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anti-roman/imperial, rhetoric, Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010), Violence, Scripture, and Textual Practices in Early Judaism and Christianity, 216
imperial Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 40, 41, 49, 50, 52, 53, 57, 61, 63, 68, 70, 76, 95, 99, 227, 252
Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 2, 189, 213, 238, 415, 464, 466, 469, 471, 555, 559, 567, 574
Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124
imperial, about, family Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 162
imperial, accession Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 9, 11, 27, 52, 55, 57, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 129, 135, 136, 137, 142, 143, 167, 180, 193, 203, 209, 211, 214, 218, 220, 226, 229, 239, 241, 247, 250, 251, 258, 259, 264, 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 272, 276, 283, 284, 288, 290, 293, 295, 299, 300, 302, 303, 308, 311, 313, 319
imperial, adjudication Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 4, 7, 120, 128, 130, 138, 141, 143, 151, 156, 167, 178, 183, 184, 200, 207, 218, 224, 238, 244, 268, 274, 285, 286, 288, 290, 295
imperial, administration Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 7, 21, 110, 286, 380, 382, 383, 464, 470, 471, 482
van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 198
imperial, administration and the city Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 124, 127, 333, 336, 362
imperial, administration and the city, cult Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 84, 85, 116, 160
imperial, administration and the city, edicts Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 144, 197, 333, 339, 365, 391
imperial, administration and the city, elite Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 362
imperial, administration and the city, family Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 85
imperial, administration and the city, forces Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 143, 148
imperial, administration and the city, institutions in athens Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 67, 165
imperial, administration and the city, judges Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 285, 300
imperial, administration and the city, officials Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 116, 156, 362
imperial, administration and the city, support for athens Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 126, 338
imperial, administration and the city, support for christians Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 144, 148, 333, 334, 365
imperial, administration and the city, support for philosophical schools Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 78, 123, 124, 129
imperial, administration and the city, tax Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 334
imperial, administration by, samaritans, prohibitions against service in Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 257, 365
imperial, administration in late antiquity, praefectus praetorio, title of a department head in the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 6, 393
imperial, administration, empire Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 17, 151, 253
imperial, administration, militia officialis van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 112
imperial, administration, roman Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 384, 385, 388, 389, 392, 393
imperial, adoption and pliny's panegyric Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 83, 84
imperial, adoption and, family Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 119, 126, 229, 232, 234, 235, 236, 237
imperial, adoption and, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 119, 126, 229, 232, 234, 235, 236, 237
imperial, adoption and, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 119, 229, 232
imperial, adoption dynastic ideology in Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79
imperial, adoption meritocratic vs. dynastic succession Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 73, 74, 79, 81, 82, 138
imperial, adoption of hadrian by trajan Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 73
imperial, adoption of nero by claudius Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 74, 78, 79, 80
imperial, adoption of piso by galba Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 59, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 93, 96
imperial, adoption of tiberius gemellus by caligula Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 59, 81
imperial, adoption of trajan by nerva Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 59, 76, 83, 84
imperial, adoption public attention to Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 70, 79, 80
imperial, adoption publicity methods for Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 51, 70, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 83
imperial, adoption techniques for affiliating adopted sons Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 74, 75, 76, 77
imperial, adoption tensions with natural sons Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 73, 74, 78, 79, 80
imperial, adoption testamentary Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 59
imperial, adoption transmission of power through Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 70, 73, 74, 75
imperial, adoptions, cassius dio, l. cl. [?] cassius dio, on Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 234, 235, 236
imperial, adoptions, pliny the younger, c. plinius caecilius secundus, on Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 234, 235, 236, 237
imperial, adoptions, tacitus, p. [?] cornelius tacitus, on Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 234, 235, 236
imperial, advisers, bishops, as Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 240, 242, 243
imperial, age, roman era Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 177, 178, 179, 180
imperial, agents, caesariani Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 393
imperial, alimenta schemes and, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 186
imperial, anatolia, aḫḫiyawa, ethnic group and language in Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 398
imperial, aramaic language Toloni (2022), The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis, 165, 166
imperial, archiereis, high priests of cult, asia Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 261, 262
imperial, archiereis, high priests of cult, macedonia Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 262, 263, 264
imperial, as exempla, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 54, 86, 87, 94, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 217, 218
imperial, as poets, sophists Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 279
imperial, as symbolic mothers, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 221
imperial, asia minor, land ownership, in Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 461, 462
imperial, asia minor, semites, as ethnic group in the provinces of Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 135
imperial, asianism Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 305
König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 305
imperial, athens, chair Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 68, 78, 364, 365
imperial, augusta, with cult Williamson (2021), Urban Rituals in Sacred Landscapes in Hellenistic Asia Minor, 317
imperial, banquets, convivia Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24
imperial, biographer, suetonius tranquillus, c. Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 3, 4, 5, 7, 17, 18, 222
imperial, biography Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161
imperial, blood succession, connection, importance of Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 232, 237
imperial, building inscriptions Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 528
imperial, bureaucracies of persia and egypt Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 20
imperial, bureaucracy, diocletian, reorganizes Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 35
imperial, campaign at alba longa Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 35
imperial, capitalization on cult, conclusions on Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 200
imperial, capitalization on cult, depicted through honors in jewish inscriptions Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 187, 201, 202, 203, 204, 208, 209
imperial, capitalization on cult, discussion on Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 189, 193, 194, 195, 196
imperial, capitalization on cult, introduction to Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 174, 175
imperial, celebration of succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 176
imperial, census, census of citizens Huebner (2013), The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity and Conflict. 43, 145
imperial, center Hasan Rokem (2003), Tales of the Neighborhood Jewish Narrative Dialogues in Late Antiquity, 133
imperial, changes to, month-names, proposed or short-lived Pasco-Pranger (2006), Founding the Year: Ovid's Fasti and the Poetics of the Roman Calendar 116
imperial, childlessness within family Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 186, 205, 206, 207, 208, 221, 222, 223, 225, 227, 232, 235, 236, 237
imperial, christian dialogues, female characters in dialogues, late Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 354, 355
imperial, church, from apostolic to Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 138, 139, 140, 210
imperial, city van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 34
imperial, civil wars, as a part of discourse Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 17, 18, 21, 23, 31, 34, 36, 38, 39
imperial, coins Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 204
imperial, collection, rome, palatine hill, and the Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 73, 74, 76, 77, 280
imperial, collections, access, to Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 73
imperial, commissioner, macarius Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 156
imperial, commissioner, paul Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 156
imperial, competition for, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 199, 200, 201
imperial, concerns about, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 26, 153
imperial, concubine, antonia caenis Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 573, 595
imperial, conference about, persecutions, of christians, diocletians Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 25
imperial, conference of ad, porphyry, and Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 41
imperial, conference of diocletian Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 41, 70
imperial, conference of hierocles, advises the Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 41
imperial, conspectus Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 26, 78, 80, 81, 345
imperial, constitutiones, disciplina militaris Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 123, 124
imperial, constitutions Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 288, 294, 370
Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 42, 48, 52, 53, 65, 66, 67, 68, 72, 101, 103, 105, 139, 148, 159, 160, 168, 179, 182
imperial, control, late roman empire, centralized Cueva et al. (2018b), Re-Wiring the Ancient Novel. Volume 2: Roman Novels and Other Important Texts, 263
imperial, control, provinces, of roman empire Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 157, 158
imperial, court Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 63
Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 164
Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 89, 117, 121, 185, 247, 248, 313, 316, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 390
van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 113, 116, 117, 200
imperial, court, travel to Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 46
imperial, court, valerius, count, anti-pelagian official at Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276, 403, 404
imperial, cult Albrecht (2014), The Divine Father: Religious and Philosophical Concepts of Divine Parenthood in Antiquity, 265
Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 36, 38, 209, 374, 394, 395, 407
Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 95, 96, 99
Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 229, 295, 313, 325, 340, 781
Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 309
Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 40, 97, 98, 239, 256, 257, 258, 261, 406, 529, 544, 546, 551
Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 227
Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 206, 207, 208, 209, 246, 247, 251, 252
Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 147, 178, 197, 224, 227, 228, 257, 260, 274, 275, 292, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 375
Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 144, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185
Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 137
Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 106, 123
Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 111
Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 20
Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 31
Gunderson (2022), The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White, 133, 162, 180
Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 55, 75, 103, 109, 117, 118, 119, 120, 140, 161, 162, 296, 306
Keith and Edmondson (2016), Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle 280, 282
Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 191, 193
Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 200, 201, 202
Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 101, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159
Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 437
Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 23
Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 173, 174, 175, 180
Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 18, 192, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 202, 209, 214, 215, 222
Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 107, 108
Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 17, 131
Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 62, 66
Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 128, 290
Tabbernee (2007), Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism, 177, 179, 186, 189, 191
Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 38, 53, 164, 166, 178, 180, 181, 182, 186
imperial, cult and, augustus, athenian Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 88, 89
imperial, cult and, calendars Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 51
imperial, cult and, new testament studies, study of Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 2, 3, 217, 218, 222, 223
imperial, cult in asia, temple, of the provincial Hallmannsecker (2022), Roman Ionia: Constructions of Cultural Identity in Western Asia Minor, 53
imperial, cult in athens, christianity and Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 93, 94, 95, 236
imperial, cult in athens, establishment of Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91
imperial, cult in ulpius aelius pompeianus, high priest of the ancyra Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 196, 198, 199
imperial, cult practices, price, simon, and reconstruction of Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 140
imperial, cult, Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 41, 207, 297, 383, 387
Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010), Violence, Scripture, and Textual Practices in Early Judaism and Christianity, 52
imperial, cult, acts of paul and thecla Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 759
imperial, cult, archiereis, high priests of Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 257, 258
imperial, cult, artemision, and Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 70, 71, 75, 76
imperial, cult, as neokoros Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 29, 31, 79, 95, 205
imperial, cult, as plural phenomenon Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 100, 139
imperial, cult, as utopian religion Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 57
imperial, cult, at lugdunum Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 312, 313
imperial, cult, at narbo Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 321
imperial, cult, augustus, octavian Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 178, 179, 181, 183, 190, 193, 195
imperial, cult, bithynia/bithynians Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 314
imperial, cult, co-identification of Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 207, 209
imperial, cult, cult Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 144
Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 109, 141
imperial, cult, cult places Rüpke (2014), The individual in the religions of the ancient Mediterranean. 98, 99, 110, 150, 342, 350, 373
imperial, cult, defined Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 203
imperial, cult, duties of Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 211, 214, 223
imperial, cult, empire, imperial Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 46, 97
imperial, cult, for the fourth time Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 206
imperial, cult, for the second time Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 205
imperial, cult, for the third time Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 205, 206
imperial, cult, functions of Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 203
imperial, cult, gladiatorial combat and the Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 48
imperial, cult, gods Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 84, 85, 87, 92, 94, 113, 336
Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 117, 120
imperial, cult, herodian games, and the Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 24, 25
imperial, cult, high cost of Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 212, 213
imperial, cult, house Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 20, 131, 143, 147, 153
imperial, cult, in asia minor Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 62
imperial, cult, inscriptions Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 36, 37, 38, 39, 113, 114, 115, 117, 121, 123, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 204, 224, 225, 226, 227, 243, 245, 247, 255, 256, 257, 260, 330
imperial, cult, inscriptions, jewish, and capitalization on Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 189, 193, 194, 195, 196
imperial, cult, italics Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 314
imperial, cult, macedonia Ogereau (2023), Early Christianity in Macedonia: From Paul to the Late Sixth Century. 59, 60, 61, 62
imperial, cult, munera within Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 223
imperial, cult, new testament studies, and interaction between christianity and Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 140, 142
imperial, cult, new testament studies, and missing information on Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 139, 140
imperial, cult, nikaia in bithynia, today i̇znik Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 314
imperial, cult, of hadrian Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 378, 397
imperial, cult, of the flavian augusti Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 205
imperial, cult, olympieion/hadrianeion complex Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 284
imperial, cult, paul, apostle, engagement with Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 222
imperial, cult, pergamon Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 313, 314
imperial, cult, pontus et bithynia, pompeian province Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 314
imperial, cult, portrait, priest of Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 44
imperial, cult, priest, ess, /priesthood, of Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 314, 330, 416, 419, 420
imperial, cult, priests/priestesses, of the Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 84, 85, 92, 113, 116
imperial, cult, provincial Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 434, 435
imperial, cult, religion Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 170
imperial, cult, roman Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 117, 120
imperial, cult, roman empire Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 66, 113
imperial, cult, roman empire, and Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 140, 142
imperial, cult, sculpture, of emperors and part of Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 37, 132, 167, 170, 173, 182
imperial, cult, selection of Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 209
imperial, cult, sponsored by asiarchs/archierei Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 212, 213, 223, 229
imperial, cult, status of Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 182, 211, 221
imperial, cult, temple Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 420
imperial, cult, temple guardian, neokoros, rank of a city or koinon as a center of Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 417, 420, 477, 478, 479, 518
imperial, cult, temples of Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 263
imperial, cult, temples of in ephesos Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 205, 206
imperial, cult, theaters, and the Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 160
imperial, cult, trappings of Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 211, 212
imperial, cult, vedian ludus Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 223, 226, 227
imperial, cult, vedii as Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 203, 220, 221
imperial, cult, women as independent Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 217, 218, 219
imperial, cult, women, role of in Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 71, 75, 76
imperial, cults Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 21, 142, 149, 156, 194, 205, 217
imperial, cults, hymn-singer associations Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 193
imperial, cults, responses to revelation, book of Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 200, 231, 236
imperial, culture Geljon and Vos (2014), Violence in Ancient Christianity: Victims and Perpetrators 60, 61
Martin and Whitlark (2018), Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric, 268, 269
imperial, culture, apuleius, and Cueva et al. (2018b), Re-Wiring the Ancient Novel. Volume 2: Roman Novels and Other Important Texts, 207
imperial, damnatio memoriae and, portraits Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 240, 242
imperial, debate about, early Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 110, 111, 113, 115, 118, 119, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130
imperial, depictions, imperial, representation, significance of beard in Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 102, 103, 146
imperial, destinies, astrology, and Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 166, 167, 175, 212
imperial, diadem insignia Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 80, 87, 88
imperial, discourse, discrepancies in the Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 42, 43, 44, 56
imperial, discourse, roman Matthews (2010), Perfect Martyr: The Stoning of Stephen and the Construction of Christian Identity, 120, 184
imperial, distribution of portraits Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 229, 230, 231
imperial, divorce and remarriage, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 108, 109, 133, 134, 205, 206, 207, 211
imperial, domus augusta family Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 38, 53
imperial, domus augusta family, and augustus Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 11, 39, 40, 47, 48, 58
imperial, domus augusta family, and caligula Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 49
imperial, domus augusta family, and claudius Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 58
imperial, domus augusta family, and nero Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 51, 55, 56, 57, 58
imperial, domus augusta family, and people of rome Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 57
imperial, domus augusta family, and tiberius Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 48, 49
imperial, domus augusta family, definition of Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 40
imperial, domus augusta family, women of Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 40, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58
imperial, dress Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 280, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291
imperial, dynastic conflict, family Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 199, 200, 201
imperial, dynastic succession and, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 216, 217, 218, 225, 232
imperial, early death and, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 79
imperial, economy Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 75
imperial, edicts Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 145, 146
imperial, elites, greek, period, in Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 31, 90
imperial, empire Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 43, 47, 50, 125, 133, 145, 179, 188
imperial, ephesus, neokoros, of the cult Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 105, 118, 119, 120, 144, 161, 162, 296
imperial, era Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 46, 60
imperial, era medallion with birth of aphrodite found at galaxidi, roman Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 257
imperial, estates Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 88, 91, 107
imperial, estates and properties Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 679, 680, 681, 684
imperial, estates, saturn, on Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 186
imperial, expansion, christians, on Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 183, 184
imperial, expansionism Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 60, 75, 98, 106, 109, 110, 177
imperial, extraction, pliny, on Neis (2012), When a Human Gives Birth to a Raven: Rabbis and the Reproduction of Species. 102, 229
imperial, family Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 96
Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 269
Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 2, 6, 20, 24, 37, 41, 49, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 64, 65, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 79, 81, 84, 101, 107, 112, 120, 126, 131, 132, 133, 140, 145, 148, 149, 151, 168, 169, 174, 176, 182, 184, 187, 200, 202, 203, 221, 224, 227, 230, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246
Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 30, 52, 54, 199
Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 5, 8, 39, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 56, 62, 67, 76, 97, 115, 116, 118, 124, 126, 127, 128, 131, 135, 139, 140, 149, 164, 173, 181, 182, 194, 209, 211, 213, 219, 236, 257, 268, 278, 281, 288, 292, 296, 302, 304, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 352
imperial, family and, adoption Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 119, 126, 229, 232, 234, 235, 236, 237
imperial, family, birthdays of the members of the Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 65, 66, 69, 70, 202, 203, 217, 219
imperial, family, childlessness, in Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 186, 205, 206, 207, 208, 221, 222, 223, 225, 227, 229, 232, 235, 236, 237
imperial, family, divi and divae, deified emperors and members of Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 4, 18, 23, 45, 49, 98, 99, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 192, 195, 196, 198, 290, 338, 352, 353, 355, 357, 435
imperial, family, roman Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356
imperial, family, sacrifice, for health of emperor and Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 115, 301, 341
imperial, family, women, of Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 188, 189, 190
imperial, festival, annual/multiannual Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 132, 142, 145, 153
imperial, festivals Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 75, 107, 202, 238, 241
Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 109
imperial, fiction, wonder-culture, in Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 277
imperial, finances Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 282, 293
imperial, flamen in cult Keith and Edmondson (2016), Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle 280, 282, 299
imperial, fora, rome Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 226, 227, 228
imperial, forums Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 88, 89, 93, 94, 95, 96, 115, 118
imperial, freedman, aurelius prosenes, m. Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 562
imperial, freedman, military decorations Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 618
imperial, freedman, ulpius aelianus Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 690
imperial, freedmen Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 281, 284, 293, 690
imperial, freedmen, κράτιστος, rank title of equestrians, also of senators and Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 202
imperial, freedmen/women Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 16, 113, 202, 280, 281, 282, 284, 482, 615, 617, 618, 642, 673, 682, 690
imperial, freedpersons Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 89, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 311, 313, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 351, 390, 409
imperial, funeral Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 26, 29, 33, 36, 37, 41, 42, 157
imperial, future Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 150
imperial, gentilicia Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 182
imperial, gesture, clementia Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 77, 107, 179
imperial, greece Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 40, 41, 49, 50, 52, 53, 57
imperial, greek culture Greensmith (2021), The Resurrection of Homer in Imperial Greek Epic: Quintus Smyrnaeus' Posthomerica and the Poetics of Impersonation, 32, 33
imperial, greek epic, temporality, and Greensmith (2021), The Resurrection of Homer in Imperial Greek Epic: Quintus Smyrnaeus' Posthomerica and the Poetics of Impersonation, 284, 285, 288, 289, 291
imperial, greek literature Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 241, 296
imperial, greek literature, identity., in Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 32
imperial, greek literature, rome, complex role in Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 143, 253, 282, 283
imperial, greek, culture Greensmith (2021), The Resurrection of Homer in Imperial Greek Epic: Quintus Smyrnaeus' Posthomerica and the Poetics of Impersonation, 32, 33
imperial, greek, literature, greek literature Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 172, 184, 229, 280
imperial, head, family ideology relationship to Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 65
imperial, heracles/hercules Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 657, 658, 659
imperial, honorific titles and, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 197
imperial, honorific titles for, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 197, 199
imperial, horse guard Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 21, 46, 57, 127, 221, 230
imperial, household controlled by, pulcheria Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 225, 226, 232
imperial, household, elites, and women of Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 30
imperial, identities Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 2, 3, 418, 428, 433
imperial, ideology Cadwallader (2016), Stones, Bones and the Sacred: Essays on Material Culture and Religion in Honor of Dennis E, 205, 206, 209, 211, 216, 217, 331, 333
Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 7, 89, 159, 161, 166, 286, 346
Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 44, 344, 345
Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 47, 54, 59, 162
imperial, ideology and providentia Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 75, 82
imperial, ideology and, charisma Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 30, 31, 45
imperial, ideology christian Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 88
imperial, ideology dynastic grammar of Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79
imperial, ideology eagle as symbol of Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 116, 117, 119, 120
imperial, ideology publicity for Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 70, 93
imperial, ideology reading christian writings through lens of Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 28, 90, 93
imperial, ideology role of divine election in Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 70, 73
imperial, ideology, athenian Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 94, 100, 108
imperial, ideology, dove in roman Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 117, 118, 122
imperial, ideology, dynastic grammar in Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79
imperial, ideology, law Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 39
imperial, ideology, male heirs Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 39
imperial, ideology, marriage Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 39, 45
imperial, ideology, mother Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 39, 43, 68
imperial, ideology, nurse Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 43
imperial, ideology, paterfamilias Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 39, 168
imperial, ideology, roman Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 128
Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 204
deSilva (2022), Ephesians, 51, 52, 79, 80, 81, 82, 178, 179, 212, 213, 329, 330
imperial, ideology, rome Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 44, 344, 345, 352
imperial, ideology, slavery Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 43
imperial, ideology, souls Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 169
imperial, ideology, testamentary adoption and Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 59
imperial, illegitimate sons and, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 237
imperial, images Steiner (2001), Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought, 300
imperial, imperialism, Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 122
imperial, importance of maternal line, family Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 216, 217, 218, 225, 232
imperial, in domestic setting, cult Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 21
imperial, in temples, cult Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 23, 75, 76
imperial, in triumphs, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 97
imperial, infelix fecunditas of women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 78, 79, 201, 202, 211, 212
imperial, integration Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 73, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 158, 159
imperial, ism Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 55, 68, 78, 85, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 176, 186, 208, 218, 223, 224, 225, 228, 230
imperial, julio-claudian, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212
imperial, largesse Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 183, 186
imperial, largesse, pliny the younger, c. plinius caecilius secundus, on Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 158, 159
imperial, latin hyperborea Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 332, 394
imperial, law, roman period, astynomoi law in pergamon Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 436
imperial, law, roman period, christians Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 537
imperial, law, roman period, customs Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 389
imperial, law, roman period, jewish Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 530
imperial, law, roman period, lycian league Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 418
imperial, law, roman period, of a province Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 362
imperial, law, roman period, on castration Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 468
imperial, law, roman period, on council membership Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 433
imperial, law, roman period, on status of agones Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 503
imperial, law, roman period, religious Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 509
imperial, laws against, donatists, use of Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 267
imperial, laws, egypt, application of Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 118, 119, 322
imperial, legate, gaudentius Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 62, 63
imperial, legate, jovius Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 62, 63
imperial, legislation van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 34, 45, 131
imperial, legislation and judaism, roman empire Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 136, 137, 138, 139, 151, 152
imperial, legitimacy and, portraits Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250
imperial, library Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301
imperial, literary culture, true stories, isle of the blessed Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247
imperial, literature Kneebone (2020), Orthodoxy and the Courts in Late Antiquity, 73, 88, 132, 133, 184, 192, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 319, 320, 325, 326, 327, 332, 386, 403, 404, 407, 408, 409, 410
imperial, literature, greek Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach (2021), Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond, 40, 65, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 149, 188, 189, 207, 208, 274, 334
imperial, ludi, didius marinus, l., procurator of Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 229
imperial, maecenas, organization, advice on Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 69, 70
imperial, men, women, imperial, and indirect praise of Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 197
imperial, mint at antioch Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 68
imperial, monopoly, religious knowledge Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 83
imperial, monopoly, triumph, as an Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 188, 190, 211, 213, 214, 220, 229
imperial, mysteries, mysteria/mystery cults Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 18, 192, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 202
imperial, mysteries, senses, in Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 195, 196, 199, 200, 202
imperial, narratives, cultural, politics of greek Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 17, 19, 20, 255, 256, 257, 259, 261, 262, 294, 307, 308
imperial, oath, paphlagonia/paphlagonians Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 314
imperial, of libanius, aradius rufinus ficial, visit to aegae asklepieion Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 700, 701
imperial, office Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 30, 44, 45, 369, 410, 411, 412
imperial, official, amantius Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 255
imperial, official, marianus Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 189
imperial, official, narses Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 267
imperial, official, zacharias Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 31
imperial, officials, empire Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 29, 145
imperial, omen, comets, good/bad Williams (2012), The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions', 259, 260
imperial, on coinage, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 221, 225, 228, 229, 237
imperial, on coinage, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 186, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 227, 228, 229
imperial, or royal cult, religion passim Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 222, 239, 272
imperial, orientation, architect Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 24
imperial, oversight of construction Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 291, 292, 294
imperial, oversight of statuary Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 292, 293, 294
imperial, palace Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 107, 360, 363, 365, 372
Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 291
imperial, patron Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 123, 124, 134, 191, 192, 195, 206, 211, 225, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 252
imperial, patronage Ruffini (2018), Life in an Egyptian Village in Late Antiquity: Aphrodito Before and After the Islamic Conquest, 35, 47, 175
Verhelst and Scheijnens (2022), Greek and Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity: Form, Tradition, and Context, 123
imperial, patronage, provinces Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 199, 212
imperial, period MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 25, 26, 41, 47, 61, 91, 102, 104, 135
imperial, period of rome and romans Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 83, 145, 146, 159, 163, 169, 205
imperial, period, agriculture, roman Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 468
imperial, period, architecture, roman Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 437, 438, 442
imperial, period, coins, monetary economy in the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 412, 413, 414
imperial, period, crafts/craftsmen/craftwork Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 406, 407, 408
imperial, period, feriae, in the Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 20, 48, 126, 129, 142
imperial, period, gem-cutting, in the provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 407
imperial, period, glassblowing, in the provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 407
imperial, period, hellenization, in the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 452, 471, 474
imperial, period, hunting Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 402, 450
imperial, period, inscriptions Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 432, 438
imperial, period, literature, in provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 481, 482, 483, 484, 485, 486, 487
imperial, period, lycia/lycians, society in Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 471, 472, 473, 474, 475, 476, 477, 478, 479
imperial, period, markets, in the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 410
imperial, period, metals/metallurgy/metalworking, in the provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 307
imperial, period, military, roman Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 381, 382, 384, 385
imperial, period, poetry, in the provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 481, 482, 483
imperial, period, polis Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 414, 415, 416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421, 422, 425, 426, 427, 429, 430, 431, 432, 433, 435, 436, 437, 438, 442, 449, 450, 452
imperial, period, pottery, in provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 407
imperial, period, priest, ess, /priesthood, in the polis of Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 427, 429
imperial, period, rhetoric, in the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 490, 491, 492
imperial, period, robbers, in the provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 430, 431
imperial, period, roman Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 168, 211, 212, 214, 220, 316, 320, 329, 335, 412, 419, 434
imperial, period, rome/romans, provincialization and parthian wars in the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 326, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 336, 338, 339, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356
imperial, period, settlement, multiplication in the rural chora during the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 405
imperial, period, slavery/slaves Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 467, 468
imperial, period, statuary/sculpture Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 407
imperial, period, temple slavery/servants, hierodulia/hieroduloi, in the provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 435, 464, 516, 517
imperial, period, textiles, in provinces of the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 407, 410
imperial, period, tomb, roman Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 457, 459, 460, 461
imperial, period, trade Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 408, 409, 410
imperial, period, women, roman Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 463, 464, 465
imperial, period, xanthos/xanthians, roman Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 420, 433
imperial, period, “military law, roman anarchy, ” Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 355, 393
imperial, permission, germanicus caesar, enters egypt without Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 30, 36, 37, 193, 195, 205, 211, 216, 244
imperial, persian authorities, and fiscal reforms of nehemiah Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 25, 66, 108, 109, 110, 114, 115, 116, 227
imperial, persian authorities, and religious benefaction Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 99, 115
imperial, persian authorities, and temple administration Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 22, 23, 95, 96, 98, 109, 110, 111, 114, 115, 116, 129
imperial, persian taxation Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 20
imperial, philosophy, hellenistic and Meister (2019), Greek Praise Poetry and the Rhetoric of Divinity, 7, 8, 9, 14
imperial, piety Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49, 50, 59, 63, 73, 74, 75
imperial, pignora pacis, family Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 208, 209, 210, 211
imperial, pignora pacis, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 208, 209, 210, 211
imperial, poetry Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 12
imperial, policies of augustus Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 219, 223, 225, 236
imperial, politics Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 2, 88, 101, 118, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 282, 283, 284, 307, 316, 331
imperial, politics, empire Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 17, 183, 250
imperial, portraits, precedents, force of Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 35, 36, 378, 379
imperial, portraits, procopius, revolt of Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 63
imperial, power and, new testament studies, roman Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 139, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148
imperial, power at court, women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 210, 211
imperial, power by, tiberius, refusal of Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 172
imperial, power of women at court Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 210, 211
imperial, power, gregory of nazianzus, competing with Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 236, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279
imperial, power, martyrdom, martyr, roman empire Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 6, 8, 43, 46, 94, 97, 125, 130, 131, 132, 133, 145, 179, 185, 186, 187, 188
imperial, power, palatine hill, seat of Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 94, 103, 104, 106, 140, 141, 173, 177, 178, 181, 190, 295
imperial, power, portraits, roman, legitimacy of Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 64, 65
imperial, power, power structures Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 119, 194, 198, 209, 212, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 397
imperial, power, roman Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 97, 122, 237, 238, 239
imperial, power, roman empire Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 97, 122, 237, 238, 239
imperial, powers Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 18
imperial, powers, roman Rüpke and Woolf (2013), Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE. 60, 61, 70, 235
imperial, prerogative, coinage, as Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 246
imperial, procurator of julia, capito, c. herennius, tiberius, and gaius Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 240
imperial, propaganda Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 24, 27, 45, 71, 76, 88, 92, 104, 105, 136, 146, 149, 156, 160, 202, 226, 227, 230, 231, 234, 235, 242, 247, 271, 273
imperial, prose, muses Castagnoli and Ceccarelli (2019), Greek Memories: Theories and Practices, 17, 297, 298
imperial, province, pontus et bithynia, pompeian province, transformation to Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 350
imperial, provinces, priest, ess, /priesthood, archpriest, ess, in Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 419, 420
imperial, provinces, senators, governors of Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 316, 317, 361, 364, 365
imperial, provinces, statues, in Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 253
imperial, public displays of succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 97, 196
imperial, public imagery of court Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 196, 197
imperial, public imagery of family Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 196, 197, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 221
imperial, public imagery of women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 196, 197
imperial, rank, “caesar, ” Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 190
imperial, recognition, church, and Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 206, 207, 208, 209
imperial, recognition, parmenianum, optatus, on Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 206, 207, 208, 209
imperial, relation to concrete cases, constitutions Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 87, 88
imperial, relations with, senate of rome Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 32, 33, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160
imperial, religion Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 107
imperial, religious policy, empire Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 18, 143
imperial, remarriage of women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 200, 201
imperial, representation, in local authorities Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 146
imperial, representation, in roman senate Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 34, 36, 63, 65, 66, 67, 69
imperial, representation, of apollonius Cueva et al. (2018b), Re-Wiring the Ancient Novel. Volume 2: Roman Novels and Other Important Texts, 271
imperial, representation, originating in emperors’ entourage Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36
imperial, representation, pagan or christian elites Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36, 69, 70
imperial, representation, stylistic choices Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 146
imperial, rescript, bishops, reinstatement by Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 262
imperial, rescripts Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 193, 195, 288, 294, 369, 384, 385, 663
imperial, rescripts, iurisconsultus, drafting pleas for Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 78
imperial, road system, roads, roman Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 372, 378, 379, 380, 381
imperial, roman Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 170, 182
imperial, roman period Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 116, 120, 175, 210, 215, 216, 225, 263, 385
imperial, rome Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 64, 68
imperial, rome period, martyrdom, in Nikolsky and Ilan (2014), Rabbinic Traditions Between Palestine and Babylonia, 314
imperial, rome, chair Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 68
imperial, rule Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 91, 92
imperial, rule, and integration Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 419
imperial, rule, beneficial Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 184, 185
imperial, rule, corrupting the ruled Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 242
imperial, rule, corrupting the rulers Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 306, 307, 311, 312
imperial, rule, its debilitating effect Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 190, 191, 192, 242
imperial, rule, its decline Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 309, 431, 432
imperial, rule, its stabilizing role Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 204, 244
imperial, rule, judas maccabee, and Honigman (2014), Tales of High Priests and Taxes : The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV 135, 136, 150
imperial, rule, moral decline and Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 313
imperial, rule, tacitus, on Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 145
imperial, rule, tacitus, on the britons, on the debilitating effects of peace, wealth, and Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 190, 191, 192
imperial, rule, tetrarchy Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 5, 393
imperial, sanctity of portraits Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239
imperial, sceptre insignia Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 88
imperial, security forces, roman empire Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 746, 770, 779, 782
imperial, service, jews, forbidden from entering Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 103, 104
imperial, slave, musicus scurranus Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 617
imperial, slave, peter, : de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 84
imperial, slaves Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 280, 281, 284, 422, 482, 503, 617, 618, 673
Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 89, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 277, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 351, 409
imperial, slaves, teaching by Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 336, 337
imperial, sociology Matthews (2010), Perfect Martyr: The Stoning of Stephen and the Construction of Christian Identity, 75, 76, 77, 86, 169
imperial, sophists Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268
imperial, space mapped/controlled, rome Williams (2012), The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions', 53
imperial, sponsorship, theaters Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 98, 99, 108
imperial, standards and, portraits Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 260, 262
imperial, state, jamneia, as Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 240
imperial, statues Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 35, 39, 43, 44, 46, 47, 50
imperial, structure, judea, jewish palestine, incorporation of into roman Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 122, 124, 125, 126
imperial, style, sophists Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 283, 284, 286, 291, 292, 305, 307
König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 283, 284, 286, 291, 292, 305, 307
imperial, success, augustan marriage legislation, and Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 142, 143
imperial, succession Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 7, 11, 64, 67, 69, 70, 79, 87, 93, 102, 113, 123, 125, 130, 138, 250, 259, 277, 307, 319, 320
Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 233, 234, 235, 236
Tacoma (2020), Cicero and Roman Education: The Reception of the Speeches and Ancient Scholarship, 33, 36, 141, 146, 147, 148
imperial, succession, remarriage, threat to Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 200, 201
imperial, support, bishops, seeking Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 222, 223, 224
imperial, supporters of dionysus Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 76
imperial, tax system, diocletian, and Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 35
imperial, tetrarchic experiment, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 176, 232
imperial, texts, continuity between late hellenistic and Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 23, 263, 316
König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 23, 263, 316
imperial, texts, dialogue, between late hellenistic and Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 73, 94, 117, 263
König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 73, 94, 117, 263
imperial, theology of diocletian Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 33, 68
imperial, thought, legislation, rabbinic, versus christian/roman Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 89, 92
imperial, threatened by remarriage, succession Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 200, 201
imperial, throne, macrianus, pretender to the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 358
imperial, throne, quietus, pretender to the Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 358
imperial, trier, baths, mosaics Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 96
imperial, tyranny of justinian, emperor, imperial, majesty versus Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 609, 610
imperial, tyranny of law and legal knowledge in justinianic era, imperial, majesty versus Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 609, 610
imperial, uses of bodily imagery Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 2, 119
imperial, uses of portraits Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 250, 251, 252, 253, 263, 264, 369, 370
imperial, versus republican, rome Ker (2023), Quotidian Time and Forms of Life in Ancient Rome. 344, 345
imperial, villa Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 4, 5, 283, 287, 291, 295
imperial, virtues and basilikos virtues logos Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 80, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214
imperial, visits to asklepieia, asklepieia Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 120
imperial, vs. local definitions of domus augusta, imperial, family Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 47, 58
imperial, widowhood of women Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 201
imperial, women and maternal succession, line, importance of Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 216, 217, 218, 225, 232
imperial, women on, coinage Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 186, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 227, 228, 229
imperial, women, widowhood, of Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 201
imperial, wonder-culture, in fiction, apuleius Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 276
imperial, wonder-culture, in fiction, mesomedes Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 276, 277
imperial, wonder-culture, in fiction, petronius Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 277
imperial, workshop, conversion, by women weavers in an Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 110, 111, 152, 153, 154
imperial, élite, statius, and roman Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232
Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232
imperial/imperialism Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 160, 223, 332, 338, 351, 354
imperial/military, ideology, eagle in roman Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 116, 117, 119, 120
imperialism Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 278, 317, 320, 321, 334, 335, 339, 340
Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 141, 142, 143, 144, 157
Lightfoot (2021), Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World, 120, 158, 159, 161, 163, 167, 171
Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 125
Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 16, 19, 20, 34, 48, 80, 81, 104, 106, 109, 126, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 146, 162, 209, 210, 216, 218, 219, 234, 238, 239, 240, 241, 255, 259, 260, 267
Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 15, 182, 276, 286
Seaford, Wilkins, Wright (2017), Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill. 109, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 122, 123
Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 223, 336, 373, 387
Tupamahu (2022), Contesting Languages: Heteroglossia and the Politics of Language in the Early Church, 10, 145
Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 142, 153
Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 118, 128, 129, 130, 141, 142
imperialism, and living roman law, ideal Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 48, 49, 50, 51
imperialism, athenian Liddel (2020), Decrees of Fourth-Century Athens (403/2-322/1 BC): Volume 2, Political and Cultural Perspectives, 196, 202, 213
Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 20, 21, 24, 42, 91, 92, 269, 284
imperialism, athenian attitudes to Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64
imperialism, athenian empire Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64, 65, 71
imperialism, athens/athenians, athenian Bosak-Schroeder (2020), Other Natures: Environmental Encounters with Ancient Greek Ethnography, 116
imperialism, de architectura, and Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 3, 10, 60, 61, 108, 126, 143, 160, 161, 179, 180, 188, 189
imperialism, dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 50, 51
imperialism, gladiatorial combat and roman Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 81
imperialism, in herodotus Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 79, 84, 85, 91, 92, 93, 108, 112, 115, 124, 129
imperialism, in siluae Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212
Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212
imperialism, living law ideal, and roman Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 48, 49, 50, 51
imperialism, of the amazons Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 155, 156, 159, 160, 166
imperialism, of the persians Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 159, 160
imperialism, roman Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 1, 49, 50
imperialism, roman civilization Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 41, 55
imperialism, roman empire, and roman Bar Asher Siegal (2018), Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud, 11
imperialism, roman entertainment, and roman Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 72, 73, 98, 99, 184, 223, 229
imperialism, roman, x Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010), Violence, Scripture, and Textual Practices in Early Judaism and Christianity, 45, 46, 47, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 86, 125, 142, 149, 166, 214, 215, 216, 231, 233
imperialism, seneca, on living law ideal in roman Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 51
imperialism, zoological Neis (2012), When a Human Gives Birth to a Raven: Rabbis and the Reproduction of Species. 102
imperialism, zoological, vs. provincialism Neis (2012), When a Human Gives Birth to a Raven: Rabbis and the Reproduction of Species. 102, 108
imperially, sponsored arius and arians, tolerance, adjustment to Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 247
imperious, biblical women Gera (2014), Judith, 272, 275, 411
public/imperial, service van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 33, 47, 111, 112
royal/imperial, courts Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 108, 114, 115, 116, 185

