הָאָרֶץ וּנְטַעְתֶּם כָּל־עֵץ מַאֲכָל וַעֲרַלְתֶּם עָרְלָתוֹ אֶת־פִּרְיוֹ שָׁלֹשׁ שָׁנִים יִהְיֶה לָכֶם עֲרֵלִים לֹא יֵאָכֵל׃", 19.24. "וּבַשָּׁנָה הָרְבִיעִת יִהְיֶה כָּל־פִּרְיוֹ קֹדֶשׁ הִלּוּלִים לַיהוָה׃", 19.25. "וּבַשָּׁנָה הַחֲמִישִׁת תֹּאכְלוּ אֶת־פִּרְיוֹ לְהוֹסִיף לָכֶם תְּבוּאָתוֹ אֲנִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃", 27.31. "וְאִם־גָּאֹל יִגְאַל אִישׁ מִמַּעַשְׂרוֹ חֲמִשִׁיתוֹ יֹסֵף עָלָיו׃", 27.32. "וְכָל־מַעְשַׂר בָּקָר וָצֹאן כֹּל אֲשֶׁר־יַעֲבֹר תַּחַת הַשָּׁבֶט הָעֲשִׂירִי יִהְיֶה־קֹּדֶשׁ לַיהוָה׃", 27.33. "לֹא יְבַקֵּר בֵּין־טוֹב לָרַע וְלֹא יְמִירֶנּוּ וְאִם־הָמֵר יְמִירֶנּוּ וְהָיָה־הוּא וּתְמוּרָתוֹ יִהְיֶה־קֹדֶשׁ לֹא יִגָּאֵל׃", | 19.23. "And when ye shall come into the land, and shall have planted all manner of trees for food, then ye shall count the fruit thereof as forbidden; three years shall it be as forbidden unto you; it shall not be eaten.", 19.24. "And in the fourth year all the fruit thereof shall be holy, for giving praise unto the LORD.", 19.25. "But in the fifth year may ye eat of the fruit thereof, that it may yield unto you more richly the increase thereof: I am the LORD your God.", 27.30. "And all the tithe of the land, whether of the seed of the land, or of the fruit of the tree, is the LORD’S; it is holy unto the LORD.", 27.31. "And if a man will redeem aught of his tithe, he shall add unto it the fifth part thereof.", 27.32. "And all the tithe of the herd or the flock, whatsoever passeth under the rod, the tenth shall be holy unto the LORD.", 27.33. "He shall not inquire whether it be good or bad, neither shall he change it; and if he change it at all, then both it and that for which it is changed shall be holy; it shall not be redeemed.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 19.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •torah study, as “benefit” to the individual Found in books: Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 204| 19.3. "וּמֹשֶׁה עָלָה אֶל־הָאֱלֹהִים וַיִּקְרָא אֵלָיו יְהוָה מִן־הָהָר לֵאמֹר כֹּה תֹאמַר לְבֵית יַעֲקֹב וְתַגֵּיד לִבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", | 19.3. "And Moses went up unto God, and the LORD called unto him out of the mountain, saying: ‘Thus shalt thou say to the house of Jacob, and tell the children of Israel:", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.26-1.27, 2.2, 2.7, 2.21-2.23, 32.30 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 122, 215, 216, 224| 1.26. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים נַעֲשֶׂה אָדָם בְּצַלְמֵנוּ כִּדְמוּתֵנוּ וְיִרְדּוּ בִדְגַת הַיָּם וּבְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּבַבְּהֵמָה וּבְכָל־הָאָרֶץ וּבְכָל־הָרֶמֶשׂ הָרֹמֵשׂ עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 1.27. "וַיִּבְרָא אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאָדָם בְּצַלְמוֹ בְּצֶלֶם אֱלֹהִים בָּרָא אֹתוֹ זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה בָּרָא אֹתָם׃", 2.2. "וַיְכַל אֱלֹהִים בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי מְלַאכְתּוֹ אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה וַיִּשְׁבֹּת בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי מִכָּל־מְלַאכְתּוֹ אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה׃", 2.2. "וַיִּקְרָא הָאָדָם שֵׁמוֹת לְכָל־הַבְּהֵמָה וּלְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּלְכֹל חַיַּת הַשָּׂדֶה וּלְאָדָם לֹא־מָצָא עֵזֶר כְּנֶגְדּוֹ׃", 2.7. "וַיִּיצֶר יְהוָה אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאָדָם עָפָר מִן־הָאֲדָמָה וַיִּפַּח בְּאַפָּיו נִשְׁמַת חַיִּים וַיְהִי הָאָדָם לְנֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה׃", 2.21. "וַיַּפֵּל יְהוָה אֱלֹהִים תַּרְדֵּמָה עַל־הָאָדָם וַיִּישָׁן וַיִּקַּח אַחַת מִצַּלְעֹתָיו וַיִּסְגֹּר בָּשָׂר תַּחְתֶּנָּה׃", 2.22. "וַיִּבֶן יְהוָה אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הַצֵּלָע אֲשֶׁר־לָקַח מִן־הָאָדָם לְאִשָּׁה וַיְבִאֶהָ אֶל־הָאָדָם׃", 2.23. "וַיֹּאמֶר הָאָדָם זֹאת הַפַּעַם עֶצֶם מֵעֲצָמַי וּבָשָׂר מִבְּשָׂרִי לְזֹאת יִקָּרֵא אִשָּׁה כִּי מֵאִישׁ לֻקֳחָה־זֹּאת׃", | 1.26. "And God said: ‘Let us make man in our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth.’", 1.27. "And God created man in His own image, in the image of God created He him; male and female created He them.", 2.2. "And on the seventh day God finished His work which He had made; and He rested on the seventh day from all His work which He had made.", 2.7. "Then the LORD God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul.", 2.21. "And the LORD God caused a deep sleep to fall upon the man, and he slept; and He took one of his ribs, and closed up the place with flesh instead thereof.", 2.22. "And the rib, which the LORD God had taken from the man, made He a woman, and brought her unto the man.", 2.23. "And the man said: ‘This is now bone of my bones, and flesh of my flesh; she shall be called Woman, because she was taken out of Man.’", 32.30. "And Jacob asked him, and said: ‘Tell me, I pray thee, thy name.’ And he said: ‘Wherefore is it that thou dost ask after my name?’ And he blessed him there.", |
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| 5. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 18 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 273 |
6. Hebrew Bible, Malachi, 3.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275 | 3.10. "Bring ye the whole tithe into the store-house, that there may be food in My house, and try Me now herewith, Saith the LORD of hosts, if I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing, that there shall be more than sufficiency. .", |
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7. Homer, Iliad, 1.1, 1.165-1.167, 1.205, 1.226-1.228, 1.287-1.288 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 125, 126, 127 | 1.1. / The wrath sing, goddess, of Peleus' son, Achilles, that destructive wrath which brought countless woes upon the Achaeans, and sent forth to Hades many valiant souls of heroes, and made them themselves spoil for dogs and every bird; thus the plan of Zeus came to fulfillment, 1.165. / do my hands undertake, but if ever an apportionment comes, your prize is far greater, while small but dear is the reward I take to my ships, when I have worn myself out in the fighting. Now I will go back to Phthia, since it is far better to return home with my beaked ships, nor do I intend 1.166. / do my hands undertake, but if ever an apportionment comes, your prize is far greater, while small but dear is the reward I take to my ships, when I have worn myself out in the fighting. Now I will go back to Phthia, since it is far better to return home with my beaked ships, nor do I intend 1.167. / do my hands undertake, but if ever an apportionment comes, your prize is far greater, while small but dear is the reward I take to my ships, when I have worn myself out in the fighting. Now I will go back to Phthia, since it is far better to return home with my beaked ships, nor do I intend 1.205. / 1.226. / never have you had courage to arm for battle along with your people, or go forth to an ambush with the chiefs of the Achaeans. That seems to you even as death. Indeed it is far better throughout the wide camp of the Achaeans to deprive of his prize whoever speaks contrary to you. 1.227. / never have you had courage to arm for battle along with your people, or go forth to an ambush with the chiefs of the Achaeans. That seems to you even as death. Indeed it is far better throughout the wide camp of the Achaeans to deprive of his prize whoever speaks contrary to you. 1.228. / never have you had courage to arm for battle along with your people, or go forth to an ambush with the chiefs of the Achaeans. That seems to you even as death. Indeed it is far better throughout the wide camp of the Achaeans to deprive of his prize whoever speaks contrary to you. 1.287. / All these things, old man, to be sure, you have spoken as is right. But this man wishes to be above all others; over all he wishes to rule and over all to be king, and to all to give orders; in this, I think, there is someone who will not obey. If the gods who exist for ever made him a spearman, 1.288. / All these things, old man, to be sure, you have spoken as is right. But this man wishes to be above all others; over all he wishes to rule and over all to be king, and to all to give orders; in this, I think, there is someone who will not obey. If the gods who exist for ever made him a spearman, |
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8. Hesiod, Theogony, 411-438, 440-452, 439 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 13 | 439. Or dwelling that’s without a god as guide, |
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9. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 42.5 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 222| 42.5. "כֹּה־אָמַר הָאֵל יְהוָה בּוֹרֵא הַשָּׁמַיִם וְנוֹטֵיהֶם רֹקַע הָאָרֶץ וְצֶאֱצָאֶיהָ נֹתֵן נְשָׁמָה לָעָם עָלֶיהָ וְרוּחַ לַהֹלְכִים בָּהּ׃", | 42.5. "Thus saith God the LORD, He that created the heavens, and stretched them forth, He that spread forth the earth and that which cometh out of it, He that giveth breath unto the people upon it, And spirit to them that walk therein:", |
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10. Herodotus, Histories, 5.3, 5.78, 6.56, 7.19, 7.96, 7.101-7.105 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slavery, beneficial and just for the slaves, individual and collective Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 265, 266, 267 | 5.3. The Thracians are the biggest nation in the world, next to the Indians. If they were under one ruler, or united, they would, in my judgment, be invincible and the strongest nation on earth. Since, however, there is no way or means to bring this about, they are weak. ,The Thracians have many names, each tribe according to its region, but they are very similar in all their customs, save the Getae, the Trausi, and those who dwell above the Crestonaeans. 5.78. So the Athenians grew in power and proved, not in one respect only but in all, that equality is a good thing. Evidence for this is the fact that while they were under tyrannical rulers, the Athenians were no better in war than any of their neighbors, yet once they got rid of their tyrants, they were by far the best of all. This, then, shows that while they were oppressed, they were, as men working for a master, cowardly, but when they were freed, each one was eager to achieve for himself. 6.56. These privileges the Spartans have given to their kings: two priesthoods, of Zeus called Lacedaemon and of Zeus of Heaven; they wage war against whatever land they wish, and no Spartan can hinder them in this on peril of being put under a curse; when the armies go forth the kings go out first and return last; one hundred chosen men guard them in their campaigns; they sacrifice as many sheep and goats as they wish at the start of their expeditions, and take the hides and backs of all sacrificed beasts. 7.19. Xerxes was now intent on the expedition and then saw a third vision in his sleep, which the Magi interpreted to refer to the whole earth and to signify that all men should be his slaves. This was the vision: Xerxes thought that he was crowned with an olive bough, of which the shoots spread over the whole earth, and then the crown vanished from off his head where it was set. ,The Magi interpreted it in this way, and immediately every single man of the Persians who had been assembled rode away to his own province and there used all zeal to fulfill the kings command, each desiring to receive the promised gifts. Thus it was that Xerxes mustered his army, searching out every part of the continent. 7.96. Persians and Medes and Sacae served as soldiers on all the ships. The most seaworthy ships were furnished by the Phoenicians, and among them by the Sidonians. All of these, as with those who were marshalled in the infantry, each had their native leaders, whose names I do not record, since it is not necessary for the purpose of my history. ,The leaders of each nation are not worthy of mention, and every city of each nation had a leader of its own. These came not as generals but as slaves, like the rest of the expedition; I have already said who were the generals of supreme authority and the Persian commanders of each nation. 7.101. After he passed by all his fleet and disembarked from the ship, he sent for Demaratus son of Ariston, who was on the expedition with him against Hellas. He summoned him and said, “Demaratus, it is now my pleasure to ask you what I wish to know. You are a Greek, and, as I am told both by you and by the other Greeks whom I have talked to, a man from neither the least nor the weakest of Greek cities. ,So tell me: will the Greeks offer battle and oppose me? I think that even if all the Greeks and all the men of the western lands were assembled together, they are not powerful enough to withstand my attack, unless they are united. ,Still I want to hear from you what you say of them.” To this question Demaratus answered, “O king, should I speak the truth or try to please you?” Xerxes bade him speak the truth and said that it would be no more unpleasant for him than before. 7.102. Demaratus heard this and said, “O King, since you bid me by all means to speak the whole truth, and to say what you will not later prove to be false, in Hellas poverty is always endemic, but courage is acquired as the fruit of wisdom and strong law; by use of this courage Hellas defends herself from poverty and tyranny. ,Now I praise all the Greeks who dwell in those Dorian lands, yet I am not going to speak these words about all of them, but only about the Lacedaemonians. First, they will never accept conditions from you that bring slavery upon Hellas; and second, they will meet you in battle even if all the other Greeks are on your side. ,Do not ask me how many these men are who can do this; they will fight with you whether they have an army of a thousand men, or more than that, or less.” 7.103. When he heard this, Xerxes smiled and said, “What a strange thing to say, Demaratus, that a thousand men would fight with so great an army! Come now, tell me this: you say that you were king of these men. Are you willing right now to fight with ten men? Yet if your state is entirely as you define it, you as their king should by right encounter twice as many according to your laws. ,If each of them is a match for ten men of my army, then it is plain to me that you must be a match for twenty; in this way you would prove that what you say is true. But if you Greeks who so exalt yourselves are just like you and the others who come to speak with me, and are also the same size, then beware lest the words you have spoken be only idle boasting. ,Let us look at it with all reasonableness: how could a thousand, or ten thousand, or even fifty thousand men, if they are all equally free and not under the rule of one man, withstand so great an army as mine? If you Greeks are five thousand, we still would be more than a thousand to one. ,If they were under the rule of one man according to our custom, they might out of fear of him become better than they naturally are, and under compulsion of the lash they might go against greater numbers of inferior men; but if they are allowed to go free they would do neither. I myself think that even if they were equal in numbers it would be hard for the Greeks to fight just against the Persians. ,What you are talking about is found among us alone, and even then it is not common but rare; there are some among my Persian spearmen who will gladly fight with three Greeks at once. You have no knowledge of this and are spouting a lot of nonsense.” 7.104. To this Demaratus answered, “O king I knew from the first that the truth would be unwelcome to you. But since you compelled me to speak as truly as I could, I have told you how it stands with the Spartans. ,You yourself best know what love I bear them: they have robbed me of my office and the privileges of my house, and made me a cityless exile; your father received me and gave me a house and the means to live on. It is not reasonable for a sensible man to reject goodwill when it appears; rather he will hold it in great affection. ,I myself do not promise that I can fight with ten men or with two, and I would not even willingly fight with one; yet if it were necessary, or if some great contest spurred me, I would most gladly fight with one of those men who claim to be each a match for three Greeks. ,So is it with the Lacedaemonians; fighting singly they are as brave as any man living, and together they are the best warriors on earth. They are free, yet not wholly free: law is their master, whom they fear much more than your men fear you. ,They do whatever it bids; and its bidding is always the same, that they must never flee from the battle before any multitude of men, but must abide at their post and there conquer or die. If I seem to you to speak foolishness when I say this, then let me hereafter hold my peace; it is under constraint that I have now spoken. But may your wish be fulfilled, King.” 7.105. Thus Demaratus answered. Xerxes made a joke of the matter and showed no anger, but sent him away kindly. After he had conversed with Demaratus, and appointed Mascames son of Megadostes governor of this Doriscus, deposing the governor Darius had appointed, Xerxes marched his army through Thrace towards Hellas. |
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11. Hebrew Bible, 2 Chronicles, 31.4-31.19 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 274, 275| 31.4. "וַיֹּאמֶר לָעָם לְיוֹשְׁבֵי יְרוּשָׁלִַם לָתֵת מְנָת הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם לְמַעַן יֶחֶזְקוּ בְּתוֹרַת יְהוָה׃", 31.5. "וְכִפְרֹץ הַדָּבָר הִרְבּוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל רֵאשִׁית דָּגָן תִּירוֹשׁ וְיִצְהָר וּדְבַשׁ וְכֹל תְּבוּאַת שָׂדֶה וּמַעְשַׂר הַכֹּל לָרֹב הֵבִיאוּ׃", 31.6. "וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וִיהוּדָה הַיּוֹשְׁבִים בְּעָרֵי יְהוּדָה גַּם־הֵם מַעְשַׂר בָּקָר וָצֹאן וּמַעְשַׂר קָדָשִׁים הַמְקֻדָּשִׁים לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵיהֶם הֵבִיאוּ וַיִּתְּנוּ עֲרֵמוֹת עֲרֵמוֹת׃", 31.7. "בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁלִשִׁי הֵחֵלּוּ הָעֲרֵמוֹת לְיִסּוֹד וּבַחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי כִּלּוּ׃", 31.8. "וַיָּבֹאוּ יְחִזְקִיָּהוּ וְהַשָּׂרִים וַיִּרְאוּ אֶת־הָעֲרֵמוֹת וַיְבָרֲכוּ אֶת־יְהוָה וְאֵת עַמּוֹ יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 31.9. "וַיִּדְרֹשׁ יְחִזְקִיָּהוּ עַל־הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם עַל־הָעֲרֵמוֹת׃", 31.11. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְחִזְקִיָּהוּ לְהָכִין לְשָׁכוֹת בְּבֵית יְהוָה וַיָּכִינוּ׃", 31.12. "וַיָּבִיאוּ אֶת־הַתְּרוּמָה וְהַמַּעֲשֵׂר וְהַקֳּדָשִׁים בֶּאֱמוּנָה וַעֲלֵיהֶם נָגִיד כונניהו [כָּנַנְיָהוּ] הַלֵּוִי וְשִׁמְעִי אָחִיהוּ מִשְׁנֶה׃", 31.13. "וִיחִיאֵל וַעֲזַזְיָהוּ וְנַחַת וַעֲשָׂהאֵל וִירִימוֹת וְיוֹזָבָד וֶאֱלִיאֵל וְיִסְמַכְיָהוּ וּמַחַת וּבְנָיָהוּ פְּקִידִים מִיַּד כונניהו [כָּנַנְיָהוּ] וְשִׁמְעִי אָחִיו בְּמִפְקַד יְחִזְקִיָּהוּ הַמֶּלֶךְ וַעֲזַרְיָהוּ נְגִיד בֵּית־הָאֱלֹהִים׃", 31.14. "וְקוֹרֵא בֶן־יִמְנָה הַלֵּוִי הַשּׁוֹעֵר לַמִּזְרָחָה עַל נִדְבוֹת הָאֱלֹהִים לָתֵת תְּרוּמַת יְהוָה וְקָדְשֵׁי הַקֳּדָשִׁים׃", 31.15. "וְעַל־יָדוֹ עֵדֶן וּמִנְיָמִן וְיֵשׁוּעַ וּשְׁמַעְיָהוּ אֲמַרְיָהוּ וּשְׁכַנְיָהוּ בְּעָרֵי הַכֹּהֲנִים בֶּאֱמוּנָה לָתֵת לַאֲחֵיהֶם בְּמַחְלְקוֹת כַּגָּדוֹל כַּקָּטָן׃", 31.16. "מִלְּבַד הִתְיַחְשָׂם לִזְכָרִים מִבֶּן שָׁלוֹשׁ שָׁנִים וּלְמַעְלָה לְכָל־הַבָּא לְבֵית־יְהוָה לִדְבַר־יוֹם בְּיוֹמוֹ לַעֲבוֹדָתָם בְּמִשְׁמְרוֹתָם כְּמַחְלְקוֹתֵיהֶם׃", 31.17. "וְאֵת הִתְיַחֵשׂ הַכֹּהֲנִים לְבֵית אֲבוֹתֵיהֶם וְהַלְוִיִּם מִבֶּן עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה וּלְמָעְלָה בְּמִשְׁמְרוֹתֵיהֶם בְּמַחְלְקוֹתֵיהֶם׃", 31.18. "וּלְהִתְיַחֵשׂ בְּכָל־טַפָּם נְשֵׁיהֶם וּבְנֵיהֶם וּבְנוֹתֵיהֶם לְכָל־קָהָל כִּי בֶאֱמוּנָתָם יִתְקַדְּשׁוּ־קֹדֶשׁ׃", 31.19. "וְלִבְנֵי אַהֲרֹן הַכֹּהֲנִים בִּשְׂדֵי מִגְרַשׁ עָרֵיהֶם בְּכָל־עִיר וָעִיר אֲנָשִׁים אֲשֶׁר נִקְּבוּ בְּשֵׁמוֹת לָתֵת מָנוֹת לְכָל־זָכָר בַּכֹּהֲנִים וּלְכָל־הִתְיַחֵשׂ בַּלְוִיִּם׃", | 31.4. "Moreover he commanded the people that dwelt in Jerusalem to give the portion of the priests and the Levites, that they might give themselves to the law of the LORD.", 31.5. "And as soon as the commandment came abroad, the children of Israel gave in abundance the first-fruits of corn, wine, and oil, and honey, and of all the increase of the field; and the tithe of all things brought they in abundantly.", 31.6. "And the children of Israel and Judah, that dwelt in the cities of Judah, they also brought in the tithe of oxen and sheep, and the tithe of hallowed things which were hallowed unto the LORD their God, and laid them by heaps.", 31.7. "In the third month they began to lay the foundation of the heaps, and finished them in the seventh month.", 31.8. "And when Hezekiah and the princes came and saw the heaps, they blessed the LORD, and His people Israel.", 31.9. "Then Hezekiah questioned the priests and the Levites concerning the heaps.", 31.10. "And Azariah the chief priest, of the house of Zadok, answered him and said: ‘Since the people began to bring the offerings into the house of the LORD, we have eaten and had enough, and have left plenty; for the LORD hath blessed His people; and that which is left is this great store.’", 31.11. "Then Hezekiah commanded to prepare chambers in the house of the LORD; and they prepared them.", 31.12. "And they brought in the offerings and the tithes and the hallowed things faithfully; and over them Coiah the Levite was ruler, and Shimei his brother was second.", 31.13. "And Jehiel, and Azaziah, and Nahath, and Asahel, and Jerimoth, and Jozabad, and Eliel, and Ismachiah, and Mahath, and Benaiah, were overseers under the hand of Coiah and Shimei his brother, by the appointment of Hezekiah the king, and Azariah the ruler of the house of God.", 31.14. "And Kore the son of Imnah the Levite, the porter at the east gate, was over the freewill-offerings of God, to distribute the offerings of the LORD, and the most holy things.", 31.15. "And under him were Eden, and Miniamin, and Jeshua, and Shemaiah, Amariah, and Shecaniah, in the cities of the priests, in their office of trust, to give to their brethren by courses, as well to the great as to the small;", 31.16. "beside them that were reckoned by genealogy of males, from three years old and upward, even every one that entered into the house of the LORD, for his daily portion, for their service in their charges according to their courses;", 31.17. "and them that were reckoned by genealogy of the priests by their fathers’houses, and the Levites from twenty years old and upward, in their charges by their courses;", 31.18. "even to give to them that were reckoned by genealogy of all their little ones, their wives, and their sons, and their daughters, through all the congregation; for in their office of trust they administered the sacred gifts;", 31.19. "also for the sons of Aaron the priests, that were in the fields of the open land about their cities, in every city, there were men that were mentioned by name, to give portions to all the males among the priests, and to all that were reckoned by genealogy among the Levites.", |
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12. Xenophon, Memoirs, 2.1-2.34, 2.1.9, 2.1.11 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •polis, the, individual duty to Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 398| 2.1.9. καὶ γὰρ ἀξιοῦσιν αἱ πόλεις τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ὥσπερ ἐγὼ τοῖς οἰκέταις χρῆσθαι. ἐγώ τε γὰρ ἀξιῶ τοὺς θεράποντας ἐμοὶ μὲν ἄφθονα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια παρασκευάζειν, αὐτοὺς δὲ μηδενὸς τούτων ἅπτεσθαι, αἵ τε πόλεις οἴονται χρῆναι τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἑαυταῖς μὲν ὡς πλεῖστα ἀγαθὰ πορίζειν, αὐτοὺς δὲ πάντων τούτων ἀπέχεσθαι. ἐγὼ οὖν τοὺς μὲν βουλομένους πολλὰ πράγματα ἔχειν αὐτούς τε καὶ ἄλλοις παρέχειν οὕτως ἂν παιδεύσας εἰς τοὺς ἀρχικοὺς καταστήσαιμι· ἐμαυτόν γε μέντοι τάττω εἰς τοὺς βουλομένους ᾗ ῥᾷστά τε καὶ ἥδιστα βιοτεύειν. 2.1.11. ἀλλʼ ἐγώ τοι, ἔφη ὁ Ἀρίστιππος, οὐδὲ εἰς τὴν δουλείαν ἐμαυτὸν τάττω, ἀλλʼ εἶναί τίς μοι δοκεῖ μέση τούτων ὁδός, ἣν πειρῶμαι βαδίζειν, οὔτε διʼ ἀρχῆς οὔτε διὰ δουλείας, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἐλευθερίας, ἥπερ μάλιστα πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ἄγει. | 2.1.9. For states claim to treat their rulers just as I claim to treat my servants. I expect my men to provide me with necessaries in abundance, but not to touch any of them; and states hold it to be the business of the ruler to supply them with all manner of good things, and to abstain from all of them himself. And so, should anyone want to bring plenty of trouble on himself and others, I would educate him as you propose and number him with those fitted to be rulers : but myself I classify with those who wish for a life of the greatest ease and pleasure that can be had. Here Socrates asked: 2.1.11. Nay, replied Aristippus, for my part I am no candidate for slavery; but there is, as I hold, a middle path in which I am fain to walk. That way leads neither through rule nor slavery, but through liberty, which is the royal road to happiness. |
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13. Hebrew Bible, Ecclesiastes, 3.22 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 222| 3.22. "וְרָאִיתִי כִּי אֵין טוֹב מֵאֲשֶׁר יִשְׂמַח הָאָדָם בְּמַעֲשָׂיו כִּי־הוּא חֶלְקוֹ כִּי מִי יְבִיאֶנּוּ לִרְאוֹת בְּמֶה שֶׁיִּהְיֶה אַחֲרָיו׃", | 3.22. "Wherefore I perceived that there is nothing better, than that a man should rejoice in his works; for that is his portion; for who shall bring him to see what shall be after him?", |
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| 14. Cratinus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 15. Cratinus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 16. Gorgias of Leontini, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
17. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 10.38-10.40, 11.1-11.3, 12.44, 12.47, 13.5, 13.10, 13.12-13.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 274, 275| 10.38. "וְאֶת־רֵאשִׁית עֲרִיסֹתֵינוּ וּתְרוּמֹתֵינוּ וּפְרִי כָל־עֵץ תִּירוֹשׁ וְיִצְהָר נָבִיא לַכֹּהֲנִים אֶל־לִשְׁכוֹת בֵּית־אֱלֹהֵינוּ וּמַעְשַׂר אַדְמָתֵנוּ לַלְוִיִּם וְהֵם הַלְוִיִּם הַמְעַשְּׂרִים בְּכֹל עָרֵי עֲבֹדָתֵנוּ׃", 10.39. "וְהָיָה הַכֹּהֵן בֶּן־אַהֲרֹן עִם־הַלְוִיִּם בַּעְשֵׂר הַלְוִיִּם וְהַלְוִיִּם יַעֲלוּ אֶת־מַעֲשַׂר הַמַּעֲשֵׂר לְבֵית אֱלֹהֵינוּ אֶל־הַלְּשָׁכוֹת לְבֵית הָאוֹצָר׃", 11.1. "מִן־הַכֹּהֲנִים יְדַעְיָה בֶן־יוֹיָרִיב יָכִין׃", 11.1. "וַיֵּשְׁבוּ שָׂרֵי־הָעָם בִּירוּשָׁלִָם וּשְׁאָר הָעָם הִפִּילוּ גוֹרָלוֹת לְהָבִיא אֶחָד מִן־הָעֲשָׂרָה לָשֶׁבֶת בִּירוּשָׁלִַם עִיר הַקֹּדֶשׁ וְתֵשַׁע הַיָּדוֹת בֶּעָרִים׃", 11.2. "וּשְׁאָר יִשְׂרָאֵל הַכֹּהֲנִים הַלְוִיִּם בְּכָל־עָרֵי יְהוּדָה אִישׁ בְּנַחֲלָתוֹ׃", 11.2. "וַיְבָרֲכוּ הָעָם לְכֹל הָאֲנָשִׁים הַמִּתְנַדְּבִים לָשֶׁבֶת בִּירוּשָׁלִָם׃", 11.3. "וְאֵלֶּה רָאשֵׁי הַמְּדִינָה אֲשֶׁר יָשְׁבוּ בִּירוּשָׁלִָם וּבְעָרֵי יְהוּדָה יָשְׁבוּ אִישׁ בַּאֲחֻזָּתוֹ בְּעָרֵיהֶם יִשְׂרָאֵל הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם וְהַנְּתִינִים וּבְנֵי עַבְדֵי שְׁלֹמֹה׃", 11.3. "זָנֹחַ עֲדֻלָּם וְחַצְרֵיהֶם לָכִישׁ וּשְׂדֹתֶיהָ עֲזֵקָה וּבְנֹתֶיהָ וַיַּחֲנוּ מִבְּאֵר־שֶׁבַע עַד־גֵּיא־הִנֹּם׃", 12.44. "וַיִּפָּקְדוּ בַיּוֹם הַהוּא אֲנָשִׁים עַל־הַנְּשָׁכוֹת לָאוֹצָרוֹת לַתְּרוּמוֹת לָרֵאשִׁית וְלַמַּעַשְׂרוֹת לִכְנוֹס בָּהֶם לִשְׂדֵי הֶעָרִים מְנָאוֹת הַתּוֹרָה לַכֹּהֲנִים וְלַלְוִיִּם כִּי שִׂמְחַת יְהוּדָה עַל־הַכֹּהֲנִים וְעַל־הַלְוִיִּם הָעֹמְדִים׃", 12.47. "וְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל בִּימֵי זְרֻבָּבֶל וּבִימֵי נְחֶמְיָה נֹתְנִים מְנָיוֹת הַמְשֹׁרְרִים וְהַשֹּׁעֲרִים דְּבַר־יוֹם בְּיוֹמוֹ וּמַקְדִּשִׁים לַלְוִיִּם וְהַלְוִיִּם מַקְדִּשִׁים לִבְנֵי אַהֲרֹן׃", 13.5. "וַיַּעַשׂ לוֹ לִשְׁכָּה גְדוֹלָה וְשָׁם הָיוּ לְפָנִים נֹתְנִים אֶת־הַמִּנְחָה הַלְּבוֹנָה וְהַכֵּלִים וּמַעְשַׂר הַדָּגָן הַתִּירוֹשׁ וְהַיִּצְהָר מִצְוַת הַלְוִיִּם וְהַמְשֹׁרְרִים וְהַשֹּׁעֲרִים וּתְרוּמַת הַכֹּהֲנִים׃", 13.12. "וְכָל־יְהוּדָה הֵבִיאוּ מַעְשַׂר הַדָּגָן וְהַתִּירוֹשׁ וְהַיִּצְהָר לָאוֹצָרוֹת׃", 13.13. "וָאוֹצְרָה עַל־אוֹצָרוֹת שֶׁלֶמְיָה הַכֹּהֵן וְצָדוֹק הַסּוֹפֵר וּפְדָיָה מִן־הַלְוִיִּם וְעַל־יָדָם חָנָן בֶּן־זַכּוּר בֶּן־מַתַּנְיָה כִּי נֶאֱמָנִים נֶחְשָׁבוּ וַעֲלֵיהֶם לַחֲלֹק לַאֲחֵיהֶם׃", | 10.38. "and that we should bring the first of our dough, and our heave-offerings, and the fruit of all manner of trees, the wine and the oil, unto the priests, to the chambers of the house of our God; and the tithes of our land unto the Levites; for they, the Levites, take the tithes in all the cities of our tillage.", 10.39. "And the priest the son of Aaron shall be with the Levites, when the Levites take tithes; and the Levites shall bring up the tithe of the tithes unto the house of our God, to the chambers, into the treasure-house. .", 10.40. "For the children of Israel and the children of Levi shall bring the heave-offering of the corn, of the wine, and of the oil, unto the chambers, where are the vessels of the sanctuary, and the priests that minister, and the porters, and the singers; and we will not forsake the house of our God.", 11.1. "And the princes of the people dwelt in Jerusalem; the rest of the people also cast lots, to bring one of ten to dwell in Jerusalem the holy city, and nine parts in the other cities.", 11.2. "And the people blessed all the men that willingly offered themselves to dwell in Jerusalem.", 11.3. "Now these are the chiefs of the province that dwelt in Jerusalem; but in the cities of Judah dwelt every one in his possession in their cities, to wit, Israelites, the priests, and the Levites, and the Nethinim, and the children of Solomon’s servants.", 12.44. "And on that day were men appointed over the chambers for the treasures, for the heave-offerings, for the first-fruits, and for the tithes, to gather into them, according to the fields of the cities, the portions appointed by the law for the priests and Levites; for Judah rejoiced for the priests and for the Levites that took their stations.", 12.47. "And all Israel in the days of Zerubbabel, and in the days of Nehemiah, gave the portions of the singers and the porters, as every day required; and they hallowed for the Levites; and the Levites hallowed for the sons of Aaron.", 13.5. "had prepared for him a great chamber, where aforetime they laid the meal-offerings, the frankincense, and the vessels, and the tithes of the corn, the wine, and the oil, which were given by commandment to the Levites, and the singers, and the porters; and the heave-offerings for the priests.", 13.10. "And I perceived that the portions of the Levites had not been given them; so that the Levites and the singers, that did the work, were fled every one to his field.", 13.12. "Then brought all Judah the tithe of the corn and the wine and the oil unto the treasuries.", 13.13. "And I made treasurers over the treasuries, Shelemiah the priest, and Zadok the scribe, and of the Levites, Pedaiah; and next to them was Ha the son of Zaccur, the son of Mattaniah; for they were counted faithful, and their office was to distribute unto their brethren.", |
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18. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.98.4, 1.141.1, 2.63.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slavery, beneficial and just for the slaves, individual and collective Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 171| 1.98.4. Ναξίοις δὲ ἀποστᾶσι μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπολέμησαν καὶ πολιορκίᾳ παρεστήσαντο, πρώτη τε αὕτη πόλις ξυμμαχὶς παρὰ τὸ καθεστηκὸς ἐδουλώθη, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὡς ἑκάστῃ ξυνέβη. 1.141.1. αὐτόθεν δὴ διανοήθητε ἢ ὑπακούειν πρίν τι βλαβῆναι, ἢ εἰ πολεμήσομεν, ὥσπερ ἔμοιγε ἄμεινον δοκεῖ εἶναι, καὶ ἐπὶ μεγάλῃ καὶ ἐπὶ βραχείᾳ ὁμοίως προφάσει μὴ εἴξοντες μηδὲ ξὺν φόβῳ ἕξοντες ἃ κεκτήμεθα: τὴν γὰρ αὐτὴν δύναται δούλωσιν ἥ τε μεγίστη καὶ ἐλαχίστη δικαίωσις ἀπὸ τῶν ὁμοίων πρὸ δίκης τοῖς πέλας ἐπιτασσομένη. 2.63.1. τῆς τε πόλεως ὑμᾶς εἰκὸς τῷ τιμωμένῳ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄρχειν, ᾧπερ ἅπαντες ἀγάλλεσθε, βοηθεῖν, καὶ μὴ φεύγειν τοὺς πόνους ἢ μηδὲ τὰς τιμὰς διώκειν: μηδὲ νομίσαι περὶ ἑνὸς μόνου, δουλείας ἀντ’ ἐλευθερίας, ἀγωνίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀρχῆς στερήσεως καὶ κινδύνου ὧν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ ἀπήχθεσθε. | 1.98.4. After this Naxos left the confederacy, and a war ensued, and she had to return after a siege; this was the first instance of the engagement being broken by the subjugation of an allied city, a precedent which was followed by that of the rest in the order which circumstances prescribed. 1.141.1. Make your decision therefore at once, either to submit before you are harmed, or if we are to go to war, as I for one think we ought, to do so without caring whether the ostensible cause be great or small, resolved against making concessions or consenting to a precarious tenure of our possessions. For all claims from an equal, urged upon a neighbor as commands, before any attempt at legal settlement, be they great or be they small, have only one meaning, and that is slavery. 2.63.1. Again, your country has a right to your services in sustaining the glories of her position. These are a common source of pride to you all, and you cannot decline the burdens of empire and still expect to share its honors. You should remember also that what you are fighting against is not merely slavery as an exchange for independence, but also loss of empire and danger from the animosities incurred in its exercise. |
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| 19. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 1264-1265, 1401, 1424, 340, 631-632, 798-800 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 155 |
| 20. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, 135, 89 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 21. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, 135, 89 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 22. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, 135, 89 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 23. Plato, Menexenus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 60 |
| 24. Theophrastus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 25. Aeschines, Letters, 3.259 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 77 |
| 26. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 298 |
| 27. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 197 |
| 28. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 41; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 298 |
29. Septuagint, Tobit, 1.6 (4th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275 | 1.6. But I alone went often to Jerusalem for the feasts, as it is ordained for all Israel by an everlasting decree. Taking the first fruits and the tithes of my produce and the first shearings, I would give these to the priests, the sons of Aaron, at the altar. |
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| 30. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •slavery, beneficial and just for the slaves, individual and collective Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 172 |
| 31. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 58.1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •state funeral for the war dead, and individuality Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 60 |
| 32. Dinarchus, Or., 1.40, 1.43, 3.2 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 77 |
| 33. Cratinus Iunior, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 34. Plautus, Amphitruo, 501 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 95 |
35. Cicero, On Duties, 1.148 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •polis, the, individual duty to Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 398| 1.148. Quae vero more agentur institutisque civilibus, de iis nihil est praecipiendum; illa enim ipsa praecepta sunt, nec quemquam hoc errore duci oportet, ut, si quid Socrates aut Aristippus contra rnorem consuetudinemque civilem fecerint locutive sint, idem sibi arbitretur licere; magnis illi et divinis bonis hane licentiam assequebantur. Cynicorum vero ratio tota est eicienda; est enim inimica verecundiae, sine qua nihil rectum esse potest, nihil honestum. | 1.148. But no rules need to be given about what is done in accordance with the established customs and conventions of a community; for these are in themselves rules; and no one ought to make the mistake of supposing that, because Socrates or Aristippus did or said something contrary to the manners and established customs of their city, he has a right to do the same; it was only by reason of their great and superhuman virtues that those famous men acquired this special privilege. But the Cynics' whole system of philosophy must be rejected, for it is inimical to moral sensibility, and without moral sensibility nothing can be upright, nothing morally good. |
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| 36. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.32, 2.5.116 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 105, 174 |
37. Anon., Jubilees, 13.26-13.27, 32.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275 | 13.26. and they took captive Lot also, the son of Abram's brother, and all his possessions, and they went to Dan. 13.27. And one who had escaped came and told Abram that his brother's son 32.15. And for this reason it is ordained on the heavenly tables as a law for the tithing again the tithe to eat before the Lord from year to year, |
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38. Terence, Adelphi, 415 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 110| 415. Nihil praetermitto: consuefacio: denique | |
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39. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 7.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 223 | 7.22. I do not know how you came into being in my womb. It was not I who gave you life and breath, nor I who set in order the elements within each of you.' |
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| 40. Dead Sea Scrolls, 11Qt, 37.10, 60.2-60.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 276 |
| 41. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Qmmt, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 276 |
| 42. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 9.14.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 174 |
| 43. Philodemus of Gadara, De Musica \ , None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 298 |
| 44. Ovid, Tristia, 4.5.31-4.5.32 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 104 |
| 45. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.12 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 102, 103 |
| 46. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 173, 174 |
| 47. Josephus Flavius, Life, 63, 80, 29 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 273 |
48. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 58.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 160, 161| 58.5. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰ μὲν ἕλη τὰ περὶ Πωμεντῖνον καὶ Σητίαν ἐκτρέψας πεδίον ἀποδεῖξαι πολλαῖς ἐνεργὸν ἀνθρώπων μυριάσι, τῇ δὲ ἔγγιστα τῆς Ῥώμης θαλάσσῃ κλεῖθρα διὰ χωμάτων ἐπαγαγών, καὶ τὰ τυφλὰ καὶ δύσορμα τῆς Ὠστιανῆς ἠϊόνος ἀνακαθηράμενος, λιμένας ἐμποιήσασθαι καὶ ναύλοχα πρὸς τοσαύτην ἀξιόπιστα ναυτιλίαν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν παρασκευαῖς ἦν. | 58.5. |
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| 49. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, theodorus Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 197 |
50. Mishnah, Zevahim, 1.2, 5.8, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275| 1.2. "יוֹסֵי בֶן חוֹנִי אוֹמֵר, הַנִּשְׁחָטִים לְשֵׁם פֶּסַח וּלְשֵׁם חַטָּאת, פְּסוּלִים. שִׁמְעוֹן אֲחִי עֲזַרְיָה אוֹמֵר, שְׁחָטָן לְשֵׁם גָּבוֹהַּ מֵהֶם, כְּשֵׁרִין. לְשֵׁם נָמוּךְ מֵהֶם, פְּסוּלִים. כֵּיצַד. קָדְשֵׁי קָדָשִׁים שֶׁשְּׁחָטָן לְשֵׁם קָדָשִׁים קַלִּים, פְּסוּלִין. קָדָשִׁים קַלִּים שֶׁשְּׁחָטָן לְשֵׁם קָדְשֵׁי קָדָשִׁים, כְּשֵׁרִין. הַבְּכוֹר וְהַמַּעֲשֵׂר שֶׁשְּׁחָטָן לְשֵׁם שְׁלָמִים, כְּשֵׁרִין. וּשְׁלָמִים שֶׁשְּׁחָטָן לְשֵׁם בְּכוֹר, לְשֵׁם מַעֲשֵׂר, פְּסוּלִין:", 5.8. "הַבְּכוֹר וְהַמַּעֲשֵׂר וְהַפֶּסַח, קָדָשִׁים קַלִּים, שְׁחִיטָתָן בְּכָל מָקוֹם בָּעֲזָרָה, וְדָמָן טָעוּן מַתָּנָה אַחַת, וּבִלְבָד שֶׁיִּתֵּן כְּנֶגֶד הַיְסוֹד. שִׁנָּה בַאֲכִילָתָן, הַבְּכוֹר נֶאֱכָל לַכֹּהֲנִים, וְהַמַּעֲשֵׂר לְכָל אָדָם, וְנֶאֱכָלִין בְּכָל הָעִיר, לְכָל אָדָם, בְּכָל מַאֲכָל, לִשְׁנֵי יָמִים וְלַיְלָה אֶחָד. הַפֶּסַח אֵינוֹ נֶאֱכָל אֶלָּא בַלַּיְלָה, וְאֵינוֹ נֶאֱכָל אֶלָּא עַד חֲצוֹת, וְאֵינוֹ נֶאֱכָל אֶלָּא לִמְנוּיָו, וְאֵינוֹ נֶאֱכָל אֶלָּא צָלִי: \n", 10.3. "הַבְּכוֹר קוֹדֵם לַמַּעֲשֵׂר מִפְּנֵי שֶׁקְּדֻשָּׁתוֹ מֵרֶחֶם, וְנֶאֱכָל לַכֹּהֲנִים. הַמַּעֲשֵׂר קוֹדֵם לָעוֹפוֹת, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהוּא זֶבַח וְיֶשׁ בּוֹ קָדְשֵׁי קָדָשִׁים, דָּמוֹ וְאֵמוּרָיו: \n", | 1.2. "Yose ben Honi says: [Sacrifices] slaughtered in the name of a pesah or a hatat are invalid. Shimon the brother of Azariah says: if one slaughtered them under a higher designation than their own they are valid; under a lower designation than their own, they are invalid. How so? If one slaughtered most sacred sacrifices under the designation of lesser sacrifices, they are invalid; [but] if one slaughtered lesser sacrifices under the designation of most sacred sacrifices, they are valid. If one slaughtered a bekhor or a tithe in the name of a shelamim, it is valid, but if one slaughtered a shelamim in the name of a bekhor or tithe, it is invalid.", 5.8. "The first-born animal, tithe and the pesah are sacrifices of lesser sanctity. They are slaughtered in any part of the Temple court, and their blood requires one sprinkling, provided that he applies it against the base [of the altar]. They differ in the [rules governing] their eating: The first-born animal is eaten by priests [only], the tithe is eaten by anyone and they can be eaten in any part of the city, prepared in any manner, during two days and one night. The pesah can be eaten only at night, only until midnight, and it can be eaten only by those registered for it, and it can be eaten only when roasted.", 10.3. "A first-born precedes tithe, because its sanctity is from the womb, and it is eaten by priests. Tithe precedes bird [-offerings] because it is a slaughtered sacrifice, and part of it is most sacred: its blood and innards.", |
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51. Mishnah, Sotah, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •torah study, as “benefit” to the individual Found in books: Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 200, 201, 209| 3.4. "אֵינָהּ מַסְפֶּקֶת לִשְׁתּוֹת עַד שֶׁפָּנֶיהָ מוֹרִיקוֹת וְעֵינֶיהָ בּוֹלְטוֹת וְהִיא מִתְמַלֵּאת גִּידִין, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים הוֹצִיאוּהָ הוֹצִיאוּהָ, שֶׁלֹּא תְטַמֵּא הָעֲזָרָה. אִם יֶשׁ לָהּ זְכוּת, הָיְתָה תוֹלָה לָהּ. יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שָׁנָה אַחַת, יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שְׁתֵּי שָׁנִים, יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שָׁלשׁ שָׁנִים. מִכָּאן אוֹמֵר בֶּן עַזַּאי, חַיָּב אָדָם לְלַמֵּד אֶת בִּתּוֹ תוֹרָה, שֶׁאִם תִּשְׁתֶּה, תֵּדַע שֶׁהַזְּכוּת תּוֹלָה לָהּ. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, כָּל הַמְלַמֵּד אֶת בִּתּוֹ תוֹרָה, כְּאִלּוּ מְלַמְּדָהּ תִּפְלוּת. רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אוֹמֵר, רוֹצָה אִשָּׁה בְקַב וְתִפְלוּת מִתִּשְׁעָה קַבִּין וּפְרִישׁוּת. הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, חָסִיד שׁוֹטֶה, וְרָשָׁע עָרוּם, וְאִשָּׁה פְרוּשָׁה, וּמַכּוֹת פְּרוּשִׁין, הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ מְכַלֵּי עוֹלָם: \n", | 3.4. "She had barely finished drinking when her face turns yellow, her eyes protrude and her veins swell. And [those who see her] exclaim, “Remove her! Remove her, so that the temple-court should not be defiled”. If she had merit, it [causes the water] to suspend its effect upon her. Some merit suspends the effect for one year, some merit suspends the effects for two years, and some merit suspends the effect for three years. Hence Ben Azzai said: a person must teach his daughter Torah, so that if she has to drink [the water of bitterness], she should know that the merit suspends its effect. Rabbi Eliezer says: whoever teaches his daughter Torah teaches her lasciviousness. Rabbi Joshua says: a woman prefers one kav (of food) and sexual indulgence to nine kav and sexual separation. He used to say, a foolish pietist, a cunning wicked person, a female separatist, and the blows of separatists bring destruction upon the world.", |
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52. Mishnah, Peah, 1.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 273| 1.6. "לְעוֹלָם הוּא נוֹתֵן מִשּׁוּם פֵּאָה וּפָטוּר מִן הַמַּעַשְׂרוֹת, עַד שֶׁיְּמָרֵחַ. וְנוֹתֵן מִשּׁוּם הֶפְקֵר וּפָטוּר מִן הַמַּעַשְׂרוֹת, עַד שֶׁיְּמָרֵחַ. וּמַאֲכִיל לַבְּהֵמָה וְלַחַיָּה וְלָעוֹפוֹת וּפָטוּר מִן הַמַּעַשְׂרוֹת, עַד שֶׁיְּמָרֵחַ. וְנוֹטֵל מִן הַגֹּרֶן וְזוֹרֵעַ וּפָטוּר מִן הַמַּעַשְׂרוֹת, עַד שֶׁיְּמָרֵחַ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא. כֹּהֵן וְלֵוִי שֶׁלָּקְחוּ אֶת הַגֹּרֶן, הַמַּעַשְׂרוֹת שֶׁלָּהֶם, עַד שֶׁיְּמָרֵחַ. הַמַּקְדִּישׁ וּפוֹדֶה, חַיָּב בְּמַעַשְׂרוֹת, עַד שֶׁיְּמָרֵחַ הַגִּזְבָּר:", | 1.6. "He may always give peah and be exempt from giving tithes until he makes a stack. One who gives [to the poor] as ownerless [produce] and be exempt from giving tithes until he makes a stack. He may feed cattle, wild animals and birds and be exempt from giving tithes until he makes a stack. He may take from the threshing floor and use it as seed and be exempt from giving tithes until he makes a stack, the words of Rabbi Akiva. A priest or Levite who purchase [grain of] a threshing floor, the tithes are theirs unless [the owner] has already made a stack. One who dedicated [his crop] and redeems it [afterwards] is obligated to give tithes until the Temple treasurer has made a stack.", |
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53. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 72.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, athenodorus •actors, individual, thessalus (-tt-) Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 153| 72.1. ὡς δὲ ἧκεν εἰς Ἐκβάτανα τῆς Μηδίας καὶ διῴκησε τὰ κατεπείγοντα, πάλιν ἦν ἐν θεάτροις καὶ πανηγύρεσιν, ἅτε δὴ τρισχιλίων αὐτῷ τεχνιτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀφιγμένων. ἔτυχε δὲ περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας Ἡφαιστίων πυρέσσων· οἷα δὲ νέος καὶ στρατιωτικὸς οὐ φέρων ἀκριβῆ δίαιταν, ἅμα τῷ τὸν ἰατρὸν Γλαῦκον ἀπελθεῖν εἰς τὸ θέατρον περὶ ἄριστον γενόμενος καὶ καταφαγὼν ἀλεκτρυόνα ἑφθὸν καὶ ψυκτῆρα μέγαν ἐκπιὼν οἴνου κακῶς ἔσχε καὶ μικρὸν διαλιπὼν ἀπέθανε. | 72.1. When he came to Ecbatana in Media and had transacted the business that was urgent, he was once more much occupied with theatres and festivals, since three thousand artists had come to him from Greece. But during this time it chanced that Hephaestion had a fever; and since, young man and soldier that he was, he could not submit to a strict regimen, as soon as Glaucus, his physician, had gone off to the theatre, he sat down to breakfast, ate a boiled fowl, drank a huge cooler of wine, fell sick, and in a little while died. |
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54. Mishnah, Nedarim, 4.2-4.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •torah study, as “benefit” to the individual Found in books: Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 197, 199, 200, 204, 209| 4.2. "הַמֻּדָּר הֲנָאָה מֵחֲבֵרוֹ, שׁוֹקֵל אֶת שִׁקְלוֹ, וּפוֹרֵעַ אֶת חוֹבוֹ, וּמַחֲזִיר לוֹ אֶת אֲבֵדָתוֹ. מְקוֹם שֶׁנּוֹטְלִין עָלֶיהָ שָׂכָר, תִּפֹּל הֲנָאָה לַהֶקְדֵּשׁ: \n", 4.3. "וְתוֹרֵם אֶת תְּרוּמָתוֹ וּמַעַשְׂרוֹתָיו לְדַעְתּוֹ. וּמַקְרִיב עָלָיו קִנֵּי זָבִין, קִנֵּי זָבוֹת, קִנֵּי יוֹלְדוֹת, חַטָּאוֹת וַאֲשָׁמוֹת, וּמְלַמְּדוֹ מִדְרָשׁ, הֲלָכוֹת וְאַגָּדוֹת, אֲבָל לֹא יְלַמְּדֶנּוּ מִקְרָא. אֲבָל מְלַמֵּד הוּא אֶת בָּנָיו וְאֶת בְּנוֹתָיו מִקְרָא, וְזָן אֶת אִשְׁתּוֹ וְאֶת בָּנָיו אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁהוּא חַיָּב בִּמְזוֹנוֹתֵיהֶם. וְלֹא יָזוּן אֶת בְּהֶמְתּוֹ, בֵּין טְמֵאָה בֵּין טְהוֹרָה. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, זָן אֶת הַטְּמֵאָה, וְאֵינוֹ זָן אֶת הַטְּהוֹרָה. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, מַה בֵּין טְמֵאָה לִטְהוֹרָה. אָמַר לָהֶן, שֶׁהַטְּהוֹרָה נַפְשָׁהּ לַשָּׁמַיִם וְגוּפָהּ שֶׁלּוֹ, וּטְמֵאָה נַפְשָׁהּ וְגוּפָהּ לַשָּׁמָיִם. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אַף הַטְּמֵאָה נַפְשָׁהּ לַשָּׁמַיִם וְגוּפָהּ שֶׁלּוֹ, שֶׁאִם יִרְצֶה, הֲרֵי הוּא מוֹכְרָהּ לְגוֹיִם אוֹ מַאֲכִילָהּ לִכְלָבִים: \n", | 4.2. "If one is under a vow not to benefit from his neighbor, [his neighbor] may pay his shekel, pay off his debts, and return a lost article to him. Where payment is taken for this, the benefit should become sacred property.", 4.3. "He may donate his terumah and his tithes with his consent. He may offer up for him the bird sacrifices of zavim and zavoth and the bird sacrifices of women after childbirth, sin-offerings and guilt-offerings. He may teach him midrash, halakhoth and aggadoth, but not Scripture, yet he may teach his sons and daughters Scripture And he may support his wife and children, even though he is liable for their maintece. But he may not feed his beasts, whether clean or unclean. Rabbi Eliezer says: he may feed an unclean beast of his, but not a clean one. They said to him: what is the difference between an unclean and a clean beast? He replied to them, a clean beast, its life belongs to heaven, but its body is his own; but an unclean animal its body and life belongs to heaven. They said to him: The life of an unclean beast too belongs to heaven and the body is his own for if he wishes, he can sell it to a non-Jew or feed dogs with it.", |
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55. Mishnah, Menachot, 7.5-7.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275| 7.5. "הָאוֹמֵר הֲרֵי עָלַי תּוֹדָה, יָבִיא הִיא וְלַחְמָהּ מִן הַחֻלִּין. תּוֹדָה מִן הַחֻלִּין וְלַחְמָהּ מִן הַמַּעֲשֵׂר, יָבִיא הִיא וְלַחְמָהּ מִן הַחֻלִּין. תּוֹדָה מִן הַמַּעֲשֵׂר וְלַחְמָהּ מִן הַחֻלִּין, יָבִיא. הַתּוֹדָה הִיא וְלַחְמָהּ מִן הַמַּעֲשֵׂר, יָבִיא. וְלֹא יָבִיא מֵחִטֵּי מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי, אֶלָּא מִמְּעוֹת מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי: \n", 7.6. "מִנַּיִן לָאוֹמֵר הֲרֵי עָלַי תּוֹדָה, לֹא יָבִיא אֶלָּא מִן הַחֻלִּין, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים טז), וְזָבַחְתָּ פֶּסַח לַה' אֱלֹהֶיךָ צֹאן וּבָקָר, וַהֲלֹא אֵין פֶּסַח בָּא אֶלָּא מִן הַכְּבָשִׂים וּמִן הָעִזִּים. אִם כֵּן, לָמָּה נֶאֱמַר צֹאן וּבָקָר. אֶלָּא לְהָקִישׁ כֹּל הַבָּא מִן הַבָּקָר וּמִן הַצֹּאן לַפֶּסַח, מַה הַפֶּסַח, שֶׁהוּא בָא בְחוֹבָה, אֵינוֹ בָא אֶלָּא מִן הַחֻלִּין, אַף כָּל דָּבָר שֶׁהוּא בָא בְחוֹבָה, לֹא יָבֹא אֶלָּא מִן הַחֻלִּין. לְפִיכָךְ, הָאוֹמֵר הֲרֵי עָלַי תּוֹדָה, הֲרֵי עָלַי שְׁלָמִים, הוֹאִיל וְהֵם בָּאִים חוֹבָה, לֹא יָבֹאוּ אֶלָּא מִן הַחֻלִּין. וְהַנְּסָכִים בְּכָל מָקוֹם לֹא יָבֹאוּ אֶלָּא מִן הַחֻלִּין: \n", | 7.5. "One who says: “Behold I take upon myself [to bring] a todah”, he must bring both it and its bread from hullin. [If he said:] “A todah from hullin and its bread from tithe,” he must bring the bread from hullin. [If he said:] “A todah from tithe and bread from hullin,” he may bring. [If he said:] “A todah, it and its bread from tithe,” he may bring. But he must not bring from grain of second tithe, rather from second tithe money.", 7.6. "From where [is it derived] that if one says, “I take upon myself to bring a todah,” he can bring it only from hullin? As it is said, “And you shall sacrifice the pesah to the Lord your God, from the flock or the herd” (Deuteronomy 16:. But is not the pesah sacrifice brought only from the lambs and from the goats? Why then is it written, “from the flock or the herd”? It is to compare whatever is brought from the flock and the herd with the pesah: just as the pesah is obligatory and offered only from what is hullin, so everything that is obligatory may be offered only from what is hullin. Therefore if a man says, “I take upon myself to bring a todah,” or “I take upon myself [to offer] a shelamim,” since [in these cases] these are obligatory they may be offered only from what is hullin. The libations in every case may be offered only from what is hullin.", |
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56. Mishnah, Maaser Sheni, 1.1-1.2, 4.4, 5.6, 5.9-5.10, 6.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 273, 275| 1.1. "מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי, אֵין מוֹכְרִין אוֹתוֹ, וְאֵין מְמַשְׁכְּנִין אוֹתוֹ, וְאֵין מַחֲלִיפִין אוֹתוֹ, וְלֹא שׁוֹקְלִין כְּנֶּגְדּוֹ. וְלֹא יֹאמַר אָדָם לַחֲבֵרוֹ בִּירוּשָׁלַיִם, הֵילָךְ יַיִן וְתֶן לִי שָׁמֶן. וְכֵן שְׁאָר כָּל הַפֵּרוֹת. אֲבָל נוֹתְנִין זֶה לָזֶה מַתְּנַת חִנָּם: \n", 1.2. "מַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה, אֵין מוֹכְרִין אוֹתוֹ תָּמִים חַי, וְלֹא בַעַל מוּם חַי וְשָׁחוּט, וְאֵין מְקַדְּשִׁין בּוֹ הָאִשָּׁה. הַבְּכוֹר מוֹכְרִין אוֹתוֹ תָּמִים חַי, וּבַעַל מוּם חַי וְשָׁחוּט, וּמְקַדְּשִׁין בּוֹ הָאִשָּׁה. אֵין מְחַלְּלִין מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי עַל אֲסִימוֹן, וְלֹא עַל הַמַּטְבֵּעַ שֶׁאֵינוֹ יוֹצֵא, וְלֹא עַל הַמָּעוֹת שֶׁאֵינָן בִּרְשׁוּתוֹ: \n", 4.4. "מַעֲרִימִין עַל מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי. כֵּיצַד, אוֹמֵר אָדָם לִבְנוֹ וּלְבִתּוֹ הַגְּדוֹלִים, לְעַבְדּוֹ וּלְשִׁפְחָתוֹ הָעִבְרִים, הֵילָךְ מָעוֹת אֵלּוּ וּפְדֵה לָךְ מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי זֶה. אֲבָל לֹא יֹאמַר כֵּן לִבְנוֹ וּלְבִתּוֹ הַקְּטַנִּים, לְעַבְדּוֹ וּלְשִׁפְחָתוֹ הַכְּנַעֲנִים, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁיָּדָן כְּיָדוֹ: \n", 5.6. "עֶרֶב יוֹם טוֹב הָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁל פֶּסַח שֶׁל רְבִיעִית וְשֶׁל שְׁבִיעִית, הָיָה בִעוּר. כֵּיצַד הָיָה בִעוּר, נוֹתְנִין תְּרוּמָה וּתְרוּמַת מַעֲשֵׂר לַבְּעָלִים, וּמַעֲשֵׂר רִאשׁוֹן לִבְעָלָיו, וּמַעֲשַׂר עָנִי לִבְעָלָיו. וּמַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי וְהַבִּכּוּרִים מִתְבַּעֲרִים בְּכָל מָקוֹם. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן אוֹמֵר, הַבִּכּוּרִים נִתָּנִין לַכֹּהֲנִים כַּתְּרוּמָה. הַתַּבְשִׁיל, בֵּית שַׁמַּאי אוֹמְרִים, צָרִיךְ לְבַעֵר. וּבֵית הִלֵּל אוֹמְרִים, הֲרֵי הוּא כִּמְבֹעָר: \n", 5.9. "מִי שֶׁהָיוּ פֵרוֹתָיו רְחוֹקִים מִמֶּנּוּ, צָרִיךְ לִקְרוֹא לָהֶם שֵׁם. מַעֲשֶׂה בְרַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וְהַזְּקֵנִים שֶׁהָיוּ בָאִין בִּסְפִינָה, אָמַר רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל, עִשּׂוּר שֶׁאֲנִי עָתִיד לָמוֹד, נָתוּן לִיהוֹשֻׁעַ, וּמְקוֹמוֹ מֻשְׂכָּר לוֹ. עִשּׂוּר אַחֵר שֶׁאֲנִי עָתִיד לָמֹד, נָתוּן לַעֲקִיבָא בֶן יוֹסֵף שֶׁיִּזְכֶּה בוֹ לָעֲנִיִּים, וּמְקוֹמוֹ מֻשְׂכָּר לוֹ. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ, עִשּׂוּר שֶׁאֲנִי עָתִיד לָמוֹד נָתוּן לְאֶלְעָזָר בֶּן עֲזַרְיָה, וּמְקוֹמוֹ מֻשְׂכָּר לוֹ. וְנִתְקַבְּלוּ זֶה מִזֶּה שָׂכָר: \n", 5.10. "בַּמִּנְחָה בְיוֹם טוֹב הָאַחֲרוֹן הָיוּ מִתְוַדִּין. כֵּיצַד הָיָה הַוִּדּוּי, בִּעַרְתִּי הַקֹּדֶשׁ מִן הַבַּיִת (דברים כו), זֶה מַעֲשֵׂר שֵׁנִי וְנֶטַע רְבָעִי. נְתַתִּיו לַלֵּוִי, זֶה מַעְשַׂר לֵוִי. וְגַם נְתַתִּיו, זוֹ תְּרוּמָה וּתְרוּמַת מַעֲשֵׂר. לַגֵּר לַיָּתוֹם וְלָאַלְמָנָה, זֶה מַעֲשַׂר עָנִי, הַלֶּקֶט וְהַשִּׁכְחָה וְהַפֵּאָה, אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁאֵינָן מְעַכְּבִין אֶת הַוִּדּוּי. מִן הַבַּיִת, זוֹ חַלָּה: \n", | |
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57. Mishnah, Hagigah, 1.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275| 1.4. "יִשְׂרָאֵל יוֹצְאִין יְדֵי חוֹבָתָן בִּנְדָרִים וּנְדָבוֹת וּבְמַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה, וְהַכֹּהֲנִים בַּחַטָּאוֹת וּבָאֲשָׁמוֹת וּבַבְּכוֹר וּבֶחָזֶה וָשׁוֹק, אֲבָל לֹא בָעוֹפוֹת וְלֹא בַמְּנָחוֹת: \n", | 1.4. "Israelites fulfill their obligation with vow-offerings, freewill-offerings and cattle tithe. And priests with sin-offerings and guilt-offerings, firstlings, the breast and the shoulder, but not with bird-offerings, and not with meal-offerings.", |
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58. Mishnah, Bikkurim, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 273| 2.2. "יֵשׁ בְּמַעֲשֵׂר וּבִכּוּרִים מַה שֶּׁאֵין כֵּן בַּתְּרוּמָה, שֶׁהַמַּעֲשֵׂר וְהַבִּכּוּרִים טְעוּנִים הֲבָאַת מָקוֹם, וּטְעוּנִים וִדּוּי, וַאֲסוּרִין לָאוֹנֵן. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן מַתִּיר. וְחַיָּבִין בַּבִּעוּר. וְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן פּוֹטֵר. וַאֲסוּרִין כָּל שֶׁהֵן מִלֶּאֱכֹל בִּירוּשָׁלַיִם. וְגִדּוּלֵיהֶן אֲסוּרִים מִלֶּאֱכֹל בִּירוּשָׁלַיִם אַף לְזָרִים וְלַבְּהֵמָה. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן מַתִּיר. הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ בַּמַּעֲשֵׂר וּבַבִּכּוּרִים, מַה שֶּׁאֵין כֵּן בַּתְּרוּמָה: \n", | 2.2. "There are [laws] which apply to [second tithe] and bikkurim but not to terumah:That [second] tithe and bikkurim must to be brought to [the appointed] place; They require confession; They are forbidden to an onen. But Rabbi Shimon permits [bikkurim to an onen]; They are subject to [the law of] removal. But Rabbi Shimon exempts [bikkurim from removal]. And in Jerusalem the slightest mixture of them [with hullin of the same species] renders it forbidden to be consumed [as common food outside of Jerusalem.] And what grows from them in Jerusalem is forbidden to be consumed [outside of Jerusalem], Even by non-priests or by cattle; But Rabbi Shimon permits. These are [the laws] which apply to [second] tithe and bikkurim, but not to terumah.", |
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59. Mishnah, Bekhorot, 9.1-9.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 275| 9.1. "מַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה נוֹהֵג בָּאָרֶץ וּבְחוּצָה לָאָרֶץ, בִּפְנֵי הַבַּיִת וְשֶׁלֹּא בִפְּנֵי הַבַּיִת, בַּחֻלִּין אֲבָל לֹא בַמֻּקְדָּשִׁין. וְנוֹהֵג בַּבָּקָר וּבַצֹּאן, וְאֵינָן מִתְעַשְּׂרִים מִזֶּה עַל זֶה. בַּכְּבָשִׂים וּבָעִזִּים, וּמִתְעַשְּׂרִין מִזֶּה עַל זֶּה. בֶּחָדָשׁ, וּבַיָּשָׁן, וְאֵינָן מִתְעַשְּׂרִין מִזֶּה עַל זֶּה. שֶׁהָיָה בַּדִּין, מָה אִם הֶחָדָשׁ וְהַיָּשָׁן שֶׁאֵינָן כִּלְאַיִם זֶה בָזֶה, אֵין מִתְעַשְּׂרִין מִזֶּה עַל זֶה. הַכְּבָשִׂים וְהָעִזִּים שֶׁהֵם כִּלְאַיִם זֶה בָזֶה, אֵינוֹ דִין שֶׁלֹּא יִתְעַשְּׂרוּ מִזֶּה עַל זֶה, תַּלְמוּד לוֹמַר (ויקרא כז), וָצֹאן, מִשְׁמָע כָּל צֹאן, אֶחָד: \n", 9.2. "מַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה מִצְטָרֵף כִּמְלֹא רֶגֶל בְּהֵמָה רוֹעָה. וְכַמָּה הִיא רֶגֶל בְּהֵמָה רוֹעָה, שִׁשָּׁה עָשָׂר מִיל. הָיָה בֵּין אֵלּוּ לְאֵלּוּ שְׁלשִׁים וּשְׁנַיִם מִיל, אֵינָן מִצְטָרְפִין. הָיָה לוֹ בָאֶמְצָע, מֵבִיא וּמְעַשְּׂרָן בָּאֶמְצָע. רַבִּי מֵאִיר אוֹמֵר, הַיַּרְדֵּן מַפְסִיק לְמַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה: \n", 9.3. "הַלָּקוּחַ אוֹ שֶׁנִּתַּן לוֹ מַתָּנָה, פָּטוּר מִמַּעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה. הָאַחִים הַשֻּׁתָּפִין שֶׁחַיָּבִין בַּקָּלְבּוֹן, פְּטוּרִין מִמַּעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה. וְשֶׁחַיָּבִין בְּמַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה, פְּטוּרִין מִן הַקָּלְבּוֹן. קָנוּ מִתְּפוּסַת הַבַּיִת, חַיָּבִין. וְאִם לָאו, פְּטוּרִין. חָלְקוּ וְחָזְרוּ וְנִשְׁתַּתְּפוּ, חַיָּבִּין בַּקָּלְבּוֹן וּפְטוּרִין מִמַּעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה: \n", 9.4. "הַכֹּל נִכְנָס לַדִּיר לְהִתְעַשֵּׂר, חוּץ מִן הַכִּלְאַיִם, וְהַטְּרֵפָה, וְיוֹצֵא דֹפֶן, וּמְחֻסַּר זְמָן, וְיָתוֹם. אֵיזֶהוּ יָתוֹם, כּל שֶׁמֵּתָה אִמּוֹ אוֹ שֶׁנִּשְׁחָטָה. רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אוֹמֵר, אֲפִלּוּ נִשְׁחֲטָה אִמּוֹ וְהַשֶּׁלַח קַיָּם, אֵין זֶה יָתוֹם: \n", 9.5. "שָׁלשׁ גְּרָנוֹת לְמַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה, בִּפְרוֹס הַפֶּסַח, בִּפְרוֹס הָעֲצֶרֶת, בִּפְרוֹס הֶחָג, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא. בֶּן עַזַּאי אוֹמֵר, בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְתִשְׁעָה בַּאֲדָר, בְּאֶחָד בְּסִיוָן, בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְתִשְׁעָה בְאָב. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר וְרַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן אוֹמְרִים, בְּאֶחָד בְּנִיסָן, בְּאֶחָד בְּסִיוָן, בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְתִשְׁעָה בֶאֱלוּל. וְלָמָּה אָמְרוּ בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְתִשְׁעָה בֶאֱלוּל וְלֹא אָמְרוּ בְּאֶחָד בְּתִשְׁרֵי, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהוּא יוֹם טוֹב, וְאִי אֶפְשָׁר לְעַשֵּׂר בְּיוֹם טוֹב, לְפִיכָךְ הִקְדִּימוּהוּ בְּעֶשְׂרִים וְתִשְׁעָה בֶאֱלוּל. רַבִּי מֵאִיר אוֹמֵר, בְּאֶחָד בֶּאֱלוּל רֹאשׁ הַשָּׁנָה לְמַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה. בֶּן עַזַּאי אוֹמֵר, הָאֱלוּלִיִּין מִתְעַשְּׂרִין בִּפְנֵי עַצְמָן: \n", 9.6. "כָּל הַנּוֹלָדִים מֵאֶחָד בְּתִשְׁרֵי עַד עֶשְׂרִים וְתִשְׁעָה בֶּאֱלוּל, הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ מִצְטָרְפִין. חֲמִשָּׁה לִפְנֵי רֹאשׁ הַשָּׁנָה וַחֲמִשָּׁה לְאַחַר רֹאשׁ הַשָּׁנָה, אֵינָן מִצְטָרְפִין. חֲמִשָּׁה לִפְנֵי הַגֹּרֶן וַחֲמִשָּׁה לְאַחַר הַגֹּרֶן, הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ מִצְטָרְפִין. אִם כֵּן לָמָּה נֶאֱמַר שָׁלשׁ גְּרָנוֹת לְמַעְשַׂר בְּהֵמָה, שֶׁעַד שֶׁלֹּא הִגִּיעַ הַגֹּרֶן, מֻתָּר לִמְכּוֹר וְלִשְׁחוֹט. הִגִּיעַ הַגֹּרֶן, לֹא יִשְׁחוֹט. וְאִם שָׁחַט, פָּטוּר: \n", 9.7. "כֵּיצַד מְעַשְּׂרָן, כּוֹנְסָן לַדִּיר וְעוֹשֶׂה לָהֶן פֶּתַח קָטָן כְּדֵי שֶׁלֹּא יִהְיוּ שְׁנַיִם יְכוֹלִין לָצֵאת כְּאַחַת, וּמוֹנֶה בַשֵּׁבֶט, אֶחָד, שְׁנַיִם, שְׁלשָׁה, אַרְבָּעָה, חֲמִשָּׁה, שִׁשָּׁה, שִׁבְעָה, שְׁמוֹנָה, תִּשְׁעָה, וְהַיוֹצֵא עֲשִׂירִי סוֹקְרוֹ בְסִקְרָא וְאוֹמֵר הֲרֵי זֶה מַעֲשֵׂר. לֹא סְקָרוֹ בְסִקְרָא וְלֹא מְנָאָם בַּשֵּׁבֶט, אוֹ שֶׁמְּנָאָם רְבוּצִים, אוֹ עוֹמְדִים, הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ מְעֻשָּׂרִים, הָיָה לוֹ מֵאָה וְנָטַל עֲשָׂרָה, עֲשָׂרָה וְנָטַל אֶחָד, אֵין זֶה מַעֲשֵׂר. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי בְּרַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, הֲרֵי זֶה מַעֲשֵׂר, קָפַץ (אֶחָד) מִן הַמְּנוּיִין לְתוֹכָן, הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ פְטוּרִין. מִן הַמְעֻשָּׂרִים לְתוֹכָן, כֻּלָּן יִרְעוּ עַד שֶׁיִּסְתָּאֲבוּ, וְיֵאָכְלוּ בְמוּמָן לַבְּעָלִים: \n", 9.8. "יָצְאוּ שְׁנַיִם כְּאֶחָד, מוֹנֶה אוֹתָן שְׁנַיִם שְׁנָיִם. מְנָאָן אֶחָד, תְּשִׁיעִי וַעֲשִׂירִי מְקֻלְקָלִין. יָצְאוּ תְּשִׁיעִי וַעֲשִׂירִי כְּאַחַת, תְּשִׁיעִי וַעֲשִׂירִי מְקֻלְקָלִין. קָרָא לַתְּשִׁיעִי עֲשִׂירִי וְלָעֲשִׂירִי תְּשִׁיעִי וּלְאַחַד עָשָׂר עֲשִׂירִי, שְׁלָשְׁתָּן מְקֻדָּשִׁין. הַתְּשִׁיעִי נֶאֱכָל בְּמוּמוֹ, וְהָעֲשִׂירִי מַעֲשֵׂר, וְאַחַד עָשָׂר קָרֵב שְׁלָמִים וְעוֹשֶׂה תְמוּרָה, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה, וְכִי יֵשׁ תְּמוּרָה עוֹשָׂה תְמוּרָה. אָמְרוּ מִשּׁוּם רַבִּי מֵאִיר, אִלּוּ הָיָה תְמוּרָה, לֹא הָיָה קָרֵב. קָרָא לַתְּשִׁיעִי עֲשִׂירִי וְלָעֲשִׂירִי עֲשִׂירִי וּלְאַחַד עָשָׂר עֲשִׂירִי, אֵין אַחַד עָשָׂר מְקֻדָּשׁ. זֶה הַכְּלָל, כֹּל שֶׁלֹּא נֶעֱקַר שֵׁם עֲשִׂירִי מִמֶּנּוּ, אֵין אַחַד עָשָׂר מְקֻדָּשׁ: \n", | 9.1. "The law concerning the tithe of cattle is in force in the Land and outside the Land, in the days when the Temple exists and when it does not exist, [It applies] to hullin (non-sacred) animals only but not to consecrated animals. It applies both to cattle and flock animals, but they are not tithed together. To lambs and to goats, and they are tithed together. To the new and the old, but they are not tithed together. Now it might be logical: seeing that new and old animals which are not treated as kilayim in regard to one another are yet not tithed one for the other, lambs and goats which are treated as kilyaim in regard to one another, all the more should not be tithed one for the other. Scripture therefore states: “And of the flock” all kinds of flock are considered one [for purposes of tithing].", 9.2. "Animals are combined for purposes of tithing so long as they can still pasture within the distance that cattle wander. And what is the distance over which they wander while pasturing? Sixteen mils. If there was between two groups of animals a distance of thirty-two mils, they do not combine for the purpose of tithing. If however there was one in the middle [of the distance of thirty-two mils] he brings them into the middle and tithes them. Rabbi Meir says: the [river] Jordan is regarded as forming a division as regards the tithing of animals.", 9.3. "An animal bought or given as a present is exempt from the law of cattle tithe. If brothers became partners, though they are still bound to pay the kalbon [surcharge], they are exempt from the tithe of cattle. And when they become liable to tithe of cattle, they are exempt from paying the kalbon. If they acquired from the estate, they are bound [to tithe them]. But if not, they are exempt from tithing. If they first divided up the estate and then again became partners, they are bound to pay the kalbon and are exempt from tithe of cattle.", 9.4. "All [domesticated animals] enter the shed to be tithed except kilayim, a terefah, offspring brought forth by means of a caesarean section, an animal too young for sacrifice, and an “orphan”. And what is an “orphan”? When its mother has died during its birth or was slaughtered [and subsequently gave birth.] But Rabbi Joshua says: even if the mother has been killed, if the hide is still intact the offspring is not an ‘orphan’ animal.", 9.5. "There are three periods [lit. threshing floors] for the tithe of cattle: in the peras of Pesah, in the peras of Atzeret (Shavuot) and in the peras of the Feast [of Sukkot], the words of Rabbi Akiva. Ben Azzai says: on the twenty-ninth of Adar, on the first of Sivan and on the twenty-ninth of Av. Rabbi Elazar and Rabbi Shimon say: on the first of Nisan, on the first of Sivan and on the twenty-ninth of Elul. And why did they say the twenty-ninth of Elul and not the first of Tishrei? Because it is a Yom Tov and you cannot tithe on a Yom Tov. Consequently they moved it up to the twenty-ninth of Elul. Rabbi Meir says: the first of Elul is the New Year for the tithe of cattle. Ben Azzai says: those born in Elul are tithed by themselves.", 9.6. "All those born from the first of Tishrei until the twenty-ninth of Elul combine [for matters of tithing]. Five lambs born before Rosh Hashanah and five born after Rosh Hashanah do not combine. But five lambs born before the period [of tithing] and five after the period [of tithing] do combine [for tithing]. If so, why did they speak of three periods for the tithe of cattle? Until the arrival of the [tithing] period it is permitted to sell and slaughter [the animals], but when the period has arrived he must not kill, but if he killed, he is exempt.", 9.7. "How does one tithe animals? He brings them to a shed and makes for them a small opening so that two cannot go out at the same time. And he counts them with a rod: one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine. And the one that comes out tenth he marks with red chalk and he says: “Behold, this is [the tithe].” If he did not mark it, or if he did not count them with a rod, or if he counted them while they were crouching or standing, they are still considered tithed. If he had one hundred [lambs] and he took ten or if he had ten and he took one [without counting], this is not [a valid] tithe. Rabbi Yose bar Judah says: this is a [valid] tithe. If one [of the lambs] already counted jumped back into the flock [in the shed] they are all exempt. If one of the lambs that was a tithe jumped back into the flock [in the shed], they all go to pasture until they become unfit for sacrifice, and the owners may eat them in their unfit state.", 9.8. "If two [lambs] came out at the same time, he counts them in pairs. If he counted [the two] as one, the ninth and the tenth are spoiled. If the ninth and the tenth came out at the same time, the ninth and the tenth are spoiled. If he called the ninth the tenth, the tenth the ninth and the eleventh the tenth, all three are holy: the ninth can be eaten when it becomes blemished, the tenth is the tithe and the eleventh is sacrificed as a shelamim, and it can make a substitute, the words of Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Judah said: can one substitute make another substitute? They said in the name of Rabbi Meir: if it were a substitute, it would not have been sacrificed. If he called the ninth the tenth, the tenth the tenth and the eleventh the tenth, the eleventh is not holy. The following is the rule: wherever the name of the tenth [animal] has not been taken away from it, the eleventh is not consecrated.", |
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| 60. Gorgias Atheniensis, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
61. New Testament, Matthew, 5.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 224| 5.8. μακάριοι οἱ καθαροὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ, ὅτι αὐτοὶ τὸν θεὸν ὄψονται. | 5.8. Blessed are the pure in heart, For they shall see God. |
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62. New Testament, John, 1.18, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 206, 224| 1.18. θεὸν οὐδεὶς ἑώρακεν πώποτε· μονογενὴς θεὸς ὁ ὢν εἰς τὸν κόλπον τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκεῖνος ἐξηγήσατο. 3.8. τὸ πνεῦμα ὅπου θέλει πνεῖ, καὶ τὴν φωνὴν αὐτοῦ ἀκούεις, ἀλλʼ οὐκ οἶδας πόθεν ἔρχεται καὶ ποῦ ὑπάγει· οὕτως ἐστὶν πᾶς ὁ γεγεννημένος ἐκ τοῦ πνεύματος. | 1.18. No one has seen God at any time. The one and only Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, he has declared him. 3.8. The wind blows where it wants to, and you hear its sound, but don't know where it comes from and where it is going. So is everyone who is born of the Spirit." |
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63. New Testament, Romans, 5.5, 5.12, 5.18, 6.4, 7.5-8.17, 7.23, 8.3, 9, 9.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 206, 219| 5.12. Διὰ τοῦτο ὥσπερ διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου ἡ ἁμαρτία εἰς τὸν κόσμον εἰσῆλθεν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ὁ θάνατος, καὶ οὕτως εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὁ θάνατος διῆλθεν ἐφʼ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον-. | 5.12. Therefore, as sin entered into the world through one man, and death through sin; and so death passed to all men, because all sinned. |
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64. New Testament, Ephesians, 2.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 329| 2.3. ἐν οἷς καὶ ἡμεῖς πάντες ἀνεστράφημέν ποτε ἐν ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις τῆς σαρκὸς ἡμῶν, ποιοῦντες τὰ θελήματα τῆς σαρκὸς καὶ τῶν διανοιῶν, καὶ ἤμεθα τέκνα φύσει ὀργῆς ὡς καὶ οἱ λοιποί·— | 2.3. among whom we also all once lived in the lust of our flesh, doing the desires of the flesh and of the mind, and were by nature children of wrath, even as the rest. |
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| 65. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 59 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •saqqâra (individual structures and complexes), temple of the peak of anchtawy (ḥw.t-ntr thny n ʿnḫ-tꜣ.wy) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 432 |
66. Mishnah, Beitzah, 1.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 273| 1.6. "בֵּית שַׁמַּאי אוֹמְרִים, אֵין מוֹלִיכִין חַלָּה וּמַתָּנוֹת לַכֹּהֵן בְּיוֹם טוֹב, בֵּין שֶׁהוּרְמוּ מֵאֶמֶשׁ, בֵּין שֶׁהוּרְמוּ מֵהַיּוֹם. וּבֵית הִלֵּל מַתִּירִין. אָמְרוּ לָהֶם בֵּית שַׁמַּאי, גְּזֵרָה שָׁוָה, חַלָּה וּמַתָּנוֹת מַתָּנָה לַכֹּהֵן, וּתְרוּמָה מַתָּנָה לַכֹּהֵן, כְּשֵׁם שֶׁאֵין מוֹלִיכִין אֶת הַתְּרוּמָה, כָּךְ אֵין מוֹלִיכִין אֶת הַמַּתָּנוֹת. אָמְרוּ לָהֶם בֵּית הִלֵּל, לֹא, אִם אֲמַרְתֶּם בַּתְּרוּמָה, שֶׁאֵינוֹ זַכַּאי בַּהֲרָמָתָהּ, תֹּאמְרוּ בַמַּתָּנוֹת, שֶׁזַּכַּאי בַּהֲרָמָתָן: \n", | 1.6. "Bet Shammai says: one may not take hallah or priestly gifts to a priest on Yom Tov, whether they were separated on the day before or on that day. But Bet Hillel permits it. Bet Shammai said them: An analogy [supports our view]: hallah and priestly gifts go to the priest and terumah is [likewise] goes to the priest; just as one may not take [to the priest] terumah so one may not take [to him] priestly gifts. Bet Hillel said to them: No! If you say in the case of terumah which he has not the right to separate, will you say [the same] with respect to priestly gifts which he is permitted to separate?", |
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67. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 4.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 122| 4.7. τίς γάρ σε διακρίνει; τί δὲ ἔχεις ὃ οὐκ ἔλαβες; εἰ δὲ καὶ ἔλαβες, τί καυχᾶσαι ὡς μὴ λαβών; | 4.7. For who makes you different? And what doyou have that you didn't receive? But if you did receive it, why do youboast as if you had not received it? |
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68. Mishnah, Avot, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •torah study, as “benefit” to the individual Found in books: Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 203| 1.1. "משֶׁה קִבֵּל תּוֹרָה מִסִּינַי, וּמְסָרָהּ לִיהוֹשֻׁעַ, וִיהוֹשֻׁעַ לִזְקֵנִים, וּזְקֵנִים לִנְבִיאִים, וּנְבִיאִים מְסָרוּהָ לְאַנְשֵׁי כְנֶסֶת הַגְּדוֹלָה. הֵם אָמְרוּ שְׁלשָׁה דְבָרִים, הֱווּ מְתוּנִים בַּדִּין, וְהַעֲמִידוּ תַלְמִידִים הַרְבֵּה, וַעֲשׂוּ סְיָג לַתּוֹרָה: \n", | 1.1. "Moses received the torah at Sinai and transmitted it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the prophets, and the prophets to the Men of the Great Assembly. They said three things: Be patient in [the administration of] justice, raise many disciples and make a fence round the Torah.", |
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69. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 4.226-4.227, 11.181-11.182 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 274, 277 | 4.226. 19. He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce fruits before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to God, nor is he to make use of that fruit himself, for it is not produced in its proper season; for when nature has a force put upon her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not proper for God, nor for the master’s use; 4.227. but let the owner gather all that is grown on the fourth year, for then it is in its proper season. And let him that has gathered it carry it to the holy city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with his friends, with the orphans, and the widows. But on the fifth year the fruit is his own, and he may use it as he pleases. 11.181. But when Nehemiah saw that the city was thin of people, he exhorted the priests and the Levites that they would leave the country, and remove themselves to the city, and there continue; and he built them houses at his own expenses; 11.182. and he commanded that part of the people which were employed in cultivating the land to bring the tithes of their fruits to Jerusalem, that the priests and Levites having whereof they might live perpetually, might not leave the divine worship; who willingly hearkened to the constitutions of Nehemiah, by which means the city Jerusalem came to be fuller of people than it was before. |
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70. New Testament, 1 John, 3.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 224| 3.2. Ἀγαπητοί, νῦν τέκνα θεοῦ ἐσμέν, καὶ οὔπω ἐφανερώθη τί ἐσόμεθα. οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἐὰν φανερωθῇ ὅμοιοι αὐτῷ ἐσόμεθα, ὅτι ὀψόμεθα αὐτὸν καθώς ἐστιν. | 3.2. Beloved, now we are children of God, and it is not yet revealed what we will be. But we know that, when he is revealed, we will be like him; for we will see him just as he is. |
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71. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.9.3-1.9.4, 5.11.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •education, of the individual •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 167; Damm (2018), Religions and Education in Antiquity, 199 | 1.9.3. This is no easy task even for the expert instructor, and the pupil who handles it successfully will be capable of learning everything. He should also be set to write aphorisms, moral essays (chriae) and delineations of character (ethologiae), of which the teacher will first give the general scheme, since such themes will be drawn from their reading. In all of these exercises the general idea is the same, but the form differs: aphorisms are general propositions, while ethologiae are concerned with persons. 1.9.4. of moral essays there are various forms: some are akin to aphorisms and commence with a simple statement "he said" or "he used to say": others give the answer to a question and begin "on being asked" or "in answer to this he replied," while a third and not dissimilar type begins, "when someone has said or done something." 5.11.6. The most important of proofs of this class is that which is most properly styled example, that is to say the adducing of some past action real or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the truth of the point which we are trying to make. We must therefore consider whether the parallel is complete or only partial, that we may know whether to use it in its entirety or merely to select those portions which are serviceable. We argue from the like when we say, "Saturninus was justly killed, as were the Gracchi"; |