List of validated texts:
152 validated results for "imperialism"
1. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 1.13, 1.16-1.18, 2.9, 4.8, 4.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • biblical women, imperious • courts, royal/imperial • imperial(ism) • language and style, Book of Judith, imperatives

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 272, 380; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 110, 112, 114, 116, 117

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1.13 וַיֹּאמֶר הַמֶּלֶךְ לַחֲכָמִים יֹדְעֵי הָעִתִּים כִּי־כֵן דְּבַר הַמֶּלֶךְ לִפְנֵי כָּל־יֹדְעֵי דָּת וָדִין׃
1.16
וַיֹּאמֶר מומכן מְמוּכָן לִפְנֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ וְהַשָּׂרִים לֹא עַל־הַמֶּלֶךְ לְבַדּוֹ עָוְתָה וַשְׁתִּי הַמַּלְכָּה כִּי עַל־כָּל־הַשָּׂרִים וְעַל־כָּל־הָעַמִּים אֲשֶׁר בְּכָל־מְדִינוֹת הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ׃ 1.17 כִּי־יֵצֵא דְבַר־הַמַּלְכָּה עַל־כָּל־הַנָּשִׁים לְהַבְזוֹת בַּעְלֵיהֶן בְּעֵינֵיהֶן בְּאָמְרָם הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ אָמַר לְהָבִיא אֶת־וַשְׁתִּי הַמַּלְכָּה לְפָנָיו וְלֹא־בָאָה׃ 1.18 וְהַיּוֹם הַזֶּה תֹּאמַרְנָה שָׂרוֹת פָּרַס־וּמָדַי אֲשֶׁר שָׁמְעוּ אֶת־דְּבַר הַמַּלְכָּה לְכֹל שָׂרֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ וּכְדַי בִּזָּיוֹן וָקָצֶף׃
2.9
וַתִּיטַב הַנַּעֲרָה בְעֵינָיו וַתִּשָּׂא חֶסֶד לְפָנָיו וַיְבַהֵל אֶת־תַּמְרוּקֶיהָ וְאֶת־מָנוֹתֶהָ לָתֵת לָהּ וְאֵת שֶׁבַע הַנְּעָרוֹת הָרְאֻיוֹת לָתֶת־לָהּ מִבֵּית הַמֶּלֶךְ וַיְשַׁנֶּהָ וְאֶת־נַעֲרוֹתֶיהָ לְטוֹב בֵּית הַנָּשִׁים׃
4.8
וְאֶת־פַּתְשֶׁגֶן כְּתָב־הַדָּת אֲשֶׁר־נִתַּן בְּשׁוּשָׁן לְהַשְׁמִידָם נָתַן לוֹ לְהַרְאוֹת אֶת־אֶסְתֵּר וּלְהַגִּיד לָהּ וּלְצַוּוֹת עָלֶיהָ לָבוֹא אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ לְהִתְחַנֶּן־לוֹ וּלְבַקֵּשׁ מִלְּפָנָיו עַל־עַמָּהּ׃
4.11
כָּל־עַבְדֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ וְעַם־מְדִינוֹת הַמֶּלֶךְ יוֹדְעִים אֲשֶׁר כָּל־אִישׁ וְאִשָּׁה אֲשֶׁר יָבוֹא־אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶל־הֶחָצֵר הַפְּנִימִית אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יִקָּרֵא אַחַת דָּתוֹ לְהָמִית לְבַד מֵאֲשֶׁר יוֹשִׁיט־לוֹ הַמֶּלֶךְ אֶת־שַׁרְבִיט הַזָּהָב וְחָיָה וַאֲנִי לֹא נִקְרֵאתי לָבוֹא אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ זֶה שְׁלוֹשִׁים יוֹם׃'' None
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1.13 Then the king said to the wise men, who knew the times—for so was the king’s manner toward all that knew law and judgment;
1.16
And Memucan answered before the king and the princes: ‘Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the peoples, that are in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus. 1.17 For this deed of the queen will come abroad unto all women, to make their husbands contemptible in their eyes, when it will be said: The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not. 1.18 And this day will the princesses of Persia and Media who have heard of the deed of the queen say the like unto all the king’s princes. So will there arise enough contempt and wrath.
2.9
And the maiden pleased him, and she obtained kindness of him; and he speedily gave her her ointments, with her portions, and the seven maidens, who were meet to be given her out of the king’s house; and he advanced her and her maidens to the best place in the house of the women.
4.8
Also he gave him the copy of the writing of the decree that was given out in Shushan to destroy them, to show it unto Esther, and to declare it unto her; and to charge her that she should go in unto the king, to make supplication unto him, and to make request before him, for her people.
4.11
’All the king’s servants, and the people of the king’s provinces, do know, that whosoever, whether man or woman, shall come unto the king into the inner court, who is not called, there is one law for him, that he be put to death, except such to whom the king shall hold out the golden sceptre, that he may live; but I have not been called to come in unto the king these thirty days.’'' None
2. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 15.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • imperial cults • language and style, Book of Judith, imperatives

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 89, 314; Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 194

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15.11 מִי־כָמֹכָה בָּאֵלִם יְהוָה מִי כָּמֹכָה נֶאְדָּר בַּקֹּדֶשׁ נוֹרָא תְהִלֹּת עֹשֵׂה פֶלֶא׃'' None
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15.11 Who is like unto Thee, O LORD, among the mighty? Who is like unto Thee, glorious in holiness, Fearful in praises, doing wonders?'' None
3. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 14.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • imperial culture • language and style, Book of Judith, imperatives

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 412; Martin and Whitlark (2018), Inventing Hebrews: Design and Purpose in Ancient Rhetoric, 269

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14.4 וַיַּשְׁכִּמוּ בַבֹּקֶר וַיַּעֲלוּ אֶל־רֹאשׁ־הָהָר לֵאמֹר הִנֶּנּוּ וְעָלִינוּ אֶל־הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר־אָמַר יְהוָה כִּי חָטָאנוּ׃14.4 וַיֹּאמְרוּ אִישׁ אֶל־אָחִיו נִתְּנָה רֹאשׁ וְנָשׁוּבָה מִצְרָיְמָה׃ ' None
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14.4 And they said one to another: ‘Let us make a captain, and let us return into Egypt.’'' None
4. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 25.9 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • New Testament studies, Roman imperial power and • Persian imperial authorities, and temple administration • responses to imperial cults, Revelation, book of

 Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 145; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 22

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25.9 הִנְנִי שֹׁלֵחַ וְלָקַחְתִּי אֶת־כָּל־מִשְׁפְּחוֹת צָפוֹן נְאֻם־יְהוָה וְאֶל־נְבוּכַדְרֶאצַּר מֶלֶךְ־בָּבֶל עַבְדִּי וַהֲבִאֹתִים עַל־הָאָרֶץ הַזֹּאת וְעַל־יֹשְׁבֶיהָ וְעַל כָּל־הַגּוֹיִם הָאֵלֶּה סָבִיב וְהַחֲרַמְתִּים וְשַׂמְתִּים לְשַׁמָּה וְלִשְׁרֵקָה וּלְחָרְבוֹת עוֹלָם׃'' None
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25.9 behold, I will send and take all the families of the north, saith the LORD, and I will send unto Nebuchadrezzar the king of Babylon, My servant, and will bring them against this land, and against the inhabitants thereof, and against all these nations round about; and I will utterly destroy them, and make them an astonishment, and a hissing, and perpetual desolations.'' None
5. Hesiod, Works And Days, 650-651 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • dialogue, between late Hellenistic and imperial texts

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 73; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 73

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650 οὐ γάρ πώ ποτε νηί γʼ ἐπέπλων εὐρέα πόντον,'651 εἰ μὴ ἐς Εὔβοιαν ἐξ Αὐλίδος, ᾗ ποτʼ Ἀχαιοὶ ' None
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650 of your sharp-toothed dog; do not scant his meat'651 In case The One Who Sleeps by Day should dare ' None
6. Homer, Iliad, 2.836, 2.841 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • grammarians, Hellenistic-Imperial • imperialism • literature, in provinces of the Imperial period

 Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 484; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 387

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2.836 καὶ Σηστὸν καὶ Ἄβυδον ἔχον καὶ δῖαν Ἀρίσβην,
2.841
τῶν οἳ Λάρισαν ἐριβώλακα ναιετάασκον·'' None
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2.836 And they that dwelt about Percote and Practius, and that held Sestus and Abydus and goodly Arisbe, these again were led by Hyrtacus' son Asius, a leader of men—Asius, son of Hyrtacus, whom his horses tawny and tall had borne from Arisbe, from the river Selleïs. " 2.841 And Hippothous led the tribes of the Pelasgi, that rage with the spear, even them that dwelt in deep-soiled Larisa; these were led by Hippothous and Pylaeus, scion of Ares, sons twain of Pelasgian Lethus, son of Teutamus.But the Thracians Acamas led and Peirous, the warrior, '" None
7. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rome and Romans, imperial period of • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • cult, imperial • empire, imperial administration • empire, imperial politics • imperial • sophists, imperial

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 232; Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 243, 325; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 119; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 163; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 17; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 232

8. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 222, 223; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 222, 223

9. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 218, 222, 223; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 218, 222, 223

10. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 223; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 223

11. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 218; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 218

12. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 399-563, 980-1113 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Siluae, imperialism in

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 208, 209; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 208, 209

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399 τίς γῆς τύραννος; πρὸς τίν' ἀγγεῖλαί με χρὴ" '400 λόγους Κρέοντος, ὃς κρατεῖ Κάδμου χθονὸς' "401 ̓Ετεοκλέους θανόντος ἀμφ' ἑπταστόμους" '402 πύλας ἀδελφῇ χειρὶ Πολυνείκους ὕπο; 403 πρῶτον μὲν ἤρξω τοῦ λόγου ψευδῶς, ξένε,' "404 ζητῶν τύραννον ἐνθάδ': οὐ γὰρ ἄρχεται" "405 ἑνὸς πρὸς ἀνδρός, ἀλλ' ἐλευθέρα πόλις." "406 δῆμος δ' ἀνάσσει διαδοχαῖσιν ἐν μέρει" '407 ἐνιαυσίαισιν, οὐχὶ τῷ πλούτῳ διδοὺς 408 τὸ πλεῖστον, ἀλλὰ χὡ πένης ἔχων ἴσον.' "409 ἓν μὲν τόδ' ἡμῖν ὥσπερ ἐν πεσσοῖς δίδως" "410 κρεῖσσον: πόλις γὰρ ἧς ἐγὼ πάρειμ' ἄπο" '411 ἑνὸς πρὸς ἀνδρός, οὐκ ὄχλῳ κρατύνεται:' "412 οὐδ' ἔστιν αὐτὴν ὅστις ἐκχαυνῶν λόγοις" "413 πρὸς κέρδος ἴδιον ἄλλοτ' ἄλλοσε στρέφει," "414 τὸ δ' αὐτίχ' ἡδὺς καὶ διδοὺς πολλὴν χάριν," "415 ἐσαῦθις ἔβλαψ', εἶτα διαβολαῖς νέαις" "416 κλέψας τὰ πρόσθε σφάλματ' ἐξέδυ δίκης." '417 ἄλλως τε πῶς ἂν μὴ διορθεύων λόγους' "418 ὀρθῶς δύναιτ' ἂν δῆμος εὐθύνειν πόλιν;" '419 ὁ γὰρ χρόνος μάθησιν ἀντὶ τοῦ τάχους' "420 κρείσσω δίδωσι. γαπόνος δ' ἀνὴρ πένης," '421 εἰ καὶ γένοιτο μὴ ἀμαθής, ἔργων ὕπο' "422 οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο πρὸς τὰ κοίν' ἀποβλέπειν." '423 ἦ δὴ νοσῶδες τοῦτο τοῖς ἀμείνοσιν,' "424 ὅταν πονηρὸς ἀξίωμ' ἀνὴρ ἔχῃ" '425 γλώσσῃ κατασχὼν δῆμον, οὐδὲν ὢν τὸ πρίν.' "426 κομψός γ' ὁ κῆρυξ καὶ παρεργάτης λόγων." "427 ἐπεὶ δ' ἀγῶνα καὶ σὺ τόνδ' ἠγωνίσω," "428 ἄκου': ἅμιλλαν γὰρ σὺ προύθηκας λόγων." '429 οὐδὲν τυράννου δυσμενέστερον πόλει, 430 ὅπου τὸ μὲν πρώτιστον οὐκ εἰσὶν νόμοι' "431 κοινοί, κρατεῖ δ' εἷς τὸν νόμον κεκτημένος" "432 αὐτὸς παρ' αὑτῷ: καὶ τόδ' οὐκέτ' ἔστ' ἴσον." "433 γεγραμμένων δὲ τῶν νόμων ὅ τ' ἀσθενὴς" '434 ὁ πλούσιός τε τὴν δίκην ἴσην ἔχει,' "435 ἔστιν δ' ἐνισπεῖν τοῖσιν ἀσθενεστέροις" "436 τὸν εὐτυχοῦντα ταὔθ', ὅταν κλύῃ κακῶς," "437 νικᾷ δ' ὁ μείων τὸν μέγαν δίκαι' ἔχων." "438 τοὐλεύθερον δ' ἐκεῖνο: Τίς θέλει πόλει" "439 χρηστόν τι βούλευμ' ἐς μέσον φέρειν ἔχων;" "440 καὶ ταῦθ' ὁ χρῄζων λαμπρός ἐσθ', ὁ μὴ θέλων" "441 σιγᾷ. τί τούτων ἔστ' ἰσαίτερον πόλει;" '442 καὶ μὴν ὅπου γε δῆμος αὐθέντης χθονός, 443 ὑποῦσιν ἀστοῖς ἥδεται νεανίαις: 444 ἀνὴρ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐχθρὸν ἡγεῖται τόδε,' "445 καὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους οὕς τ' ἂν ἡγῆται φρονεῖν" '446 κτείνει, δεδοικὼς τῆς τυραννίδος πέρι.' "447 πῶς οὖν ἔτ' ἂν γένοιτ' ἂν ἰσχυρὰ πόλις," '448 ὅταν τις ὡς λειμῶνος ἠρινοῦ στάχυν 449 τόλμας ἀφαιρῇ κἀπολωτίζῃ νέους; 450 κτᾶσθαι δὲ πλοῦτον καὶ βίον τί δεῖ τέκνοις' "451 ὡς τῷ τυράννῳ πλείον' ἐκμοχθῇ βίον;" '452 ἢ παρθενεύειν παῖδας ἐν δόμοις καλῶς, 453 τερπνὰς τυράννοις ἡδονάς, ὅταν θέλῃ,' "454 δάκρυα δ' ἑτοιμάζουσι; μὴ ζῴην ἔτι," '455 εἰ τἀμὰ τέκνα πρὸς βίαν νυμφεύσεται. 456 καὶ ταῦτα μὲν δὴ πρὸς τὰ σὰ ἐξηκόντισα. 457 ἥκεις δὲ δὴ τί τῆσδε γῆς κεχρημένος;' "458 κλαίων γ' ἂν ἦλθες, εἴ σε μὴ '†πεμψεν πόλις," '459 περισσὰ φωνῶν: τὸν γὰρ ἄγγελον χρεὼν' "460 λέξανθ' ὅς' ἂν τάξῃ τις ὡς τάχος πάλιν" "461 χωρεῖν. τὸ λοιπὸν δ' εἰς ἐμὴν πόλιν Κρέων" "462 ἧσσον λάλον σου πεμπέτω τιν' ἄγγελον." '463 φεῦ φεῦ: κακοῖσιν ὡς ὅταν δαίμων διδῷ' "464 καλῶς, ὑβρίζους' ὡς ἀεὶ πράξοντες εὖ." "465 λέγοιμ' ἂν ἤδη. τῶν μὲν ἠγωνισμένων" "466 σοὶ μὲν δοκείτω ταῦτ', ἐμοὶ δὲ τἀντία." "467 ἐγὼ δ' ἀπαυδῶ πᾶς τε Καδμεῖος λεὼς" '468 ̓́Αδραστον ἐς γῆν τήνδε μὴ παριέναι:' "469 εἰ δ' ἔστιν ἐν γῇ, πρὶν θεοῦ δῦναι σέλας," '470 λύσαντα σεμνὰ στεμμάτων μυστήρια' "471 τῆσδ' ἐξελαύνειν, μηδ' ἀναιρεῖσθαι νεκροὺς" "472 βίᾳ, προσήκοντ' οὐδὲν ̓Αργείων πόλει." '473 κἂν μὲν πίθῃ μοι, κυμάτων ἄτερ πόλιν 474 σὴν ναυστολήσεις: εἰ δὲ μή, πολὺς κλύδων' "475 ἡμῖν τε καὶ σοὶ συμμάχοις τ' ἔσται δορός." '476 σκέψαι δέ, καὶ μὴ τοῖς ἐμοῖς θυμούμενος 477 λόγοισιν, ὡς δὴ πόλιν ἐλευθέραν ἔχων,' "478 σφριγῶντ' ἀμείψῃ μῦθον ἐκ βραχιόνων:" "479 ἐλπὶς γάρ ἐστ' ἄπιστον, ἣ πολλὰς πόλεις" "480 συνῆψ', ἄγουσα θυμὸν εἰς ὑπερβολάς." '481 ὅταν γὰρ ἔλθῃ πόλεμος ἐς ψῆφον λεώ,' "482 οὐδεὶς ἔθ' αὑτοῦ θάνατον ἐκλογίζεται," "483 τὸ δυστυχὲς δὲ τοῦτ' ἐς ἄλλον ἐκτρέπει:" "484 εἰ δ' ἦν παρ' ὄμμα θάνατος ἐν ψήφου φορᾷ," "485 οὐκ ἄν ποθ' ̔Ελλὰς δοριμανὴς ἀπώλλυτο." '486 καίτοι δυοῖν γε πάντες ἄνθρωποι λόγοιν' "487 τὸν κρείσσον' ἴσμεν, καὶ τὰ χρηστὰ καὶ κακά," '488 ὅσῳ τε πολέμου κρεῖσσον εἰρήνη βροτοῖς: 489 ἣ πρῶτα μὲν Μούσαισι προσφιλεστάτη,' "490 Ποιναῖσι δ' ἐχθρά, τέρπεται δ' εὐπαιδίᾳ," "491 χαίρει δὲ πλούτῳ. ταῦτ' ἀφέντες οἱ κακοὶ" '492 πολέμους ἀναιρούμεσθα καὶ τὸν ἥσσονα' "493 δουλούμεθ', ἄνδρες ἄνδρα καὶ πόλις πόλιν." "494 σὺ δ' ἄνδρας ἐχθροὺς καὶ θανόντας ὠφελεῖς," "495 θάπτων κομίζων θ' ὕβρις οὓς ἀπώλεσεν;" "496 οὔ τἄρ' ἔτ' ὀρθῶς Καπανέως κεραύνιον" '497 δέμας καπνοῦται, κλιμάκων ὀρθοστάτας 498 ὃς προσβαλὼν πύλῃσιν ὤμοσεν πόλιν 499 πέρσειν θεοῦ θέλοντος ἤν τε μὴ θέλῃ;' "500 οὐδ' ἥρπασεν χάρυβδις οἰωνοσκόπον," '501 τέθριππον ἅρμα περιβαλοῦσα χάσματι, 502 ἄλλοι τε κεῖνται πρὸς πύλαις λοχαγέται 503 πέτροις καταξανθέντες ὀστέων ῥαφάς; 504 ἤ νυν φρονεῖν ἄμεινον ἐξαύχει Διός, 505 ἢ θεοὺς δικαίως τοὺς κακοὺς ἀπολλύναι. 506 φιλεῖν μὲν οὖν χρὴ τοὺς σοφοὺς πρῶτον τέκνα,' "507 ἔπειτα τοκέας πατρίδα θ', ἣν αὔξειν χρεὼν" '508 καὶ μὴ κατᾶξαι. σφαλερὸν ἡγεμὼν θρασύς: 509 νεώς τε ναύτης ἥσυχος, καιρῷ σοφός.' "510 καὶ τοῦτ' ἐμοὶ τἀνδρεῖον, ἡ προμηθία." '511 ἐξαρκέσας ἦν Ζεὺς ὁ τιμωρούμενος,' "512 ὑμᾶς δ' ὑβρίζειν οὐκ ἐχρῆν τοιάνδ' ὕβριν." "513 ὦ παγκάκιστε — σῖγ', ̓́Αδραστ', ἔχε στόμα," "514 καὶ μὴ 'πίπροσθεν τῶν ἐμῶν τοὺς σοὺς λόγους" '515 θῇς: οὐ γὰρ ἥκει πρὸς σὲ κηρύσσων ὅδε,' "516 ἀλλ' ὡς ἔμ': ἡμᾶς κἀποκρίνασθαι χρεών." "517 καὶ πρῶτα μέν σε πρὸς τὰ πρῶτ' ἀμείψομαι." "518 οὐκ οἶδ' ἐγὼ Κρέοντα δεσπόζοντ' ἐμοῦ" "519 οὐδὲ σθένοντα μεῖζον, ὥστ' ἀναγκάσαι" "520 δρᾶν τὰς ̓Αθήνας ταῦτ': ἄνω γὰρ ἂν ῥέοι" "521 τὰ πράγμαθ' οὕτως, εἰ 'πιταξόμεσθα δή." '522 πόλεμον δὲ τοῦτον οὐκ ἐγὼ καθίσταμαι,' "523 ὃς οὐδὲ σὺν τοῖσδ' ἦλθον ἐς Κάδμου χθόνα:" '524 νεκροὺς δὲ τοὺς θανόντας, οὐ βλάπτων πόλιν' "525 οὐδ' ἀνδροκμῆτας προσφέρων ἀγωνίας," '526 θάψαι δικαιῶ, τὸν Πανελλήνων νόμον 527 σῴζων. τί τούτων ἐστὶν οὐ καλῶς ἔχον;' "528 εἰ γάρ τι καὶ πεπόνθατ' ̓Αργείων ὕπο," '529 τεθνᾶσιν, ἠμύνασθε πολεμίους καλῶς,' "530 αἰσχρῶς δ' ἐκείνοις, χἡ δίκη διοίχεται." "531 ἐάσατ' ἤδη γῇ καλυφθῆναι νεκρούς," "532 ὅθεν δ' ἕκαστον ἐς τὸ φῶς ἀφίκετο," "533 ἐνταῦθ' ἀπελθεῖν, πνεῦμα μὲν πρὸς αἰθέρα," "534 τὸ σῶμα δ' ἐς γῆν: οὔτι γὰρ κεκτήμεθα" '535 ἡμέτερον αὐτὸ πλὴν ἐνοικῆσαι βίον, 536 κἄπειτα τὴν θρέψασαν αὐτὸ δεῖ λαβεῖν. 537 δοκεῖς κακουργεῖν ̓́Αργος οὐ θάπτων νεκρούς; 538 ἥκιστα: πάσης ̔Ελλάδος κοινὸν τόδε, 539 εἰ τοὺς θανόντας νοσφίσας ὧν χρῆν λαχεῖν 540 ἀτάφους τις ἕξει: δειλίαν γὰρ ἐσφέρει 541 τοῖς ἀλκίμοισιν οὗτος ἢν τεθῇ νόμος.' "542 κἀμοὶ μὲν ἦλθες δείν' ἀπειλήσων ἔπη," "543 νεκροὺς δὲ ταρβεῖτ', εἰ κρυβήσονται χθονί;" '544 τί μὴ γένηται; μὴ κατασκάψωσι γῆν' "545 ταφέντες ὑμῶν; ἢ τέκν' ἐν μυχῷ χθονὸς" '546 φύσωσιν, ἐξ ὧν εἶσί τις τιμωρία; 547 σκαιόν γε τἀνάλωμα τῆς γλώσσης τόδε, 548 φόβους πονηροὺς καὶ κενοὺς δεδοικέναι.' "549 ἀλλ', ὦ μάταιοι, γνῶτε τἀνθρώπων κακά:" "550 παλαίσμαθ' ἡμῶν ὁ βίος: εὐτυχοῦσι δὲ" "551 οἳ μὲν τάχ', οἳ δ' ἐσαῦθις, οἳ δ' ἤδη βροτῶν," "552 τρυφᾷ δ' ὁ δαίμων: πρός τε γὰρ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς," '553 ὡς εὐτυχήσῃ, τίμιος γεραίρεται,' "554 ὅ τ' ὄλβιός νιν πνεῦμα δειμαίνων λιπεῖν" '555 ὑψηλὸν αἴρει. γνόντας οὖν χρεὼν τάδε 556 ἀδικουμένους τε μέτρια μὴ θυμῷ φέρειν' "557 ἀδικεῖν τε τοιαῦθ' οἷα μὴ βλάψαι πόλιν." '558 πῶς οὖν ἂν εἴη; τοὺς ὀλωλότας νεκροὺς 559 θάψαι δὸς ἡμῖν τοῖς θέλουσιν εὐσεβεῖν.' "560 ἢ δῆλα τἀνθένδ': εἶμι καὶ θάψω βίᾳ." "561 οὐ γάρ ποτ' εἰς ̔́Ελληνας ἐξοισθήσεται" "562 ὡς εἰς ἔμ' ἐλθὼν καὶ πόλιν Πανδίονος" '563 νόμος παλαιὸς δαιμόνων διεφθάρη.' "
980
καὶ μὴν θαλάμας τάσδ' ἐσορῶ δὴ" "981 Καπανέως ἤδη τύμβον θ' ἱερὸν" "982 μελάθρων τ' ἐκτὸς" '983 Θησέως ἀναθήματα νεκροῖς,' "984 κλεινήν τ' ἄλοχον τοῦ καπφθιμένου" '985 τοῦδε κεραυνῷ πέλας Εὐάδνην, 986 ἣν ̓͂Ιφις ἄναξ παῖδα φυτεύει.' "987 τί ποτ' αἰθερίαν ἕστηκε πέτραν," '988 ἣ τῶνδε δόμων ὑπερακρίζει,' "989 τήνδ' ἐμβαίνουσα κέλευθον;" "990 τί φέγγος, τίν' αἴγλαν" "991 ἐδίφρευε τόθ' ἅλιος" "992 σελάνα τε κατ' αἰθέρα," "993 †λαμπάδ' ἵν' ὠκυθόαι νύμφαι†," "994 ἱππεύουσι δι' ὀρφναίας," '995 ἁνίκα γάμων γάμων 996 τῶν ἐμῶν πόλις ̓́Αργους 997 ἀοιδάς, εὐδαιμονίας, 998 ἐπύργωσε καὶ γαμέτα 999 χαλκεοτευχοῦς, αἰαῖ, Καπανέως.' "1000 πρός ς' ἔβαν δρομὰς ἐξ ἐμῶν"1001 οἴκων ἐκβακχευσαμένα, 1002 πυρᾶς φῶς τάφον τε 1003 βατεύσουσα τὸν αὐτόν,' "1004 ἐς ̔́Αιδαν καταλύσους' ἔμμοχθον" '1005 βίοτον αἰῶνός τε πόνους: 1006 ἥδιστος γάρ τοι θάνατος 1007 συνθνῄσκειν θνῄσκουσι φίλοις, 1008 εἰ δαίμων τάδε κραίνοι.' "1009 καὶ μὴν ὁρᾷς τήνδ' ἧς ἐφέστηκας πέλας" "1010 πυράν, Διὸς θησαυρόν, ἔνθ' ἔνεστι σὸς" '1011 πόσις δαμασθεὶς λαμπάσιν κεραυνίοις. 1012 ὁρῶ δὴ τελευτάν,' "1013 ἵν' ἕστακα: τύχα δέ μοι" '1014 ξυνάπτοι ποδός: ἀλλὰ τᾶς 1015 εὐκλεί̈ας χάριν ἔνθεν ὁρ-' "1016 μάσω τᾶσδ' ἀπὸ πέτρας πη-" '1017 δήσασα πυρὸς ἔσω,' "1018 σῶμά τ' αἴθοπι φλογμῷ" '1020 πόσει συμμείξασα, φίλον 1021 χρῶτα χρωτὶ πέλας θεμένα, 1022 Φερσεφονείας ἥξω θαλάμους,' "1023 σὲ τὸν θανόντ' οὔποτ' ἐμᾷ" '1024 προδοῦσα ψυχᾷ κατὰ γᾶς. 1025 ἴτω φῶς γάμοι τε:' "1026 ἴθ' αἵτινες εὐναὶ" '1027 δικαίων ὑμεναίων ἐν ̓́Αργει' "1028 φανῶσιν τέκνοις: ὅσιος δ'" '1029 ὅσιος εὐναῖος γαμέτας 1030 συντηχθεὶς αὔραις ἀδόλοις' "1031 καὶ μὴν ὅδ' αὐτὸς σὸς πατὴρ βαίνει πέλας" '1032 γεραιὸς ̓͂Ιφις ἐς νεωτέρους λόγους, 1033 οὓς οὐ κατειδὼς πρόσθεν ἀλγήσει κλύων.' "1034 ὦ δυστάλαιναι, δυστάλας δ' ἐγὼ γέρων," "1035 ἥκω διπλοῦν πένθημ' ὁμαιμόνων ἔχων," '1036 τὸν μὲν θανόντα παῖδα Καδμείων δορὶ 1037 ̓Ετέοκλον ἐς γῆν πατρίδα ναυσθλώσων νεκρόν,' "1038 ζητῶν τ' ἐμὴν παῖδ', ἣ δόμων ἐξώπιος" '1039 βέβηκε πηδήσασα Καπανέως δάμαρ, 1040 θανεῖν ἐρῶσα σὺν πόσει. χρόνον μὲν οὖν' "1041 τὸν πρόσθ' ἐφρουρεῖτ' ἐν δόμοις: ἐπεὶ δ' ἐγὼ" '1042 φυλακὰς ἀνῆκα τοῖς παρεστῶσιν κακοῖς, 1043 βέβηκεν. ἀλλὰ τῇδέ νιν δοξάζομεν' "1044 μάλιστ' ἂν εἶναι: φράζετ' εἰ κατείδετε." "1045 τί τάσδ' ἐρωτᾷς; ἥδ' ἐγὼ πέτρας ἔπι" '1046 ὄρνις τις ὡσεὶ Καπανέως ὑπὲρ πυρᾶς 1047 δύστηνον αἰώρημα κουφίζω, πάτερ. 1048 τέκνον, τίς αὔρα; τίς στόλος; τίνος χάριν' "1049 δόμων ὑπεκβᾶς' ἦλθες ἐς τήνδε χθόνα;" '1050 ὀργὴν λάβοις ἂν τῶν ἐμῶν βουλευμάτων' "1051 κλύων: ἀκοῦσαι δ' οὔ σε βούλομαι, πάτερ." "1052 τί δ'; οὐ δίκαιον πατέρα τὸν σὸν εἰδέναι;" '1053 κριτὴς ἂν εἴης οὐ σοφὸς γνώμης ἐμῆς. 1054 σκευῇ δὲ τῇδε τοῦ χάριν κοσμεῖς δέμας; 1055 θέλει τι κλεινὸν οὗτος ὁ στολμός, πάτερ.' "1056 ὡς οὐκ ἐπ' ἀνδρὶ πένθιμος πρέπεις ὁρᾶν." '1057 ἐς γάρ τι πρᾶγμα νεοχμὸν ἐσκευάσμεθα. 1058 κἄπειτα τύμβῳ καὶ πυρᾷ φαίνῃ πέλας; 1059 ἐνταῦθα γὰρ δὴ καλλίνικος ἔρχομαι. 1060 νικῶσα νίκην τίνα; μαθεῖν χρῄζω σέθεν. 1061 πάσας γυναῖκας ἃς δέδορκεν ἥλιος. 1062 ἔργοις ̓Αθάνας ἢ φρενῶν εὐβουλίᾳ; 1063 ἀρετῇ: πόσει γὰρ συνθανοῦσα κείσομαι.' "1064 τί φῄς; τί τοῦτ' αἴνιγμα σημαίνεις σαθρόν;" "1065 ᾄσσω θανόντος Καπανέως τήνδ' ἐς πυράν." '1066 ὦ θύγατερ, οὐ μὴ μῦθον ἐς πολλοὺς ἐρεῖς.' "1067 τοῦτ' αὐτὸ χρῄζω, πάντας ̓Αργείους μαθεῖν." "1068 ἀλλ' οὐδέ τοί σοι πείσομαι δρώσῃ τάδε." "1069 ὅμοιον: οὐ γὰρ μὴ κίχῃς μ' ἑλὼν χερί." '1070 καὶ δὴ παρεῖται σῶμα — σοὶ μὲν οὐ φίλον, 1071 ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ τῷ συμπυρουμένῳ πόσει. 1072 ἰώ, γύναι, δεινὸν ἔργον ἐξειργάσω. 1073 ἀπωλόμην δύστηνος, ̓Αργείων κόραι. 1074 ἒ ἔ, σχέτλια τάδε παθών, 1075 τὸ πάντολμον ἔργον ὄψῃ τάλας.' "1076 οὐκ ἄν τιν' εὕροιτ' ἄλλον ἀθλιώτερον." '1077 ἰὼ τάλας: 1078 μετέλαχες τύχας Οἰδιπόδα, γέρον, 1079 μέρος καὶ σὺ καὶ πόλις ἐμὰ τλάμων. 1080 οἴμοι: τί δὴ βροτοῖσιν οὐκ ἔστιν τόδε, 1081 νέους δὶς εἶναι καὶ γέροντας αὖ πάλιν;' "1082 ἀλλ' ἐν δόμοις μὲν ἤν τι μὴ καλῶς ἔχῃ," '1083 γνώμαισιν ὑστέραισιν ἐξορθούμεθα,' "1084 αἰῶνα δ' οὐκ ἔξεστιν. εἰ δ' ἦμεν νέοι" '1085 δὶς καὶ γέροντες, εἴ τις ἐξημάρτανε,' "1086 διπλοῦ βίου λαχόντες ἐξωρθούμεθ' ἄν." '1087 ἐγὼ γὰρ ἄλλους εἰσορῶν τεκνουμένους' "1088 παίδων ἐραστὴς ἦ πόθῳ τ' ἀπωλλύμην." "1089 †εἰ δ' ἐς τόδ' ἦλθον κἀξεπειράθην τέκνων" '1090 οἷον στέρεσθαι πατέρα γίγνεται τέκνων,' "1091 οὐκ ἄν ποτ' ἐς τόδ' ἦλθον εἰς ὃ νῦν κακόν:†" '1092 ὅστις φυτεύσας καὶ νεανίαν τεκὼν 1093 ἄριστον, εἶτα τοῦδε νῦν στερίσκομαι. 1094 εἶἑν: τί δὴ χρὴ τὸν ταλαίπωρόν με δρᾶν;' "1095 στείχειν πρὸς οἴκους; κᾆτ' ἐρημίαν ἴδω" "1096 πολλῶν μελάθρων, ἀπορίαν τ' ἐμῷ βίῳ;" '1097 ἢ πρὸς μέλαθρα τοῦδε Καπανέως μόλω;' "1098 ἥδιστα πρίν γε δῆθ', ὅτ' ἦν παῖς ἥδε μοι." "1099 ἀλλ' οὐκέτ' ἔστιν, ἥ γ' ἐμὴν γενειάδα" "1100 προσήγετ' αἰεὶ στόματι καὶ κάρα τόδε" "1101 κατεῖχε χειρί: πατρὶ δ' οὐδὲν †ἥδιον†" '1102 γέροντι θυγατρός: ἀρσένων δὲ μείζονες' "1103 ψυχαί, γλυκεῖαι δ' ἧσσον ἐς θωπεύματα." "1104 οὐχ ὡς τάχιστα δῆτά μ' ἄξετ' ἐς δόμους;" "1105 σκότῳ δὲ δώσετ': ἔνθ' ἀσιτίαις ἐμὸν" '1106 δέμας γεραιὸν συντακεὶς ἀποφθερῶ.' "1107 τί μ' ὠφελήσει παιδὸς ὀστέων θιγεῖν;" "1108 ὦ δυσπάλαιστον γῆρας, ὡς μισῶ ς' ἔχων," "1109 μισῶ δ' ὅσοι χρῄζουσιν ἐκτείνειν βίον," '1110 βρωτοῖσι καὶ ποτοῖσι καὶ μαγεύμασι 1111 παρεκτρέποντες ὀχετὸν ὥστε μὴ θανεῖν: 1112 οὓς χρῆν, ἐπειδὰν μηδὲν ὠφελῶσι γῆν, 1113 θανόντας ἔρρειν κἀκποδὼν εἶναι νέοις.' "' None
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399 Who is the despot of this land? To whom must I announce 400 the message of Creon, who rules o’er the land of Cadmus, since Eteocles was slain by the hand of his brother Polynices, at the sevenfold gates of Thebes? Theseu 403 Sir stranger, thou hast made a false beginning to thy speech, in seeking here a despot. For this city is not ruled 405 by one man, but is free. The people rule in succession year by year, allowing no preference to wealth, but the poor man shares equally with the rich. Herald 409 Thou givest me here an advantage, as it might be in a game of draughts Possibly referring to a habit of allowing the weaker player so many moves or points. ; 410 for the city, whence I come, is ruled by one man only, not by the mob; none there puffs up the citizens with specious words, and for his own advantage twists them this way or that,—one moment dear to them and lavish of his favours, 415 the next a bane to all; and yet by fresh calumnies of others he hides his former failures and escapes punishment. Besides, how shall the people, if it cannot form true judgments, be able rightly to direct the state? Nay, ’tis time, not haste, that affords a better 420 understanding. A poor hind, granted he be not all unschooled, would still be unable from his toil to give his mind to politics. Verily Kirchhoff considers lines 423 to 425 spurious. the better sort count it no healthy sign when the worthless man obtains a reputation 425 by beguiling with words the populace, though aforetime he was naught. Theseu 426 This herald is a clever fellow, a dabbler in the art of talk. But since thou hast thus entered the lists with me, listen awhile, for ’twas thou didst challenge a discussion. Naught is more hostile to a city than a despot; 430 where he is, there are in the first place no laws common to all, but one man is tyrant, in whose keeping and in his alone the law resides, and in that case equality is at an end. But when the laws are written down, rich and poor alike have equal justice, 435 and Nauck omits lines 435, 436, as they are not given by Stobaeus in quoting the passage. it is open to the weaker to use the same language to the prosperous when he is reviled by him, and the weaker prevails over the stronger if he have justice on his side. Freedom’s mark is also seen in this: Who A reference to the question put by the herald in the Athenian ἐκκλησία, Τίς ἀγορεύειν βούλεται ; It here serves as a marked characteristic of democracy. hath wholesome counsel to declare unto the state? 440 And he who chooses to do so gains renown, while he, who hath no wish, remains silent. What greater equality can there be in a city? 442 Again, where the people are absolute rulers of the land, they rejoice in having a reserve of youthful citizens, while a king counts The words ἐχθρὸν . . . ἀρίστους are regarded by Nauck as spurious. this a hostile element, 445 and strives to slay the leading men, all such as he deems discreet, for he feareth for his power. How then can a city remain stable, where one cuts short all i.e. τόλμας for which Prinz suggests κλῶνας . enterprise and mows down the young like meadow-flowers in spring-time? 450 What boots it to acquire wealth and livelihood for children, merely Kirchhoff rejects this line. to add to the tyrant’s substance by one’s toil? Why train up virgin daughters virtuously in our homes to gratify a tyrant’s whim, whenso he will, and cause tears to those who rear them? May my life end 455 if ever my children are to be wedded by violence! This bolt I launch in answer to thy words. Now say, why art thou come? what needest thou of this land? Had not thy city sent thee, to thy cost hadst thou come with thy outrageous utterances; for it is the herald’s duty 460 to tell the message he is bidden and hie him back in haste. Henceforth forth let Creon send to my city some other messenger less talkative than thee. Choru 463 Look you! how insolent the villains are, when Fortune is kind to them, just as if it would be well with them for ever. Herald 465 Now will I speak. On these disputed points hold thou this view, but I the contrary. 467 So I and all the people of Cadmus forbid thee to admit Adrastus to this land, but if he is here, 470 drive him forth in disregard of the holy suppliant Reading ἰκτήρια with Nauck. bough he bears, ere sinks yon blazing sun, and attempt not violently to take up the dead, seeing thou hast naught to do with the city of Argos. And if thou wilt hearken to me, thou shalt bring thy barque of state into port unharmed by the billows; but if not, fierce shall the surge of battle be, 475 that we and our allies shall raise. Take good thought, nor, angered at my words, because forsooth thou rulest thy city with freedom, return a vaunting answer from Hartung’s emendation of this doubtful expression is ’εν βραχεῖ λόγῳ . thy feebler means. Hope is man’s curse; many a state hath it involved 480 in strife, by leading them into excessive rage. For whenso the city has to vote on the question of war, no man ever takes his own death into account, but shifts this misfortune on to his neighbour; but if death had been before their eyes when they were giving their votes, 485 Hellas would ne’er have rushed to her doom in mad desire for battle. And yet each man amongst us knows which of the two to prefer, the good or ill, and how much better peace is for mankind than war,—peace, the Muses’ chiefest friend, 490 the foe of sorrow, whose joy is in glad throngs of children, and its delight in prosperity. These are the blessings we cast away and wickedly embark on war, man enslaving his weaker brother, and cities following suit. 494 Now thou art helping our foes even after death, 495 trying to rescue and bury those whom their own acts of insolence haye ruined. Verily then it would seem Capaneus was unjustly blasted by the thunderbolt and charred upon the ladder he had raised against our gates, swearing he would sack our town, whether the god would or no; 500 nor should the yawning earth have snatched away the seer, i.e. Amphiaraus, who disappeared in a chasm of the earth. opening wide her mouth to take his chariot and its horses in, nor should the other chieftains be stretched at our gates, their skeletons to atoms crushed ’neath boulders. Either boast thy wit transcendeth that of Zeus, 505 or else allow that gods are right to slay the ungodly. The wise should love their children first, next their parents and country, whose fortunes it behoves them to increase rather than break down. Rashness in a leader, as in a pilot, causeth shipwreck; who knoweth when to be quiet is a wise man. 510 Yea and this too is bravery, even forethought. Choru 513 The punishment Zeus hath inflicted was surely enough; there was no need to heap this wanton insult on us. Adrastu 514 Peace, Adrastus! say no more; set not thy words before mine, 515 for ’tis not to thee this fellow is come with his message, but to me, and I must answer him. Thy first assertion will I answer first: I am not aware that Creon is my lord and master, or that his power outweigheth mine, that so he should compel 520 Athens to act on this wise; nay! for then would the tide of time have to flow backward, if we are to be ordered about, as he thinks. ’Tis not I who choose this war, seeing that I did not even join these warriors to go unto the land of Cadmus; but still I claim to bury the fallen dead, not injuring any state 525 nor yet introducing murderous strife, but preserving the law of all Hellas. What is not well in this? If ye suffered aught from the Argives—lo! they are dead; ye took a splendid vengeance on your foe 530 and covered them with shame, and now your right is at an end. Let Nauck regards these lines 531 to 536 as an interpolation. the dead now be buried in the earth, and each element return Restoring ἀπελθεῖν from Stobseus (Hartung). to the place from whence it came to the body, the breath to the air, the body to the ground; for in no wise did we get it 535 for our own, but to live our life in, and after that its mother earth must take it back again. Dost think ’tis Argos thou art injuring in refusing burial to the dead? Nay! all Hellas shares herein, if a man rob the dead of their due 540 and keep them from the tomb; for, if this law be enacted, it will strike dismay into the stoutest hearts. And art thou come to cast dire threats at me, while thy own folk are afraid of giving burial to the dead? What is your fear? Think you they will undermine your land 545 in their graves, or that they will beget children in the womb of earth, from whom shall rise an avenger? A silly waste of words, in truth it was, to show your fear of paltry groundless terrors. 549 Go, triflers, learn the lesson of human misery; 550 our life is made up of struggles; some men there be that find their fortune soon, others have to wait, while some at once are blest. Fortune lives a dainty life; to her the wretched pays his court and homage to win her smile; her likewise doth the prosperous man extol, for fear the favouring gale 555 may leave him. These lessons should we take to heart, to bear with moderation, free from wrath, our wrongs, and do naught to hurt a whole city. What then? Let us, who will the pious deed perform, bury the corpses of the slain. 560 Else is the issue clear; I will go and bury them by force. For never shall it be proclaimed through Hellas that heaven’s ancient law was set at naught, when it devolved on me and the city of Pandion. Choru
980
Ah! there I see the sepulchre ready e’en now for Capaneus, his consecrated tomb, and the votive offerings Theseus gives unto the dead outside the shrine, and nigh yon lightning-smitten chief 985 I see his noble bride, Evadne, daughter of King Iphis. Wherefore stands she on the towering rock, which o’ertops this temple, advancing along yon path? Evadne 990 What light, what radiancy did the sun-god’s car dart forth, and the moon athwart the firmament, while round her in the gloom swift stars None of the proposed emendations of this corrupt passage are convincing. Hermann’s λάμπαι δ’ ὠκύθοοί νιν ἀμφιππεύουσι is here followed. Nauck has λαμπαδ’ ἱν’ ὠκυθόαι νύμφαι ἱππεύουσι . careered, 995 in the day that the city of Argos raised the stately chant of joy at my wedding, in honour of my marriage with mail-clad Capaneus? 1000 Now from my home in frantic haste with frenzied mind I rush to join thee, seeking to share with thee the fire’s bright flame and the self-same tomb, to rid me of my weary'1001 Now from my home in frantic haste with frenzied mind I rush to join thee, seeking to share with thee the fire’s bright flame and the self-same tomb, to rid me of my weary 1005 life in Hades’ halls, and of the pains of existence; yea, for ’tis the sweetest end to share the death of those we love, if only fate will sanction it. Choru 1009 Behold yon pyre, which thou art overlooking, nigh thereto, 1010 et apart for Zeus! There is thy husband’s body, vanquished by the blazing bolt. Evadne 1012 Life’s goal I now behold from my station here; may fortune aid me in my headlong leap from this rock 1015 in honour’s cause, down into the fire below, to mix my ashes in the ruddy blaze 1020 with my husband’s, to lay me side by side with him, there in the couch of Persephone; for ne’er will I, to save my life, prove untrue to thee where thou liest in thy grave. 1025 Away with life and marriage too! Oh! The following verses are corrupt almost beyond hope of emendation, nor is it quite clear what the poet intended. By reading φανεῖεν , as Paley suggests, with τέκνοισιν ἐμοῖς and supplying the hiatus by εἴη δ’ , it is possible to extract an intelligible sense, somewhat different, however, from that proposed by Hermann or Hartung, and only offered here for want of a better. may my children live to see the dawn of a fairer, happier wedding-day in Argos! May loyalty inspire the husband’s heart, 1030 his nature fusing with his wife’s! Choru 1031 Lo! the aged Iphis, thy father, draweth nigh to hear thy startling scheme, which yet he knows not and will grieve to learn. Iphi 1034 Unhappy child! lo! I am come, a poor old man, 1035 with twofold sorrow in my house to mourn, that I may carry to his native land the corpse of my son Eteocles, slain by the Theban spear, and further in quest of my daughter who rushed headlong from the house, for she was the wife of Capaneu 1040 and longed with him to die. Ere this she was well guarded in my house, but, when I took the watch away in the present troubles, she escaped. But I feel sure that she is here; tell me if ye have seen her. Evadne 1045 Why question them? Lo, here upon the rock, father, o’er the pyre of Capaneus, like some bird I hover lightly, in my wretchedness. Iphi 1048 What wind hath blown thee hither, child? Whither away? Why didst thou pass the threshold of my house and seek this land? Evadne 1050 It would but anger thee to hear what I intend, and so I fain would keep thee ignorant, my father. Iphi 1052 What! hath not thy own father a right to know? Evadne 1053 Thou wouldst not wisely judge my intention. Iphi 1054 Why dost thou deck thyself in that apparel? Evadne 1055 A purport strange this robe conveys, father. Iphi 1056 Thou hast no look of mourning for thy lord. Evadne 1057 No, the reason why I thus am decked is strange, maybe. Iphi 1058 Dost thou in such garb appear before a funeral-pyre? Evadne 1059 Yea, for hither it is I come to take the meed of victory. Iphi 1060 Victory! what victory? This would I learn of thee. Evadne 1061 A victory o’er all women on whom the sun looks down. Iphi 1062 In Athena’s handiwork or in prudent counsel? Evadne 1063 In bravery; for I will lay me down and die with my lord. Iphi 1064 What dost thou say? What is this silly riddle thou propoundest? Evadne 1065 To yonder pyre where lies dead Capaneus, I will leap down. Iphi 1066 My daughter, speak not thus before the multitude! Evadne 1067 The very thing I wish, that every Argive should learn it. Iphi 1068 Nay, I will ne’er consent to let thee do this deed. Evadne 1069 (as she is throwing herself). ’Tis all one; thou shalt never catch me in thy grasp. 1070 Lo! I cast me down, no joy to thee, but to myself and to my husband blazing on the pyre with me. Choru 1072 O lady, what a fearful deed! Iphi 1073 Ah me! I am undone, ye dames of Argos! Chorus chanting 1074 Alack, alack! a cruel blow is this to thee, 1075 but thou must yet witness, poor wretch, the full horror of this deed. Iphi 1076 A more unhappy wretch than me ye could not find. Choru 1077 Woe for thee, unhappy man! Thou, old sir, hast been made partaker in the fortune of Oedipus, thou and my poor city too. Iphi 1080 Ah, why are mortal men denied this boon, to live their youth twice o’er, and twice in turn to reach old age? If aught goes wrong within our homes, we set it right by judgment more maturely formed, but our life we may not so correct. Now if we had a second spell of youth 1085 and age, this double term of life would let us then correct each previous slip. I, for instance, seeing others blest with children, longed to have them too, and found my ruin in that wish. Whereas if I had had my present experience, 1090 and by a father’s light Following Paley’s τεκών for the MSS. τέκνων . had learnt how cruel a thing it is to be bereft of children, never should I have fallen on such evil days as these,—I who did beget a brave young son, proud parent that I was, and after all am now bereft of him. Enough of this. What remains for such a hapless wretch as me? 1095 Shall I to my home, there to see its utter desolation and the blank within my life? or shall I to the halls of that dead Capaneus?—halls I smiled to see in days gone by, when yet my daughter was alive. But she is lost and gone, she that would ever draw down my cheek 1100 to her lips, and take my head between her hands; for naught is there more sweet unto an aged sire than a daughter’s love; our sons are made of sterner stuff, but less winning are their caresses. Oh! take me to my house at once, 1105 in darkness hide me there, to waste and fret this aged frame with fasting! What shall it avail me to touch my daughter’s bones? Old age, resistless foe, how do I loathe thy presence! Them too I hate, whoso desire to lengthen out the span of life, 1110 eeking to turn the tide of death aside by philtres, Reading βρωτοῖσι καὶ βοτοῖσι καῖ μαγεύμασι , as restored from Plutarch’s quotation of the passage. drugs, and magic spells,—folk that death should take away to leave the young their place, when they no more can benefit the world. Choru ' None
13. Herodotus, Histories, 1.17, 1.207, 3.119, 8.77, 8.98 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Athens/Athenians,, Athenian imperialism • Herodotus, imperialism in • Roman Imperial Period, • Rome and Romans, imperial period of • administration, Roman Imperial • imperial(ism) • imperial, Persian taxation • imperial, bureaucracies of Persia and Egypt • imperial, powers • imperialism, of the Amazons • roads, Roman Imperial road system

 Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 156; Bosak-Schroeder (2020), Other Natures: Environmental Encounters with Ancient Greek Ethnography, 116; Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 216; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 84, 112; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 117; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 380; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 163; Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 18, 20

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1.17 ἐπολέμησε Μιλησίοισι, παραδεξάμενος τὸν πόλεμον παρὰ τοῦ πατρός. ἐπελαύνων γὰρ ἐπολιόρκεε τὴν Μίλητον τρόπῳ τοιῷδε· ὅκως μὲν εἴη ἐν τῇ γῇ καρπὸς ἁδρός, τηνικαῦτα ἐσέβαλλε τὴν στρατιήν· ἐστρατεύετο δὲ ὑπὸ συρίγγων τε καὶ πηκτίδων καὶ αὐλοῦ γυναικηίου τε καὶ ἀνδρηίου. ὡς δὲ ἐς τὴν Μιλησίην ἀπίκοιτο, οἰκήματα μὲν τὰ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν οὔτε κατέβαλλε οὔτε ἐνεπίμπρη οὔτε θύρας ἀπέσπα, ἔα δὲ κατὰ χώρην ἑστάναι· ὁ δὲ τὰ τε δένδρεα καὶ τὸν καρπὸν τὸν ἐν τῇ γῇ ὅκως διαφθείρειε, ἀπαλλάσσετο ὀπίσω. τῆς γὰρ θαλάσσης οἱ Μιλήσιοι ἐπεκράτεον, ὥστε ἐπέδρης μὴ εἶναι ἔργον τῇ στρατιῇ. τὰς δὲ οἰκίας οὐ κατέβαλλε ὁ Λυδὸς τῶνδε εἵνεκα, ὅκως ἔχοιεν ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμώμενοι τὴν γῆν σπείρειν τε καὶ ἐργάζεσθαι οἱ Μιλήσιοι, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐκείνων ἐργαζομένων ἔχοι τι καὶ σίνεσθαι ἐσβάλλων.
1.207
παρεὼν δὲ καὶ μεμφόμενος τὴν γνώμην ταύτην Κροῖσος ὁ Λυδὸς ἀπεδείκνυτο ἐναντίην τῇ προκειμένῃ γνώμῃ, λέγων τάδε. “ὦ βασιλεῦ, εἶπον μὲν καὶ πρότερόν τοι ὅτι ἐπεί με Ζεὺς ἔδωκέ τοι, τὸ ἂν ὁρῶ σφάλμα ἐὸν οἴκῳ τῷ σῷ κατὰ δύναμιν ἀποτρέψειν· τὰ δὲ μοι παθήματα ἐόντα ἀχάριτα μαθήματα γέγονε. εἰ μὲν ἀθάνατος δοκέεις εἶναι καὶ στρατιῆς τοιαύτης ἄρχειν, οὐδὲν ἂν εἴη πρῆγμα γνώμας ἐμὲ σοὶ ἀποφαίνεσθαι· εἰ δʼ ἔγνωκας ὅτι ἄνθρωπος καὶ σὺ εἶς καὶ ἑτέρων τοιῶνδε ἄρχεις, ἐκεῖνο πρῶτον μάθε, ὡς κύκλος τῶν ἀνθρωπηίων ἐστὶ πρηγμάτων, περιφερόμενος δὲ οὐκ ἐᾷ αἰεὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς; εὐτυχέειν. ἤδη ὦν ἔχω γνώμην περὶ τοῦ προκειμένου πρήγματος τὰ ἔμπαλιν ἢ οὗτοι. εἰ γὰρ ἐθελήσομεν ἐσδέξασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς τὴν χώρην, ὅδε τοι ἐν αὐτῷ κίνδυνος ἔνι· ἑσσωθεὶς μὲν προσαπολλύεις πᾶσαν τὴν ἀρχήν. δῆλα γὰρ δὴ ὅτι νικῶντες Μασσαγέται οὐ τὸ ὀπίσω φεύξονται ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἀρχὰς τὰς σὰς ἐλῶσι. νικῶν δὲ οὐ νικᾷς τοσοῦτον ὅσον εἰ διαβὰς ἐς τὴν ἐκείνων, νικῶν Μασσαγέτας, ἕποιο φεύγουσι. τὠυτὸ γὰρ ἀντιθήσω ἐκείνῳ, ὅτι νικήσας τοὺς ἀντιουμένους ἐλᾷς ἰθὺ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς Τομύριος. χωρίς τε τοῦ ἀπηγημένου αἰσχρὸν καὶ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν Κῦρόν γε τὸν Καμβύσεω γυναικὶ εἴξαντα ὑποχωρῆσαι τῆς χώρης. νῦν ὦν μοι δοκέει διαβάντας προελθεῖν ὅσον ἂν ἐκεῖνοι ὑπεξίωσι, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ τάδε ποιεῦντας πειρᾶσθαι ἐκείνων περιγενέσθαι. ὡς γὰρ ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, Μασσαγέται εἰσὶ ἀγαθῶν τε Περσικῶν ἄπειροι καὶ καλῶν μεγάλων ἀπαθέες. τούτοισι ὦν τοῖσι ἀνδράσι τῶν προβάτων ἀφειδέως πολλὰ κατακόψαντας καὶ σκευάσαντας προθεῖναι ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ δαῖτα, πρὸς δὲ καὶ κρητῆρας ἀφειδέως οἴνου ἀκρήτου καὶ σιτία παντοῖα· ποιήσαντας δὲ ταῦτα, ὑπολιπομένους τῆς στρατιῆς τὸ φλαυρότατον, τοὺς λοιποὺς αὖτις ἐξαναχωρέειν ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμόν. ἢν γὰρ ἐγὼ γνώμης μὴ ἁμάρτω, κεῖνοι ἰδόμενοι ἀγαθὰ πολλὰ τρέψονταί τε πρὸς αὐτὰ καὶ ἡμῖν τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν λείπεται ἀπόδεξις ἔργων μεγάλων.”
3.119
οἳ δὲ τῷ βασιλέι δεικνύουσι ἑωυτοὺς καὶ τὴν αἰτίην εἶπον διʼ ἣν πεπονθότες εἴησαν. Δαρεῖος δὲ ἀρρωδήσας μὴ κοινῷ λόγῳ οἱ ἓξ πεποιηκότες ἔωσι ταῦτα, μεταπεμπόμενος ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀπεπειρᾶτο γνώμης, εἰ συνέπαινοι εἰσὶ τῷ πεποιημένῳ. ἐπείτε δὲ ἐξέμαθε ὡς οὐ σὺν κείνοισι εἴη ταῦτα πεποιηκώς, ἔλαβε αὐτόν τε τὸν Ἰνταφρένεα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς οἰκηίους πάντας, ἐλπίδας πολλὰς ἔχων μετὰ τῶν συγγενέων μιν ἐπιβουλεύειν οἱ ἐπανάστασιν, συλλαβὼν δὲ σφέας ἔδησε τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τοῦ Ἰνταφρένεος φοιτῶσα ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας τοῦ βασιλέος κλαίεσκε ἂν καὶ ὀδυρέσκετο· ποιεῦσα δὲ αἰεὶ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο τὸν Δαρεῖον ἔπεισε οἰκτεῖραί μιν. πέμψας δὲ ἄγγελον ἔλεγε τάδε· “ὦ γύναι, βασιλεύς τοι Δαρεῖος διδοῖ ἕνα τῶν δεδεμένων οἰκηίων ῥύσασθαι τὸν βούλεαι ἐκ πάντων.” ἣ δὲ βουλευσαμένη ὑπεκρίνετο τάδε· “εἰ μὲν δή μοι διδοῖ βασιλεὺς ἑνὸς τὴν ψυχήν, αἱρέομαι ἐκ πάντων τὸν ἀδελφεόν.” πυθόμενος δὲ Δαρεῖος ταῦτα καὶ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον, πέμψας ἠγόρευε “ὦ γύναι, εἰρωτᾷ σε βασιλεύς, τίνα ἔχουσα γνώμην, τὸν ἄνδρα τε καὶ τὰ τέκνα ἐγκαταλιποῦσα, τὸν ἀδελφεὸν εἵλευ περιεῖναί τοι, ὃς καὶ ἀλλοτριώτερός τοι τῶν παίδων καὶ ἧσσον κεχαρισμένος τοῦ ἀνδρός ἐστι.” ἣ δʼ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. “ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἀνὴρ μέν μοι ἂν ἄλλος γένοιτο, εἰ δαίμων ἐθέλοι, καὶ τέκνα ἄλλα, εἰ ταῦτα ἀποβάλοιμι· πατρὸς δὲ καὶ μητρὸς οὐκέτι μευ ζωόντων ἀδελφεὸς ἂν ἄλλος οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ γένοιτο. ταύτῃ τῇ γνώμῃ χρεωμένη ἔλεξα ταῦτα.” εὖ τε δὴ ἔδοξε τῷ Δαρείῳ εἰπεῖν ἡ γυνή, καί οἱ ἀπῆκε τοῦτόν τε τὸν παραιτέετο καὶ τῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον, ἡσθεὶς αὐτῇ, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀπέκτεινε πάντας. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἑπτὰ εἷς αὐτίκα τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ ἀπολώλεε.
8.77
χρησμοῖσι δὲ οὐκ ἔχω ἀντιλέγειν ὡς οὐκ εἰσὶ ἀληθέες, οὐ βουλόμενος ἐναργέως λέγοντας πειρᾶσθαι καταβάλλειν, ἐς τοιάδε πρήγματα 1 ἐσβλέψας. ἀλλʼ ὅταν Ἀρτέμιδος χρυσαόρου ἱερὸν ἀκτήν νηυσὶ γεφυρώσωσι καὶ εἰναλίην Κυνόσουραν ἐλπίδι μαινομένῃ, λιπαρὰς πέρσαντες Ἀθήνας, δῖα δίκη σβέσσει κρατερὸν κόρον, ὕβριος υἱόν, δεινὸν μαιμώοντα, δοκεῦντʼ ἀνὰ πάντα πίεσθαι. χαλκὸς γὰρ χαλκῷ συμμίξεται, αἵματι δʼ Ἄρης πόντον φοινίξει. τότʼ ἐλεύθερον Ἑλλάδος ἦμαρ εὐρύοπα Κρονίδης ἐπάγει καὶ πότνια Νίκη. ἐς τοιαῦτα μὲν καὶ οὕτω ἐναργέως λέγοντι Βάκιδι ἀντιλογίης χρησμῶν πέρι οὔτε αὐτὸς λέγειν τολμέω οὔτε παρʼ ἄλλων ἐνδέκομαι.
8.98
ταῦτά τε ἅμα Ξέρξης ἐποίεε καὶ ἔπεμπε ἐς Πέρσας ἀγγελέοντα τὴν παρεοῦσάν σφι συμφορήν. τούτων δὲ τῶν ἀγγέλων ἐστὶ οὐδὲν ὅ τι θᾶσσον παραγίνεται θνητὸν ἐόν· οὕτω τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἐξεύρηται τοῦτο. λέγουσι γὰρ ὡς ὁσέων ἂν ἡμερέων ᾖ ἡ πᾶσα ὁδός, τοσοῦτοι ἵπποι τε καὶ ἄνδρες διεστᾶσι κατὰ ἡμερησίην ὁδὸν ἑκάστην ἵππος τε καὶ ἀνὴρ τεταγμένος· τοὺς οὔτε νιφετός, οὐκ ὄμβρος, οὐ καῦμα, οὐ νὺξ ἔργει μὴ οὐ κατανύσαι τὸν προκείμενον αὐτῷ δρόμον τὴν ταχίστην. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος δραμὼν παραδιδοῖ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα τῷ δευτέρῳ, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος τῷ τρίτῳ· τὸ δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη κατʼ ἄλλον καὶ ἄλλον διεξέρχεται παραδιδόμενα, κατά περ ἐν Ἕλλησι ἡ λαμπαδηφορίη τὴν τῷ Ἡφαίστῳ ἐπιτελέουσι. τοῦτο τὸ δράμημα τῶν ἵππων καλέουσι Πέρσαι ἀγγαρήιον.'' None
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1.17 He continued the war against the Milesians which his father had begun. This was how he attacked and besieged Miletus : he sent his army, marching to the sound of pipes and harps and bass and treble flutes, to invade when the crops in the land were ripe; ,and whenever he came to the Milesian territory, he neither demolished nor burnt nor tore the doors off the country dwellings, but let them stand unharmed; but he destroyed the trees and the crops of the land, and so returned to where he came from; ,for as the Milesians had command of the sea, it was of no use for his army to besiege their city. The reason that the Lydian did not destroy the houses was this: that the Milesians might have homes from which to plant and cultivate their land, and that there might be the fruit of their toil for his invading army to lay waste.
1.17
He continued the war against the Milesians which his father had begun. This was how he attacked and besieged Miletus : he sent his army, marching to the sound of pipes and harps and bass and treble flutes, to invade when the crops in the land were ripe; ,and whenever he came to the Milesian territory, he neither demolished nor burnt nor tore the doors off the country dwellings, but let them stand unharmed; but he destroyed the trees and the crops of the land, and so returned to where he came from; ,for as the Milesians had command of the sea, it was of no use for his army to besiege their city. The reason that the Lydian did not destroy the houses was this: that the Milesians might have homes from which to plant and cultivate their land, and that there might be the fruit of their toil for his invading army to lay waste. ' "
1.207
But Croesus the Lydian, who was present, was displeased by their advice and spoke against it. “O King,” he said, “you have before now heard from me that since Zeus has given me to you I will turn aside to the best of my ability whatever misadventure I see threatening your house. And disaster has been my teacher. ,Now, if you think that you and the army that you lead are immortal, I have no business giving you advice; but if you know that you and those whom you rule are only men, then I must first teach you this: men's fortunes are on a wheel, which in its turning does not allow the same man to prosper forever. ,So, if that is the case, I am not of the same opinion about the business in hand as these other counsellors of yours. This is the danger if we agree to let the enemy enter your country: if you lose the battle, you lose your empire also, for it is plain that if the Massagetae win they will not retreat but will march against your provinces. ,And if you conquer them, it is a lesser victory than if you crossed into their country and routed the Massagetae and pursued them; for I weigh your chances against theirs, and suppose that when you have beaten your adversaries you will march for the seat of Tomyris' power. ,And besides what I have shown, it would be a shameful thing and not to be endured if Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield and give ground before a woman. Now then, it occurs to me that we should cross and go forward as far as they draw back, and that then we should endeavor to overcome them by doing as I shall show. ,As I understand, the Massagetae have no experience of the good things of Persia, and have never fared well as to what is greatly desirable. Therefore, I advise you to cut up the meat of many of your sheep and goats into generous portions for these men, and to cook it and serve it as a feast in our camp, providing many bowls of unmixed wine and all kinds of food. ,Then let your army withdraw to the river again, leaving behind that part of it which is of least value. For if I am not mistaken in my judgment, when the Massagetae see so many good things they will give themselves over to feasting on them; and it will be up to us then to accomplish great things.” " "
1.207
But Croesus the Lydian, who was present, was displeased by their advice and spoke against it. “O King,” he said, “you have before now heard from me that since Zeus has given me to you I will turn aside to the best of my ability whatever misadventure I see threatening your house. And disaster has been my teacher. ,Now, if you think that you and the army that you lead are immortal, I have no business giving you advice; but if you know that you and those whom you rule are only men, then I must first teach you this: men's fortunes are on a wheel, which in its turning does not allow the same man to prosper forever. ,So, if that is the case, I am not of the same opinion about the business in hand as these other counsellors of yours. This is the danger if we agree to let the enemy enter your country: if you lose the battle, you lose your empire also, for it is plain that if the Massagetae win they will not retreat but will march against your provinces. ,And if you conquer them, it is a lesser victory than if you crossed into their country and routed the Massagetae and pursued them; for I weigh your chances against theirs, and suppose that when you have beaten your adversaries you will march for the seat of Tomyris' power. ,And besides what I have shown, it would be a shameful thing and not to be endured if Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield and give ground before a woman. Now then, it occurs to me that we should cross and go forward as far as they draw back, and that then we should endeavor to overcome them by doing as I shall show. ,As I understand, the Massagetae have no experience of the good things of Persia, and have never fared well as to what is greatly desirable. Therefore, I advise you to cut up the meat of many of your sheep and goats into generous portions for these men, and to cook it and serve it as a feast in our camp, providing many bowls of unmixed wine and all kinds of food. ,Then let your army withdraw to the river again, leaving behind that part of it which is of least value. For if I am not mistaken in my judgment, when the Massagetae see so many good things they will give themselves over to feasting on them; and it will be up to us then to accomplish great things.” " "
3.119
They showed themselves to the king and told him why they had been treated so. Darius, fearing that the six had done this by common consent, sent for each and asked his opinion, whether they approved what had been done; ,and being assured that they had no part in it, he seized Intaphrenes with his sons and all his household—for he strongly suspected that the man was plotting a rebellion with his kinsmen—and imprisoned them with the intention of putting them to death. ,Then Intaphrenes' wife began coming to the palace gates, weeping and lamenting; and by continuing to do this same thing she persuaded Darius to pity her; and he sent a messenger to tell her, “Woman, King Darius will allow one of your imprisoned relatives to survive, whomever you prefer of them all.” ,After considering she answered, “If indeed the king gives me the life of one, I chose from them all my brother.” ,Darius was astonished when he heard her answer, and sent someone who asked her: “Woman, the king asks you with what in mind you abandon your husband and your children and choose to save the life of your brother, who is less close to you than your children and less dear than your husband?” ,“O King,” she answered, “I may have another husband, if a god is willing, and other children, if I lose these; but since my father and mother are no longer living, there is no way that I can have another brother; I said what I did with that in mind.” ,Darius thought that the woman answered well, and for her sake he released the one for whom she had asked, and the eldest of her sons as well; he put to death all the rest. Thus immediately perished one of the seven. " "
3.119
They showed themselves to the king and told him why they had been treated so. Darius, fearing that the six had done this by common consent, sent for each and asked his opinion, whether they approved what had been done; ,and being assured that they had no part in it, he seized Intaphrenes with his sons and all his household—for he strongly suspected that the man was plotting a rebellion with his kinsmen—and imprisoned them with the intention of putting them to death. ,Then Intaphrenes' wife began coming to the palace gates, weeping and lamenting; and by continuing to do this same thing she persuaded Darius to pity her; and he sent a messenger to tell her, “Woman, King Darius will allow one of your imprisoned relatives to survive, whomever you prefer of them all.” ,After considering she answered, “If indeed the king gives me the life of one, I chose from them all my brother.” ,Darius was astonished when he heard her answer, and sent someone who asked her: “Woman, the king asks you with what in mind you abandon your husband and your children and choose to save the life of your brother, who is less close to you than your children and less dear than your husband?” ,“O King,” she answered, “I may have another husband, if a god is willing, and other children, if I lose these; but since my father and mother are no longer living, there is no way that I can have another brother; I said what I did with that in mind.” ,Darius thought that the woman answered well, and for her sake he released the one for whom she had asked, and the eldest of her sons as well; he put to death all the rest. Thus immediately perished one of the seven. " 8.77 I cannot say against oracles that they are not true, and I do not wish to try to discredit them when they speak plainly. Look at the following matter:
8.77 I cannot say against oracles that they are not true, and I do not wish to try to discredit them when they speak plainly. Look at the following matter:
8.98 While Xerxes did thus, he sent a messenger to Persia with news of his present misfortune. Now there is nothing mortal that accomplishes a course more swiftly than do these messengers, by the Persians' skillful contrivance. It is said that as many days as there are in the whole journey, so many are the men and horses that stand along the road, each horse and man at the interval of a day's journey. These are stopped neither by snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness from accomplishing their appointed course with all speed. ,The first rider delivers his charge to the second, the second to the third, and thence it passes on from hand to hand, even as in the Greek torch-bearers' race in honor of Hephaestus. This riding-post is called in Persia, angareion. " "
8.98
While Xerxes did thus, he sent a messenger to Persia with news of his present misfortune. Now there is nothing mortal that accomplishes a course more swiftly than do these messengers, by the Persians' skillful contrivance. It is said that as many days as there are in the whole journey, so many are the men and horses that stand along the road, each horse and man at the interval of a day's journey. These are stopped neither by snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness from accomplishing their appointed course with all speed. ,The first rider delivers his charge to the second, the second to the third, and thence it passes on from hand to hand, even as in the Greek torch-bearers' race in honor of Hephaestus. This riding-post is called in Persia, angareion. "' None
14. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.41.3, 3.33 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • imperial • imperial cults • imperialism • imperialism, Athenian Empire • imperialism, Athenian attitudes to

 Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 64; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 112; Lightfoot (2021), Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World, 163, 171; Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 149