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72. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 5.11.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 167 | 5.11.6. The most important of proofs of this class is that which is most properly styled example, that is to say the adducing of some past action real or assumed which may serve to persuade the audience of the truth of the point which we are trying to make. We must therefore consider whether the parallel is complete or only partial, that we may know whether to use it in its entirety or merely to select those portions which are serviceable. We argue from the like when we say, "Saturninus was justly killed, as were the Gracchi"; |
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| 73. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 2.1, 2.3-2.4, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sovereignty, individual, of the senecan sapiens Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 275, 276, 277 |
74. Tacitus, Annals, 15.60-15.64, 15.62.1-15.62.2, 15.63.2-15.63.3, 16.19, 16.34-16.35, 16.34.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151| 15.61. Seneca missum ad se Natalem conquestumque no- mine Pisonis quod a visendo eo prohiberetur, seque rationem valetudinis et amorem quietis excusavisse respondit. cur salutem privati hominis incolumitati suae anteferret causam non habuisse; nec sibi promptum in adulationes ingenium. idque nulli magis gnarum quam Neroni, qui saepius libertatem Senecae quam servitium expertus esset. ubi haec a tribuno relata sunt Poppaea et Tigellino coram, quod erat saevienti principi intimum consiliorum, interrogat an Seneca voluntariam mortem pararet. tum tribunus nulla pavoris signa, nihil triste in verbis eius aut vultu deprensum confirmavit. ergo regredi et indicere mortem iubetur. tradit Fabius Rusticus non eo quo venerat itinere reditum sed flexisse ad Faenium praefectum, et expositis Caesaris iussis an obtemperaret interrogavisse, monitumque ab eo ut exequeretur, fatali omnium ignavia. nam et Silvanus inter coniuratos erat augebatque scelera in quorum ultionem consenserat. voci tamen et aspectui pepercit intromisitque ad Senecam unum ex centurionibus qui necessitatem ultimam denuntiaret. 15.62. Ille interritus poscit testamenti tabulas; ac denegante centurione conversus ad amicos, quando meritis eorum referre gratiam prohiberetur, quod unum iam et tamen pulcherrimum habeat, imaginem vitae suae relinquere testatur, cuius si memores essent, bonarum artium famam fructum constantis amicitiae laturos. simul lacrimas eorum modo sermone, modo intentior in modum coercentis ad firmitudinem revocat, rogitans ubi praecepta sapientiae, ubi tot per annos meditata ratio adversum imminentia? cui enim ignaram fuisse saevitiam Neronis? neque aliud superesse post matrem fratremque interfectos quam ut educatoris praeceptorisque necem adiceret. 15.63. Vbi haec atque talia velut in commune disseruit, complectitur uxorem et paululum adversus praesentem fortitudinem mollitus rogat oratque temperaret dolori neu aeternum susciperet, sed in contemplatione vitae per virtutem actae desiderium mariti solaciis honestis toleraret. illa contra sibi quoque destinatam mortem adseverat manumque percussoris exposcit. tum Seneca gloriae eius non adversus, simul amore, ne sibi unice dilectam ad iniurias relinqueret, 'vitae' inquit 'delenimenta monstraveram tibi, tu mortis decus mavis: non invidebo exemplo. sit huius tam fortis exitus constantia penes utrosque par, claritudinis plus in tuo fine.' post quae eodem ictu brachia ferro exolvunt. Seneca, quoniam senile corpus et parco victu tenuatum lenta effugia sanguini praebebat, crurum quoque et poplitum venas abrumpit; saevisque cruciatibus defessus, ne dolore suo animum uxoris infringeret atque ipse visendo eius tormenta ad impatientiam delaberetur, suadet in aliud cubiculum abscedere. et novissimo quoque momento suppeditante eloquentia advocatis scriptoribus pleraque tradidit, quae in vulgus edita eius verbis invertere supersedeo. 15.64. At Nero nullo in Paulinam proprio odio, ac ne glisceret invidia crudelitatis, iubet inhiberi mortem. hortantibus militibus servi libertique obligant brachia, premunt sanguinem, incertum an ignarae. nam ut est vulgus ad deteriora promptum, non defuere qui crederent, donec implacabilem Neronem timuerit, famam sociatae cum marito mortis petivisse, deinde oblata mitiore spe blandimentis vitae evictam; cui addidit paucos postea annos, laudabili in maritum memoria et ore ac membris in eum pallorem albentibus ut ostentui esset multum vitalis spiritus egestum. Seneca interim, durante tractu et lentitudine mortis, Statium Annaeum, diu sibi amicitiae fide et arte medicinae probatum, orat provisum pridem venenum quo damnati publico Atheniensium iudicio extinguerentur promeret; adlatumque hausit frustra, frigidus iam artus et cluso corpore adversum vim veneni. postremo stagnum calidae aquae introiit, respergens proximos servorum addita voce libare se liquorem illum Iovi liberatori. exim balneo inlatus et vapore eius exanimatus sine ullo funeris sollemni crematur. ita codicillis praescripserat, cum etiam tum praedives et praepotens supremis suis consuleret. 16.19. Forte illis diebus Campaniam petiverat Caesar, et Cumas usque progressus Petronius illic attinebatur; nec tulit ultra timoris aut spei moras. neque tamen praeceps vitam expulit, sed incisas venas, ut libitum, obligatas aperire rursum et adloqui amicos, non per seria aut quibus gloriam constantiae peteret. audiebatque referentis nihil de immortalitate animae et sapientium placitis, sed levia carmina et facilis versus. servorum alios largitione, quosdam verberibus adfecit. iniit epulas, somno indulsit, ut quamquam coacta mors fortuitae similis esset. ne codicillis quidem, quod plerique pereuntium, Neronem aut Tigellinum aut quem alium potentium adulatus est, sed flagitia principis sub nominibus exoletorum feminarumque et novitatem cuiusque stupri perscripsit atque obsignata misit Neroni. fregitque anulum ne mox usui esset ad facienda pericula. 16.34. Tum ad Thraseam in hortis agentem quaestor consulis missus vesperascente iam die. inlustrium virorum feminarumque coetus frequentis egerat, maxime intentus Demetrio Cynicae institutionis doctori, cum quo, ut coniectare erat intentione vultus et auditis, si qua clarius proloquebantur, de natura animae et dissociatione spiritus corporisque inquirebat, donec advenit Domitius Caecilianus ex intimis amicis et ei quid senatus censuisset exposuit. igitur flentis queritantisque qui aderant facessere propere Thrasea neu pericula sua miscere cum sorte damnati hortatur, Arriamque temptantem mariti suprema et exemplum Arriae matris sequi monet retinere vitam filiaeque communi subsidium unicum non adimere. 16.35. Tum progressus in porticum illic a quaestore reperitur, laetitiae propior, quia Helvidium generum suum Italia tantum arceri cognoverat. accepto dehinc senatus consulto Helvidium et Demetrium in cubiculum inducit; porrectisque utriusque brachii venis, postquam cruorem effudit, humum super spargens, propius vocato quaestore 'libamus' inquit 'Iovi liberatori. specta, iuvenis; et omen quidem dii prohibeant, ceterum in ea tempora natus es quibus firmare animum expediat constantibus exemplis.' post lentitudine exitus gravis cruciatus adferente, obversis in Demetrium | 15.60. The next killing, that of the consul designate Plautius Lateranus, was added by Nero to the list with such speed that he allowed him neither to embrace his children nor the usual moment's respite in which to choose his death. Dragged to the place reserved for the execution of slaves, he was slaughtered by the hand of the tribune Statius, resolutely silent and disdaining to reproach the tribune with his complicity in the same affair. There followed the murder of Annaeus Seneca, a joyful event to the sovereign: not that he had established his connection with the plot, but, as poison had not worked, he was anxious to proceed by the sword. Only Natalis, in fact, mentioned Seneca; nor did his statement go further than that he had been sent to visit him when sick and to make a complaint:â "Why did he close his door on Piso? It would be better if they cultivated their friendship by meeting on intimate terms." Seneca's answer had been that "spoken exchanges and frequent interviews were to the advantage of neither; still, his own existence depended on the safety of Piso." Gavius Silvanus, tribune of a praetorian cohort, was instructed to take this report and ask Seneca if he admitted Natalis' words and his own reply. By accident or design, Seneca that day had returned from Campania and broke his journey at one of his country-houses four miles out of Rome. Evening was near when the tribune arrived and surrounded the villa with pickets of soldiers: then he delivered the imperial message to the owner, who was dining with his wife Pompeia Paulina and two friends. 15.61. Seneca rejoined that "Natalis had been sent to him, and had remonstrated in Piso's name against his refusal to receive his visits. By way of excuse, he had pleaded considerations of health and love of quiet. He had had no reason for ranking the security of a private person higher than his own safety, and his temper was not one which was quick to flattery: no one was better aware of that than Nero, who had more often experienced the frankness of Seneca than his servility." When the tribune made his report in the presence of Poppaea and Tigellinus â the emperor's privy council in his ferocious moods â Nero demanded if Seneca was preparing for a voluntary death. The officer then assured him that there were no evidences of alarm, and that he had not detected any sadness in his words or looks. He was therefore directed to go back and pronounce the death-sentence. Fabius Rusticus states that, instead of returning by the road he had come, the tribune went out of his way to the prefect Faenius, and, after recapitulating the Caesar's orders, asked if he should obey them; only to be advised by Faenius to carry them out. Fate had made cowards of them all. For Silvanus, too, was numbered with the plotters; and now he was engaged in adding to the crimes he had conspired to avenge. However, he was so far considerate of his voice and his eyes as to send one of his centurions in to Seneca, to announce the last necessity. 15.62. Seneca, nothing daunted, asked for the tablets containing his will. The centurion refusing, he turned to his friends, and called them to witness that "as he was prevented from showing his gratitude for their services, he left them his sole but fairest possession â the image of his life. If they bore it in mind, they would reap the reward of their loyal friendship in the credit accorded to virtuous accomplishments." At the same time, he recalled them from tears to fortitude, sometimes conversationally, sometimes in sterner, almost coercive tones. "Where," he asked, "were the maxims of your philosophy? Where that reasoned attitude towards impending evils which they had studied through so many years? For to whom had Nero's cruelty been unknown? Nor was anything left him, after the killing of his mother and his brother, but to add the murder of his guardian and preceptor." 15.63. After these and some similar remarks, which might have been meant for a wider audience, he embraced his wife, and, softening momentarily in view of the terrors at present threatening her, begged her, conjured her, to moderate her grief â not to take it upon her for ever, but in contemplating the life he had spent in virtue to find legitimate solace for the loss of her husband. Paulina replied by assuring him that she too had made death her choice, and she demanded her part in the executioner's stroke. Seneca, not wishing to stand in the way of her glory, and influenced also by his affection, that he might not leave the woman who enjoyed his whole-hearted love exposed to outrage, now said: "I had shown you the mitigations of life, you prefer the distinction of death: I shall not grudge your setting that example. May the courage of this brave ending be divided equally between us both, but may more of fame attend your own departure!" Aforesaid, they made the incision in their arms with a single cut. Seneca, since his aged body, emaciated further by frugal living, gave slow escape to the blood, severed as well the arteries in the leg and behind the knee. Exhausted by the racking pains, and anxious lest his sufferings might break down the spirit of his wife, and he himself lapse into weakness at the sight of her agony, he persuaded her to withdraw into another bedroom. And since, even at the last moment his eloquence remained at command, he called his secretaries, and dictated a long discourse, which has been given to the public in his own words, and which I therefore refrain from modifying. 15.64. Nero, however, who had no private animosity against Paulina, and did not wish to increase the odium of his cruelty, ordered her suicide to be arrested. Under instructions from the military, her slaves and freedmen bandaged her arms and checked the bleeding â whether without her knowledge is uncertain. For, with the usual readiness of the multitude to think the worst, there were those who believed that, so long as she feared an implacable Nero, she had sought the credit of sharing her husband's fate, and then, when a milder prospect offered itself, had succumbed to the blandishments of life. To that life she added a few more years â laudably faithful to her husband's memory and blanched in face and limb to a pallor which showed how great had been the drain upon her vital powers. Seneca, in the meantime, as death continued to be protracted and slow, asked Statius Annaeus, who had long held his confidence as a loyal friend and a skilful doctor, to produce the poison â it had been provided much earlier â which was used for despatching prisoners condemned by the public tribunal of Athens. It was brought, and he swallowed it, but to no purpose; his limbs were already cold, and his system closed to the action of the drug. In the last resort, he entered a vessel of heated water, sprinkling some on the slaves nearest, with the remark that he offered the liquid as a drink-offering to Jove the Liberator. He was then lifted into a bath, suffocated by the vapour, and cremated without ceremony. It was the order he had given in his will, at a time when, still at the zenith of his wealth and power, he was already taking thought for his latter end. 16.19. In those days, as it chanced, the Caesar had migrated to Campania; and Petronius, after proceeding as far as Cumae, was being there detained in custody. He declined to tolerate further the delays of fear or hope; yet still did not hurry to take his life, but caused his already severed arteries to be bound up to meet his whim, then opened them once more, and began to converse with his friends, in no grave strain and with no view to the fame of a stout-hearted ending. He listened to them as they rehearsed, not discourses upon the immortality of the soul or the doctrines of philosophy, but light songs and frivolous verses. Some of his slaves tasted of his bounty, a few of the lash. He took his place at dinner, and drowsed a little, so that death, if compulsory, should at least resemble nature. Not even in his will did he follow the routine of suicide by flattering Nero or Tigellinus or another of the mighty, but â prefixing the names of the various catamites and women â detailed the imperial debauches and the novel features of each act of lust, and sent the document under seal to Nero. His signet-ring he broke, lest it should render dangerous service later. 16.34. The consul's quaestor was then sent to Thrasea: he was spending the time in his gardens, and the day was already closing in for evening. He had brought together a large party of distinguished men and women, his chief attention been given to Demetrius, a master of the Cynic creed; with whom â to judge from his serious looks and the few words which caught the ear, when they chanced to raise their voices â he was debating the nature of the soul and the divorce of spirit and body. At last, Domitius Caecilianus, an intimate friend, arrived, and informed him of the decision reached by the senate. Accordingly, among the tears and expostulations of the company, Thrasea urged them to leave quickly, without linking their own hazardous lot to the fate of a condemned man. Arria, who aspired to follow her husband's ending and the precedent set by her mother and namesake, he advised to keep her life and not deprive the child of their union of her one support. 16.35. He now walked on to the colonnade; where the quaestor found him nearer to joy than to sorrow, because he had ascertained that Helvidius, his son-inâlaw, was merely debarred from Italy. Then, taking the decree of the senate, he led Helvidius and Demetrius into his bedroom, offered the arteries of both arms to the knife, and, when the blood had begun to flow, sprinkled it upon the ground, and called the quaestor nearer: "We are making a libation," he said, "to Jove the Liberator. Look, young man, and â may Heaven, indeed, avert the omen, but you have been born into times now it is expedient to steel the mind with instances of firmness." Soon, as the slowness of his end brought excruciating pain, turning his gaze upon Demetrius . . . |
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| 75. Suetonius, Augustus, 31.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 109, 110 |
| 76. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.1.2, 1.1.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sovereignty, individual, of the tyrant / ruler •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 173, 337 |
| 77. Seneca The Younger, On Leisure, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 110, 111 |
| 78. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 1.1, 6.7, 9.8-9.9, 9.18-9.19, 20.1, 62.1, 75.18, 113.31, 120.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sovereignty, individual, of the senecan sapiens •sovereignty, individual, of the tyrant / ruler •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 110, 111, 272, 274, 276, 277, 279, 280 |
79. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 3.1.4, 3.5.2, 7.14.10 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, athenodorus •actors, individual, thessalus (-tt-) Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 153| 3.1.4. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ διαβὰς τὸν πόρον ἧκεν ἐς Μέμφιν· καὶ θύει ἐκεῖ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις θεοῖς καὶ τῷ Ἄπιδι καὶ ἀγῶνα ἐποίησε γυμνικόν τε καὶ μουσικόν· ἧκον δὲ αὐτῷ οἱ ἀμφὶ ταῦτα τεχνῖται ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οἱ δοκιμώτατοι. ἐκ δὲ Μέμφιος κατέπλει κατὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ὡς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν τούς τε ὑπασπιστὰς ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν λαβὼν καὶ τοὺς τοξότας καὶ τοὺς Ἀγριᾶνας καὶ τῶν ἱππέων τὴν βασιλικὴν ἴλην τὴν τῶν ἑταίρων. 3.5.2. ἐνταῦθα θύει τῷ Διῒ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πομπεύει ξὺν τῇ στρατιᾷ ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ ἀγῶνα ποιεῖ γυμνικὸν καὶ μουσικόν. καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐνταῦθα ἐκόσμησε· δύο μὲν νομάρχας Αἰγύπτου κατέστησεν Αἰγυπτίους, Δολόασπιν καὶ Πέτισιν, καὶ τούτοις διένειμε τὴν χώραν τὴν Αἰγυπτίαν· Πετίσιος δὲ ἀπειπαμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν Δολόασπις ἐκδέχεται πᾶσαν. 7.14.10. οὔκουν οὐδὲ ἄλλον τινὰ ἔταξεν ἀντὶ Ἡφαιστίωνος χιλίαρχον ἐπὶ τῇ ἵππῳ τῇ ἑταιρικῇ Ἀλέξανδρος, ὡς μὴ ἀπόλοιτο τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Ἡφαιστίωνος ἐκ τῆς τάξεως, ἀλλὰ Ἡφαιστίωνός τε ἡ χιλιαρχία ἐκαλεῖτο καὶ τὸ σημεῖον αὐτῆς ἡγεῖτο τὸ ἐξ Ἡφαιστίωνος πεποιημένον. ἀγῶνά τε ἐπενόει ποιῆσαι γυμνικόν τε καὶ μουσικὸν πλήθει τε τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων καὶ τῇ εἰς αὐτὸν χορηγίᾳ πολύ τι τῶν ἄλλων τῶν πρόσθεν ἀριδηλότερον· τρισχιλίους γὰρ ἀγωνιστὰς τοὺς σύμπαντας παρεσκεύασε. καὶ οὗτοι ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἐπʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου τῷ τάφῳ λέγουσιν ὅτι ἠγωνίσαντο. | |
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80. Seneca The Younger, Troades, 1087, 1098-1100, 1113, 1116-1117, 1125, 1129, 215-228, 232, 236-243, 250-253, 263-264, 302-303, 305, 308-313, 325-326, 369, 415, 464-468, 470, 472-474, 491, 5, 501-502, 504-505, 528, 551, 554, 559, 597, 6, 603, 605, 646-648, 681, 689-691, 715-720, 730, 761, 784-785, 788-789, 805-806, 471 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 131, 132, 138| 471. quo Troici defensor et vindex soli | |
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81. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 114, 113 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 100, 101| 113. fatale miserae matris agnosco malum: | |
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| 82. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •slavery, beneficial and just for the slaves, individual and collective Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 267 |
| 83. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 1004-1006, 1023, 1051, 242-243, 59, 976-978, 997-998, 1050 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 136 |
| 84. Seneca The Younger, Hercules Furens, 1001-1002, 1017-1018, 1150-1154, 116, 1202-1204, 1239, 1246-1248, 1279-1280, 1282, 1301, 1306-1316, 226, 337-339, 39, 398, 40, 42, 433, 440-441, 50, 595-596, 60, 603-604, 61-62, 650-651, 761, 84-85, 907-908, 924-925, 931-933, 935-939, 955-957, 965-968, 987-989, 1317 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 161, 162, 163 |
| 85. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 2.20 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •stoics, see under individual stoics, esp. chrysippus, whose views came to be seen already in antiquity as stoic orthodoxy, so that, conversely, views seen as orthodox tended to be ascribed to him, therapy by opposites Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 298 |
| 86. Palestinian Talmud, Sotah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 274 |
| 87. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 40 |
| 88. Tosefta, Makhshirin, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tithe, collected by individual priests and levites •tithe, systems of collection for, collection by individual priests and levites Found in books: Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 274 |
89. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.29.3-1.29.15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •state funeral for the war dead, and individuality Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 59| 1.29.3. ἱερὰ μέν σφισι ταύτῃ τοσαῦτά ἐστι, τάφοι δὲ Θρασυβούλου μὲν πρῶτον τοῦ Λύκου, ἀνδρὸς τῶν τε ὕστερον καὶ ὅσοι πρὸ αὐτοῦ γεγόνασιν Ἀθηναίοις λόγιμοι τὰ πάντα ἀρίστου—παρέντι δέ μοι τὰ πλείω τοσάδε ἐς πίστιν ἀρκέσει τοῦ λόγου· τυραννίδα γὰρ ἔπαυσε τῶν τριάκοντα καλουμένων σὺν ἀνδράσιν ἑξήκοντα τὸ κατʼ ἀρχὰς ὁρμηθεὶς ἐκ Θηβῶν, καὶ Ἀθηναίους στασιάζοντας διαλλαγῆναι καὶ συνθεμένους ἔπεισε μεῖναι—, πρῶτος μέν ἐστιν οὗτος τάφος, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ Περικλέους τε καὶ Χαβρίου καὶ Φορμίωνος. 1.29.4. ἔστι δὲ καὶ πᾶσι μνῆμα Ἀθηναίοις ὁπόσοις ἀποθανεῖν συνέπεσεν ἔν τε ναυμαχίαις καὶ ἐν μάχαις πεζαῖς πλὴν ὅσοι Μαραθῶνι αὐτῶν ἠγωνίσαντο· τούτοις γὰρ κατὰ χώραν εἰσὶν οἱ τάφοι διʼ ἀνδραγαθίαν, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν κεῖνται τὴν ἐς Ἀκαδημίαν, καὶ σφῶν ἑστᾶσιν ἐπὶ τοῖς τάφοις στῆλαι τὰ ὀνόματα καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἑκάστου λέγουσαι. πρῶτοι δὲ ἐτάφησαν οὓς ἐν Θρᾴκῃ ποτὲ ἐπικρατοῦντας μέχρι Δραβησκοῦ τῆς χώρας Ἠδωνοὶ φονεύουσιν ἀνέλπιστοι ἐπιθέμενοι· 1.29.5. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὡς κεραυνοὶ πέσοιεν ἐς αὐτούς. στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἄλλοι τε ἦσαν καὶ Λέαγρος, ᾧ μάλιστα ἐπετέτραπτο ἡ δύναμις, καὶ Δεκελεὺς Σωφάνης, ὃς τὸν Ἀργεῖόν ποτε πένταθλον Νεμείων ἀνῃρημένον νίκην ἀπέκτεινεν Εὐρυβάτην βοηθοῦντα Αἰγινήταις. στρατὸν δὲ ἔξω τῆς Ἑλλάδος Ἀθηναῖοι τρίτον τοῦτον ἔστειλαν· Πριάμῳ μὲν γὰρ καὶ Τρωσὶ πάντες Ἕλληνες ἀπὸ κοινοῦ λόγου κατέστησαν ἐς πόλεμον, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἰδίᾳ μετʼ Ἰολάου τε ἐς Σαρδὼ καὶ δευτέραν ἐς τὴν νῦν Ἰωνίαν ἐστράτευσαν καὶ τρίτον δὴ τότε ἐς τὴν Θρᾴκην. 1.29.6. ἔστι δὲ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ μνήματος στήλη μαχομένους ἔχουσα ἱππεῖς· Μελάνωπός σφισίν ἐστι καὶ Μακάρτατος ὀνόματα, οὓς κατέλαβεν ἀποθανεῖν ἐναντία Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Βοιωτῶν τεταγμένους, ἔνθα τῆς Ἐλεωνίας εἰσὶ χώρας πρὸς Ταναγραίους ὅροι. καὶ Θεσσαλῶν τάφος ἐστὶν ἱππέων κατὰ παλαιὰν φιλίαν ἐλθόντων, ὅτε σὺν Ἀρχιδάμῳ Πελοποννήσιοι πρῶτον ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν στρατιᾷ, καὶ πλησίον τοξόταις Κρησίν· αὖθις δέ ἐστιν Ἀθηναίων μνήματα Κλεισθένους, ᾧ τὰ ἐς τὰς φυλὰς αἳ νῦν καθεστᾶσιν εὑρέθη, καὶ ἱππεῦσιν ἀποθανοῦσιν ἡνίκα συνεπελάβοντο οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ τοῦ κινδύνου. 1.29.7. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Κλεωναῖοι κεῖνται, μετὰ Ἀργείων ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐλθόντες· ἐφʼ ὅτῳ δέ, γράψω τοῦ λόγου μοι κατελθόντος ἐς τοὺς Ἀργείους. καὶ Ἀθηναίων δʼ ἔστι τάφος, οἳ πρὶν ἢ στρατεῦσαι τὸν Μῆδον ἐπολέμησαν πρὸς Αἰγινήτας. ἦν δὲ ἄρα καὶ δήμου δίκαιον βούλευμα, εἰ δὴ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι μετέδοσαν δούλοις δημοσίᾳ ταφῆναι καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα ἐγγραφῆναι στήλῃ· δηλοῖ δὲ ἀγαθοὺς σφᾶς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ γενέσθαι περὶ τοὺς δεσπότας. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἀνδρῶν ὀνόματα ἄλλων, διάφορα δέ σφισι τὰ χωρία τῶν ἀγώνων· καὶ γὰρ τῶν ἐπʼ Ὄλυνθον ἐλθόντων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι καὶ Μελήσανδρος ἐς τὴν ἄνω Καρίαν ναυσὶν ἀναπλεύσας διὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου, ἐτάφησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ τελευτήσαντες 1.29.8. πολεμοῦντος Κασσάνδρου καὶ οἱ συμμαχήσαντές ποτε Ἀργείων. πραχθῆναι δὲ οὕτω σφίσι τὴν πρὸς Ἀργείους λέγουσι συμμαχίαν· Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν πόλιν τοῦ θεοῦ σείσαντος οἱ εἵλωτες ἐς Ἰθώμην ἀπέστησαν, ἀφεστηκότων δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι βοηθοὺς καὶ ἄλλους καὶ παρὰ Ἀθηναίων μετεπέμποντο· οἱ δέ σφισιν ἐπιλέκτους ἄνδρας ἀποστέλλουσι καὶ στρατηγὸν Κίμωνα τὸν Μιλτιάδου. τούτους ἀποπέμπουσιν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς ὑποψίαν· 1.29.9. Ἀθηναίοις δὲ οὐκ ἀνεκτὰ ἐφαίνετο περιυβρίσθαι, καὶ ὡς ἐκομίζοντο ὀπίσω συμμαχίαν ἐποιήσαντο Ἀργείοις Λακεδαιμονίων ἐχθροῖς τὸν ἅπαντα οὖσι χρόνον. ὕστερον δὲ μελλούσης Ἀθηναίων ἐν Τανάγρᾳ γίνεσθαι πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους μάχης, ἀφίκοντο Ἀθηναίοις Ἀργεῖοι βοηθοῦντες· καὶ παραυτίκα μὲν ἔχοντας πλέον τοὺς Ἀργείους νὺξ ἐπελθοῦσα ἀφείλετο τὸ σαφὲς τῆς νίκης, ἐς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ὑπῆρξε κρατῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις Θεσσαλῶν προδόντων Ἀθηναίους. 1.29.10. καταλέξαι δέ μοι καὶ τούσδε ἐπῆλθεν, Ἀπολλόδωρον ξένων ἡγεμόνα, ὃς Ἀθηναῖος μὲν ἦν, ἐκπεμφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ Ἀρσίτου σατράπου τῆς ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντῳ Φρυγίας διεφύλαξε Περινθίοις τὴν πόλιν ἐσβεβληκότος ἐς τὴν Περινθίαν Φιλίππου στρατῷ· οὗτός τε οὖν ἐνταῦθα τέθαπται καὶ Εὔβουλος ὁ Σπινθάρου καὶ ἄνδρες οἷς ἀγαθοῖς οὖσιν οὐκ ἐπηκολούθησε τύχη χρηστή, τοῖς μὲν ἐπιθεμένοις τυραννοῦντι Λαχάρει, οἱ δὲ τοῦ Πειραιῶς κατάληψιν ἐβούλευσαν Μακεδόνων φρουρούντων, πρὶν δὲ εἰργάσθαι τὸ ἔργον ὑπὸ τῶν συνειδότων μηνυθέντες ἀπώλοντο. 1.29.11. κεῖνται δὲ καὶ οἱ περὶ Κόρινθον πεσόντες· ἐδήλωσε δὲ οὐχ ἥκιστα ὁ θεὸς ἐνταῦθα καὶ αὖθις ἐν Λεύκτροις τοὺς ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων καλουμένους ἀνδρείους τὸ μηδὲν ἄνευ Τύχης εἶναι, εἰ δὴ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, Κορινθίων τότε καὶ Ἀθηναίων, ἔτι δὲ καὶ Ἀργείων καὶ Βοιωτῶν κρατήσαντες, ὕστερον ὑπὸ Βοιωτῶν μόνων ἐν Λεύκτροις ἐς τοσοῦτον ἐκακώθησαν. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς ἀποθανόντας ἐν Κορίνθῳ στήλην ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ἑστάναι τὴν αὐτὴν σημαίνει τὰ ἐλεγεῖα, τοῖς μὲν ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ καὶ Χίῳ τελευτήσασι, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐσχάτοις τῆς Ἀσιανῆς ἠπείρου διαφθαρῆναι δηλοῖ, τοὺς δὲ ἐν Σικελίᾳ. 1.29.12. γεγραμμένοι δέ εἰσιν οἵ τε στρατηγοὶ πλὴν Νικίου, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἀστοῖς Πλαταιεῖς· Νικίας δὲ ἐπὶ τῷδε παρείθη, γράφω δὲ οὐδὲν διάφορα ἢ Φίλιστος, ὃς ἔφη Δημοσθένην μὲν σπονδὰς ποιήσασθαι τοῖς ἄλλοις πλὴν αὑτοῦ καὶ ὡς ἡλίσκετο αὑτὸν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἀποκτεῖναι, Νικίᾳ δὲ τὴν παράδοσιν ἐθελοντῇ γενέσθαι· τούτων ἕνεκα οὐκ ἐνεγράφη Νικίας τῇ στήλῃ, καταγνωσθεὶς αἰχμάλωτος ἐθελοντὴς εἶναι καὶ οὐκ ἀνὴρ πολέμῳ πρέπων. 1.29.13. εἰσὶ δὲ ἐπʼ ἄλλῃ στήλῃ καὶ οἱ μαχεσάμενοι περὶ Θρᾴκην καὶ ἐν Μεγάροις καὶ ἡνίκα Ἀρκάδας τοὺς ἐν Μαντινείᾳ καὶ Ἠλείους ἔπεισεν Ἀλκιβιάδης Λακεδαιμονίων ἀποστῆναι καὶ οἱ πρὶν ἐς Σικελίαν ἀφικέσθαι Δημοσθένην Συρακουσίων κρατήσαντες. ἐτάφησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ναυμαχήσαντες καὶ ὅσοι Μακεδόνων ἐναντία ἠγωνίσαντο ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ καὶ οἱ μετὰ Κλέωνος ἐς Ἀμφίπολιν στρατεύσαντες, οἵ τε ἐν Δηλίῳ τῷ Ταναγραίων τελευτήσαντες καὶ ὅσους ἐς Θεσσαλίαν Λεωσθένης ἤγαγε καὶ οἱ πλεύσαντες ἐς Κύπρον ὁμοῦ Κίμωνι, τῶν τε σὺν Ὀλυμπιοδώρῳ τὴν φρουρὰν ἐκβαλόντων τριῶν καὶ δέκα ἄνδρες οὐ πλείους. 1.29.14. φασὶ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ὅμορόν τινα πολεμοῦσι πόλεμον στρατιὰν οὐ πολλὴν πέμψαι, καὶ ὕστερον ναυμαχίας Ῥωμαίων πρὸς Καρχηδονίους γινομένης τριήρεις πέντε Ἀττικαὶ παρεγένοντο· ἔστιν οὖν καὶ τούτοις ἐνταῦθα τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὁ τάφος. Τολμίδου δὲ καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ δεδήλωται μὲν ἤδη μοι τὰ ἔργα καὶ ὅν τρόπον ἐτελεύτησαν· ἴστω δὲ ὅτῳ φίλον κειμένους σφᾶς κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ταύτην. κεῖνται δὲ καὶ οἱ σὺν Κίμωνι τὸ μέγα ἔργον ἐπὶ τῇ πεζῇ καὶ ναυσὶν αὐθημερὸν κρατήσαντες· 1.29.15. τέθαπται δὲ καὶ Κόνων καὶ Τιμόθεος, δεύτεροι μετὰ Μιλτιάδην καὶ Κίμωνα οὗτοι πατὴρ καὶ παῖς ἔργα ἀποδειξάμενοι λαμπρά. κεῖται δὲ καὶ Ζήνων ἐνταῦθα ὁ Μνασέου καὶ Χρύσιππος ὁ Σολεύς, Νικίας τε ὁ Νικομήδου ς ζῷα ἄριστος γράψαι τῶν ἐφʼ αὑτοῦ, καὶ Ἁρμόδιος καὶ Ἀριστογείτων οἱ τὸν Πεισιστράτου παῖδα Ἵππαρχον ἀποκτείναντες, ῥήτορές τε Ἐφιάλτης, ὃς τὰ νόμιμα τὰ ἐν Ἀρείῳ πάγῳ μάλιστα ἐλυμήνατο, καὶ Λυκοῦργος ὁ Λυκόφρονος. | 1.29.3. Such are their sanctuaries here, and of the graves the first is that of Thrasybulus son of Lycus, in all respects the greatest of all famous Athenians, whether they lived before him or after him. The greater number of his achievements I shall pass by, but the following facts will suffice to bear out my assertion. He put down what is known as the tyranny of the Thirty 403 B.C. , setting out from Thebes with a force amounting at first to sixty men; he also persuaded the Athenians, who were torn by factions, to be reconciled, and to abide by their compact. His is the first grave, and after it come those of Pericles, Chabrias Died 357 B.C. and Phormio. A famous Athenian admiral who fought well in the early part of the Peloponnesian War. 1.29.4. There is also a monument for all the Athenians whose fate it has been to fall in battle, whether at sea or on land, except such of them as fought at Marathon. These, for their valor, have their graves on the field of battle, but the others lie along the road to the Academy, and on their graves stand slabs bearing the name and parish of each. First were buried those who in Thrace , after a victorious advance as far as Drabescus c. 465 B.C. , were unexpectedly attacked by the Edonians and slaughtered. There is also a legend that they were struck by lightning. 1.29.5. Among the generals were Leagrus, to whom was entrusted chief command of the army, and Sophanes of Decelea, who killed when he came to the help of the Aeginetans Eurybates the Argive, who won the prize in the pentathlon A group of five contests: leaping, foot-racing, throwing the quoit, throwing the spear, wrestling. at the Nemean games. This was the third expedition which the Athenians dispatched out of Greece . For against Priam and the Trojans war was made with one accord by all the Greeks; but by them selves the Athenians sent armies, first with Iolaus to Sardinia , secondly to what is now Ionia , and thirdly on the present occasion to Thrace . 1.29.6. Before the monument is a slab on which are horsemen fighting. Their names are Melanopus and Macartatus, who met their death fighting against the Lacedaemonians and Boeotians on the borders of Eleon and Tanagra . There is also a grave of Thessalian horsemen who, by reason of an old alliance, came when the Peloponnesians with Archidamus invaded Attica with an army for the first time 431 B.C. , and hard by that of Cretan bowmen. Again there are monuments to Athenians: to Cleisthenes, who invented the system of the tribes at present existing 508 B.C. , and to horsemen who died when the Thessalians shared the fortune of war with the Athenians. 1.29.7. Here too lie the men of Cleone, who came with the Argives into Attica 457 B.C. ; the occasion whereof I shall set forth when in the course of my narrative I come to the Argives. There is also the grave of the Athenians who fought against the Aeginetans before the Persian invasion. It was surely a just decree even for a democracy when the Athenians actually allowed slaves a public funeral, and to have their names inscribed on a slab, which declares that in the war they proved good men and true to their masters. There are also monuments of other men, their fields of battle lying in various regions. Here lie the most renowned of those who went against Olynthus 349 B.C. , and Melesander who sailed with a fleet along the Maeander into upper Caria 430 B.C. ; 1.29.8. also those who died in the war with Cassander, and the Argives who once fought as the allies of Athens . It is said that the alliance between the two peoples was brought about thus. Sparta was once shaken by an earthquake, and the Helots seceded to Ithome . 461 B.C. After the secession the Lacedaemonians sent for help to various places, including Athens , which dispatched picked troops under the command of Cimon, the son of Miltiades. These the Lacedaemonians dismissed, because they suspected them. 1.29.9. The Athenians regarded the insult as intolerable, and on their way back made an alliance with the Argives, the immemorial enemies of the Lacedaemonians. Afterwards, when a battle was imminent at Tanagra 457 B.C. , the Athenians opposing the Boeotians and Lacedaemonians, the Argives reinforced the Athenians. For a time the Argives had the better, but night came on and took from them the assurance of their victory, and on the next day the Lacedaemonians had the better, as the Thessalians betrayed the Athenians. 1.29.10. It occurred to me to tell of the following men also, firstly Apollodorus, commander of the mercenaries, who was an Athenian dispatched by Arsites, satrap of Phrygia by the Hellespont , and saved their city for the Perinthians when Philip had invaded their territory with an army. 340 B.C. He, then, is buried here, and also Eubulus A contemporary of Demosthenes. the son of Spintharus, along with men who though brave were not attended by good fortune; some attacked Lachares when he was tyrant, others planned the capture of the Peiraeus when in the hands of a Macedonian garrison, but before the deed could be accomplished were betrayed by their accomplices and put to death. 1.29.11. Here also lie those who fell near Corinth . 394 B.C. Heaven showed most distinctly here and again at Leuctra 371 B.C. that those whom the Greeks call brave are as nothing if Good Fortune be not with them, seeing that the Lacedaemonians, who had on this occasion overcome Corinthians and Athenians, and furthermore Argives and Boeotians, were afterwards at Leuctra so utterly overthrown by the Boeotians alone. After those who were killed at Corinth , we come across elegiac verses declaring that one and the same slab has been erected to those who died in Euboea and Chios 445 B.C. , and to those who perished in the remote parts of the continent of Asia , or in Sicily . 1.29.12. The names of the generals are inscribed with the exception of Nicias, and among the private soldiers are included the Plataeans along with the Athenians. This is the reason why Nicias was passed over, and my account is identical with that of Philistus, who says that while Demosthenes made a truce for the others and excluded himself, attempting to commit suicide when taken prisoner, Nicias voluntarily submitted to the surrender. 413 B.C. For this reason Nicias had not his name inscribed on the slab, being condemned as a voluntary prisoner and an unworthy soldier. 1.29.13. On another slab are the names of those who fought in the region of Thrace and at Megara 445 B.C. , and when Alcibiades persuaded the Arcadians in Mantinea and the Eleans to revolt from the Lacedaemonians 420 B.C. , and of those who were victorious over the Syracusans before Demosthenes arrived in Sicily . Here were buried also those who fought in the sea-fights near the Hellespont 409 B.C. , those who opposed the Macedonians at Charonea 338 B.C. , those who marched with Cleon to Amphipolis 422 B.C. , those who were killed at Delium in the territory of Tanagra 424 B.C. , the men Leosthenes led into Thessaly , those who sailed with Cimon to Cyprus 449 B.C. , and of those who with Olympiodorus See Paus. 1.26.3 . expelled the garrison not more than thirteen men. 1.29.14. The Athenians declare that when the Romans were waging a border war they sent a small force to help them, and later on five Attic warships assisted the Romans in a naval action against the Carthaginians. Accordingly these men also have their grave here. The achievements of Tolmides and his men, and the manner of their death, I have already set forth, and any who are interested may take note that they are buried along this road. Here lie too those who with Cimon achieved the great feat of winning a land and naval victory on one and the same day. 466 B.C. 1.29.15. Here also are buried Conon and Timotheus, father and son, the second pair thus related to accomplish illustrious deeds, Miltiades and Cimon being the first; Zeno too, the son of Mnaseas and Chrysippus Stoic philosophers. of Soli , Nicias the son of Nicomedes, the best painter from life of all his contemporaries, Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who killed Hipparchus, the son of Peisistratus; there are also two orators, Ephialtes, who was chiefly responsible for the abolition of the privileges of the Areopagus 463-1 B.C. , and Lycurgus, A contemporary of Demosthenes. the son of Lycophron; |
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| 90. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 13.3-13.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 171, 172, 173 |
| 91. Aelian, Varia Historia, 14.40 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, theodorus Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 40 |
92. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 44.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 105, 106, 109 | 44.12. 1. Making the most of his having the same name as the great Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, they scattered broadcast many pamphlets, declaring that he was not truly that man's descendant; for the older Brutus had put to death both his sons, the only ones he had, when they were mere lads, and left no offspring whatever.,2. Nevertheless, the majority pretended to accept such a relationship, in order that Brutus, as a kinsman of that famous man, might be induced to perform deeds as great. They kept continually calling upon him, shouting out "Brutus, Brutus!" and adding further "We need a Brutus.",3. Finally on the statue of the early Brutus they wrote "Would that thou wert living!" and upon the tribunal of the living Brutus (for he was praetor at the time and this is the name given to the seat on which the praetor sits in judgment) "Brutus, thou sleepest," and "Thou art not Brutus." |
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93. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •torah study, as “benefit” to the individual Found in books: Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 200| 22a. משמשת וראתה נדה אינה צריכה טבילה אבל בעל קרי גרידא מחייב לא תימא מברך אלא מהרהר,ומי אית ליה לרבי יהודה הרהור והתניא בעל קרי שאין לו מים לטבול קורא קריאת שמע ואינו מברך לא לפניה ולא לאחריה ואוכל פתו ומברך לאחריה ואינו מברך לפניה אבל מהרהר בלבו ואינו מוציא בשפתיו דברי רבי מאיר רבי יהודה אומר בין כך ובין כך מוציא בשפתיו,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק עשאן ר' יהודה כהלכות דרך ארץ,דתניא (דברים ד, ט) והודעתם לבניך ולבני בניך וכתיב בתריה יום אשר עמדת לפני ה' אלהיך בחורב מה להלן באימה וביראה וברתת ובזיע אף כאן באימה וביראה וברתת ובזיע,מכאן אמרו הזבים והמצורעים ובאין על נדות מותרים לקרות בתורה ובנביאים ובכתובים לשנות במשנה וגמרא ובהלכות ובאגדות אבל בעלי קריין אסורים,רבי יוסי אומר שונה הוא ברגיליות ובלבד שלא יציע את המשנה רבי יונתן בן יוסף אומר מציע הוא את המשנה ואינו מציע את הגמרא רבי נתן בן אבישלום אומר אף מציע את הגמרא ובלבד שלא יאמר אזכרות שבו רבי יוחנן הסנדלר תלמידו של רבי עקיבא משום ר"ע אומר לא יכנס למדרש כל עיקר ואמרי לה לא יכנס לבית המדרש כל עיקר ר' יהודה אומר שונה הוא בהלכות דרך ארץ,מעשה ברבי יהודה שראה קרי והיה מהלך על גב הנהר אמרו לו תלמידיו רבינו שנה לנו פרק אחד בהלכות דרך ארץ ירד וטבל ושנה להם אמרו לו לא כך למדתנו רבינו שונה הוא בהלכות דרך ארץ אמר להם אע"פ שמיקל אני על אחרים מחמיר אני על עצמי:,תניא ר' יהודה בן בתירא היה אומר אין דברי תורה מקבלין טומאה מעשה בתלמיד אחד שהיה מגמגם למעלה מרבי יהודה בן בתירא אמר ליה בני פתח פיך ויאירו דבריך שאין דברי תורה מקבלין טומאה שנאמר (ירמיהו כג, כט) הלא כה דברי כאש נאם ה' מה אש אינו מקבל טומאה אף דברי תורה אינן מקבלין טומאה,אמר מר מציע את המשנה ואינו מציע את הגמרא מסייע ליה לרבי אלעאי דאמר רבי אלעאי אמר ר' אחא בר יעקב משום רבינו הלכה מציע את המשנה ואינו מציע את הגמרא כתנאי מציע את המשנה ואינו מציע את הגמרא דברי רבי מאיר רבי יהודה בן גמליאל אומר משום רבי חנינא בן גמליאל זה וזה אסור ואמרי לה זה וזה מותר,מ"ד זה וזה אסור כרבי יוחנן הסנדלר מ"ד זה וזה מותר כרבי יהודה בן בתירא,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק נהוג עלמא כהני תלת סבי כרבי אלעאי בראשית הגז כרבי יאשיה בכלאים כרבי יהודה בן בתירא בד"ת,כרבי אלעאי בראשית הגז דתניא רבי אלעאי אומר ראשית הגז אינו נוהג אלא בארץ,כרבי יאשיה בכלאים כדכתיב (דברים כב, ט) (כרמך) לא תזרע [כרמך] כלאים רבי יאשיה אומר לעולם אינו חייב עד שיזרע חטה ושעורה וחרצן במפולת יד,כרבי יהודה בן בתירא בדברי תורה דתניא רבי יהודה בן בתירא אומר אין דברי תורה מקבלין טומאה,כי אתא זעירי אמר בטלוה לטבילותא ואמרי לה בטלוה לנטילותא מאן דאמר בטלוה לטבילותא כרבי יהודה בן בתירא מאן דאמר בטלוה לנטילותא כי הא דרב חסדא לייט אמאן דמהדר אמיא בעידן צלותא:,תנו רבנן בעל קרי שנתנו עליו תשעה קבין מים טהור נחום איש גם זו לחשה לרבי עקיבא ורבי עקיבא לחשה לבן עזאי ובן עזאי יצא ושנאה לתלמידיו בשוק פליגי בה תרי אמוראי במערבא רבי יוסי בר אבין ורבי יוסי בר זבידא חד תני שנאה וחד תני לחשה,מאן דתני שנאה משום בטול תורה ומשום בטול פריה ורביה ומאן דתני לחשה שלא יהו תלמידי חכמים מצויים אצל נשותיהם כתרנגולים,אמר רבי ינאי שמעתי שמקילין בה ושמעתי שמחמירין בה וכל המחמיר בה על עצמו מאריכין לו ימיו ושנותיו,אמר ריב"ל מה טיבן של טובלי שחרין מה טיבן הא איהו דאמר בעל קרי אסור בדברי תורה הכי קאמר מה טיבן בארבעים סאה אפשר בתשעה קבין מה טיבן בטבילה אפשר בנתינה,אמר רבי חנינא גדר גדול גדרו בה דתניא מעשה באחד שתבע אשה לדבר עבירה אמרה לו ריקא יש לך ארבעים סאה שאתה טובל בהן מיד פירש,אמר להו רב הונא לרבנן רבותי מפני מה אתם מזלזלין בטבילה זו אי משום צינה אפשר במרחצאות,אמר ליה רב חסדא וכי יש טבילה בחמין אמר ליה רב אדא בר אהבה קאי כוותך,רבי זירא הוה יתיב באגנא דמיא בי מסותא אמר ליה לשמעיה זיל ואייתי לי תשעה קבין ושדי עלואי אמר ליה רבי חייא בר אבא למה ליה למר כולי האי והא יתיב בגווייהו אמר ליה כארבעים סאה מה ארבעים סאה בטבילה ולא בנתינה אף תשעה קבין בנתינה ולא בטבילה,רב נחמן תקן חצבא בת תשעה קבין כי אתא רב דימי אמר רבי עקיבא ורבי יהודה גלוסטרא אמרו לא שנו אלא לחולה לאונסו אבל לחולה המרגיל ארבעים סאה,אמר רב יוסף אתבר חצביה דרב נחמן כי אתא רבין אמר באושא הוה עובדא | 22a. that b a woman who engaged in intercourse and saw menstrual /b blood b is not required to immerse herself, but one who experienced a seminal emission alone, /b with no concurrent impurity, b is required to do so? /b If so, we must interpret Rabbi Yehuda’s statement in the mishna that one recites a blessing both beforehand and thereafter as follows: b Do not say /b that one b recites a blessing /b orally, but rather he means that b one contemplates /b those blessings in his heart.,The Gemara challenges this explanation: b And does Rabbi Yehuda maintain that /b there is validity to b contemplating /b in his heart? b Wasn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : b One who experienced a seminal emission and who has no water to immerse /b and purify himself b recites i Shema /i and neither recites the blessings /b of i Shema /i b beforehand nor thereafter? And /b when b he eats his bread, he recites the blessing thereafter, /b Grace after Meals, b but does not recite the blessing: /b Who brings forth bread from the earth, b beforehand. However, /b in the instances where he may not recite the blessing, b he contemplates /b it b in his heart rather than utter /b it b with his lips, /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. /b However b Rabbi Yehuda says: In either case, he utters /b all of the blessings b with his lips. /b Rabbi Yehuda does not consider contemplating the blessings in his heart a solution and permits them to be recited., b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: /b Rabbi Yehuda’s statement in the mishna should be interpreted in another way. b Rabbi Yehuda rendered /b the blessings b like i Hilkhot Derekh Eretz /i , /b which according to some Sages were not considered to be in the same category as all other matters of Torah and therefore, one is permitted to engage in their study even after having experienced a seminal emission., b As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i : It is written: b “And you shall impart them to your children and your children’s children” /b (Deuteronomy 4:9), b and it is written thereafter: “The day that you stood before the Lord your God at Horeb” /b (Deuteronomy 4:10). b Just as below, /b the Revelation at Sinai was b in reverence, fear, quaking, and trembling, so too here, /b in every generation, Torah must be studied with a sense of b reverence, fear, quaking, and trembling. /b , b From here /b the Sages b stated: i Zavim /i , lepers, and those who engaged in intercourse with menstruating women, /b despite their severe impurity, b are permitted to read the Torah, Prophets, and Writings, and to study Mishna and Gemara and i halakhot /i and i aggada /i . However, those who experienced a seminal emission are prohibited /b from doing so. The reason for this distinction is that the cases of severe impurity are caused by ailment or other circumstances beyond his control and, as a result, they do not necessarily preclude a sense of reverence and awe as he studies Torah. This, however, is not the case with regard to impurity resulting from a seminal emission, which usually comes about due to frivolity and a lack of reverence and awe. Therefore, it is inappropriate for one who experiences a seminal emission to engage in matters of in Torah.,However, there are many opinions concerning the precise parameters of the Torah matters prohibited by this decree. b Rabbi Yosei says: /b One who experiences a seminal emission b studies /b i mishnayot /i that he is b accustomed /b to study, b as long as he does not expound upon a /b new b mishna /b to study it in depth. b Rabbi Yonatan ben Yosef says: He expounds upon the mishna but he does not expound upon the Gemara, /b which is the in-depth analysis of the Torah. b Rabbi Natan ben Avishalom says: He may even expound upon the Gemara, as long as he does not utter /b the b mentions /b of God’s name b therein. Rabbi Yoḥa the Cobbler, Rabbi Akiva’s student, says in the name of Rabbi Akiva: /b One who experiences a seminal emission b may not enter into homiletic interpretation [ i midrash /i ] /b of verses b at all. Some say /b that he says: b He may not enter the study hall [ i beit hamidrash /i ] at all. Rabbi Yehuda says: He may study /b only b i Hilkhot Derekh Eretz /i . /b In terms of the problem raised above, apparently Rabbi Yehuda considers the legal status of the blessings to be parallel to the legal status of i Hilkhot Derekh Eretz /i , and therefore one may utter them orally.,The Gemara relates b an incident involving Rabbi Yehuda /b himself, who b experienced a seminal emission and was walking along the riverbank /b with his disciples. b His disciples said to him: Rabbi, teach us a chapter from i Hilkhot Derekh Eretz /i , /b as he maintained that even in a state of impurity, it is permitted. b He descended and immersed himself /b in the river b and taught them /b i Hilkhot Derekh Eretz /i . b They said to him: Did you not teach us, our teacher, that he may study i Hilkhot Derekh Eretz /i ? He said to them: Although I am lenient with others, /b and allow them to study it without immersion, b I am stringent with myself. /b ,Further elaborating on the issue of Torah study while in a state of impurity, b it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira would say: Matters of Torah do not become ritually impure /b and therefore one who is impure is permitted to engage in Torah study. He implemented this i halakha /i in practice. The Gemara relates b an incident involving a student who was /b reciting i mishnayot /i and i baraitot /i b hesitantly before /b the study hall of b Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira. /b The student experienced a seminal emission, and when he was asked to recite he did so in a rushed, uneven manner, as he did not want to utter the words of Torah explicitly. Rabbi Yehuda b said to him: My son, open your mouth and let your words illuminate, as matters of Torah do not become ritually impure, as it is stated: “Is not my word like fire, says the Lord” /b (Jeremiah 23:29). b Just as fire does not become ritually impure, so too matters of Torah do not become ritually impure. /b ,In this i baraita /i b the Master said /b that one who is impure because of a seminal emission b expounds upon the mishna but does not expound upon the Gemara. /b The Gemara notes: This statement b supports /b the opinion of b Rabbi El’ai, /b as b Rabbi El’ai said /b that b Rabbi Aḥa bar Ya’akov said in the name of Rabbeinu, /b Rav b : The /b i halakha /i is that one who experienced a seminal emission b may expound upon the mishna but may not expound upon the Gemara. /b This dispute b is parallel a tannaitic /b dispute, as it was taught: One who experienced a seminal emission b expounds upon the mishna but does not expound upon the Gemara; /b that is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Yehuda ben Gamliel says in the name of Rabbi Ḥanina ben Gamliel: /b Both b this and that are prohibited. And some say /b that he said: Both b this and that are permitted. /b ,Comparing these opinions: b The one who said /b that both b this and that are prohibited /b holds b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yoḥa the Cobbler; the one who said /b that both b this and that are permitted /b holds b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira. /b ,Summarizing the i halakha /i , b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: The universally /b accepted b practice is in accordance with /b the opinions of b these three elders: In accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi El’ai with regard to /b the i halakhot /i of b the first shearing, in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yoshiya with regard to /b the laws of prohibited b diverse kinds, /b and b in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira with regard to matters of Torah. /b ,The Gemara elaborates: b In accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi El’ai with regard to the first shearing, as it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi El’ai says: /b The obligation to set aside b the first shearing /b from the sheep for the priest b is only practiced in Eretz /b Yisrael and not in the Diaspora, and that is the accepted practice., b In accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yoshiya with regard to diverse kinds, as it is written: “You shall not sow your vineyard with diverse kinds” /b (Deuteronomy 22:9). b Rabbi Yoshiya says: /b This means that b one /b who sows diverse kinds b is not liable /b by Torah law b until he sows wheat and barley and a /b grape b pit with a single hand motion, /b meaning that while sowing in the vineyard he violates the prohibition of diverse kinds that applies to seeds and to the vineyard simultaneously., b In accordance with Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira with regard to /b one who experiences a seminal emission is permitted to engage in b matters of Torah, as it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira says: Matters of Torah do not become ritually impure. /b ,And the Gemara relates: b When Ze’iri came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, b he /b succinctly capsulated this i halakha /i and b said: They abolished ritual immersion, and some say that /b he said: b They abolished ritual washing of the hands. /b The Gemara explains: b The one who says /b that b they abolished immersion /b holds in accordance with the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira /b that one who experienced a seminal emission is not required to immerse. b And the one who says /b that b they abolished washing of the hands /b holds b in accordance with that which Rav Ḥisda cursed one who /b goes out of his way b to seek water at the time of prayer. /b , b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : b One who experienced a seminal emission who had nine i kav /i of /b drawn b water poured over him, /b that is sufficient to render him b ritually pure /b and he need not immerse himself in a ritual bath. The Gemara relates: b Naḥum of Gam Zo whispered /b this i halakha /i to b Rabbi Akiva, and Rabbi Akiva whispered it to /b his student b ben Azzai, and ben Azzai went out and taught it to his students /b publicly b in the marketplace. Two i amora’im /i in Eretz Yisrael, Rabbi Yosei bar Avin and Rabbi Yosei bar Zevida, disagreed /b as to the correct version of the conclusion of the incident. b One taught: /b Ben Azzai b taught it /b to his students in the market. b And the other taught: Ben Azzai /b also b whispered it /b to his students.,The Gemara explains the rationale behind the two versions of this incident. b The /b Sage b who taught /b that ben Azzai b taught /b the law openly in the market held that the leniency was b due to /b concern that the i halakhot /i requiring ritual immersion would promote b dereliction /b in the study b of Torah. /b The ruling of Rabbi Yehuda ben Beteira eases the way for an individual who experienced a seminal emission to study Torah. This was b also due to /b concern that the i halakhot /i requiring ritual immersion would promote b the suspension of procreation, /b as one might abstain from marital relations to avoid the immersion required thereafter. b And the /b Sage, b who taught /b that ben Azzai only b whispered /b this i halakha /i to his students, held that he did so b in order that Torah scholars would not be with their wives like roosters. /b If the purification process was that simple, Torah scholars would engage in sexual activity constantly, which would distract them from their studies.,With regard to this ritual immersion, b Rabbi Yannai said: I heard that there are those who are lenient with regard to it and I have heard that there are those who are stringent with regard to it. /b The i halakha /i in this matter was never conclusively established b and anyone who /b accepts b upon himself to be stringent with regard to it, they prolong for him his days and years. /b ,The Gemara relates that b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: What is the essence of those who immerse themselves in the morning? /b The Gemara retorts: How can one ask b what is their essence? Isn’t he /b the one b who said /b that b one who experiences a seminal emission is prohibited from /b engaging in b matters of Torah /b and is required to immerse himself in the morning? Rather, b this is /b what b he /b meant to b say: What is the essence of /b immersion in a ritual bath of b forty i se’a /i /b of water when b it is possible /b to purify oneself b with nine i kav /i ? /b Furthermore, b what is the essence of immersion /b when b it is /b also b possible /b to purify oneself by b pouring /b water?,Regarding this, b Rabbi Ḥanina said: They established a massive fence /b protecting one from sinning with their decree that one must immerse himself in forty i se’a /i of water. b As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i : There was b an incident involving one who solicited a woman to /b commit b a sinful act. She said to him: Good-for-nothing. Do you have forty i se’a /i in which to immerse /b and purify b yourself /b afterwards? He b immediately desisted. /b The obligation to immerse oneself caused individuals to refrain from transgression., b Rav Huna said to the Sages: Gentlemen, why do you disdain this immersion? If it is because /b it is difficult for you to immerse in the b cold /b waters of the ritual bath, b it is possible /b to purify oneself by immersing oneself in the heated b bathhouses, /b which are unfit for immersion for other forms of ritual impurity but are fit for immersion in this case., b Rabbi Ḥisda said to him: Is there ritual immersion in hot water? /b Rav Huna b said to him: /b Indeed, doubts with regard to the fitness of baths have been raised, and b Rav Adda bar Ahava holds in accordance with your /b opinion. Nevertheless, I remain convinced that it is permitted.,The Gemara relates: b Rabbi Zeira was sitting in a tub of water in the bathhouse. He said to his attendant: Go and get nine i kav /i /b of water b and pour /b it b over me /b so that I may purify myself from the impurity caused by a seminal emission. b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said to him: Why does my master /b require b all of this? Aren’t you seated in /b at least nine i kav /i of water in the tub. b He said to him: /b The law of nine i kav /i b parallels /b the law of b forty i se’a /i , /b in that their i halakhot /i are exclusive. b Just as forty i se’a /i /b can only purify an individual through b immersion and not through pouring, so too nine i kav /i /b can only purify one who experienced a seminal emission b through pouring and not through immersion. /b ,The Gemara relates that b Rav Naḥman prepared a jug /b with a capacity b of nine i kav /i /b so that his students could pour water over themselves and become pure. b When Rav Dimi came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, b he said: Rabbi Akiva and Rabbi Yehuda Gelostera said: /b The i halakha /i that one who experienced a seminal emission can be purified by pouring nine i kav /i b was only taught for a sick person /b who experienced the emission b involuntarily. However, a sick person /b who experienced a b normal /b seminal emission in the course of marital relations, is required to immerse himself in b forty i se’a /i . /b , b Rav Yosef said: /b In that case, b Rav Naḥman’s jug is broken, /b meaning it is no longer of any use, as few people fall into the category of sick people who experienced seminal emissions. Nevertheless, b when Ravin came /b from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia b he said: In Usha there was an incident /b |
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| 94. Nag Hammadi, The Gospel of Thomas, 3.37 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Damm (2018), Religions and Education in Antiquity, 195, 196, 198, 199 |
95. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.82 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •polis, the, individual duty to Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 398 | 2.82. Dionysius met a request of his for money with the words, Nay, but you told me that the wise man would never be in want. To which he retorted, Pay! Pay! and then let us discuss the question; and when he was paid, Now you see, do you not, said he, that I was not found wanting? Dionysius having repeated to him the lines:Whoso betakes him to a prince's court Becomes his slave, albeit of free birth,he retorted:If a free man he come, no slave is he.This is stated by Diocles in his work On the Lives of Philosophers; other writers refer the anecdotes to Plato. After getting in a rage with Aeschines, he presently addressed him thus: Are we not to make it up and desist from vapouring, or will you wait for some one to reconcile us over the wine-bowl? To which he replied, Agreed. |
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| 96. Plotinus, Enneads, a b c d\n0 1.1(53).2.9 1.1(53).2.9 1 1(53)\n1 1.1(53).2.8 1.1(53).2.8 1 1(53)\n2 1.1(53).2.7 1.1(53).2.7 1 1(53)\n3 1.1(53).2.6 1.1(53).2.6 1 1(53)\n4 1.1(53).2.5 1.1(53).2.5 1 1(53)\n5 1.1(53).2.10 1.1(53).2.10 1 1(53)\n6 1.1(53).2.11 1.1(53).2.11 1 1(53)\n7 3.6(26).1 3.6(26).1 3 6(26)\n8 1.1(53).5.3 1.1(53).5.3 1 1(53)\n9 3.6(26).4 3.6(26).4 3 6(26)\n10 3.6(26).3 3.6(26).3 3 6(26)\n11 3.6(26).2 3.6(26).2 3 6(26)\n12 3.6(26).5 3.6(26).5 3 6(26) (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 214 |
| 97. Porphyry, Aids To The Study of The Intelligibles, 18 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 214 |
| 98. Augustine, Contra Cresconium Grammaticum Partis Donati, 3.1-2.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 268 |
| 99. Augustine, Against Julian, 2.10.36 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 161 |
| 100. Augustine, The Soul And Its Origin, 1.6.6, 1.8.9, 1.9.10-1.9.11, 1.12.15, 1.14.22, 1.15.24-1.15.25, 2.3.5, 2.5.9, 2.9.13, 2.10.14, 2.12.17, 2.13.18, 3.3.3, 3.7.9, 3.9.12, 3.10.13, 3.15.22, 4.4.5, 4.11.16, 4.18.28 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 223 |
| 101. Augustine, De Baptismo Contra Donatistas, 4.9.13-10.14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 268 |
| 102. Augustine, De Dono Perseverantiae, 22.57, 22.61 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 293 |
| 103. Augustine, De Peccatorum Meritis Et Remissione Et De Baptismo Parvulorum, 1.9.9, 1.28.55-1.28.56, 1.34.63, 2.2.2, 2.28.46, 2.36.59, 3.6.12, 3.8.16, 3.11.20, 3.12.21, 3.13.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 177 |
| 104. Augustine, De Gratia Christi Et De Peccato Originali Contra Pelagium Et Coelestinum, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 206 |
| 105. Augustine, De Libero Arbitrio, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 21 |
| 106. Augustine, De Musica, 6.5.8-6.5.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 214 |
| 107. Augustine, Breviculus Collationis Cum Donatistis, 3.10.19-3.10.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 177, 178 |
| 108. Augustine, On The Holy Trinity, 6.5.7, 15.19.36 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 214, 218, 221, 222 |
| 109. Augustine, Enarrationes In Psalmos, 52.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 122 |
110. Augustine, The City of God, 1.35, 8.4, 10.9-10.11, 10.23, 10.30, 10.32, 12.21, 13.19, 19.22, 22.3, 22.12, 22.27 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 268 | 1.35. Let these and similar answers (if any fuller and fitter answers can be found) be given to their enemies by the redeemed family of the Lord Christ, and by the pilgrim city of King Christ. But let this city bear in mind, that among her enemies lie hidden those who are destined to be fellow citizens, that she may not think it a fruitless labor to bear what they inflict as enemies until they become confessors of the faith. So, too, as long as she is a stranger in the world, the city of God has in her communion, and bound to her by the sacraments, some who shall not eternally dwell in the lot of the saints. of these, some are not now recognized; others declare themselves, and do not hesitate to make common cause with our enemies in murmuring against God, whose sacramental badge they wear. These men you may today see thronging the churches with us, tomorrow crowding the theatres with the godless. But we have the less reason to despair of the reclamation even of such persons, if among our most declared enemies there are now some, unknown to themselves, who are destined to become our friends. In truth, these two cities are entangled together in this world, and intermixed until the last judgment effects their separation. I now proceed to speak, as God shall help me, of the rise, progress, and end of these two cities; and what I write, I write for the glory of the city of God, that, being placed in comparison with the other, it may shine with a brighter lustre. 8.4. But, among the disciples of Socrates, Plato was the one who shone with a glory which far excelled that of the others, and who not unjustly eclipsed them all. By birth, an Athenian of honorable parentage, he far surpassed his fellow disciples in natural endowments, of which he was possessed in a wonderful degree. Yet, deeming himself and the Socratic discipline far from sufficient for bringing philosophy to perfection, he travelled as extensively as he was able, going to every place famed for the cultivation of any science of which he could make himself master. Thus he learned from the Egyptians whatever they held and taught as important; and from Egypt, passing into those parts of Italy which were filled with the fame of the Pythagoreans, he mastered, with the greatest facility, and under the most eminent teachers, all the Italic philosophy which was then in vogue. And, as he had a peculiar love for his master Socrates, he made him the speaker in all his dialogues, putting into his mouth whatever he had learned, either from others, or from the efforts of his own powerful intellect, tempering even his moral disputations with the grace and politeness of the Socratic style. And, as the study of wisdom consists in action and contemplation, so that one part of it may be called active, and the other contemplative - the active part having reference to the conduct of life, that is, to the regulation of morals, and the contemplative part to the investigation into the causes of nature and into pure truth - Socrates is said to have excelled in the active part of that study, while Pythagoras gave more attention to its contemplative part, on which he brought to bear all the force of his great intellect. To Plato is given the praise of having perfected philosophy by combining both parts into one. He then divides it into three parts - the first moral, which is chiefly occupied with action; the second natural, of which the object is contemplation; and the third rational, which discriminates between the true and the false. And though this last is necessary both to action and contemplation, it is contemplation, nevertheless, which lays peculiar claim to the office of investigating the nature of truth. Thus this tripartite division is not contrary to that which made the study of wisdom to consist in action and contemplation. Now, as to what Plato thought with respect to each of these parts - that is, what he believed to be the end of all actions, the cause of all natures, and the light of all intelligences - it would be a question too long to discuss, and about which we ought not to make any rash affirmation. For, as Plato liked and constantly affected the well-known method of his master Socrates, namely, that of dissimulating his knowledge or his opinions, it is not easy to discover clearly what he himself thought on various matters, any more than it is to discover what were the real opinions of Socrates. We must, nevertheless, insert into our work certain of those opinions which he expresses in his writings, whether he himself uttered them, or narrates them as expressed by others, and seems himself to approve of - opinions sometimes favorable to the true religion, which our faith takes up and defends, and sometimes contrary to it, as, for example, in the questions concerning the existence of one God or of many, as it relates to the truly blessed life which is to be after death. For those who are praised as having most closely followed Plato, who is justly preferred to all the other philosophers of the Gentiles, and who are said to have manifested the greatest acuteness in understanding him, do perhaps entertain such an idea of God as to admit that in Him are to be found the cause of existence, the ultimate reason for the understanding, and the end in reference to which the whole life is to be regulated. of which three things, the first is understood to pertain to the natural, the second to the rational, and the third to the moral part of philosophy. For if man has been so created as to attain, through that which is most excellent in him, to that which excels all things - that is, to the one true and absolutely good God, without whom no nature exists, no doctrine instructs, no exercise profits - let Him be sought in whom all things are secure to us, let Him be discovered in whom all truth becomes certain to us, let Him be loved in whom all becomes right to us. 10.9. These miracles, and many others of the same nature, which it were tedious to mention, were wrought for the purpose of commending the worship of the one true God, and prohibiting the worship of a multitude of false gods. Moreover, they were wrought by simple faith and godly confidence, not by the incantations and charms composed under the influence of a criminal tampering with the unseen world, of an art which they call either magic, or by the more abominable title necromancy, or the more honorable designation theurgy; for they wish to discriminate between those whom the people call magicians, who practise necromancy, and are addicted to illicit arts and condemned, and those others who seem to them to be worthy of praise for their practice of theurgy - the truth, however, being that both classes are the slaves of the deceitful rites of the demons whom they invoke under the names of angels. For even Porphyry promises some kind of purgation of the soul by the help of theurgy, though he does so with some hesitation and shame, and denies that this art can secure to any one a return to God; so that you can detect his opinion vacillating between the profession of philosophy and an art which he feels to be presumptuous and sacrilegious. For at one time he warns us to avoid it as deceitful, and prohibited by law, and dangerous to those who practise it; then again, as if in deference to its advocates, he declares it useful for cleansing one part of the soul, not, indeed, the intellectual part, by which the truth of things intelligible, which have no sensible images, is recognized, but the spiritual part, which takes cognizance of the images of things material. This part, he says, is prepared and fitted for intercourse with spirits and angels, and for the vision of the gods, by the help of certain theurgic consecrations, or, as they call them, mysteries. He acknowledges, however, that these theurgic mysteries impart to the intellectual soul no such purity as fits it to see its God, and recognize the things that truly exist. And from this acknowledgment we may infer what kind of gods these are, and what kind of vision of them is imparted by theurgic consecrations, if by it one cannot see the things which truly exist. He says, further, that the rational, or, as he prefers calling it, the intellectual soul, can pass into the heavens without the spiritual part being cleansed by theurgic art, and that this art cannot so purify the spiritual part as to give it entrance to immortality and eternity. And therefore, although he distinguishes angels from demons, asserting that the habitation of the latter is in the air, while the former dwell in the ether and empyrean, and although he advises us to cultivate the friendship of some demon, who may be able after our death to assist us, and elevate us at least a little above the earth - for he owns that it is by another way we must reach the heavenly society of the angels - he at the same time distinctly warns us to avoid the society of demons, saying that the soul, expiating its sin after death, execrates the worship of demons by whom it was entangled. And of theurgy itself, though he recommends it as reconciling angels and demons, he cannot deny that it treats with powers which either themselves envy the soul its purity, or serve the arts of those who do envy it. He complains of this through the mouth of some Chald an or other: A good man in Chald a complains, he says, that his most strenuous efforts to cleanse his soul were frustrated, because another man, who had influence in these matters, and who envied him purity, had prayed to the powers, and bound them by his conjuring not to listen to his request. Therefore, adds Porphyry, what the one man bound, the other could not loose. And from this he concludes that theurgy is a craft which accomplishes not only good but evil among gods and men; and that the gods also have passions, and are perturbed and agitated by the emotions which Apuleius attributed to demons and men, but from which he preserved the gods by that sublimity of residence, which, in common with Plato, he accorded to them. 10.10. But here we have another and a much more learned Platonist than Apuleius, Porphyry, to wit, asserting that, by I know not what theurgy, even the gods themselves are subjected to passions and perturbations; for by adjurations they were so bound and terrified that they could not confer purity of soul - were so terrified by him who imposed on them a wicked command, that they could not by the same theurgy be freed from that terror, and fulfill the righteous behest of him who prayed to them, or do the good he sought. Who does not see that all these things are fictions of deceiving demons, unless he be a wretched slave of theirs, and an alien from the grace of the true Liberator? For if the Chald an had been dealing with good gods, certainly a well-disposed man, who sought to purify his own soul, would have had more influence with them than an evil-disposed man seeking to hinder him. Or, if the gods were just, and considered the man unworthy of the purification he sought, at all events they should not have been terrified by an envious person, nor hindered, as Porphyry avows, by the fear of a stronger deity, but should have simply denied the boon on their own free judgment. And it is surprising that that well-disposed Chald an, who desired to purify his soul by theurgical rites, found no superior deity who could either terrify the frightened gods still more, and force them to confer the boon, or compose their fears, and so enable them to do good without compulsion - even supposing that the good theurgist had no rites by which he himself might purge away the taint of fear from the gods whom he invoked for the purification of his own soul. And why is it that there is a god who has power to terrify the inferior gods, and none who has power to free them from fear? Is there found a god who listens to the envious man, and frightens the gods from doing good? And is there not found a god who listens to the well-disposed man, and removes the fear of the gods that they may do him good? O excellent theurgy! O admirable purification of the soul!- a theurgy in which the violence of an impure envy has more influence than the entreaty of purity and holiness. Rather let us abominate and avoid the deceit of such wicked spirits, and listen to sound doctrine. As to those who perform these filthy cleansings by sacrilegious rites, and see in their initiated state (as he further tells us, though we may question this vision) certain wonderfully lovely appearances of angels or gods, this is what the apostle refers to when he speaks of Satan transforming himself into an angel of light. 2 Corinthians 11:14 For these are the delusive appearances of that spirit who longs to entangle wretched souls in the deceptive worship of many and false gods, and to turn them aside from the true worship of the true God, by whom alone they are cleansed and healed, and who, as was said of Proteus, turns himself into all shapes, equally hurtful, whether he assaults us as an enemy, or assumes the disguise of a friend. 