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2.41.3 μόνη γὰρ τῶν νῦν ἀκοῆς κρείσσων ἐς πεῖραν ἔρχεται, καὶ μόνη οὔτε τῷ πολεμίῳ ἐπελθόντι ἀγανάκτησιν ἔχει ὑφ’ οἵων κακοπαθεῖ οὔτε τῷ ὑπηκόῳ κατάμεμψιν ὡς οὐχ ὑπ’ ἀξίων ἄρχεται.' ' None
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2.41.3 For Athens alone of her contemporaries is found when tested to be greater than her reputation, and alone gives no occasion to her assailants to blush at the antagonist by whom they have been worsted, or to her subjects to question her title by merit to rule.
3.33
, From Ephesus Alcidas set sail in haste and fled. He had been seen by the Salaminian and Paralian galleys, which happened to be sailing from Athens, while still at anchor off Clarus and fearing pursuit he now made across the open sea, fully determined to touch nowhere, if he could help it, until he got to Peloponnese . ,Meanwhile news of him had come in to Paches from the Erythraeid, and indeed from all quarters. As Ionia was unfortified great fears were felt that the Peloponnesians coasting along shore, even if they did not intend to stay, might make descents in passing and plunder the towns; and now the Paralian and Salaminian, having seen him at Clarus, themselves brought intelligence of the fact. ,Paches accordingly gave hot chase, and continued the pursuit as far as the isle of Patmos, and then finding that Alcidas had got on too far to be overtaken, came back again. Meanwhile he thought it fortunate that, as he had not fallen in with them out at sea, he had not overtaken them anywhere where they would have been forced to encamp, and so give him the trouble of blockading them. '' None
15. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.1.3, 8.8.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Herodotus, imperialism in • accession (imperial) • imperial, Persian taxation • imperial, bureaucracies of Persia and Egypt

 Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 66, 241; Gorman, Gorman (2014), Corrupting Luxury in Ancient Greek Literature. 129; Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 20

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1.1.3 ὅτε μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐνεθυμούμεθα, οὕτως ἐγιγνώσκομεν περὶ αὐτῶν, ὡς ἀνθρώπῳ πεφυκότι πάντων τῶν ἄλλων ῥᾷον εἴη ζῴων ἢ ἀνθρώπων ἄρχειν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐνενοήσαμεν ὅτι Κῦρος ἐγένετο Πέρσης, ὃς παμπόλλους μὲν ἀνθρώπους ἐκτήσατο πειθομένους αὑτῷ, παμπόλλας δὲ πόλεις, πάμπολλα δὲ ἔθνη, ἐκ τούτου δὴ ἠναγκαζόμεθα μετανοεῖν μὴ οὔτε τῶν ἀδυνάτων οὔτε τῶν χαλεπῶν ἔργων ᾖ τὸ ἀνθρώπων ἄρχειν, ἤν τις ἐπισταμένως τοῦτο πράττῃ. Κύρῳ γοῦν ἴσμεν ἐθελήσαντας πείθεσθαι τοὺς μὲν ἀπέχοντας παμπόλλων ἡμερῶν ὁδόν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ μηνῶν, τοὺς δὲ οὐδʼ ἑωρακότας πώποτʼ αὐτόν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ εὖ εἰδότας ὅτι οὐδʼ ἂν ἴδοιεν, καὶ ὅμως ἤθελον αὐτῷ ὑπακούειν.
8.8.15
ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ θρυπτικώτεροι πολὺ νῦν ἢ ἐπὶ Κύρου εἰσί. τότε μὲν γὰρ ἔτι τῇ ἐκ Περσῶν παιδείᾳ καὶ ἐγκρατείᾳ ἐχρῶντο, τῇ δὲ Μήδων στολῇ καὶ ἁβρότητι· νῦν δὲ τὴν μὲν ἐκ Περσῶν καρτερίαν περιορῶσιν ἀποσβεννυμένην, τὴν δὲ τῶν Μήδων μαλακίαν διασῴζονται.'' None
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1.1.3 Thus, as we meditated on this analogy, we were inclined to conclude that for man, as he is constituted, it is easier to rule over any and all other creatures than to rule over men. But when we reflected that Cyrus a king of men there was one Cyrus, the Persian, who reduced to obedience a vast number of men and cities and nations, we were then compelled to change our opinion and decide that to rule men might be a task neither impossible nor even difficult, if one should only go about it in an intelligent manner. At all events, we know that people obeyed Cyrus willingly, although some of them were distant from him a journey of many days, and others of many months; others, although they had never seen him, and still others who knew well that they never should see him. Nevertheless they were all willing to be his subjects.
8.8.15
Furthermore, they are much more effeminate now than they were in Cyrus’s day. For at that time they still adhered to the old discipline and the old abstinence that they received from the Persians, but adopted the Median garb and Median luxury; now, on the contrary, they are allowing the rigour of the Persians to die out, while they keep up the effeminacy of the Medes. '' None
16. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • imperial • language and style, Book of Judith, imperatives

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 454; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 113

17. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • sophists, imperial style

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 279, 292; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 279, 292

18. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Roman Imperial Period • literature, Greek, imperial

 Found in books: Despotis and Lohr (2022), Religious and Philosophical Conversion in the Ancient Mediterranean Traditions, 412; Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach (2021), Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond, 92

19. Anon., Testament of Job, 7.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • biblical women, imperious • imperial edicts

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 272; Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 146

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7.9 And they told them concerning me: "He sitteth upon the dung-hill outside of the city for he has not entered the city’ for seven years". '' None
20. Cicero, On Duties, 2.26-2.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, imperial policies of • imperialism

 Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 223; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright (2017), Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill. 116, 117, 120, 123

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2.26 Testis est Phalaris, cuius est praeter ceteros nobilitata crudelitas, qui non ex insidiis interiit, ut is, quem modo dixi, Alexander, non a paucis, ut hic noster, sed in quem universa Agrigentinorum multitudo impetum fecit. Quid? Macedones nonne Demetrium reliquerunt universique se ad Pyrrhum contulerunt? Quid? Lacedaemonios iniuste imperantes nonne repente omnes fere socii deseruerunt spectatoresque se otiosos praebuerunt Leuctricae calamitatis? Externa libentius in tali re quam domestica recordor. Verum tamen, quam diu imperium populi Romani beneficiis tenebatur, non iniuriis, bella aut pro sociis aut de imperio gerebantur, exitus erant bellorum aut mites aut necessarii, regum, populorum, nationum portus erat et refugium senatus, 2.27 nostri autem magistratus imperatoresque ex hac una re maximam laudem capere studebant, si provincias, si socios aequitate et fide defendissent; itaque illud patrocinium orbis terrae verius quam imperium poterat nominari. Sensim hanc consuetudinem et disciplinam iam antea minuebamus, post vero Sullae victoriam penitus amisimus; desitum est enim videri quicquam in socios iniquum, cum exstitisset in cives tanta crudelitas. Ergo in illo secuta est honestam causam non honesta victoria; est enim ausus dicere, hasta posita cum bona in foro venderet et bonorum virorum et locupletium et certe civium, praedam se suam vendere. Secutus est, qui in causa impia, victoria etiam foediore non singulorum civium bona publicaret, sed universas provincias regionesque uno calamitatis iure comprehenderet.'' None
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2.26 \xa0And indeed no power is strong enough to be lasting if it labours under the weight of fear. Witness Phalaris, whose cruelty is notorious beyond that of all others. He was slain, not treacherously (like that Alexander whom I\xa0named but now), not by a\xa0few conspirators (like that tyrant of ours), but the whole population of Agrigentum rose against him with one accord. Again, did not the Macedonians abandon Demetrius and march over as one man to Pyrrhus? And again, when the Spartans exercised their supremacy tyrannically, did not practically all the allies desert them and view their disaster at Leuctra, as idle spectators? I\xa0prefer in this connection to draw my illustrations from foreign history rather than from our own. Let me add, however, that as long as the empire of the Roman People maintained itself by acts of service, not of oppression, wars were waged in the interest of our allies or to safeguard our supremacy; the end of our wars was marked by acts of clemency or by only a necessary degree of severity; the senate was a haven of refuge for kings, tribes, and nations; < 2.27 \xa0and the highest ambition of our magistrates and generals was to defend our provinces and allies with justice and honour. <'' None
21. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 7.43-7.48 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Judas Maccabee, and imperial rule • language and style, Book of Judith, imperatives

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 412; Honigman (2014), Tales of High Priests and Taxes : The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV 150

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7.43 So the armies met in battle on the thirteenth day of the month of Adar. The army of Nicanor was crushed, and he himself was the first to fall in the battle. 7.44 When his army saw that Nicanor had fallen, they threw down their arms and fled. 7.45 The Jews pursued them a days journey, from Adasa as far as Gazara, and as they followed kept sounding the battle call on the trumpets. 7.46 And men came out of all the villages of Judea round about, and they out-flanked the enemy and drove them back to their pursuers, so that they all fell by the sword; not even one of them was left. 7.47 Then the Jews seized the spoils and the plunder, and they cut off Nicanors head and the right hand which he so arrogantly stretched out, and brought them and displayed them just outside Jerusalem. 7.48 The people rejoiced greatly and celebrated that day as a day of great gladness.'' None
22. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 8.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Judas Maccabee, and imperial rule • imperial cults

 Found in books: Honigman (2014), Tales of High Priests and Taxes : The Books of the Maccabees and the Judean Rebellion Against Antiochos IV 150; Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 205

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8.34 The thrice-accursed Nicanor, who had brought the thousand merchants to buy the Jews,'"" None
23. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • civil wars (as a part of imperial discourse) • imperial representation, in Roman Senate • imperial representation, originating in emperors’ entourage • imperial representation, pagan or Christian elites • imperialism

 Found in books: Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 36; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright (2017), Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill. 114

24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • family, imperial • imperator

 Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 127

25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Palatine Hill, seat of imperial power • imperator

 Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 173; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 70

26. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 224, 225; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 224, 225

27. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 4.12.17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • early imperial debate about • imperial/imperialism

 Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 127; Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 160

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4.12.17 \xa0"Who of you, pray, men of the jury, could devise a punishment drastic enough for him who has plotted to betray the fatherland to our enemies? What offence can compare with this crime, what punishment can be found commensurate with this offence? Upon those who had done violence to a freeborn youth, outraged the mother of a family, wounded, or â\x80\x94 basest crime of all â\x80\x94 slain a man, our ancestors exhausted the catalogue of extreme punishments; while for this most savage and impious villainy they bequeathed no specific penalty. In other wrongs, indeed, injury arising from another\'s crime extends to one individual, or only to a\xa0few; but the participants in this crime are plotting, with one stroke, the most horrible catastrophes for the whole body of citizens. O\xa0such men of savage hearts! O\xa0such cruel designs! O\xa0such human beings bereft of human feeling! What have they dared to do, what can they now be planning? They are planning how our enemies, after uprooting our fathers\' graves, and throwing down our walls, shall with triumphant cry rush into the city; how when they have despoiled the temples of the gods, slaughtered the Conservatives and dragged all others off into slavery, and when they have subjected matrons and freeborn youths to a foeman\'s lust, the city, put to the torch, shall collapse in the most violent of conflagrations! They do not think, these scoundrels, that they have fulfilled their desires to the utmost, unless they have gazed upon the piteous ashes of our most holy fatherland. Men of the jury, I\xa0cannot in words do justice to the shamefulness of their act; yet that disquiets me but little, for you have no need of me. Indeed your own hearts, overflowing with patriotism, readily tell you to drive this man, who would have betrayed the fortunes of all, headlong from this commonwealth, which he would have buried under the impious domination of the foulest of enemies."<'' None
28. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.22.2, 3.38-3.48 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Germanicus Caesar, enters Egypt without imperial permission • Religion passim, imperial or royal cult • dialogue, between late Hellenistic and imperial texts

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 94, 117; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 94, 117; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 205; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 44

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1.22.2 \xa0And like her husband she also, when she passed from among men, received immortal honours and was buried near Memphis, where her shrine is pointed out to this day in the temple-area of Hephaestus.' "
3.38
1. \xa0But now that we have examined with sufficient care Ethiopia and the Trogodyte country and the territory adjoining them, as far as the region which is uninhabited because of the excessive heat, and, beside these, the coast of the Red Sea and the Atlantic deep which stretches towards the south, we shall give an account of the part which still remains â\x80\x94 and I\xa0refer to the Arabian Gulf â\x80\x94 drawing in part upon the royal records preserved in Alexandria, and in part upon what we have learned from men who have seen it with their own eyes.,2. \xa0For this section of the inhabited world and that about the British Isles and the far north have by no means come to be included in the common knowledge of men. But as for the parts of the inhabited world which lie to the far north and border on the area which is uninhabited because of the cold, we shall discuss them when we record the deeds of Gaius Caesar;,3. \xa0for he it was who extended the Roman Empire the farthest into those parts and brought it about that all the area which had formerly been unknown came to be included in a narrative of history;,4. \xa0but the Arabian Gulf, as it is called, opens into the ocean which lies to the south, and its innermost recess, which stretches over a distance of very many stades in length, is enclosed by the farthermost borders of Arabia and the Trogodyte country. Its width at the mouth and at the innermost recess is about sixteen stades, but from the harbour of Panormus to the opposite mainland is a\xa0day's run for a warship. And its greatest width is at the Tyrcaeus mountain and Macaria, an island out at sea, the mainlands there being out of sight of each other. But from this point the width steadily decreases more and more and continually tapers as far as the entrance.,5. \xa0And as a man sails along the coast he comes in many places upon long islands with narrow passages between them, where the current rises full and strong. Such, then, is the setting, in general terms, of this gulf. But for our part, we shall make our beginning with the farthest regions of the innermost recess and then sail along its two sides past the mainlands, in connection with which we shall describe what is peculiar to them and most deserving of discussion; and first of all we shall take the right side, the coast of which is inhabited by tribes of the Trogodytes as far inland as the desert. \xa0" "
3.38
\xa0But now that we have examined with sufficient care Ethiopia and the Trogodyte country and the territory adjoining them, as far as the region which is uninhabited because of the excessive heat, and, beside these, the coast of the Red Sea and the Atlantic deep which stretches towards the south, we shall give an account of the part which still remains â\x80\x94 and I\xa0refer to the Arabian Gulf â\x80\x94 drawing in part upon the royal records preserved in Alexandria, and in part upon what we have learned from men who have seen it with their own eyes.,\xa0For this section of the inhabited world and that about the British Isles and the far north have by no means come to be included in the common knowledge of men. But as for the parts of the inhabited world which lie to the far north and border on the area which is uninhabited because of the cold, we shall discuss them when we record the deeds of Gaius Caesar;,\xa0for he it was who extended the Roman Empire the farthest into those parts and brought it about that all the area which had formerly been unknown came to be included in a narrative of history; <,\xa0but the Arabian Gulf, as it is called, opens into the ocean which lies to the south, and its innermost recess, which stretches over a distance of very many stades in length, is enclosed by the farthermost borders of Arabia and the Trogodyte country. Its width at the mouth and at the innermost recess is about sixteen stades, but from the harbour of Panormus to the opposite mainland is a\xa0day's run for a warship. And its greatest width is at the Tyrcaeus mountain and Macaria, an island out at sea, the mainlands there being out of sight of each other. But from this point the width steadily decreases more and more and continually tapers as far as the entrance.,\xa0And as a man sails along the coast he comes in many places upon long islands with narrow passages between them, where the current rises full and strong. Such, then, is the setting, in general terms, of this gulf. But for our part, we shall make our beginning with the farthest regions of the innermost recess and then sail along its two sides past the mainlands, in connection with which we shall describe what is peculiar to them and most deserving of discussion; and first of all we shall take the right side, the coast of which is inhabited by tribes of the Trogodytes as far inland as the desert. \xa0" "3.39 1. \xa0In the course of the journey, then, from the city of Arsinoê along the right mainland, in many places numerous streams, which have a bitter salty taste, drop from the cliffs into the sea. And after a man has passed these waters, above a great plain there towers a mountain whose colour is like ruddle and blinds the sight of any who gaze steadfastly upon it for some time. Moreover, at the edge of the skirts of the mountain there lies a harbour, known as Aphroditê's Harbour, which has a winding entrance.,2. \xa0Above this harbour are situated three islands, two of which abound in olive trees and are thickly shaded, while one falls short of the other two in respect of the number of these trees but contains a multitude of the birds called meleagrides.,3. \xa0Next there is a very large gulf which is called Acathartus, and by it is an exceedingly long peninsula, over the narrow neck of which men transport their ships to the opposite sea.,4. \xa0And as a man coasts along these regions he comes to an island which lies at a distance out in the open sea and stretches for a length of eighty stades; the name of it is Ophiodes and it was formerly full of fearful serpents of every variety, which was in fact the reason why it received this name, but in later times the kings at Alexandria have laboured so diligently on the reclaiming of it that not one of the animals which were formerly there is any longer to be seen on the island.,5. \xa0However, we should not pass over the reason why the kings showed diligence in the reclamation of the island. For there is found on it the topaz, as it is called, which is a pleasing transparent stone, similar to glass, and of a marvellous golden hue.,6. \xa0Consequently no unauthorized person may set foot upon the island and it is closely guarded, every man who has approached it being put to death by the guards who are stationed there. And the latter are few in number and lead a miserable existence. For in order to prevent any stone being stolen, not a single boat is left on the island; furthermore, any who sail by pass along it at a distance because of their fear of the king; and the provisions which are brought to it are quickly exhausted and there are absolutely no other provisions in the land.,7. \xa0Consequently, whenever only a little food is left, all the inhabitants of the village sit down and await the arrival of the ship of those who are bringing the provisions, and when these are delayed they are reduced to their last hopes.,8. \xa0And the stone we have mentioned, being found in the rock, is not discernible during the day because of the stifling heat, since it is overcome by the brilliance of the sun, but when night falls it shines in the dark and is visible from afar, in whatever place it may be.,9. \xa0The guards on the island divide these places by lot among themselves and stand watch over them, and when the stone shines they put around it, to mark the place, a vessel corresponding in size to the chunk of stone which gives out the light; and when day comes and they go their rounds they cut out the area which has been so marked and turn it over to men who are able by reason of their craftsmanship to polish it properly. \xa0" "3.39 \xa0In the course of the journey, then, from the city of Arsinoê along the right mainland, in many places numerous streams, which have a bitter salty taste, drop from the cliffs into the sea. And after a man has passed these waters, above a great plain there towers a mountain whose colour is like ruddle and blinds the sight of any who gaze steadfastly upon it for some time. Moreover, at the edge of the skirts of the mountain there lies a harbour, known as Aphroditê's Harbour, which has a winding entrance.,\xa0Above this harbour are situated three islands, two of which abound in olive trees and are thickly shaded, while one falls short of the other two in respect of the number of these trees but contains a multitude of the birds called meleagrides.,\xa0Next there is a very large gulf which is called Acathartus, and by it is an exceedingly long peninsula, over the narrow neck of which men transport their ships to the opposite sea.,\xa0And as a man coasts along these regions he comes to an island which lies at a distance out in the open sea and stretches for a length of eighty stades; the name of it is Ophiodes and it was formerly full of fearful serpents of every variety, which was in fact the reason why it received this name, but in later times the kings at Alexandria have laboured so diligently on the reclaiming of it that not one of the animals which were formerly there is any longer to be seen on the island.,\xa0However, we should not pass over the reason why the kings showed diligence in the reclamation of the island. For there is found on it the topaz, as it is called, which is a pleasing transparent stone, similar to glass, and of a marvellous golden hue.,\xa0Consequently no unauthorized person may set foot upon the island and it is closely guarded, every man who has approached it being put to death by the guards who are stationed there. And the latter are few in number and lead a miserable existence. For in order to prevent any stone being stolen, not a single boat is left on the island; furthermore, any who sail by pass along it at a distance because of their fear of the king; and the provisions which are brought to it are quickly exhausted and there are absolutely no other provisions in the land.,\xa0Consequently, whenever only a little food is left, all the inhabitants of the village sit down and await the arrival of the ship of those who are bringing the provisions, and when these are delayed they are reduced to their last hopes.,\xa0And the stone we have mentioned, being found in the rock, is not discernible during the day because of the stifling heat, since it is overcome by the brilliance of the sun, but when night falls it shines in the dark and is visible from afar, in whatever place it may be.,\xa0The guards on the island divide these places by lot among themselves and stand watch over them, and when the stone shines they put around it, to mark the place, a vessel corresponding in size to the chunk of stone which gives out the light; and when day comes and they go their rounds they cut out the area which has been so marked and turn it over to men who are able by reason of their craftsmanship to polish it properly. \xa0" "3.40 1. \xa0After sailing past these regions one finds that the coast is inhabited by many nations of Ichthyophagi and many nomadic Trogodytes. Then there appear mountains of all manner of peculiarities until one comes to the Harbour of Soteria, as it is called, which gained this name from the first Greek sailors who found safety there.,2. \xa0From this region onwards the gulf begins to become contracted and to curve toward Arabia. And here it is found that the nature of the country and of the sea has altered by reason of the peculiar characteristic of the region;,3. \xa0for the mainland appears to be low as seen from the sea, no elevation rising above it, and the sea, which runs to shoals, is found to have a depth of no more than three fathoms, while in colour it is altogether green. The reason for this is, they say, not because the water is naturally of that colour, but because of the mass of seaweed and tangle which shows from under water.,4. \xa0For ships, then, which are equipped with oars the place is suitable enough, since it rolls along no wave from a great distance and affords, furthermore, fishing in the greatest abundance; but the ships which carry the elephants, being of deep draft because of their weight and heavy by reason of their equipment, bring upon their crews great and terrible dangers.,5. \xa0For running as they do under full sail and often times being driven during the night before the force of the winds, sometimes they will strike against rocks and be wrecked or sometimes run aground on slightly submerged spits. The sailors are unable to go over the sides of the ship because the water is deeper than a man's height, and when in their efforts to rescue their vessel by means of their punting-poles they accomplish nothing, they jettison everything except their provisions; but if even by this course they do not succeed in effecting an escape, they fall into great perplexity by reason of the fact that they can make out neither an island nor a promontory nor another ship near at hand; â\x80\x94 for the region is altogether inhospitable and only at rare intervals do men cross it in ships.,6. \xa0And to add to these evils the waves within a moment's time cast up such a mass of sand against the body of the ship and heap it up in so incredible a fashion that it soon piles up a mound round about the place and binds the vessel, as if of set purpose, to the solid land.,7. \xa0Now the men who have suffered this mishap, at the outset bewail their lot with moderation in the face of a deaf wilderness, having as yet not entirely abandoned hope of ultimate salvation; for oftentimes the swell of the flood-tide has intervened for men in such a plight and raised the ship aloft, and suddenly appearing, as might a deus ex machina, has brought succour to men in the extremity of peril. But when such god-sent aid has not been vouchsafed to them and their food fails, then the strong cast the weaker into the sea in order that for the few left the remaining necessities of life may last a greater number of days. But finally, when they have blotted out of their minds all their hopes, these perish by a more miserable fate than those who had died before; for whereas the latter in a moment's time returned to Nature the spirit which she had given them, these parcelled out their death into many separate hardships before they finally, suffering long-protracted tortures, were granted the end of life.,8. \xa0As for the ships which have been stripped of their crews in this pitiable fashion, there they remain for many years, like a group of cenotaphs, embedded on every side in a heap of sand, their masts and yard-arms si standing aloft, and they move those who behold them from afar to pity and sympathy for the men who have perished. For it is the king's command to leave in place such evidences of disasters that they may give notice to sailors of the region which works to their destruction.,9. \xa0And among the Ichthyophagi who dwell near by has been handed down a tale which has preserved the account received from their forefathers, that once, when there was a great receding of the sea, the entire area of the gulf which has what may be roughly described as the green appearance became land, and that, after the sea had receded to the opposite parts and the solid ground in the depths of it had emerged to view, a mighty flood came back upon it again and returned the body of water to its former place. \xa0" "3.40 \xa0After sailing past these regions one finds that the coast is inhabited by many nations of Ichthyophagi and many nomadic Trogodytes. Then there appear mountains of all manner of peculiarities until one comes to the Harbour of Soteria, as it is called, which gained this name from the first Greek sailors who found safety there.,\xa0From this region onwards the gulf begins to become contracted and to curve toward Arabia. And here it is found that the nature of the country and of the sea has altered by reason of the peculiar characteristic of the region; <,\xa0for the mainland appears to be low as seen from the sea, no elevation rising above it, and the sea, which runs to shoals, is found to have a depth of no more than three fathoms, while in colour it is altogether green. The reason for this is, they say, not because the water is naturally of that colour, but because of the mass of seaweed and tangle which shows from under water.,\xa0For ships, then, which are equipped with oars the place is suitable enough, since it rolls along no wave from a great distance and affords, furthermore, fishing in the greatest abundance; but the ships which carry the elephants, being of deep draft because of their weight and heavy by reason of their equipment, bring upon their crews great and terrible dangers.,\xa0For running as they do under full sail and often times being driven during the night before the force of the winds, sometimes they will strike against rocks and be wrecked or sometimes run aground on slightly submerged spits. The sailors are unable to go over the sides of the ship because the water is deeper than a man's height, and when in their efforts to rescue their vessel by means of their punting-poles they accomplish nothing, they jettison everything except their provisions; but if even by this course they do not succeed in effecting an escape, they fall into great perplexity by reason of the fact that they can make out neither an island nor a promontory nor another ship near at hand; â\x80\x94 for the region is altogether inhospitable and only at rare intervals do men cross it in ships.,\xa0And to add to these evils the waves within a moment's time cast up such a mass of sand against the body of the ship and heap it up in so incredible a fashion that it soon piles up a mound round about the place and binds the vessel, as if of set purpose, to the solid land.,\xa0Now the men who have suffered this mishap, at the outset bewail their lot with moderation in the face of a deaf wilderness, having as yet not entirely abandoned hope of ultimate salvation; for oftentimes the swell of the flood-tide has intervened for men in such a plight and raised the ship aloft, and suddenly appearing, as might a deus ex machina, has brought succour to men in the extremity of peril. But when such god-sent aid has not been vouchsafed to them and their food fails, then the strong cast the weaker into the sea in order that for the few left the remaining necessities of life may last a greater number of days. But finally, when they have blotted out of their minds all their hopes, these perish by a more miserable fate than those who had died before; for whereas the latter in a moment's time returned to Nature the spirit which she had given them, these parcelled out their death into many separate hardships before they finally, suffering long-protracted tortures, were granted the end of life.,\xa0As for the ships which have been stripped of their crews in this pitiable fashion, there they remain for many years, like a group of cenotaphs, embedded on every side in a heap of sand, their masts and yard-arms si standing aloft, and they move those who behold them from afar to pity and sympathy for the men who have perished. For it is the king's command to leave in place such evidences of disasters that they may give notice to sailors of the region which works to their destruction.,\xa0And among the Ichthyophagi who dwell near by has been handed down a tale which has preserved the account received from their forefathers, that once, when there was a great receding of the sea, the entire area of the gulf which has what may be roughly described as the green appearance became land, and that, after the sea had receded to the opposite parts and the solid ground in the depths of it had emerged to view, a mighty flood came back upon it again and returned the body of water to its former place. \xa0" "3.41 1. \xa0The voyage along the coast, as one leaves these regions, from Ptolemaïs as far as the Promontories of the Tauri we have already mentioned, when we told of Ptolemy's hunting of the elephants; and from the Tauri the coast swings to the east, and at the time of the summer solstice the shadows fall to the south, opposite to what is true with us, at about the second hour of the day.,2. \xa0The country also has rivers, which flow from the Psebaean mountains, as they are called. Moreover, it is checkered by great plains as well, which bear mallows, cress, and palms, all of unbelievable size; and it also brings forth fruits of every description, which have an insipid taste and are unknown among us.,3. \xa0That part which stretches towards the interior is full of elephants and wild bulls and lions and many other powerful wild beasts of every description. The passage by sea is broken up by islands which, though they bear no cultivated fruit, support varieties of birds which are peculiar to them and marvellous to look upon.,4. \xa0After this place the sea is quite deep and produces all kinds of sea-monsters of astonishing size, which, however, offer no harm to men unless one by accident falls upon their back-fins; for they are unable to pursue the sailors, since when they rise from the sea their eyes are blinded by the brilliance of the sun. These, then, are the farthest known parts of the Trogodyte country, and are circumscribed by the ranges which go by the name of Psebaean. \xa0" '3.41 \xa0The voyage along the coast, as one leaves these regions, from Ptolemaïs as far as the Promontories of the Tauri we have already mentioned, when we told of Ptolemy's hunting of the elephants; and from the Tauri the coast swings to the east, and at the time of the summer solstice the shadows fall to the south, opposite to what is true with us, at about the second hour of the day.,\xa0The country also has rivers, which flow from the Psebaean mountains, as they are called. Moreover, it is checkered by great plains as well, which bear mallows, cress, and palms, all of unbelievable size; and it also brings forth fruits of every description, which have an insipid taste and are unknown among us.,\xa0That part which stretches towards the interior is full of elephants and wild bulls and lions and many other powerful wild beasts of every description. The passage by sea is broken up by islands which, though they bear no cultivated fruit, support varieties of birds which are peculiar to them and marvellous to look upon.,\xa0After this place the sea is quite deep and produces all kinds of sea-monsters of astonishing size, which, however, offer no harm to men unless one by accident falls upon their back-fins; for they are unable to pursue the sailors, since when they rise from the sea their eyes are blinded by the brilliance of the sun. These, then, are the farthest known parts of the Trogodyte country, and are circumscribed by the ranges which go by the name of Psebaean. \xa0" "3.42 1. \xa0But we shall now take up the other side, namely, the opposite shore which forms the coast of Arabia, and shall describe it, beginning with the innermost recess. This bears the name Poseideion, since an altar was erected here to Poseidon Pelagius by that Ariston who was dispatched by Ptolemy to investigate the coast of Arabia as far as the ocean.,2. \xa0Directly after the innermost recess is a region along the sea which is especially honoured by the natives because of the advantage which accrues from it to them. It is called the Palm-grove and contains a multitude of trees of this kind which are exceedingly fruitful and contribute in an unusual degree to enjoyment and luxury.,3. \xa0But all the country round about is lacking in springs of water and is fiery hot because it slopes to the south; accordingly, it was a natural thing that the barbarians made sacred the place which was full of trees and, lying as it did in the midst of a region utterly desolate, supplied their food. And indeed not a\xa0few springs and streams of water gush forth there, which do not yield to snow in coldness; and these make the land on both sides of them green and altogether pleasing.,4. \xa0Moreover, an altar is there built of hard stone and very old in years, bearing an inscription in ancient letters of an unknown tongue. The oversight of the sacred precinct is in the care of a man and a woman who hold the sacred office for life. The inhabitants of the place are long-lived and have their beds in the trees because of their fear of the wild beasts.,5. \xa0After sailing past the Palm-grove one comes to an island off a promontory of the mainland which bears the name Island of Phocae from the animals which make their home there; for so great a multitude of these beasts spend their time in these regions as to astonish those who behold them. And the promontory which stretches out in front of the island lies over against Petra, as it is called, and Palestine; for to this country, as it is reported, both the Gerrhaeans and Minaeans convey from Upper Arabia, as it is called, both the frankincense and the other aromatic wares. \xa0' "3.42 \xa0But we shall now take up the other side, namely, the opposite shore which forms the coast of Arabia, and shall describe it, beginning with the innermost recess. This bears the name Poseideion, since an altar was erected here to Poseidon Pelagius by that Ariston who was dispatched by Ptolemy to investigate the coast of Arabia as far as the ocean.,\xa0Directly after the innermost recess is a region along the sea which is especially honoured by the natives because of the advantage which accrues from it to them. It is called the Palm-grove and contains a multitude of trees of this kind which are exceedingly fruitful and contribute in an unusual degree to enjoyment and luxury. <,\xa0But all the country round about is lacking in springs of water and is fiery hot because it slopes to the south; accordingly, it was a natural thing that the barbarians made sacred the place which was full of trees and, lying as it did in the midst of a region utterly desolate, supplied their food. And indeed not a\xa0few springs and streams of water gush forth there, which do not yield to snow in coldness; and these make the land on both sides of them green and altogether pleasing.,\xa0Moreover, an altar is there built of hard stone and very old in years, bearing an inscription in ancient letters of an unknown tongue. The oversight of the sacred precinct is in the care of a man and a woman who hold the sacred office for life. The inhabitants of the place are long-lived and have their beds in the trees because of their fear of the wild beasts.,\xa0After sailing past the Palm-grove one comes to an island off a promontory of the mainland which bears the name Island of Phocae from the animals which make their home there; for so great a multitude of these beasts spend their time in these regions as to astonish those who behold them. And the promontory which stretches out in front of the island lies over against Petra, as it is called, and Palestine; for to this country, as it is reported, both the Gerrhaeans and Minaeans convey from Upper Arabia, as it is called, both the frankincense and the other aromatic wares. \xa0 3.43 1. \xa0The coast which comes next was originally inhabited by the Maranitae, and then by the Garindanes who were their neighbours. The latter secured the country somewhat in this fashion: In the above-mentioned Palm-grove a festival was celebrated every four years, to which the neighbouring peoples thronged from all sides, both to sacrifice to the gods of the sacred precinct hecatombs of well-fed camels and also to carry back to their native lands some of the water of this place, since the tradition prevailed that this drink gave health to such as partook of it.,2. \xa0When for these reasons, then, the Maranitae gathered to the festival, the Garindanes, putting to the sword those who had been left behind in the country, and lying in ambush for those who were returning from the festival, utterly destroyed the tribe, and after stripping the country of its inhabitants they divided among themselves the plains, which were fruitful and supplied abundant pasture for their herds and flocks.,3. \xa0This coast has few harbours and is divided by many large mountains, by reason of which it shows every shade of colour and affords a marvellous spectacle to those who sail past it.,4. \xa0After one has sailed past this country the Laeanites Gulf comes next, about which are many inhabited villages of Arabs who are known as Nabataeans. This tribe occupies a large part of the coast and not a little of the country which stretches inland, and it has a people numerous beyond telling and flocks and herds in multitude beyond belief.,5. \xa0Now in ancient times these men observed justice and were content with the food which they received from their flocks, but later, after the kings in Alexandria had made the ways of the sea navigable for the merchants, these Arabs not only attacked the shipwrecked, but fitting out pirate ships preyed upon the voyagers, imitating in their practices the savage and lawless ways of the Tauri of the Pontus; some time afterward, however, they were caught on the high seas by some quadriremes and punished as they deserved.,6. \xa0Beyond these regions there is a level and well-watered stretch of land which produces, by reason of springs which flow through its whole extent, dog's-tooth grass, lucerne, and lotus as tall as a man. And because of the abundance and excellent quality of the pasturage, not only does it support every manner of flocks and herds in multitude beyond telling, but also wild camels, deer, and gazelles.,7. \xa0And against the multitude of animals which are nourished in that place there gather in from the desert bands of lions and wolves and leopards, against which the herdsmen must perforce battle both day and night to protect their charges; and in this way the land's good fortune becomes a cause of misfortune for its inhabitants, seeing that it is generally Nature's way to dispense to men along with good things what is hurtful as well. \xa0" '3.43 \xa0The coast which comes next was originally inhabited by the Maranitae, and then by the Garindanes who were their neighbours. The latter secured the country somewhat in this fashion: In the above-mentioned Palm-grove a festival was celebrated every four years, to which the neighbouring peoples thronged from all sides, both to sacrifice to the gods of the sacred precinct hecatombs of well-fed camels and also to carry back to their native lands some of the water of this place, since the tradition prevailed that this drink gave health to such as partook of it.,\xa0When for these reasons, then, the Maranitae gathered to the festival, the Garindanes, putting to the sword those who had been left behind in the country, and lying in ambush for those who were returning from the festival, utterly destroyed the tribe, and after stripping the country of its inhabitants they divided among themselves the plains, which were fruitful and supplied abundant pasture for their herds and flocks.,\xa0This coast has few harbours and is divided by many large mountains, by reason of which it shows every shade of colour and affords a marvellous spectacle to those who sail past it.,\xa0After one has sailed past this country the Laeanites Gulf comes next, about which are many inhabited villages of Arabs who are known as Nabataeans. This tribe occupies a large part of the coast and not a little of the country which stretches inland, and it has a people numerous beyond telling and flocks and herds in multitude beyond belief.,\xa0Now in ancient times these men observed justice and were content with the food which they received from their flocks, but later, after the kings in Alexandria had made the ways of the sea navigable for the merchants, these Arabs not only attacked the shipwrecked, but fitting out pirate ships preyed upon the voyagers, imitating in their practices the savage and lawless ways of the Tauri of the Pontus; some time afterward, however, they were caught on the high seas by some quadriremes and punished as they deserved.,\xa0Beyond these regions there is a level and well-watered stretch of land which produces, by reason of springs which flow through its whole extent, dog's-tooth grass, lucerne, and lotus as tall as a man. And because of the abundance and excellent quality of the pasturage, not only does it support every manner of flocks and herds in multitude beyond telling, but also wild camels, deer, and gazelles.,\xa0And against the multitude of animals which are nourished in that place there gather in from the desert bands of lions and wolves and leopards, against which the herdsmen must perforce battle both day and night to protect their charges; and in this way the land's good fortune becomes a cause of misfortune for its inhabitants, seeing that it is generally Nature's way to dispense to men along with good things what is hurtful as well. \xa0" "3.44 1. \xa0Next after these plains as one skirts the coast comes a gulf of extraordinary nature. It runs, namely, to a point deep into the land, extends in length a distance of some five hundred stades, and shut in as it is by crags which are of wondrous size, its mouth is winding and hard to get out of; for a rock which extends into the sea obstructs its entrance and so it is impossible for a ship either to sail into or out of the gulf.,2. \xa0Furthermore, at times when the current rushes in and there are frequent shiftings of the winds, the surf, beating upon the rocky beach, roars and rages all about the projecting rock. The inhabitants of the land about the gulf, who are known as Banizomenes, find their food by hunting the land animals and eating their meat. And a temple has been set up there, which is very holy and exceedingly revered by all Arabians.,3. \xa0Next there are three islands which lie off the coast just described and provide numerous harbours. The first of these, history relates, is sacred to Isis and is uninhabited, and on it are stone foundations of ancient dwellings and stelae which are inscribed with letters in a barbarian tongue; the other two islands are likewise uninhabited and all three are covered thick with olive trees which differ from those we have.,4. \xa0Beyond these islands there extends for about a\xa0thousand stades a coast which is precipitous and difficult for ships to sail past; for there is neither harbour beneath the cliffs nor roadstead where sailors may anchor, and no natural breakwater which affords shelter in emergency for mariners in distress. And parallel to the coast here runs a mountain range at whose summit are rocks which are sheer and of a terrifying height, and at its base are sharp undersea ledges in many places and behind them are ravines which are eaten away underneath and turn this way and that.,5. \xa0And since these ravines are connected by passages with one another and the sea is deep, the surf, as it at one time rushes in and at another time retreats, gives forth a sound resembling a mighty crash of thunder. At one place the surf, as it breaks upon huge rocks, rocks leaps on high and causes an astonishing mass of foam, at another it is swallowed up within the caverns and creates such a terrifying agitation of the waters that men who unwittingly draw near these places are so frightened that they die, as it were, a first death.,6. \xa0This coast, then, is inhabited by Arabs who are called Thamudeni; but the coast next to it is bounded by a very large gulf, off which lie scattered islands which are in appearance very much like the islands called the Echinades. After this coast there come sand dunes, of infinite extent in both length and width and black in colour.,7. \xa0Beyond them a neck of land is to be seen and a harbour, the fairest of any which have come to be included in history, called Charmuthas. For behind an extraordinary natural breakwater which slants towards the west there lies a gulf which not only is marvellous in its form but far surpasses all others in the advantages it offers; for a thickly wooded mountain stretches along it, enclosing it on all sides in a ring one\xa0hundred stades long; its entrance is two plethra wide, and it provides a harbour undisturbed by the waves sufficient for two thousand vessels.,8. \xa0Furthermore, it is exceptionally well supplied with water, since a river, larger than ordinary, empties into it, and it contains in its centre an island which is abundantly watered and capable of supporting gardens. In general, it resembles most closely the harbour of Carthage, which is known as Cothon, of the advantages of which we shall endeavour to give a detailed discussion in connection with the appropriate time. And a multitude of fish gather from the open sea into the harbour both because of the calm which prevails there and because of the sweetness of the waters which flow into it. \xa0 3.44 \xa0Next after these plains as one skirts the coast comes a gulf of extraordinary nature. It runs, namely, to a point deep into the land, extends in length a distance of some five hundred stades, and shut in as it is by crags which are of wondrous size, its mouth is winding and hard to get out of; for a rock which extends into the sea obstructs its entrance and so it is impossible for a ship either to sail into or out of the gulf.,\xa0Furthermore, at times when the current rushes in and there are frequent shiftings of the winds, the surf, beating upon the rocky beach, roars and rages all about the projecting rock. The inhabitants of the land about the gulf, who are known as Banizomenes, find their food by hunting the land animals and eating their meat. And a temple has been set up there, which is very holy and exceedingly revered by all Arabians.,\xa0Next there are three islands which lie off the coast just described and provide numerous harbours. The first of these, history relates, is sacred to Isis and is uninhabited, and on it are stone foundations of ancient dwellings and stelae which are inscribed with letters in a barbarian tongue; the other two islands are likewise uninhabited and all three are covered thick with olive trees which differ from those we have.,\xa0Beyond these islands there extends for about a\xa0thousand stades a coast which is precipitous and difficult for ships to sail past; for there is neither harbour beneath the cliffs nor roadstead where sailors may anchor, and no natural breakwater which affords shelter in emergency for mariners in distress. And parallel to the coast here runs a mountain range at whose summit are rocks which are sheer and of a terrifying height, and at its base are sharp undersea ledges in many places and behind them are ravines which are eaten away underneath and turn this way and that.,\xa0And since these ravines are connected by passages with one another and the sea is deep, the surf, as it at one time rushes in and at another time retreats, gives forth a sound resembling a mighty crash of thunder. At one place the surf, as it breaks upon huge rocks, rocks leaps on high and causes an astonishing mass of foam, at another it is swallowed up within the caverns and creates such a terrifying agitation of the waters that men who unwittingly draw near these places are so frightened that they die, as it were, a first death.,\xa0This coast, then, is inhabited by Arabs who are called Thamudeni; but the coast next to it is bounded by a very large gulf, off which lie scattered islands which are in appearance very much like the islands called the Echinades. After this coast there come sand dunes, of infinite extent in both length and width and black in colour.,\xa0Beyond them a neck of land is to be seen and a harbour, the fairest of any which have come to be included in history, called Charmuthas. For behind an extraordinary natural breakwater which slants towards the west there lies a gulf which not only is marvellous in its form but far surpasses all others in the advantages it offers; for a thickly wooded mountain stretches along it, enclosing it on all sides in a ring one\xa0hundred stades long; its entrance is two plethra wide, and it provides a harbour undisturbed by the waves sufficient for two thousand vessels.,\xa0Furthermore, it is exceptionally well supplied with water, since a river, larger than ordinary, empties into it, and it contains in its centre an island which is abundantly watered and capable of supporting gardens. In general, it resembles most closely the harbour of Carthage, which is known as Cothon, of the advantages of which we shall endeavour to give a detailed discussion in connection with the appropriate time. And a multitude of fish gather from the open sea into the harbour both because of the calm which prevails there and because of the sweetness of the waters which flow into it. \xa0 3.45 1. \xa0After these places, as a man skirts the coast, five mountains rise on high separated one from another, and their peaks taper into breast-shaped tips of stone which give them an appearance like that of the pyramids of Egypt.,2. \xa0Then comes a circular gulf guarded on every side by great promontories, and midway on a line drawn across it rises a trapezium-shaped hill on which three temples, remarkable for their height, have been erected to gods, which indeed are unknown to the Greeks, but are accorded unusual honour by the natives.,3. \xa0After this there is a stretch of dank coast, traversed at intervals by streams of sweet water from springs; on it there is a mountain which bears the name Chabinus and is heavily covered with thickets of every kind of tree. The land which adjoins the mountainous country is inhabited by the Arabs known as Debae.,4. \xa0They are breeders of camels and make use of the services of this animal in connection with the most important needs of their life; for instance, they fight against their enemies from their backs, employ them for the conveyance of their wares and thus easily accomplish all their business, drink their milk and in this way get their food from them, and traverse their entire country riding upon their racing camels.,5. \xa0And down the centre of their country runs a river which carries down such an amount of what is gold dust to all appearance that the mud glitters all over as it is carried out at its mouth. The natives of the region are entirely without experience in the working of the gold, but they are hospitable to strangers, not, however, to everyone who arrives among them, but only to Boeotians and Peloponnesians, the reason for this being the ancient friendship shown by Heracles for the tribe, a friendship which, they relate, has come down to them in the form of a myth as a heritage from their ancestors.,6. \xa0The land which comes next is inhabited by Alilaei and Gasandi, Arab peoples, and is not fiery hot, like the neighbouring territories, but is often overspread by mild and thick clouds, from which come heavy showers and timely storms that make the summer season temperate. The land produces everything and is exceptionally fertile, but it does not receive the cultivation of which it would admit because of the lack of experience of the folk.,7. \xa0Gold they discover in underground galleries which have been formed by nature and gather in abundance not that which has been fused into a mass out of gold-dust, but the virgin gold, which is called, from its condition when found, "unfired" gold. And as for size the smallest nugget found is about as large as the stone offruit, and the largest not much smaller than a royal nut.,8. \xa0This gold they wear about both their wrists and necks, perforating it and alternating it with transparent stones. And since this precious metal abounds in their land, whereas there is a scarcity of copper and iron, they exchange it with merchants for equal parts of the latter wares. \xa0 3.45 \xa0After these places, as a man skirts the coast, five mountains rise on high separated one from another, and their peaks taper into breast-shaped tips of stone which give them an appearance like that of the pyramids of Egypt.,\xa0Then comes a circular gulf guarded on every side by great promontories, and midway on a line drawn across it rises a trapezium-shaped hill on which three temples, remarkable for their height, have been erected to gods, which indeed are unknown to the Greeks, but are accorded unusual honour by the natives.,\xa0After this there is a stretch of dank coast, traversed at intervals by streams of sweet water from springs; on it there is a mountain which bears the name Chabinus and is heavily covered with thickets of every kind of tree. The land which adjoins the mountainous country is inhabited by the Arabs known as Debae.,\xa0They are breeders of camels and make use of the services of this animal in connection with the most important needs of their life; for instance, they fight against their enemies from their backs, employ them for the conveyance of their wares and thus easily accomplish all their business, drink their milk and in this way get their food from them, and traverse their entire country riding upon their racing camels.,\xa0And down the centre of their country runs a river which carries down such an amount of what is gold dust to all appearance that the mud glitters all over as it is carried out at its mouth. The natives of the region are entirely without experience in the working of the gold, but they are hospitable to strangers, not, however, to everyone who arrives among them, but only to Boeotians and Peloponnesians, the reason for this being the ancient friendship shown by Heracles for the tribe, a friendship which, they relate, has come down to them in the form of a myth as a heritage from their ancestors.,\xa0The land which comes next is inhabited by Alilaei and Gasandi, Arab peoples, and is not fiery hot, like the neighbouring territories, but is often overspread by mild and thick clouds, from which come heavy showers and timely storms that make the summer season temperate. The land produces everything and is exceptionally fertile, but it does not receive the cultivation of which it would admit because of the lack of experience of the folk.,\xa0Gold they discover in underground galleries which have been formed by nature and gather in abundance not that which has been fused into a mass out of gold-dust, but the virgin gold, which is called, from its condition when found, "unfired" gold. And as for size the smallest nugget found is about as large as the stone offruit, and the largest not much smaller than a royal nut.,\xa0This gold they wear about both their wrists and necks, perforating it and alternating it with transparent stones. And since this precious metal abounds in their land, whereas there is a scarcity of copper and iron, they exchange it with merchants for equal parts of the latter wares. \xa0 3.46 1. \xa0Beyond this people are the Carbae, as they are called, and beyond these the Sabaeans, who are the most numerous of the tribes of the Arabians. They inhabit that part of the country known as Arabia the Blest, which produces most of the things which are held dear among us and nurtures flocks and herds of every kind in multitude beyond telling. And a natural sweet odour pervades the entire land because practically all the things which excel in fragrance grow there unceasingly.,2. \xa0Along the coast, for instance, grow balsam, as called, and cassia and a certain other herb possessing a nature peculiar to itself; for when fresh it is most pleasing and delightful to the eye, but when kept for a time it suddenly fades to nothing.,3. \xa0And throughout the interior of land there are thick forests, in which are great trees which yield frankincense and myrrh, as well as palms and reeds, cinnamon trees and every other kind which possesses a sweet odour as these have; for it is impossible to enumerate both the peculiar properties and natures of each one severally because of the great volume and the exceptional richness of the fragrance as it is gathered from each and all.,4. \xa0For a divine thing and beyond the power of words to describe seems the fragrance which greets the nostrils and stirs the senses of everyone. Indeed, even though those who sail along this coast may be far from the land, that does not deprive them of a portion of the enjoyment which this fragrance affords; for in the summer season, when the wind is blowing off shore, one finds that the sweet odours exhaled by the myrrh-bearing and other aromatic trees penetrate to the near-by parts of the sea; and the reason is that the essence of the sweet-smelling herbs is not, as with us, kept laid away until it has become old and stale, but its potency is in the full bloom of its strength and fresh, and penetrates to the most delicate parts of the sense of smell.,5. \xa0And since the breeze carries the emanation of the most fragrant plants, to the voyagers who approach the coast there is wafted a blending of perfumes, delightful and potent, and healthful withal and exotic, composed as it is of the best of them, seeing that the product of the trees has not been minced into bits and so has exhaled its own special strength, nor yet lies stored away in vessels made of a different substance, but taken at the very prime of its freshness and while its divine nature keeps the shoot pure and undefiled. Consequently those who partake of the unique fragrance feel that they are enjoying the ambrosia of which the myths relate, being unable, because of the superlative sweetness of the perfume, to find any other name that would be fitting and worthy of it. \xa0' "3.46 \xa0Beyond this people are the Carbae, as they are called, and beyond these the Sabaeans, who are the most numerous of the tribes of the Arabians. They inhabit that part of the country known as Arabia the Blest, which produces most of the things which are held dear among us and nurtures flocks and herds of every kind in multitude beyond telling. And a natural sweet odour pervades the entire land because practically all the things which excel in fragrance grow there unceasingly.,\xa0Along the coast, for instance, grow balsam, as called, and cassia and a certain other herb possessing a nature peculiar to itself; for when fresh it is most pleasing and delightful to the eye, but when kept for a time it suddenly fades to nothing.,\xa0And throughout the interior of land there are thick forests, in which are great trees which yield frankincense and myrrh, as well as palms and reeds, cinnamon trees and every other kind which possesses a sweet odour as these have; for it is impossible to enumerate both the peculiar properties and natures of each one severally because of the great volume and the exceptional richness of the fragrance as it is gathered from each and all.,\xa0For a divine thing and beyond the power of words to describe seems the fragrance which greets the nostrils and stirs the senses of everyone. Indeed, even though those who sail along this coast may be far from the land, that does not deprive them of a portion of the enjoyment which this fragrance affords; for in the summer season, when the wind is blowing off shore, one finds that the sweet odours exhaled by the myrrh-bearing and other aromatic trees penetrate to the near-by parts of the sea; and the reason is that the essence of the sweet-smelling herbs is not, as with us, kept laid away until it has become old and stale, but its potency is in the full bloom of its strength and fresh, and penetrates to the most delicate parts of the sense of smell.,\xa0And since the breeze carries the emanation of the most fragrant plants, to the voyagers who approach the coast there is wafted a blending of perfumes, delightful and potent, and healthful withal and exotic, composed as it is of the best of them, seeing that the product of the trees has not been minced into bits and so has exhaled its own special strength, nor yet lies stored away in vessels made of a different substance, but taken at the very prime of its freshness and while its divine nature keeps the shoot pure and undefiled. Consequently those who partake of the unique fragrance feel that they are enjoying the ambrosia of which the myths relate, being unable, because of the superlative sweetness of the perfume, to find any other name that would be fitting and worthy of it. \xa0 3.47 1. \xa0Nevertheless, fortune has not invested the inhabitants of this land with a felicity which is perfect and leaves no room for envy, but with such great gifts she has coupled what is harmful and may serve as a warning to such men as are wont to despise the gods because of the unbroken succession of their blessings.,2. \xa0For in the most fragrant forests is a multitude of snakes, the colour of which is dark-red, their length a span, and their bites altogether incurable; they bite by leaping upon their victim, and as they spring on high they leave a stain of blood upon his skin.,3. \xa0And there is also something peculiar to the natives which happens in the case of those whose bodies have become weakened by a protracted illness. For when the body has become permeated by an undiluted and pungent substance and the combination of foreign bodies settles in a porous area, an enfeebled condition ensues which is difficult to cure: consequently at the side of men afflicted in this way they burn asphalt and the beard of a goat, combatting the excessively sweet odour by that from substances of the opposite nature. Indeed the good, when it is measured out in respect of quantity and order, is for human beings an aid and delight, but when it fails of due proportion and proper time the gift which it bestows is unprofitable.,4. \xa0The chief city of this tribe is called by them Sabae and is built upon a mountain. The kings of this city succeed to the throne by descent and the people accord to them honours mingled with good and ill. For though they have the appearance of leading a happy life, in that they impose commands upon all and are not accountable for their deeds, yet they are considered unfortunate, inasmuch as it is unlawful for them ever to leave the palace, and if they do so they are stoned to death, in accordance with a certain ancient oracle, by the common crowd.,5. \xa0This tribe surpasses not only the neighbouring Arabs but also all other men in wealth and in their several extravagancies besides. For in the exchange and sale of their wares they, of all men who carry on trade for the sake of the silver they receive in exchange, obtain the highest price in return for things of the smallest weight.,6. \xa0Consequently, since they have never for ages suffered the ravages of war because of their secluded position, and since an abundance of both gold and silver abounds in the country, especially in Sabae, where the royal palace is situated, they have embossed goblets of every description, made of silver and gold, couches and tripods with silver feet, and every other furnishing of incredible costliness, and halls encircled by large columns, some of them gilded, and others having silver figures on the capitals.,7. \xa0Their ceilings and doors they have partitioned by means of panels and coffers made of gold, set with precious stones and placed close together, and have thus made the structure of their houses in every part marvellous for its costliness; for some parts they have constructed of silver and gold, others of ivory and that most showy precious stones or of whatever else men esteem most highly.,8. \xa0For the fact is that these people have enjoyed their felicity unshaken since ages past because they have been entire strangers to those whose own covetousness leads them to feel that another man's wealth is their own godsend. The sea in these parts looks to be white in colour, so that the beholder marvels at the surprising phenomenon and at the same time seeks for its cause.,9. \xa0And there are prosperous islands near by, containing unwalled cities, all the herds of which are white in colour, while no female has any horn whatsoever. These islands are visited by sailors from every part and especially from Potana, the city which Alexander founded on the Indus river, when he wished to have a naval station on the shore of the ocean. Now as regards Arabia the Blest and its inhabitants we shall be satisfied with what has been said. \xa0" '3.47 \xa0Nevertheless, fortune has not invested the inhabitants of this land with a felicity which is perfect and leaves no room for envy, but with such great gifts she has coupled what is harmful and may serve as a warning to such men as are wont to despise the gods because of the unbroken succession of their blessings.,\xa0For in the most fragrant forests is a multitude of snakes, the colour of which is dark-red, their length a span, and their bites altogether incurable; they bite by leaping upon their victim, and as they spring on high they leave a stain of blood upon his skin.,\xa0And there is also something peculiar to the natives which happens in the case of those whose bodies have become weakened by a protracted illness. For when the body has become permeated by an undiluted and pungent substance and the combination of foreign bodies settles in a porous area, an enfeebled condition ensues which is difficult to cure: consequently at the side of men afflicted in this way they burn asphalt and the beard of a goat, combatting the excessively sweet odour by that from substances of the opposite nature. Indeed the good, when it is measured out in respect of quantity and order, is for human beings an aid and delight, but when it fails of due proportion and proper time the gift which it bestows is unprofitable.,\xa0The chief city of this tribe is called by them Sabae and is built upon a mountain. The kings of this city succeed to the throne by descent and the people accord to them honours mingled with good and ill. For though they have the appearance of leading a happy life, in that they impose commands upon all and are not accountable for their deeds, yet they are considered unfortunate, inasmuch as it is unlawful for them ever to leave the palace, and if they do so they are stoned to death, in accordance with a certain ancient oracle, by the common crowd.,\xa0This tribe surpasses not only the neighbouring Arabs but also all other men in wealth and in their several extravagancies besides. For in the exchange and sale of their wares they, of all men who carry on trade for the sake of the silver they receive in exchange, obtain the highest price in return for things of the smallest weight.,\xa0Consequently, since they have never for ages suffered the ravages of war because of their secluded position, and since an abundance of both gold and silver abounds in the country, especially in Sabae, where the royal palace is situated, they have embossed goblets of every description, made of silver and gold, couches and tripods with silver feet, and every other furnishing of incredible costliness, and halls encircled by large columns, some of them gilded, and others having silver figures on the capitals.,\xa0Their ceilings and doors they have partitioned by means of panels and coffers made of gold, set with precious stones and placed close together, and have thus made the structure of their houses in every part marvellous for its costliness; for some parts they have constructed of silver and gold, others of ivory and that most showy precious stones or of whatever else men esteem most highly.,\xa0For the fact is that these people have enjoyed their felicity unshaken since ages past because they have been entire strangers to those whose own covetousness leads them to feel that another man's wealth is their own godsend. The sea in these parts looks to be white in colour, so that the beholder marvels at the surprising phenomenon and at the same time seeks for its cause.,\xa0And there are prosperous islands near by, containing unwalled cities, all the herds of which are white in colour, while no female has any horn whatsoever. These islands are visited by sailors from every part and especially from Potana, the city which Alexander founded on the Indus river, when he wished to have a naval station on the shore of the ocean. Now as regards Arabia the Blest and its inhabitants we shall be satisfied with what has been said. \xa0" "3.48 1. \xa0But we must not omit to mention the strange phenomena which are seen in the heavens in these regions. The most marvellous is that which, according to accounts we have, has to do with the constellation of the Great Bear and occasions the greatest perplexity among navigators. What they relate is that, beginning with the month which the Athenians call Maemacterion, not one of the seven stars of the Great Bear is seen until the first watch, in Poseideon none until second, and in the following months they gradually drop out of the sight of navigators.,2. \xa0As for the other heavenly bodies, the planets, as they are called, are, in the case of some, larger than they appear with us, and in the case of others their risings and settings are also not the same; and the sun does not, as with us, send forth its light shortly in advance of its actual rising, but while the darkness of night still continues, it suddenly and contrary to all expectation appears and sends forth its light.,3. \xa0Because of this there is no daylight in those regions before the sun has become visible, and when out of the midst of the sea, as they say, it comes into view, it resembles a fiery red ball of charcoal which discharges huge sparks, and its shape does not look like a cone, as is the impression we have of it, but it has the shape of a column which has the appearance of being slightly thicker at the top; and furthermore it does not shine or send out rays before the first hour, appearing as a fire that gives forth no light in the darkness; but at the beginning of the second hour it takes on the form of a round shield and sends forth a light which is exceptionally bright and fiery.,4. \xa0But at its setting the opposite manifestations take place with respect to it; for it seems to observers to be lighting up the whole universe with a strange kind of ray for not less than two or, as Agatharchides of Cnidus has recorded, for three hours. And in the opinion of the natives this is the most pleasant period, when the heat is steadily lessening because of the setting of the sun.,5. \xa0As regards the winds, the west, the south-west, also the north-west and the east blow as in the other parts of the world; but in Ethiopia the south winds neither blow nor are known at all, although in the Trogodyte country and Arabia they so exceptionally hot that they set the forests on fire and cause the bodies of those who take refuge in the shade of their huts to collapse through weakness. The north wind, however, may justly be considered the most favourable of all, since it reaches into every region of the inhabited earth and is ever cool.'3.48 \xa0But we must not omit to mention the strange phenomena which are seen in the heavens in these regions. The most marvellous is that which, according to accounts we have, has to do with the constellation of the Great Bear and occasions the greatest perplexity among navigators. What they relate is that, beginning with the month which the Athenians call Maemacterion, not one of the seven stars of the Great Bear is seen until the first watch, in Poseideon none until second, and in the following months they gradually drop out of the sight of navigators.,\xa0As for the other heavenly bodies, the planets, as they are called, are, in the case of some, larger than they appear with us, and in the case of others their risings and settings are also not the same; and the sun does not, as with us, send forth its light shortly in advance of its actual rising, but while the darkness of night still continues, it suddenly and contrary to all expectation appears and sends forth its light.,\xa0Because of this there is no daylight in those regions before the sun has become visible, and when out of the midst of the sea, as they say, it comes into view, it resembles a fiery red ball of charcoal which discharges huge sparks, and its shape does not look like a cone, as is the impression we have of it, but it has the shape of a column which has the appearance of being slightly thicker at the top; and furthermore it does not shine or send out rays before the first hour, appearing as a fire that gives forth no light in the darkness; but at the beginning of the second hour it takes on the form of a round shield and sends forth a light which is exceptionally bright and fiery.,\xa0But at its setting the opposite manifestations take place with respect to it; for it seems to observers to be lighting up the whole universe with a strange kind of ray for not less than two or, as Agatharchides of Cnidus has recorded, for three hours. And in the opinion of the natives this is the most pleasant period, when the heat is steadily lessening because of the setting of the sun.,\xa0As regards the winds, the west, the south-west, also the north-west and the east blow as in the other parts of the world; but in Ethiopia the south winds neither blow nor are known at all, although in the Trogodyte country and Arabia they so exceptionally hot that they set the forests on fire and cause the bodies of those who take refuge in the shade of their huts to collapse through weakness. The north wind, however, may justly be considered the most favourable of all, since it reaches into every region of the inhabited earth and is ever cool. ' None
29. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 7.72.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Tongue, Regarding the imperative favete linguis (animisque) • family, imperial