10.11. It was a better tone which Porphyry adopted in his letter to Anebo the Egyptian, in which, assuming the character of an inquirer consulting him, he unmasks and explodes these sacrilegious arts. In that letter, indeed, he repudiates all demons, whom he maintains to be so foolish as to be attracted by the sacrificial vapors, and therefore residing not in the ether, but in the air beneath the moon, and indeed in the moon itself. Yet he has not the boldness to attribute to all the demons all the deceptions and malicious and foolish practices which justly move his indignation. For, though he acknowledges that as a race demons are foolish, he so far accommodates himself to popular ideas as to call some of them benigt demons. He expresses surprise that sacrifices not only incline the gods, but also compel and force them to do what men wish; and he is at a loss to understand how the sun and moon, and other visible celestial bodies - for bodies he does not doubt that they are - are considered gods, if the gods are distinguished from the demons by their incorporeality; also, if they are gods, how some are called beneficent and others hurtful, and how they, being corporeal, are numbered with the gods, who are incorporeal. He inquires further, and still as one in doubt, whether diviners and wonderworkers are men of unusually powerful souls, or whether the power to do these things is communicated by spirits from without. He inclines to the latter opinion, on the ground that it is by the use of stones and herbs that they lay spells on people, and open closed doors, and do similar wonders. And on this account, he says, some suppose that there is a race of beings whose property it is to listen to men - a race deceitful, full of contrivances, capable of assuming all forms, simulating gods, demons, and dead men, - and that it is this race which bring about all these things which have the appearance of good or evil, but that what is really good they never help us in, and are indeed unacquainted with, for they make wickedness easy, but throw obstacles in the path of those who eagerly follow virtue; and that they are filled with pride and rashness, delight in sacrificial odors, are taken with flattery. These and the other characteristics of this race of deceitful and malicious spirits, who come into the souls of men and delude their senses, both in sleep and waking, he describes not as things of which he is himself convinced, but only with so much suspicion and doubt as to cause him to speak of them as commonly received opinions. We should sympathize with this great philosopher in the difficulty he experienced in acquainting himself with and confidently assailing the whole fraternity of devils, which any Christian old woman would unhesitatingly describe and most unreservedly detest. Perhaps, however, he shrank from offending Anebo, to whom he was writing, himself the most eminent patron of these mysteries, or the others who marvelled at these magical feats as divine works, and closely allied to the worship of the gods. However, he pursues this subject, and, still in the character of an inquirer, mentions some things which no sober judgment could attribute to any but malicious and deceitful powers. He asks why, after the better class of spirits have been invoked, the worse should be commanded to perform the wicked desires of men; why they do not hear a man who has just left a woman's embrace, while they themselves make no scruple of tempting men to incest and adultery; why their priests are commanded to abstain from animal food for fear of being polluted by the corporeal exhalations, while they themselves are attracted by the fumes of sacrifices and other exhalations; why the initiated are forbidden to touch a dead body, while their mysteries are celebrated almost entirely by means of dead bodies; why it is that a man addicted to any vice should utter threats, not to a demon or to the soul of a dead man, but to the sun and moon, or some of the heavenly bodies, which he intimidates by imaginary terrors, that he may wring from them a real boon - for he threatens that he will demolish the sky, and such like impossibilities - that those gods, being alarmed, like silly children, with imaginary and absurd threats, may do what they are ordered. Porphyry further relates that a man, Ch remon, profoundly versed in these sacred or rather sacrilegious mysteries, had written that the famous Egyptian mysteries of Isis and her husband Osiris had very great influence with the gods to compel them to do what they were ordered, when he who used the spells threatened to divulge or do away with these mysteries, and cried with a threatening voice that he would scatter the members of Osiris if they neglected his orders. Not without reason is Porphyry surprised that a man should utter such wild and empty threats against the gods - not against gods of no account, but against the heavenly gods, and those that shine with sidereal light - and that these threats should be effectual to constrain them with resistless power, and alarm them so that they fulfill his wishes. Not without reason does he, in the character of an inquirer into the reasons of these surprising things, give it to be understood that they are done by that race of spirits which he previously described as if quoting other people's opinions - spirits who deceive not, as he said, by nature, but by their own corruption, and who simulate gods and dead men, but not, as he said, demons, for demons they really are. As to his idea that by means of herbs, and stones, and animals, and certain incantations and noises, and drawings, sometimes fanciful, and sometimes copied from the motions of the heavenly bodies, men create upon earth powers capable of bringing about various results, all that is only the mystification which these demons practise on those who are subject to them, for the sake of furnishing themselves with merriment at the expense of their dupes. Either, then, Porphyry was sincere in his doubts and inquiries, and mentioned these things to demonstrate and put beyond question that they were the work, not of powers which aid us in obtaining life, but of deceitful demons; or, to take a more favorable view of the philosopher, he adopted this method with the Egyptian who was wedded to these errors, and was proud of them, that he might not offend him by assuming the attitude of a teacher, nor discompose his mind by the altercation of a professed assailant, but, by assuming the character of an inquirer, and the humble attitude of one who was anxious to learn, might turn his attention to these matters, and show how worthy they are to be despised and relinquished. Towards the conclusion of his letter, he requests Anebo to inform him what the Egyptian wisdom indicates as the way to blessedness. But as to those who hold intercourse with the gods, and pester them only for the sake of finding a runaway slave, or acquiring property, or making a bargain of a marriage, or such things, he declares that their pretensions to wisdom are vain. He adds that these same gods, even granting that on other points their utterances were true, were yet so ill-advised and unsatisfactory in their disclosures about blessedness, that they cannot be either gods or good demons, but are either that spirit who is called the deceiver, or mere fictions of the imagination. 10.23. Even Porphyry asserts that it was revealed by divine oracles that we are not purified by any sacrifices to sun or moon, meaning it to be inferred that we are not purified by sacrificing to any gods. For what mysteries can purify, if those of the sun and moon, which are esteemed the chief of the celestial gods, do not purify? He says, too, in the same place, that principles can purify, lest it should be supposed, from his saying that sacrificing to the sun and moon cannot purify, that sacrificing to some other of the host of gods might do so. And what he as a Platonist means by principles, we know. For he speaks of God the Father and God the Son, whom he calls (writing in Greek) the intellect or mind of the Father; but of the Holy Spirit he says either nothing, or nothing plainly, for I do not understand what other he speaks of as holding the middle place between these two. For if, like Plotinus in his discussion regarding the three principal substances, he wished us to understand by this third the soul of nature, he would certainly not have given it the middle place between these two, that is, between the Father and the Son. For Plotinus places the soul of nature after the intellect of the Father, while Porphyry, making it the mean, does not place it after, but between the others. No doubt he spoke according to his light, or as he thought expedient; but we assert that the Holy Spirit is the Spirit not of the Father only, nor of the Son only, but of both. For philosophers speak as they have a mind to, and in the most difficult matters do not scruple to offend religious ears; but we are bound to speak according to a certain rule, lest freedom of speech beget impiety of opinion about the matters themselves of which we speak. 10.30. If it is considered unseemly to emend anything which Plato has touched, why did Porphyry himself make emendations, and these not a few? For it is very certain that Plato wrote that the souls of men return after death to the bodies of beasts. Plotinus also, Porphyry's teacher, held this opinion; yet Porphyry justly rejected it. He was of opinion that human souls return indeed into human bodies, but not into the bodies they had left, but other new bodies. He shrank from the other opinion, lest a woman who had returned into a mule might possibly carry her own son on her back. He did not shrink, however, from a theory which admitted the possibility of a mother coming back into a girl and marrying her own son. How much more honorable a creed is that which was taught by the holy and truthful angels, uttered by the prophets who were moved by God's Spirit, preached by Him who was foretold as the coming Saviour by His forerunning heralds, and by the apostles whom He sent forth, and who filled the whole world with the gospel, - how much more honorable, I say, is the belief that souls return once for all to their own bodies, than that they return again and again to various bodies? Nevertheless Porphyry, as I have said, did considerably improve upon this opinion, in so far, at least, as he maintained that human souls could transmigrate only into human bodies, and made no scruple about demolishing the bestial prisons into which Plato had wished to cast them. He says, too, that God put the soul into the world that it might recognize the evils of matter, and return to the Father, and be for ever emancipated from the polluting contact of matter. And although here is some inappropriate thinking (for the soul is rather given to the body that it may do good; for it would not learn evil unless it did it), yet he corrects the opinion of other Platonists, and that on a point of no small importance, inasmuch as he avows that the soul, which is purged from all evil and received to the Father's presence, shall never again suffer the ills of this life. By this opinion he quite subverted the favorite Platonic dogma, that as dead men are made out of living ones, so living men are made out of dead ones; and he exploded the idea which Virgil seems to have adopted from Plato, that the purified souls which have been sent into the Elysian fields (the poetic name for the joys of the blessed) are summoned to the river Lethe, that is, to the oblivion of the past, That earthward they may pass once more, Remembering not the things before, And with a blind propension yearn To fleshly bodies to return. This found no favor with Porphyry, and very justly; for it is indeed foolish to believe that souls should desire to return from that life, which cannot be very blessed unless by the assurance of its permanence, and to come back into this life, and to the pollution of corruptible bodies, as if the result of perfect purification were only to make defilement desirable. For if perfect purification effects the oblivion of all evils, and the oblivion of evils creates a desire for a body in which the soul may again be entangled with evils, then the supreme felicity will be the cause of infelicity, and the perfection of wisdom the cause of foolishness, and the purest cleansing the cause of defilement. And, however long the blessedness of the soul last, it cannot be founded on truth, if, in order to be blessed, it must be deceived. For it cannot be blessed unless it be free from fear. But, to be free from fear, it must be under the false impression that it shall be always blessed, - the false impression, for it is destined to be also at some time miserable. How, then, shall the soul rejoice in truth, whose joy is founded on falsehood? Porphyry saw this, and therefore said that the purified soul returns to the Father, that it may never more be entangled in the polluting contact with evil. The opinion, therefore, of some Platonists, that there is a necessary revolution carrying souls away and bringing them round again to the same things, is false. But, were it true, what were the advantage of knowing it? Would the Platonists presume to allege their superiority to us, because we were in this life ignorant of what they themselves were doomed to be ignorant of when perfected in purity and wisdom in another and better life, and which they must be ignorant of if they are to be blessed? If it were most absurd and foolish to say so, then certainly we must prefer Porphyry's opinion to the idea of a circulation of souls through constantly alternating happiness and misery. And if this is just, here is a Platonist emending Plato, here is a man who saw what Plato did not see, and who did not shrink from correcting so illustrious a master, but preferred truth to Plato. 10.32. This is the religion which possesses the universal way for delivering the soul; for except by this way, none can be delivered. This is a kind of royal way, which alone leads to a kingdom which does not totter like all temporal dignities, but stands firm on eternal foundations. And when Porphyry says, towards the end of the first book De Regressu Animœ, that no system of doctrine which furnishes the universal way for delivering the soul has as yet been received, either from the truest philosophy, or from the ideas and practices of the Indians, or from the reasoning of the Chald ans, or from any source whatever, and that no historical reading had made him acquainted with that way, he manifestly acknowledges that there is such a way, but that as yet he was not acquainted with it. Nothing of all that he had so laboriously learned concerning the deliverance of the soul, nothing of all that he seemed to others, if not to himself, to know and believe, satisfied him. For he perceived that there was still wanting a commanding authority which it might be right to follow in a matter of such importance. And when he says that he had not learned from any truest philosophy a system which possessed the universal way of the soul's deliverance, he shows plainly enough, as it seems to me, either that the philosophy of which he was a disciple was not the truest, or that it did not comprehend such a way. And how can that be the truest philosophy which does not possess this way? For what else is the universal way of the soul's deliverance than that by which all souls universally are delivered, and without which, therefore, no soul is delivered? And when he says, in addition, or from the ideas and practices of the Indians, or from the reasoning of the Chald ans, or from any source whatever, he declares in the most unequivocal language that this universal way of the soul's deliverance was not embraced in what he had learned either from the Indians or the Chald ans; and yet he could not forbear stating that it was from the Chald ans he had derived these divine oracles of which he makes such frequent mention. What, therefore, does he mean by this universal way of the soul's deliverance, which had not yet been made known by any truest philosophy, or by the doctrinal systems of those nations which were considered to have great insight in things divine, because they indulged more freely in a curious and fanciful science and worship of angels? What is this universal way of which he acknowledges his ignorance, if not a way which does not belong to one nation as its special property, but is common to all, and divinely bestowed? Porphyry, a man of no mediocre abilities, does not question that such a way exists; for he believes that Divine Providence could not have left men destitute of this universal way of delivering the soul. For he does not say that this way does not exist, but that this great boon and assistance has not yet been discovered, and has not come to his knowledge. And no wonder; for Porphyry lived in an age when this universal way of the soul's deliverance - in other words, the Christian religion - was exposed to the persecutions of idolaters and demon-worshippers, and earthly rulers, that the number of martyrs or witnesses for the truth might be completed and consecrated, and that by them proof might be given that we must endure all bodily sufferings in the cause of the holy faith, and for the commendation of the truth. Porphyry, being a witness of these persecutions, concluded that this way was destined to a speedy extinction, and that it, therefore, was not the universal way of the soul's deliverance, and did not see that the very thing that thus moved him, and deterred him from becoming a Christian, contributed to the confirmation and more effectual commendation of our religion. This, then, is the universal way of the soul's deliverance, the way that is granted by the divine compassion to the nations universally. And no nation to which the knowledge of it has already come, or may hereafter come, ought to demand, Why so soon? Or, Why so late?- for the design of Him who sends it is impenetrable by human capacity. This was felt by Porphyry when he confined himself to saying that this gift of God was not yet received, and had not yet come to his knowledge. For though this was so, he did not on that account pronounce that the way it self had no existence. This, I say, is the universal way for the deliverance of believers, concerning which the faithful Abraham received the divine assurance, In your seed shall all nations be blessed. Genesis 22:18 He, indeed, was by birth a Chald an; but, that he might receive these great promises, and that there might be propagated from him a seed disposed by angels in the hand of a Mediator, Galatians 3:19 in whom this universal way, thrown open to all nations for the deliverance of the soul, might be found, he was ordered to leave his country, and kindred, and father's house. Then was he himself, first of all, delivered from the Chald an superstitions, and by his obedience worshipped the one true God, whose promises he faithfully trusted. This is the universal way, of which it is said in holy prophecy, God be merciful unto us, and bless us, and cause His face to shine upon us; that Your way may be known upon earth, Your saving health among all nations. And hence, when our Saviour, so long after, had taken flesh of the seed of Abraham, He says of Himself, I am the way, the truth, and the life. John 14:6 This is the universal way, of which so long before it had been predicted, And it shall come to pass in the last days, that the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow unto it. And many people shall go and say, Come, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob; and He will teach us of His ways, and we will walk in His paths: for out of Sion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem. Isaiah 2:2-3 This way, therefore, is not the property of one, but of all nations. The law and the word of the Lord did not remain in Zion and Jerusalem, but issued thence to be universally diffused. And therefore the Mediator Himself, after His resurrection, says to His alarmed disciples, These are the words which I spoke unto you while I was yet with you, that all things must be fulfilled which were written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the Psalms, concerning me. Then opened He their understandings that they might understand the Scriptures, and said to them, Thus it is written, and thus it behooved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day: and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in His name among all nations, beginning at Jerusalem. Luke 24:44-47 This is the universal way of the soul's deliverance, which the holy angels and the holy prophets formerly disclosed where they could among the few men who found the grace of God, and especially in the Hebrew nation, whose commonwealth was, as it were, consecrated to prefigure and fore-announce the city of God which was to be gathered from all nations, by their tabernacle, and temple, and priesthood, and sacrifices. In some explicit statements, and in many obscure foreshadowings, this way was declared; but latterly came the Mediator Himself in the flesh, and His blessed apostles, revealing how the grace of the New Testament more openly explained what had been obscurely hinted to preceding generations, in conformity with the relation of the ages of the human race, and as it pleased God in His wisdom to appoint, who also bore them witness with signs and miracles some of which I have cited above. For not only were there visions of angels, and words heard from those heavenly ministrants, but also men of God, armed with the word of simple piety, cast out unclean spirits from the bodies and senses of men, and healed deformities and sicknesses; the wild beasts of earth and sea, the birds of air, iimate things, the elements, the stars, obeyed their divine commands; the powers of hell gave way before them, the dead were restored to life. I say nothing of the miracles peculiar and proper to the Saviour's own person, especially the nativity and the resurrection; in the one of which He wrought only the mystery of a virgin maternity, while in the other He furnished an instance of the resurrection which all shall at last experience. This way purifies the whole man, and prepares the mortal in all his parts for immortality. For, to prevent us from seeking for one purgation for the part which Porphyry calls intellectual, and another for the part he calls spiritual, and another for the body itself, our most mighty and truthful Purifier and Saviour assumed the whole human nature. Except by this way, which has been present among men both during the period of the promises and of the proclamation of their fulfillment, no man has been delivered, no man is delivered, no man shall be delivered. As to Porphyry's statement that the universal way of the soul's deliverance had not yet come to his knowledge by any acquaintance he had with history, I would ask, what more remarkable history can be found than that which has taken possession of the whole world by its authoritative voice? Or what more trustworthy than that which narrates past events, and predicts the future with equal clearness, and in the unfulfilled predictions of which we are constrained to believe by those that are already fulfilled? For neither Porphyry nor any Platonists can despise divination and prediction, even of things that pertain to this life and earthly matters, though they justly despise ordinary soothsaying and the divination that is connected with magical arts. They deny that these are the predictions of great men, or are to be considered important, and they are right; for they are founded, either on the foresight of subsidiary causes, as to a professional eye much of the course of a disease is foreseen by certain pre-monitory symptoms, or the unclean demons predict what they have resolved to do, that they may thus work upon the thoughts and desires of the wicked with an appearance of authority, and incline human frailty to imitate their impure actions. It is not such things that the saints who walk in the universal way care to predict as important, although, for the purpose of commending the faith, they knew and often predicted even such things as could not be detected by human observation, nor be readily verified by experience. But there were other truly important and divine events which they predicted, in so far as it was given them to know the will of God. For the incarnation of Christ, and all those important marvels that were accomplished in Him, and done in His name; the repentance of men and the conversion of their wills to God; the remission of sins, the grace of righteousness, the faith of the pious, and the multitudes in all parts of the world who believe in the true divinity; the overthrow of idolatry and demon worship, and the testing of the faithful by trials; the purification of those who persevered, and their deliverance from all evil; the day of judgment, the resurrection of the dead, the eternal damnation of the community of the ungodly, and the eternal kingdom of the most glorious city of God, ever-blessed in the enjoyment of the vision of God - these things were predicted and promised in the Scriptures of this way; and of these we see so many fulfilled, that we justly and piously trust that the rest will also come to pass. As for those who do not believe, and consequently do not understand, that this is the way which leads straight to the vision of God and to eternal fellowship with Him, according to the true predictions and statements of the Holy Scriptures, they may storm at our position, but they cannot storm it. And therefore, in these ten books, though not meeting, I dare say, the expectation of some, yet I have, as the true God and Lord has vouchsafed to aid me, satisfied the desire of certain persons, by refuting the objections of the ungodly, who prefer their own gods to the Founder of the holy city, about which we undertook to speak. of these ten books, the first five were directed against those who think we should worship the gods for the sake of the blessings of this life, and the second five against those who think we should worship them for the sake of the life which is to be after death. And now, in fulfillment of the promise I made in the first book, I shall go on to say, as God shall aid me, what I think needs to be said regarding the origin, history, and deserved ends of the two cities, which, as already remarked, are in this world commingled and implicated with one another. 