 Found in books: Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 111; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 124

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7.72.13 \xa0After these bands of dancers came a throng of lyre-players and many flute-players, and after them the persons who carried the censers in which perfumes and frankincense were burned along the whole route of the procession, also the men who bore the show-vessels made of silver and gold, both those that were sacred owing to the gods and those that belonged to the state. Last of all in the procession came the images of the gods, borne on men's shoulders, showing the same likenesses as those made by the Greeks and having the same dress, the same symbols, and the same gifts which tradition says each of them invented and bestowed on mankind. These were the images not only of Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, Neptune, and of the rest whom the Greeks reckon among the twelve gods, but also of those still more ancient from whom legend says the twelve were sprung, namely, Saturn, Ops, Themis, Latona, the Parcae, Mnemosynê, and all the rest to whom temples and holy places are dedicated among the Greeks; and also of those whom legend represents as living later, after Jupiter took over the sovereignty, such as Proserpina, Lucina, the Nymphs, the Muses, the Seasons, the Graces, Liber, and the demigods whose souls after they had left their mortal bodies are said to have ascended to Heaven and to have obtained the same honours as the gods, such as Hercules, Aesculapius, Castor and Pollux, Helen, Pan, and countless others. <"" None
30. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.203-1.205, 3.119-3.122, 3.339-3.340 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Palatine Hill, seat of imperial power • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • imperial family • triumph, as an imperial monopoly

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 229; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 101; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 106; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 211, 213, 214; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 229

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1.203 Marsque pater Caesarque pater, date numen eunti: 1.204 rend= 1.205 Auguror, en, vinces; votivaque carmina reddam,
3.119
Quae nunc sub Phoebo ducibusque Palatia fulgent, 3.121 Prisca iuvent alios: ego me nunc denique natum
3.339
Forsitan et nostrum nomen miscebitur istis, 3.340 rend='' None
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1.203 What Roman heart but felt a foreign flame! 1.204 Once more our prince prepares to make us glad, 1.205 And the remaining east to Rome will add. Augustus having put an end to the war in Spain , undertook an expedition into Asia , and began the Parthian war; in which he recovered the ensigns that had been taken from the Romans in the defeat of Crassus, which these verses refer to.' "
3.119
Besides, the tender sex is form'd to bear," '3.120 And frequent births too soon will youth impair; 3.121 Continual harvest wears the fruitful field,' "3.122 And earth itself decays, too often till'd." 3.339 Lest when she stands she may be thought to sit; 3.340 And when extended on her couch she lies,'' None
31. Ovid, Fasti, 1.9-1.10, 1.85-1.86, 1.285-1.286, 1.608, 1.615-1.616, 4.951-4.952, 4.954, 5.23-5.24, 5.85-5.86 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Muses, imperialism linked to • Power structures, Imperial power • Tongue, Regarding the imperative favete linguis (animisque) • birthdays of the members of the imperial family • charisma, imperial ideology and • conspectus, imperial • feriae, in the Imperial Period • festivals, imperial • imperial cult, house • imperial family • imperial ideology, the emperor as a provider of hope

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 31; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 24, 73, 74, 75, 79, 107, 200, 202, 241; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 78; Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 72; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 267; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 119, 136, 218; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 20