12.21. Now that we have solved, as well as we could, this very difficult question about the eternal God creating new things, without any novelty of will, it is easy to see how much better it is that God was pleased to produce the human race from the one individual whom He created, than if He had originated it in several men. For as to the other animals, He created some solitary, and naturally seeking lonely places - as the eagles, kites, lions, wolves, and such like; others gregarious, which herd together, and prefer to live in company - as pigeons, starlings, stags, and little fallow deer, and the like: but neither class did He cause to be propagated from individuals, but called into being several at once. Man, on the other hand, whose nature was to be a mean between the angelic and bestial, He created in such sort, that if he remained in subjection to His Creator as his rightful Lord, and piously kept His commandments, he should pass into the company of the angels, and obtain, without the intervention of death, a blessed and endless immortality; but if he offended the Lord his God by a proud and disobedient use of his free will, he should become subject to death, and live as the beasts do - the slave of appetite, and doomed to eternal punishment after death. And therefore God created only one single man, not, certainly, that he might be a solitary, bereft of all society, but that by this means the unity of society and the bond of concord might be more effectually commended to him, men being bound together not only by similarity of nature, but by family affection. And indeed He did not even create the woman that was to be given him as his wife, as he created the man, but created her out of the man, that the whole human race might derive from one man. 13.19. At present let us go on, as we have begun, to give some explanation regarding the bodies of our first parents. I say then, that, except as the just consequence of sin, they would not have been subjected even to this death, which is good to the good - this death, which is not exclusively known and believed in by a few, but is known to all, by which soul and body are separated, and by which the body of an animal which was but now visibly living is now visibly dead. For though there can be no manner of doubt that the souls of the just and holy dead live in peaceful rest, yet so much better would it be for them to be alive in healthy, well-conditioned bodies, that even those who hold the tenet that it is most blessed to be quit of every kind of body, condemn this opinion in spite of themselves. For no one will dare to set wise men, whether yet to die or already dead - in other words, whether already quit of the body, or shortly to be so - above the immortal gods, to whom the Supreme, in Plato, promises as a munificent gift life indissoluble, or in eternal union with their bodies. But this same Plato thinks that nothing better can happen to men than that they pass through life piously and justly, and, being separated from their bodies, be received into the bosom of the gods, who never abandon theirs; that, oblivious of the past, they may revisit the upper air, and conceive the longing to return again to the body. Virgil is applauded for borrowing this from the Platonic system. Assuredly Plato thinks that the souls of mortals cannot always be in their bodies, but must necessarily be dismissed by death; and, on the other hand, he thinks that without bodies they cannot endure for ever, but with ceaseless alternation pass from life to death, and from death to life. This difference, however, he sets between wise men and the rest, that they are carried after death to the stars, that each man may repose for a while in a star suitable for him, and may thence return to the labors and miseries of mortals when he has become oblivious of his former misery, and possessed with the desire of being embodied. Those, again, who have lived foolishly transmigrate into bodies fit for them, whether human or bestial. Thus he has appointed even the good and wise souls to a very hard lot indeed, since they do not receive such bodies as they might always and even immortally inhabit, but such only as they can neither permanently retain nor enjoy eternal purity without. of this notion of Plato's, we have in a former book already said that Porphyry was ashamed in the light of these Christian times, so that he not only emancipated human souls from a destiny in the bodies of beasts but also contended for the liberation of the souls of the wise from all bodily ties, so that, escaping from all flesh, they might, as bare and blessed souls, dwell with the Father time without end. And that he might not seem to be outbid by Christ's promise of life everlasting to His saints, he also established purified souls in endless felicity, without return to their former woes; but, that he might contradict Christ, he denies the resurrection of incorruptible bodies, and maintains that these souls will live eternally, not only without earthly bodies, but without any bodies at all. And yet, whatever he meant by this teaching, he at least did not teach that these souls should offer no religious observance to the gods who dwelt in bodies. And why did he not, unless because he did not believe that the souls, even though separate from the body, were superior to those gods? Wherefore, if these philosophers will not dare (as I think they will not) to set human souls above the gods who are most blessed, and yet are tied eternally to their bodies, why do they find that absurd which the Christian faith preaches, namely, that our first parents were so created that, if they had not sinned, they would not have been dismissed from their bodies by any death, but would have been endowed with immortality as the reward of their obedience, and would have lived eternally with their bodies; and further, that the saints will in the resurrection inhabit those very bodies in which they have here toiled, but in such sort that neither shall any corruption or unwieldiness be suffered to attach to their flesh, nor any grief or trouble to cloud their felicity? 19.22. But it may be replied, Who is this God, or what proof is there that He alone is worthy to receive sacrifice from the Romans? One must be very blind to be still asking who this God is. He is the God whose prophets predicted the things we see accomplished. He is the God from whom Abraham received the assurance, In your seed shall all nations be blessed. Genesis 22:18 That this was fulfilled in Christ, who according to the flesh sprang from that seed, is recognized, whether they will or no, even by those who have continued to be the enemies of this name. He is the God whose divine Spirit spoke by the men whose predictions I cited in the preceding books, and which are fulfilled in the Church which has extended over all the world. This is the God whom Varro, the most learned of the Romans, supposed to be Jupiter, though he knows not what he says; yet I think it right to note the circumstance that a man of such learning was unable to suppose that this God had no existence or was contemptible, but believed Him to be the same as the supreme God. In fine, He is the God whom Porphyry, the most learned of the philosophers, though the bitterest enemy of the Christians, confesses to be a great God, even according to the oracles of those whom he esteems gods. 22.3. Wherefore, not to mention many other instances besides, as we now see in Christ the fulfillment of that which God promised to Abraham when He said, In your seed shall all nations be blessed, Genesis 22:18 so this also shall be fulfilled which He promised to the same race, when He said by the prophet, They that are in their sepulchres shall rise again, Isaiah 26:19 and also, There shall be a new heaven and a new earth: and the former shall not be mentioned, nor come into mind; but they shall find joy and rejoicing in it: for I will make Jerusalem a rejoicing, and my people a joy. And I will rejoice in Jerusalem, and joy in my people, and the voice of weeping shall be no more heard in her. Isaiah 65:17-19 And by another prophet He uttered the same prediction: At that time your people shall be delivered, every one that shall be found written in the book. And many of them that sleep in the dust (or, as some interpret it, in the mound) of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt. Daniel 12:1-2 And in another place by the same prophet: The saints of the Most High shall take the kingdom, and shall possess the kingdom for ever, even for ever and ever. Daniel 7:18 And a little after he says, His kingdom is an everlasting kingdom. Daniel 7:27 Other prophecies referring to the same subject I have advanced in the twentieth book, and others still which I have not advanced are found written in the same Scriptures; and these predictions shall be fulfilled, as those also have been which unbelieving men supposed would be frustrate. For it is the same God who promised both, and predicted that both would come to pass - the God whom the pagan deities tremble before, as even Porphyry, the noblest of pagan philosophers, testifies. 22.12. But their way is to feign a scrupulous anxiety in investigating this question, and to cast ridicule on our faith in the resurrection of the body, by asking, Whether abortions shall rise? And as the Lord says, Verily I say unto you, not a hair of your head shall perish, Luke 21:18 shall all bodies have an equal stature and strength, or shall there be differences in size? For if there is to be equality, where shall those abortions, supposing that they rise again, get that bulk which they had not here? Or if they shall not rise because they were not born but cast out, they raise the same question about children who have died in childhood, asking us whence they get the stature which we see they had not here; for we will not say that those who have been not only born, but born again, shall not rise again. Then, further, they ask of what size these equal bodies shall be. For if all shall be as tall and large as were the tallest and largest in this world, they ask us how it is that not only children but many full-grown persons shall receive what they here did not possess, if each one is to receive what he had here. And if the saying of the apostle, that we are all to come to the measure of the age of the fullness of Christ, Ephesians 4:13 or that other saying, Whom He predestinated to be conformed to the image of His Son, Romans 8:29 is to be understood to mean that the stature and size of Christ's body shall be the measure of the bodies of all those who shall be in His kingdom, then, say they, the size and height of many must be diminished; and if so much of the bodily frame itself be lost, what becomes of the saying, Not a hair of your head shall perish? Besides, it might be asked regarding the hair itself, whether all that the barber has cut off shall be restored? And if it is to be restored, who would not shrink from such deformity? For as the same restoration will be made of what has been pared off the nails, much will be replaced on the body which a regard for its appearance had cut off. And where, then, will be its beauty, which assuredly ought to be much greater in that immortal condition than it could be in this corruptible state? On the other hand, if such things are not restored to the body, they must perish; how, then, they say, shall not a hair of the head perish? In like manner they reason about fatness and leanness; for if all are to be equal, then certainly there shall not be some fat, others lean. Some, therefore, shall gain, others lose something. Consequently there will not be a simple restoration of what formerly existed, but, on the one hand, an addition of what had no existence, and, on the other, a loss of what did before exist. The difficulties, too, about the corruption and dissolution of dead bodies - that one is turned into dust, while another evaporates into the air; that some are devoured by beasts, some by fire, while some perish by shipwreck or by drowning in one shape or other, so that their bodies decay into liquid, these difficulties give them immoderate alarm, and they believe that all those dissolved elements cannot be gathered again and reconstructed into a body. They also make eager use of all the deformities and blemishes which either accident or birth has produced, and accordingly, with horror and derision, cite monstrous births, and ask if every deformity will be preserved in the resurrection. For if we say that no such thing shall be reproduced in the body of a man, they suppose that they confute us by citing the marks of the wounds which we assert were found in the risen body of the Lord Christ. But of all these, the most difficult question is, into whose body that flesh shall return which has been eaten and assimilated by another man constrained by hunger to use it so; for it has been converted into the flesh of the man who used it as his nutriment, and it filled up those losses of flesh which famine had produced. For the sake, then, of ridiculing the resurrection, they ask, Shall this return to the man whose flesh it first was, or to him whose flesh it afterwards became? And thus, too, they seek to give promise to the human soul of alternations of true misery and false happiness, in accordance with Plato's theory; or, in accordance with Porphyry's, that, after many transmigrations into different bodies, it ends its miseries, and never more returns to them, not, however, by obtaining an immortal body, but by escaping from every kind of body. 22.27. Statements were made by Plato and Porphyry singly, which if they could have seen their way to hold in common, they might possibly have became Christians. Plato said that souls could not exist eternally without bodies; for it was on this account, he said, that the souls even of wise men must some time or other return to their bodies. Porphyry, again, said that the purified soul, when it has returned to the Father, shall never return to the ills of this world. Consequently, if Plato had communicated to Porphyry that which he saw to be true, that souls, though perfectly purified, and belonging to the wise and righteous, must return to human bodies; and if Porphyry, again, had imparted to Plato the truth which he saw, that holy soul, shall never return to the miseries of a corruptible body, so that they should not have each held only his own opinion, but should both have held both truths, I think they would have seen that it follows that the souls return to their bodies, and also that these bodies shall be such as to afford them a blessed and immortal life. For, according to Plato, even holy souls shall return to the body; according to Porphyry, holy souls shall not return to the ills of this world. Let Porphyry then say with Plato, they shall return to the body; let Plato say with Porphyry, they shall not return to their old misery: and they will agree that they return to bodies in which they shall suffer no more. And this is nothing else than what God has promised - that He will give eternal felicity to souls joined to their own bodies. For this, I presume, both of them would readily concede, that if the souls of the saints are to be reunited to bodies, it shall be to their own bodies, in which they have endured the miseries of this life, and in which, to escape these miseries, they served God with piety and fidelity. |
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| 111. Augustine, Retractiones, 2.43.2, 2.45 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 219, 268 |
112. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.14.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •saqqâra (individual structures and complexes), temple of the peak of anchtawy (ḥw.t-ntr thny n ʿnḫ-tꜣ.wy) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 427 | 22.14.7. About this matter it will be in place to give a brief explanation. Among the animals consecrated by ancient religious observance, the better known are Mnevis and Apis. Cf. Diod. Sic. i. 21, 10; Hdt. iii. 27, 28; Strabo, xvii. 1, 31; Pliny, N.H. viii. 184 ff. Mnevis Older than Apis, but later neglected; his shrine was in Heliopolis. is consecrated to the Sun, but about him there is nothing noteworthy to be said; Apis to the moon. Later also to the Sun; Macrob. i. 21, 20. Apis, then, is a bull distinguished by natural marks of various forms, There were twenty-nine in all. and most of all conspicuous for the image of a crescent moon on his right side. When this bull, after its destined span of life, Twenty-five years. is plunged in the sacred fount Its location was a secret known only to the priests. and dies (for it is not lawful for him to prolong his life beyond the time prescribed by the secret authority of the mystic books), there is slain with the same ceremony a cow, which has been found with special marks and presented to him. After his death another Apis is sought amid public mourning; and if it has been possible to find one, complete with all its marks, it is taken to Memphis, famed for the frequent presence of the god Aesculapius. |
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| 113. Augustine, Commentary On Genesis, 4.13.24, 6.9.14-6.9.16, 9.3.6, 9.10.17-9.10.18, 10.1.1-10.1.2, 10.2.3, 10.3.4, 10.4.7, 10.11.19, 10.12.20-10.12.21, 10.14.25, 10.15.26, 10.16.28, 10.18.32-10.18.33, 10.20.36, 10.21.37, 10.23.39, 10.25.41 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 216 |
| 114. Jerome, Letters, 81.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 161 |
| 115. Augustine, Letters, None (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 224 |
116. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.540-2.543, 2.547-2.549, 3.489-3.490, 12.435-12.440 Tagged with subjects: •individuality, versus the collective Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 115, 116, 117, 123, 124, 125, 134, 135 | 2.540. and altars of Minerva; her loose hair 2.541. had lost its fillet; her impassioned eyes 2.542. were lifted in vain prayer,—her eyes alone! 2.543. For chains of steel her frail, soft hands confined. 2.547. while in close mass our troop behind him poured. 2.548. But, at this point, the overwhelming spears 2.549. of our own kinsmen rained resistless down 3.489. the towering semblance; there a scanty stream 3.490. runs on in Xanthus ' name, and my glad arms 12.435. this frantic stir, this quarrel rashly bold? 12.436. Recall your martial rage! The pledge is given 12.437. and all its terms agreed. 'T is only I 12.438. do lawful battle here. So let me forth, 12.439. and tremble not. My own hand shall confirm 12.440. the solemn treaty. For these rites consign |
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| 117. Jerome, Apologia Adversus Libros Rufini, 3.28 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 219 |
| 118. Augustine, Contra Iulianum Opus Imperfectum, 1.3, 1.25, 1.50, 1.63, 1.67, 1.72, 2.7, 2.22, 2.42, 2.177-2.178, 2.228, 3.4, 3.102, 5.12, 5.21, 6.16 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 329 |
| 120. Hebrew Bible, Iob, 14.4-14.5, 25.4 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 122 |
| 121. Augustine, De Diversis Quaestionibus Lxxxiii, 66.5-66.6 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 159, 161 |
| 122. Marius Mercator, Commonitorium, 3.1 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 159 |
| 123. Rufinus Presbyter, Liber De Fide, 17, 36, 51, 20 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 159 |
| 124. Jerome, Contra Joannem Hierosolymitanum, 22 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 219 |
| 125. Ambrosius Mediolanensis, De Excessu Fratris Satyri, 2.6 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 206 |
| 126. Hebrew Bible, Zacharia, 12.1 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 222 |
| 129. Papyri, P.Eleph., 11.1381 Tagged with subjects: •saqqâra (individual structures and complexes), temple of the peak of anchtawy (ḥw.t-ntr thny n ʿnḫ-tꜣ.wy) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 427 |
| 130. Papyri, P.Oxy., 43.3088 Tagged with subjects: •theaters, individual sponsorship Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 108 |
| 131. Papyri, P.Turner, 15 Tagged with subjects: •saqqâra (individual structures and complexes), temple of the peak of anchtawy (ḥw.t-ntr thny n ʿnḫ-tꜣ.wy) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 432 |
| 132. Hebrew Bible, Psalmi, 50.7 Tagged with subjects: •soul, pre-existence / origin of the individual souls Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 122 |
| 133. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 2433, 2119 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 85 |
| 134. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 5221-5222 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 59 |
| 135. Anon., Suda, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 154 |
| 136. Philodemus, On Poems, None Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, theodorus Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 40 |
| 138. Anon., Commentaria In Aristotelem Graeca, None Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, pleisthenes Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 41 |
| 139. Carcinus Junior, Ajax, None Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, pleisthenes Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 41 |
| 140. Aristo of Ceos, On Freeing From Pride, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 298 |
| 141. Pseudo‐Ocellus, In Alcibiadem I, 6.6-7.8 Tagged with subjects: •stoics, see under individual stoics, esp. chrysippus, whose views came to be seen already in antiquity as stoic orthodoxy, so that, conversely, views seen as orthodox tended to be ascribed to him, therapy by opposites Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 298 |
| 142. Demosthenes, Orations, 19.139-19.140, 19.145, 19.166-19.168, 19.264-19.266, 19.273, 60.10-60.11, 60.13, 60.36 Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community •state funeral for the war dead, and individuality Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 60; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 77 |
| 143. Epigraphy, Cig, 3669 Tagged with subjects: •individuals, personal names with the root sos- Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 85 |
| 144. Epigraphy, Syll. , 360, 763 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 85 |
| 145. Epigraphy, Stratonikeia, 1104, 505, 507, 510, 512 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 13 |
| 146. Epigraphy, Sinuri, 8 Tagged with subjects: •individuals, personal names with the root sos- Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 85 |
| 147. Epigraphy, Seg, 9, 13.13-14, 42.747, 48, 2052.9-10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 155 |
| 148. Epigraphy, Igur, 223 + 229 Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, timotheus of zacynthus Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 155 |
| 149. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,3, 1337, 422, 1347 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 13 |
| 150. Epigraphy, Ig Vii, 1888 Tagged with subjects: •state funeral for the war dead, and individuality Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 60 |
| 151. Aristippus of Cyrene, Ssr Iv A, 50 Tagged with subjects: •polis, the, individual duty to Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 398 |
| 152. Epigraphy, Ig, 12.6, 253.11 Tagged with subjects: •actors, individual, timotheus of zacynthus Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 155 |
| 154. Epigraphy, Ig Ii/Iii 3 4, 1360 Tagged with subjects: •individuals, personal names with the root sos- Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 85 |
| 155. Hypereides, Orations, 5.25, 6.10, 6.37-6.38 Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community •state funeral for the war dead, and individuality Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 60; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 77 |
| 156. Stobaeus, Eclogues, None Tagged with subjects: •character, individual, among the wise Found in books: Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 145 |
| 157. Papyri, P.Demmemphis, 9 Tagged with subjects: •saqqâra (individual structures and complexes), temple of the peak of anchtawy (ḥw.t-ntr thny n ʿnḫ-tꜣ.wy) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 397 |
| 158. Papyri, P.Saq., None Tagged with subjects: •saqqâra (individual structures and complexes), temple of the peak of anchtawy (ḥw.t-ntr thny n ʿnḫ-tꜣ.wy) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 432 |
| 159. Aeschines, Or., 3.259 Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 77 |
| 160. Plutarch And Ps.-Plutarch, Per., 9 Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 161. Anon., Scholia On Aristid. (Dindorf, a b c d\n0 3.446) 3.446) 3 446)\n1 3.17) 3.17) 3 17) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 162. Plutarch And Ps.-Plutarch, Sol., 2.1 Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 77 |
| 163. Epigraphy, Ig I, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 59, 60 |
| 164. Nepos, History, 5.4 Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
| 165. Aristotle And Ps.-Aristotle, Ath., 27.2-27.3, 55.5 Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 77, 140 |
| 166. Lysias, Orations, 2.42, 2.52, 2.80 Tagged with subjects: •state funeral for the war dead, and individuality Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 60 |
| 167. Epigraphy, Malay-Petzl, Lydia, 204 Tagged with subjects: •individuals, personal names with the root sos- Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 85 |
| 168. Epigraphy, Malay, Lydia Mysia Aiolis, 137, 118 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 85 |
| 169. Epigraphy, Ig 12.3 Suppl., 1333 Tagged with subjects: •individuals, in the study of greek religion Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 13 |
| 170. Epigraphy, Ig 12.1, 742, 914-915 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 85 |
| 171. Plutarch And Ps.-Plutarch, Cim., 10 Tagged with subjects: •gifts, to individuals as benefactions for the community Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 140 |