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1.9 invenies illic et festa domestica vobis: 1.10 saepe tibi pater est, saepe legendus avus;
1.85
Iuppiter arce sua totum cum spectat in orbem, 1.86 nil nisi Romanum, quod tueatur, habet,
1.285
pax erat et, vestri, Germanice, causa triumphi, 1.286 tradiderat famulas iam tibi Rhenus aquas.
1.608
hic socium summo cum Iove nomen habet,
1.615
auspicibusque deis tanti cognominis heres 1.616 omine suscipiat, quo pater, orbis onus I 15. G CAR
4.951
Phoebus habet partem, Vestae pars altera cessit; 4.952 quod superest illis, tertius ipse tenet,' 5.23 donec Honor placidoque decens Reverentia voltu 5.24 corpora legitimis inposuere toris.2
5.85
quarum Maia suas forma superasse sorores 5.86 traditur et summo concubuisse Iovi.'' None
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1.9 And here you’ll find the festivals of your House, 1.10 And see your father’s and your grandfather’s name:
1.85
When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, 1.86 Everything that he sees belongs to Rome.
1.285
There was peace, and already a cause of triumph, Germanicus, 1.286 The Rhine had yielded her waters up in submission to you.
1.608
Sacred things are called august by the senators,
1.615
Attend the heir of so great a name, when he rules the world. 1.616 When the third sun looks back on the past Ides,
4.951
For Vesta, and the third part that’s left, Caesar occupies. 4.952 Long live the laurels of the Palatine: long live that house
4.954
%%% 4,‘Kindly mother of the twin Cupids, favour me!’ I said.,She glanced back towards her poet: ‘Why do you,Need me?’ she said. ‘Surely, you sing greater themes.,Have you some old wound lingering in your heart?’,‘Goddess, ‘ I replied, ‘you know my wound.’ She laughed,,And the sky immediately cleared in her direction.,‘Hurt or whole have I ever deserted your cause?,You were always my intent and my labour.,As was fitting in my youth, innocently I played,,And now my horses sweep out a wider field:,From ancient texts I sing the days and reasons,,And the star-signs that rise and set, beneath the Earth.,I’ve reached the fourth month, where you’re most honoured,,And you know, Venus, both month and poet are yours.’,The goddess, moved, touching my brow lightly,With Cytherean myrtle, said: ‘Finish what you’ve begun.’,I was inspired, and suddenly knew the origins of days:,Sail, my boat, while you can, while the breezes blow.,If there’s any part of the calendar that might stir you,,Caesar, in April you’ll find what should interest you.,This month you inherit from a mighty lineage,,Yours by adoption into a noble house.,When Romulus established the length of the year,,He recognised this, and commemorated your sires:,And as he granted first place among months to fierce Mars,,Being the immediate cause of his own existence,,So he granted the second month to Venus,,Tracing his descent from her through many generations:,Searching for the roots of his race, unwinding the rolls,of the centuries, he came at last to his divine kin.,He couldn’t be ignorant that Electra daughter of Atlas,Bore Dardanus, that Electra had slept with Jove.,From Dardanus came Ericthonius, and from himTros:,He in turn produced Assaracus, and Assaracus Capys.,Next was Anchises, with whom Venus,Didn’t disdain to share the name of parent.,From them came Aeneas, whose piety was seen, carrying,Holy things, and a father as holy, on his shoulders, through the fire.,Now at last we come to the fortunate name of Iulus,,Through whom the Julian house claims Teucrian ancestors.,Postumus was his, called Silvius among the Latin,Race, being born in the depth of the woods.,He was your father, Latinus. Alba followed Latinus:,Epytus was next to take your titles Alba.,Epytus gave his son Capys a Trojan name,,And the same was your grandfather Calpetus.,When Tiberinus ruled his father’s kingdom after him,,It’s said he drowned in a deep pool of the Tuscan river.,But before that he saw the birth of a son Agrippa,,And a grandson Remulus, who was struck by lightning.,Aventinus followed them, from whom the place and the hill,Took their name. After him the realm passed to Proca.,He was succeeded by Numitor, brother to harsh Amulius.,Ilia and Lausus were then the children of Numitor.,Lausus fell to his uncle’s sword: Ilia pleased Mars,,And bore you Quirinus, and your brother Remus.,You always claimed your parents were Mars and Venus,,And deserved to be believed when you said so:,And you granted successive months to your race’s gods,,So your descendants might not be in ignorance of the truth.,But I think the month of Venus took its title,From the Greek: she was named after the sea-foam.,Nor is it any wonder it was called by a Greek name,,Since the land of Italy was Greater Greece.,Evander had reached here with ships full of his people:,Alcides had arrived, both Greek by race.,(A club-bearing guest fed his cattle on Aventine grass,,And one of the great gods drank from the Albula):,Ulysses, the Neritian leader, also arrived: witness,The Laestrygones, and the shore that bears Circe’s name.,Telegonus’s walls were already standing, and the walls,of damp Tibur, constructed by Greek hands.,Halaesus had come, spurred by the fate of the Atrides,,Halaesus from whom the Faliscan country derives its name.,Add to this, Antenor, who advised the Trojans to make peace,,And Diomedes, the Oenid, son-in-law to Apulian Daunus.,Aeneas arrived later, after Antenor, bringing his gods,To our country, out of the flames of Ilium.,He had a comrade, Solymus, from Phrygian Ida,,From whom the walls of Sulmo take their name,,Cool Sulmo, my native place, Germanicus.,Ah me, how far that place is from Scythia’s soil!,And I, so distant – but Muse, quell your complaints!,Holy themes set to a gloomy lyre are not for you.,Where does envy not reach? Venus, there are some,Who’d grudge you your month, and snatch it away.,They say Spring was named from the open (apertum) season,,Because Spring opens (aperit) everything and the sharp,Frost-bound cold vanishes, and fertile soil’s revealed,,Though kind Venus sets her hand there and claims it.,She rules the whole world too, and truly deserves to:,She owns a realm not inferior to any god’s,,Commands earth and heaven, and her native ocean,,And maintains all beings from her source.,She created the gods (too numerous to mention):,She gave the crops and trees their first roots:,She brought the crude minds of men together,,And taught them each to associate with a partner.,What but sweet pleasure creates all the race of birds?,Cattle wouldn’t mate, if gentle love were absent.,The wild ram butts the males with his horn,,But won’t hurt the brow of his beloved ewe.,The bull, that the woods and pastures fear,,Puts off his fierceness and follows the heifer.,The same force preserves whatever lives in the deep,,And fills the waters with innumerable fish.,That force first stripped man of his wild apparel:,From it he learned refinement and elegance.,It’s said a banished lover first serenaded,His mistress by night, at her closed door,,And eloquence then was the winning of a reluctant maid,,And everyone pleaded his or her own cause.,A thousand arts are furthered by the goddess: and the wish,To delight has revealed many things that were hidden.,Who dares to steal her honour of naming the second month?,Let such madness be far from my thoughts.,Besides, though she’s powerful everywhere, her temples,Crowded, doesn’t she hold most sway in our City?,Venus, Roman, carried weapons to defend your Troy,,And groaned at the spear wound in her gentle hand:,And she defeated two goddesses, by a Trojan judgement,,(Ah! If only they hadn’t remembered her victory!),And she was called the bride of Assaracus’s son,,So that mighty Caesar would have Julian ancestors.,No season is more fitting for Venus than Spring:,In spring the earth gleams: in spring the ground’s soft,,Now the grass pokes its tips through the broken soil,,Now the vine bursts in buds through the swollen bark.,And lovely Venus deserves the lovely season,,And is joined again to her darling Mars:,In Spring she tells the curving ships to sail, over,Her native seas, and fear the winter’s threat no longer.,Perform the rites of the goddess, Roman brides and mothers,,And you who must not wear the headbands and long robes.,Remove the golden necklaces from her marble neck,,Remove her riches: the goddess must be cleansed, complete.,Return the gold necklaces to her neck, once it’s dry:,Now she’s given fresh flowers, and new-sprung roses.,She commands you too to bathe, under the green myrtle,,And there’s a particular reason for her command (learn, now!).,Naked, on the shore, she was drying her dripping hair:,The Satyrs, that wanton crowd, spied the goddess.,She sensed it, and hid her body with a screen of myrtle:,Doing so, she was safe: she commands that you do so too.,Learn now why you offer incense to Fortuna Virilis,,In that place that steams with heated water.,All women remove their clothes on entering,,And every blemish on their bodies is seen:,Virile Fortune undertakes to hide those from the men,,And she does this at the behest of a little incense.,Don’t begrudge her poppies, crushed in creamy milk,And in flowing honey, squeezed from the comb:,When Venus was first led to her eager spouse,,She drank so: and from that moment was a bride.,Please her with words of supplication: beauty,,Virtue, and good repute are in her keeping.,In our forefather’s time Rome lapsed from chastity:,And the ancients consulted the old woman of Cumae.,She ordered a temple built to Venus: when it was done,Venus took the name of Heart-Changer (Verticordia).,Loveliest One, always look with a benign gaze,On the sons of Aeneas, and guard their many wives.,As I speak, Scorpio, the tip of whose raised tail,Strikes fear, plunges down into the green waves.,When the night is past, and the sky is just beginning,To redden, and the birds, wet with dew, are singing,,And the traveller who’s been awake all night, puts down,His half-burnt torch, and the farmer’s off to his usual labours,,The Pleiades will start to lighten their father’s shoulders,,They who are said to be seven, but usually are six:,Because it’s true that six lay in the loving clasp of gods,(Since they say that Asterope slept with Mars:,Alcyone, and you, lovely Celaeno, with Neptune:,Maia, Electra, and Taygete with Jupiter),,While the seventh, Merope, married you, Sisyphus, a mortal,,And repents of it, and, alone of the sisters, hides from shame:,Or because Electra couldn’t bear to watch Troy’s destruction,,And so her face now is covered by her hands.,Let the sky turn three times on its axis,,Let the Sun three times yoke and loose his horses,,And the Berecyntian flute will begin sounding,Its curved horn, it will be the Idaean Mother’s feast.,Eunuchs will march, and sound the hollow drums,,And cymbal will clash with cymbal, in ringing tones:,Seated on the soft necks of her servants, she’ll be carried,With howling, through the midst of the City streets.,The stage is set: the games are calling. Watch, then,,Quirites, and let those legal wars in the fora cease.,I’d like to ask many things, but I’m made fearful,By shrill clash of bronze, and curved flute’s dreadful drone.,‘Lend me someone to ask, goddess.’ Cybele spying her learned,Granddaughters, the Muses, ordered them to take care of me.,‘Nurslings of Helicon, mindful of her orders, reveal,Why the Great Goddess delights in continual din.’,So I spoke. And Erato replied (it fell to her to speak about,Venus’ month, because her name derives from tender love):,‘Saturn was granted this prophecy: “Noblest of kings,,You’ll be ousted by your own son’s sceptre.”,The god, fearful, devoured his children as soon as,Born, and then retained them deep in his guts.,often Rhea (Cybele) complained, at being so often pregt,,Yet never a mother, and grieved at her own fruitfulness.,Then Jupiter was born (ancient testimony is credited,By most: so please don’t disturb the accepted belief):,A stone, concealed in clothing, went down Saturn’s throat,,So the great progenitor was deceived by the fates.,Now steep Ida echoed to a jingling music,,So the child might cry from its infant mouth, in safety.,Some beat shields with sticks, others empty helmets:,That was the Curetes’ and the Corybantes’ task.,The thing was hidden, and the ancient deed’s still acted out:,The goddess’s servants strike the bronze and sounding skins.,They beat cymbals for helmets, drums instead of shields:,The flute plays, as long ago, in the Phrygian mode.’,The goddess ceased. I began: ‘Why do fierce lions,Yield untamed necks to the curving yoke for her?’,I ceased. The goddess began: ‘It’s thought their ferocity,Was first tamed by her: the testament to it’s her chariot.’,‘But why is her head weighed down by a turreted crown?,Is it because she granted towers to the first cities?’,She nodded. I said ‘Where did this urge to cut off,Their members come from?’ As I ended, the Muse spoke:,‘In the woods, a Phrygian boy, Attis, of handsome face,,Won the tower-bearing goddess with his chaste passion.,She desired him to serve her, and protect her temple,,And said: “Wish, you might be a boy for ever.”,He promised to be true, and said: “If I’m lying,May the love I fail in be my last love.”,He did fail, and in meeting the nymph Sagaritis,,Abandoned what he was: the goddess, angered, avenged it.,She destroyed the Naiad, by wounding a tree,,Since the tree contained the Naiad’s fate.,Attis was maddened, and thinking his chamber’s roof,Was falling, fled for the summit of Mount Dindymus.,Now he cried: “Remove the torches”, now he cried:,“Take the whips away”: often swearing he saw the Furies.,He tore at his body too with a sharp stone,,And dragged his long hair in the filthy dust,,Shouting: “I deserved this! I pay the due penalty,In blood! Ah! Let the parts that harmed me, perish!,Let them perish!” cutting away the burden of his groin,,And suddenly bereft of every mark of manhood.,His madness set a precedent, and his unmanly servants,Toss their hair, and cut off their members as if worthless.’,So the Aonian Muse, eloquently answering the question,I’d asked her, regarding the causes of their madness.,‘Guide of my work, I beg you, teach me also, where She,Was brought from. Was she always resident in our City?,‘The Mother Goddess always loved Dindymus, Cybele,,And Ida, with its pleasant streams, and the Trojan realm:,And when Aeneas brought Troy to Italian fields, the goddess,Almost followed those ships that carried the sacred relics.,But she felt that fate didn’t require her powers in Latium,,So she stayed behind in her long-accustomed place.,Later, when Rome was more than five centuries old,,And had lifted its head above the conquered world,,The priest consulted the fateful words of Euboean prophecy:,They say that what he found there was as follows:,‘The Mother’s absent: Roman, I command you: seek the Mother.,When she arrives, she must be received in chaste hands.’,The dark oracle’s ambiguity set the senators puzzling,As to who that parent might be, and where to seek her.,Apollo was consulted, and replied: ‘Fetch the Mother,of all the Gods, who you’ll find there on Mount Ida.’,Noblemen were sent. Attalus at that time held,The Phrygian sceptre: he refused the Italian lords.,Marvellous to tell, the earth shook with long murmurs,,And the goddess, from her shrine, spoke as follows:,‘I myself wished them to seek me: don’t delay: send me,,Willingly. Rome is a worthy place for all divinities.’,Quaking with fear at her words, Attalus, said: ‘Go,,You’ll still be ours: Rome claims Phrygian ancestry.’,Immediately countless axes felled the pine-trees,Those trees pious Aeneas employed for his flight:,A thousand hands work, and the heavenly Mother,Soon has a hollow ship, painted in fiery colours.,She’s carried in perfect safety over her son’s waves,,And reaches the long strait named for Phrixus’ sister,,Passes fierce Rhoetum and the Sigean shore,,And Tenedos and Eetion’s ancient kingdom.,Leaving Lesbos behind she then steered for the Cyclades,,And the waves that break on Euboea’s Carystian shoals.,She passed the Icarian Sea, as well, where Icarus shed,His melting wings, giving his name to a vast tract of water.,Then leaving Crete to larboard, and the Pelopian waves,To starboard, she headed for Cythera, sacred to Venus.,From there to the Sicilian Sea, where Brontes, Steropes,And Aemonides forge their red-hot iron,,Then, skirting African waters, she saw the Sardinian,Realm behind to larboard, and reached our Italy.,She’d arrived at the mouth (ostia) where the Tiber divides,To meet the deep, and flows with a wider sweep:,All the Knights, grave Senators, and commoners,,Came to meet her at the mouth of the Tuscan river.,With them walked mothers, daughters, and brides,,And all those virgins who tend the sacred fires.,The men wearied their arms hauling hard on the ropes:,The foreign vessel barely made way against the stream.,For a long time there’d been a drought: the grass was dry,And scorched: the boat stuck fast in the muddy shallows.,Every man, hauling, laboured beyond his strength,,And encouraged their toiling hands with his cries.,Yet the ship lodged there, like an island fixed in mid-ocean:,And astonished at the portent, men stood and quaked.,Claudia Quinta traced her descent from noble Clausus,,And her beauty was in no way unequal to her nobility:,She was chaste, but not believed so: hostile rumour,Had wounded her, false charges were levelled at her:,Her elegance, promenading around in various hairstyles,,And her ready tongue, with stiff old men, counted against her.,Conscious of virtue, she laughed at the rumoured lies,,But we’re always ready to credit others with faults.,Now, when she’d stepped from the line of chaste women,,Taking pure river water in her hands, she wetted her head,Three times, three times lifted her palms to the sky,,(Everyone watching her thought she’d lost her mind),Then, kneeling, fixed her eyes on the goddess’s statue,,And, with loosened hair, uttered these words:,“ Kind and fruitful Mother of the Gods, accept,A suppliant’s prayers, on this one condition:,They deny I’m chaste: let me be guilty if you condemn me:,Convicted by a goddess I’ll pay for it with my life.,But if I’m free of guilt, grant a pledge of my innocence,By your action: and, chaste, give way to my chaste hands.”,She spoke: then gave a slight pull at the rope,,(A wonder, but the sacred drama attests what I say):,The goddess stirred, followed, and, following, approved her:,Witness the sound of jubilation carried to the stars.,They came to a bend in the river (called of old,The Halls of Tiber): there the stream turns left, ascending.,Night fell: they tied the rope to an oak stump,,And, having eaten, settled to a tranquil sleep.,Dawn rose: they loosed the rope from the oak stump,,After first laying a fire and offering incense,,And crowned the stern, and sacrificed a heifer,Free of blemish, that had never known yoke or bull.,There’s a place where smooth-flowing Almo joins the Tiber,,And the lesser flow loses its name in the greater:,There, a white-headed priest in purple robes,Washed the Lady, and sacred relics, in Almo’s water.,The attendants howled, and the mad flutes blew,,And soft hands beat at the bull’s-hide drums.,Claudia walked in front with a joyful face,,Her chastity proven by the goddess’s testimony:,The goddess herself, sitting in a cart, entered the Capene Gate:,Fresh flowers were scattered over the yoked oxen.,Nasica received her. The name of her temple’s founder is lost:,Augustus has re-dedicated it, and, before him, Metellus.’,Here Erato ceased. There was a pause for me to ask more:,I said: ‘Why does the goddess collect money in small coins?’,She said: ‘The people gave coppers, with which Metellus,Built her shrine, so now there’s a tradition of giving them.’,I asked why people entertain each other at feasts,,And invite others to banquets, more than at other times.,She said: ‘It’s because the Berecynthian goddess by good luck,Changed her house, and they try for the same luck, by their visits.’,I was about to ask why the Megalesia are the first games,of the City’s year, when the goddess (anticipating) said:,‘She gave birth to the gods. They yielded to their mother,,And she was given the honour of precedence.’,Why then do we call those who castrate themselves, Galli,,When the Gallic country’s so far from Phrygia?’,‘Between green Cybele and high Celaenae,’ she said,,‘Runs a river of maddening water, called the Gallus.,Whoever drinks of it, is crazed: keep far away, all you,Who desire a sound mind: who drinks of it is crazed.’,‘They consider it no shame to set a dish of salad,On the Lady’s table. What’s the reason?’ I asked.,She replied: ‘It’s said the ancients lived on milk,,And on herbs that the earth produced of itself.,Now they mix cream cheese with pounded herbs,,So the ancient goddess might know the ancient food.’,When the stars have vanished, and the Moon unyokes,Her snowy horses, and the next dawn shines in the sky,,He’ll speak true who says: ‘On this day long ago,The temple of Public Fortune was dedicated on the Quirinal.’,It was the third day of the games (I recall), and a certain,Elderly man, who was sitting next to me at the show, said:,‘This was the day when Julius Caesar crushed proud,Juba’s treacherous army, on the shores of Libya.,Caesar was my leader, under whom I’m proud,To have been a tribune: he ordered me so to serve.,I won this seat in war, and you in peace,Because of your role among the Decemvirs.’,We were about to speak again when a sudden shower,Parted us: Libra balanced there shed heavenly waters.,But before the last day completes the spectacle,,Orion with his sword will have sunk in the sea.,When the next dawn gazes on victorious Rome,,And the fleeing stars have given way to the Sun,,The Circus will be thronged with a procession of many gods,,And horses swift as the wind will compete for the winner’s prize.,Next, the Games of Ceres, there’s no need to say why:,Obvious: the bounteous promise and gifts of the goddess.,The bread of primitive humans was made of plants,,That the earth produced without being asked:,They sometimes plucked wild grasses from the turf,,Sometimes tender leaves from the treetops made a meal.,Later the acorn was known: its discovery was fine,,Since the sturdy oak offered a rich horde.,Ceres was first to summon men to a better diet,,Replacing their acorns with more nourishing food.,She forced bulls to bow their necks to the yoke:,So the deep-ploughed soil first saw the light.,Copper was prized then, iron was still hidden:,Ah! If only it could have been hidden forever.,Ceres delights in peace: pray, you farmers,,Pray for endless peace and a peace-loving leader.,Honour the goddess with wheat, and dancing salt grains,,And grains of incense offered on the ancient hearths,,And if there’s no incense, burn your resinous torches:,Ceres is pleased with little, if it’s pure in kind.,You girded attendants lift those knives from the ox:,Let the ox plough, while you sacrifice the lazy sow,,It’s not fitting for an axe to strike a neck that’s yoked:,Let the ox live, and toil through the stubborn soil.,Now, this part requires me to tell of a virgin’s rape:,You’ll recognise much you know, but part is new.,The Trinacrian land took its name from its shape:,It runs out in three rocky capes to the vast ocean.,It’s a place dear to Ceres. She owns, there, many cities,,Among them fertile Enna, with its well-ploughed soul.,Cool Arethusa gathered together the mothers of the gods:,And the yellow-haired goddess came to the sacred feast.,Her daughter, Persephone, attended by girls, as ever,,Wandered barefoot through Enna’s meadows.,In a shadow-filled valley there’s a place,,Wet by the copious spray from a high fall.,All the colours of nature were displayed there,,And the earth was bright with hues of various flowers.,On seeing it she cried: ‘Come here to me, my friends,,And each carry back, with me, a lapful of flowers.’,The foolish prize enticed their girlish spirits,,And they were too busy to feel weary.,One filled baskets woven from supple willow,,Another her lap, the next loose folds of her robe:,One picked marigolds: another loved violets,,And one nipped the poppy-heads with her nails:,Some you tempt, hyacinth: others, amaranth, you delay:,Others desire thyme, cornflowers or clover.,Many a rose was taken, and flowers without name:,Proserpine herself plucked fragile crocuses and white lilies.,Intent on gathering them, she gradually strayed,,And none of her friends chanced to follow their lady.,Dis, her uncle saw her, and swiftly carried her off,,And bore her on shadowy horses to his realm.,She called out: ‘Oh, dearest Mother, I’m being,Carried away!’ and tore at the breast of her robe:,Meanwhile a path opened for Dis, since his horses,Can scarcely endure the unaccustomed daylight.,When her crowd of friends had gathered their flowers,,They shouted: ‘Persephone, come for your gifts!’,But silence met their call: they filled the hills with their cries,,And sadly beat their naked breasts with their hands.,Ceres was startled by their grief (she’d just now come from Enna),,And cried instantly ‘Ah me! Daughter, where are you?’,She rushed about, distracted, as we’ve heard,The Thracian Maenads run with flowing hair.,As a cow bellows, when her calf’s torn from her udder,,And goes searching for her child, through the woods,,So the goddess groaned freely, and ran quickly,,As she made her way, Enna, from your plains.,There she found marks of the girlish feet, and saw,Where her familiar form had printed the ground:,Perhaps her wandering would have ended that day,,If wild pigs hadn’t muddied the trail she found.,She’d already passed Leontini, the river Ameas,,And your grassy banks, Acis, on her way:,She’d passed Cyane, the founts of slow Anapus,,And you, Gelas, with whirlpools to be shunned.,She’d left Ortygia, Megara and the Pantagias,,And the place where the sea receives Symaethus’ waves,,And the caves of Cyclopes, scorched by their forges,,And the place who’s name’s derived from a curving sickle,,And Himera, Didyme, Acragas and Tauromenium,,And the Mylae, that rich pasture for sacred cattle.,Next she reached Camerina, Thapsus, and Helorus’ Tempe,,And where Eryx stands, ever open to the Western winds.,She’d crossed Pelorias, Lilybaeum and Pachynum,,Those three projecting horns of her land.,Wherever she set foot, she filled the place with sad cries,,Like the bird mourning for her lost Itys.,Alternately she cried: ‘Persephone!’ and ‘My daughter’,,Calling and shouting both the names in turn,,But Persephone heard not Ceres, nor the daughter,Her mother, and both names by turns died away:,If she spied a shepherd or farmer at work,,Her cry was: ‘Has a girl passed this way?’,Now the colours faded, and the darkness hid,Everything. Now the wakeful dogs fell silent.,High Etna stands above vast Typhoeus’ mouth,,Who scorches the earth with his fiery breath:,There the goddess lit twin pine branches as torches:,And since then there are torches handed out at her rites.,There’s a cave, its interior carved from sharp pumice,,A place not to be approached by man or beast:,Reaching it she yoked serpents to her chariot,,And roamed the ocean waves above the spray.,She shunned the Syrtes and Zanclaean Charybdis,,And you, hounds of Scylla, wrecking monsters,,Shunned the wide Adriatic, and Corinth between two seas:,And so came to your harbour, country of Attica.,Here she sat for the first time, mournfully, on cold stone:,That stone the Athenians named the Sorrowful.,She lingered many days under the open sky,,Enduring both the moonlight and the rain.,Every place has its destiny: What’s now called,Ceres’ Eleusis was then old Celeus’ farm.,He was bringing acorns home, and berries he’d picked,From the briars, and dry wood for the blazing hearth.,His little daughter was driving two she-goats from the hill,,While confined in his cradle was a sickly son.,‘Mother!’ the girl said (the goddess was moved,By that word mother) ‘Why are you alone in the wilderness?’,The old man stopped too, despite his heavy load,,And begged her to shelter under his insignificant roof.,She refused. She was disguised as an old woman, her hair,Covered with a cap. When he urged her she replied:,‘Be happy, and always a father! My daughter’s been,Stolen from me. Ah, how much better your fate than mine!’,She spoke, and a crystal drop (though goddesses cannot weep),,Like a tear, fell on her warm breast. Those tender hearts,,The old man and the virgin girl, wept with her:,And these were the righteous old man’s words:,‘Rise, and don’t scorn the shelter of my humble hut,,And may the lost daughter you mourn be safe and sound.’,The goddess said: ‘Lead on! You’ve found what could persuade me’,And she rose from the stone and followed the old man.,Leading, he told his follower, how his son was sick,Lying there sleepless, kept awake by his illness.,About to enter the humble house, she plucked,A tender, sleep-inducing, poppy from the bare ground:,And as she picked it, they say, unthinkingly, she tasted it,,And so, unwittingly, eased her long starvation.,And because she first broke her fast at nightfall,,Her priests of the Mysteries eat once the stars appear.,When she crossed the threshold, she saw all were grieving:,Since they’d lost hope of the child’s recovery.,Greeting the mother (who was called Metanira),The goddess deigned to join her lips to the child’s.,His pallor fled, his body suddenly seemed healthier:,Such power flowed out of the goddess’ mouth.,There was joy in the house, in the father, mother,And daughter: those three were the whole house.,They soon set out a meal, curds in whey,,Apples, and golden honey on the comb.,Kind Ceres abstained, and gave to the boy,Poppy seeds in warm milk to make him sleep.,It was midnight: silent in peaceful slumber,,The goddess took Triptolemus on her lap,,Caressed him with her hand three times, and spoke,Three spells, not to be sounded by mortal tongue,,And she covered the boy’s body with live embers,On the hearth, so the fire would purge his mortal burden.,His good, fond, foolish mother, waking from sleep,,Crying: ‘What are you doing?’ snatched him from the coals,,To her the goddess said: ‘Though sinless, you’ve sinned:,My gift’s been thwarted by a mother’s fear.,He will still be mortal, but first to plough,,And sow, and reap a harvest from the soil.’,Ceres spoke, and left the house, trailing mist, and crossed,To her dragons, and was carried away in her winged chariot.,She left Sunium’s exposed cape behind, and Piraeus’ safe harbour,,And all that coast that lies towards the west.,From there she crossed the Aegean, saw all the Cyclades,,Skimmed the wild Ionian, and the Icarian Sea,,And, passing through Asia’s cities, sought the long Hellespont,,And wandered her course, on high, among diverse regions.,Now she gazed at incense-gathering Arabs, now Ethiopians,,Beneath her Libya now, now Meroe and the desert lands:,Then she saw the western rivers, Rhine, Rhone, Po,,And you, Tiber, parent of a stream full of future power.,Where, now? Too long to tell of the lands she wandered:,No place on earth remained unvisited by Ceres.,She wandered the sky too, and spoke to the constellations,Those near the chilly pole, free of the ocean waves:,‘You Arcadian stars (since you can see all things,,Never plunging beneath the watery wastes),Show this wretched mother, her daughter, Proserpine!’,She spoke, and Helice answered her in this way:,‘Night’s free of blame: Ask the Light about your,Stolen daughter: the Sun views, widely, things done by day.’,The Sun, asked, said: ‘To save you grief, she whom you seek,Is married to Jupiter’s brother, and rules the third realm.’,After grieving a while, she addressed the Thunderer:,And there were deep marks of sorrow in her face:,‘If you remember by whom I conceived Persephone,,Half of the care she ought to be shown is yours.,Wandering the world I’ve learnt only of her wrong:,While her ravisher is rewarded for his crime.,But Persephone didn’t deserve a thief as husband:,It’s not right to have found a son-in-law this way.,How could I have suffered more, as captive to a conquering,Gyges, than now, while you hold the sceptre of the heavens?,Well, let him escape unpunished, I’ll suffer it, un-avenged,,If he returns her, amending his old actions by the new.’,Jupiter soothed her, excusing it as an act of love,,‘He’s not a son-in-law who’ll shames us,’ he said,,‘I’m no nobler than him: my kingdom’s in the sky,,Another owns the waters, another the empty void.,But if your mind is really so set against alteration,,And you’re determined to break firm marriage bonds,,Let’s make the attempt, but only if she’s kept her fast:,If not, she’ll remain the wife of her infernal spouse.’,The Messenger God had his orders, and took flight for Tartarus,,And, back sooner than expected, told what he’d clearly seen:,‘The ravished girl,’ he said ‘broke her fast with three seeds,Concealed in the tough rind of a pomegranate.’,Her gloomy mother grieved, no less than if her daughter,Had just been taken, and was a long time recovering even a little.,Then she said: ‘Heaven’s no place for me to be, either:,Order that I too may be received by the Taenarian vale.’,And so it would have been, if Jupiter hadn’t promised,,That Persephone should spend six months each year in heaven.,Then, at last, Ceres recovered her countece and spirits,,And set garlands, woven from ears of corn, on her hair:,And the tardy fields delivered a copious harvest,,And the threshing-floor barely held the heaped sheaves.,White is fitting for Ceres: dress in white clothes for Ceres’,Festival: on this day no one wears dark-coloured thread.,Jupiter, titled the Victor, keeps the Ides of April:,A temple was dedicated to him on this day.,And if I’m not wrong, on this day too, Liberty,Began to occupy a hall worthy of our people.,On the next day, you sailors, seek safe harbours:,The westerly wind will blow mixed with hail.,Be that as it may, it was on this day, a day of hail,,That a Caesar, armed, clashed shields at Modena.,When the third day after the Ides of April dawns,,You priests, offer a pregt (forda) cow in sacrifice.,Forda is a cow in calf and fruitful, from ferendo (carrying):,They consider fetus is derived from the same root.,Now the cattle are big with young, and the ground’s,Pregt with seed: a teeming victim’s given to teeming Earth.,Some are killed on Jupiter’s citadel, the Curiae (wards),Get thirty cows: they’re drenched with plenty of sprinkled blood.,But when the priests have torn the calves from their mother’s womb,,And thrown the slashed entrails on the smoking hearth,,The oldest Vestal burns the dead calves in the fire,,So their ashes can purge the people on the day of Pales.,In Numa’s kingship the harvest failed to reward men’s efforts:,The farmers, deceived, offered their prayers in vain.,At one time that year it was dry, with cold northerlies,,The next, the fields were rank with endless rain:,often the crop failed the farmer in its first sprouting,,And meagre wild oats overran choked soil,,And the cattle dropped their young prematurely,,And the ewes often died giving birth to lambs.,There was an ancient wood, long untouched by the axe,,Still sacred to Pan, the god of Maenalus:,He gave answers, to calm minds, in night silence.,Here Numa sacrificed twin ewes.,The first fell to Faunus, the second to gentle Sleep:,Both the fleeces were spread on the hard soil.,Twice the king’s unshorn head was sprinkled with spring water,,Twice he pressed the beech leaves to his forehead.,He abstained from sex: no meat might be served,At table, nor could he wear a ring on any finger.,Dressed in rough clothes he lay down on fresh fleeces,,Having worshipped the god with appropriate words.,Meanwhile Night arrived, her calm brow wreathed,With poppies: bringing with her shadowy dreams.,Faunus appeared, and pressing the fleece with a hard hoof,,From the right side of the bed, he uttered these words:,‘King, you must appease Earth, with the death of two cows:,Let one heifer give two lives, in sacrifice.’,Fear banished sleep: Numa pondered the vision,,And considered the ambiguous and dark command.,His wife, Egeria, most dear to the grove, eased his doubt,,Saying: ‘What’s needed are the innards of a pregt cow,’,The innards of a pregt cow were offered: the year proved,More fruitful, and earth and cattle bore their increase.,Cytherea once commanded the day to pass more quickly,,And hurried on the Sun’s galloping horses,,So this next day young Augustus might receive,The title of Emperor sooner for his victory in war.,And when you see the fourth dawn after the Ides,,The Hyades will set in the sea at night.,When the third dawn from the vanishing of the Hyades,Breaks, the horses will be in their stalls in the Circus.,So I must explain why foxes are loosed then,,Carrying torches fastened to scorched backs.,The land round Carseoli’s cold, not suited for growing,Olives, but the soil there’s appropriate for corn.,I passed it on the way to my native Pelignian country,,A small region, yet always supplied by constant streams.,There I entered, as usual, the house of my former host:,Phoebus had already unyoked his weary horses.,My host used to tell me of many things, including this,,As a preparation for my present work:,‘In that plain,’ he said (pointing at the plain),,A thrifty peasant woman and her sturdy husband had a small,Plot, he tilled the land himself, whether it needed ploughing,,Or required the curving sickle or the hoe.,They would sweep the cottage, set on timber piles,,She’d set eggs to hatch under the mother hen’s feathers,,Or collect green mallows or gather white mushrooms,,Or warm the humble hearth with welcome fire,,And still worked her hands assiduously at the loom,,To provision them against the threat of winter cold.,She had a son: he was a playful child,,Who was already twelve years old.,In a valley, he caught, in the depths of a willow copse,,A vixen, who’d stolen many birds from the yard.,He wrapped his captive in straw and hay, and set fire,To it all: she fled the hands that were out to burn her:,In fleeing she set the crops, that covered the fields, ablaze:,And a breeze lent strength to the devouring flames.,The thing’s forgotten, but a relic remains: since now,There’s a certain law of Carseoli, that bans foxes:,And they burn a fox at the Cerialia to punish the species,,Destroyed in the same way as it destroyed the crops.,Next dawn when Memnon’s saffron-robed mother,,With her rosy horses, comes to view the wide lands,,The sun leaves the Ram, Aries, leader of the woolly flock,,Betrayer of Helle, and meets a nobler victim on leaving.,Whether it’s Jupiter the Bull, or Io the Heifer’s hard to tell:,The front of the creature appears: the rest’s concealed.,But whether the sign’s a bull or whether it’s a heifer,,It enjoys that reward for its love, against Juno’s wishes.,The night has gone: dawn breaks. I’m called upon to sing,of the Parilia, and not in vain if kindly Pales aids me.,Kindly Pales, if I respect your festival,,Then aid me as I sing of pastoral rites.,Indeed, I’ve often brought ashes of a calf, and stalks,of beans, in chaste purification, in my full hands:,Indeed, I’ve leapt the threefold line of flames,,And the wet laurel’s sprinkled me with dew.,The goddess, moved, blesses the work: my ship,Sets sail: may favourable winds fill my sails.,Go, people: bring fumigants from the Virgin’s altar:,Vesta will grant them, Vesta’s gift will purify.,The fumigants are horse blood and calf’s ashes,,And thirdly the stripped stalks of stringy beans.,Shepherd, purify your sated sheep at twilight:,First sprinkle the ground with water, and sweep it,,And decorate the sheepfold with leaves and branches,,And hide the festive door with a trailing garland.,Make dark smoke with pure burning sulphur,,And let the sheep bleat, in contact with the smoke.,Burn male-olive wood, and pine, and juniper fronds,,And let scorched laurel crackle in the hearth.,Let a basket of millet keep the millet cakes company:,The rural goddess particularly loves that food.,Add meats, and a pail of her milk, and when the meat,Is cut, offer the warm milk, pray to sylvan Pales,,Saying: ‘Protect the cattle and masters alike:,And drive everything harmful from my stalls.,If I’ve fed sheep on sacred ground, sat under a sacred tree,,While they’ve unwittingly browsed the grass on graves:,If I’ve entered a forbidden grove, or the nymphs,And the god, half-goat, have fled at sight of me:,If my knife has pruned the copse of a shady bough,,To fill a basket of leaves for a sick ewe:,Forgive me. Don’t count it against me, if I’ve sheltered,My flock, while it hailed, in some rustic shrine,,Don’t harm me for troubling the pools. Nymphs,,Forgive, if trampling hooves have muddied your waters.,Goddess, placate the springs, and placate their divinities,On our behalf, and the gods too, scattered in every grove.,Let us not gaze on Dryads, or on Diana bathing,,Nor on Faunus, as he lies in the fields at noon.,Drive off disease: let men and beasts be healthy,,And healthy the vigilant pack of wakeful dogs.,May I drive back as many sheep as dawn revealed,,Nor sigh returning with fleeces snatched from the wolves.,Avert dire famine: let leaves and grass be abundant,,And water to wash the body, water to drink.,May I press full udders, may my cheeses bring me money,,May the wicker sieve strain my liquid whey.,And let the ram be lusty, his mate conceive and bear,,And may there be many a lamb in my fold.,And let the wool prove soft, not scratch the girls,,Let it everywhere be kind to gentle hands.,Let my prayer be granted, and every year we’ll make,Huge cakes for Pales, Mistress of the shepherds.’,Please the goddess in this way: four times, facing east,,Say these words, and wash your hands with fresh dew.,Then set a wooden dish, to be your mixing bowl,,And drink the creamy milk and the purple must:,Then leap, with nimble feet and straining thighs,Over the crackling heaps of burning straw.,I’ve set forth the custom: I must still tell of its origin:,But many explanations cause me doubt, and hold me back.,Greedy fire devours all things, and melts away the dross,From metals: the same method cleans shepherd and sheep?,Or is it because all things are formed,of two opposing powers, fire and water,,And our ancestors joined these elements, and thought fit,To touch their bodies with fire and sprinkled water?,Or did they think the two so powerful, because they contain,The source of life: denied to the exile, it makes the new bride?,I can scarce believe it, but some consider it refers,To Phaethon, and to Deucalion’s flood.,Some say, too, that once when shepherds struck,Stones together, a spark suddenly leapt out:,The first died, but the second set fire to straw:,Is that the basis for the fires of the Parilia?,Or is the custom due rather to Aeneas’ piety,,To whom the fire gave safe passage, in defeat?,Or is this nearer the truth, that when Rome was founded,,They were commanded to move the Lares to their new homes,,And changing homes the farmers set fire to the houses,,And to the cottages, they were about to abandon,,They and their cattle leaping through the flames,,As happens even now on Rome’s birthday?,That subject itself is matter for a poet. We have come,To the City’s founding. Great Quirinus, witness your deeds!,Amulius had already been punished, and all,The shepherd folk were subject to the twins,,Who agreed to gather the men together to build walls:,The question was as to which of them should do it.,Romulus said: ‘There’s no need to fight about it:,Great faith is placed in birds, let’s judge by birds.’,That seemed fine. One tried the rocks of the wooded Palatine,,The other climbed at dawn to the Aventine’s summit.,Remus saw six birds, Romulus twelve in a row.,They stuck to the pact, and Romulus was granted the City.,A day was chosen for him to mark out the walls with a plough.,The festival of Pales was near: the work was started then.,They trenched to the solid rock, threw fruits of the harvest,Into its depths, with soil from the ground nearby.,The ditch was filled with earth, and topped by an altar,,And a fire was duly kindled on the new-made hearth.,Then, bearing down on the plough handle, he marked the walls:,The yoke was borne by a white cow and a snowy ox.,So spoke the king: ‘Be with me, as I found my City,,Jupiter, Father Mavors, and Mother Vesta:,And all you gods, whom piety summons, take note.,Let my work be done beneath your auspices.,May it last long, and rule a conquered world,,All subject, from the rising to the setting day.’,Jupiter added his omen to Romulus’ prayer, with thunder,On the left, and his lightning flashed leftward in the sky.,Delighted by this, the citizens laid foundations,,And the new walls were quickly raised.,The work was overseen by Celer, whom Romulus named,,Saying: ‘Celer, make it your care to see no one crosses,Walls or trench that we’ve ploughed: kill whoever dares.’,Remus, unknowingly, began to mock the low walls,,saying: ‘Will the people be safe behind these?’,He leapt them, there and then. Celer struck the rash man,With his shovel: Remus sank, bloodied, to the stony ground.,When the king heard, he smothered his rising tears,,And kept the grief locked in his heart.,He wouldn’t weep in public, but set an example of fortitude,,Saying: ‘So dies the enemy who shall cross my walls.’,But he granted him funeral honours, and couldn’t,Hold back his tears, and the love he tried to hide was obvious.,When they set down the bier, he gave it a last kiss,,And said: ‘Farewell, my brother, taken against my will!’,And he anointed the body for burning. Faustulus, and Acca,Her hair loosened in mourning, did as he did.,Then the as yet unnamed Quirites wept for the youth:,And finally the pyre, wet by their tears, was lit.,A City arose, destined (who’d have believed it then?),To plant its victorious foot upon all the lands.,Rule all, and be ever subject to mighty Caesar,,And may you often own to many of that name:,And as long as you stand, sublime, in a conquered world,,May all others fail to reach your shoulders.,I’ve spoken of Pales’ festival, I’ll speak of the Vinalia:,There’s only a single day between the two.,You prostitutes, celebrate the divine power of Venus:,Venus suits those who earn by your profession.,offer incense and pray for beauty and men’s favour,,Pray to be charming, and blessed with witty words,,Give the Mistress myrtle, and the mint she loves,,And sheaves of rushes, wound in clustered roses.,Now’s the time to crowd her temple near the Colline Gate,,One that takes its name from a Sicilian hill:,When Claudius took Arethusian Syracuse by force,,And captured that hill of Eryx, too, in the war,,Venus moved to Rome, according to the long-lived Sibyl’s,Prophecy, preferring to be worshipped in her children’s City.,Why then, you ask, is the Vinalia Venus’ festival?,And why does this day belong to Jupiter?,There was a war to decide whether Turnus or Aeneas,Should be Latin Amata’s son-in-law: Turnus begged help,From Etruscan Mezentius, a famous and proud fighter,,Mighty on horseback and mightier still on foot:,Turnus and the Rutuli tried to win him to their side.,The Tuscan leader replied to their suit:,‘My courage costs me not a little: witness my wounds,,And my weapons that have often been dyed with blood.,If you seek my help you must divide with me,The next wine from your vats, no great prize.,No delay is needed: yours is to give, mine to conquer.,How Aeneas will wish you’d refused me!’,The Rutulians agreed. Mezentius donned his armour,,And so did Aeneas, and addressed Jove:,‘The enemy’s pledged his vine-crop to the Tyrrhenian king:,Jupiter, you shall have the wine from the Latin vines!’,The nobler prayer succeeded: huge Mezentius died,,And struck the ground, heart filled with indignation.,Autumn came, dyed with the trodden grapes:,The wine, justly owed to Jupiter, was paid.,So the day is called the Vinalia: Jupiter claims it,,And loves to be present at his feast.,When six days of April remain,,The Spring season will be half-over,,And you’ll look for Helle’s Ram in vain:,The rains will be your sign, when the Dog’s mentioned.,On this day, returning to Rome from Nomentum,,A white-robed throng blocked my road.,A priest was going to the grove of old Mildew (Robigo),,To offer the entrails of a dog and a sheep to the flames.,I went with him, so as not to be ignorant of the rite:,Your priest, Quirinus, pronounced these words:,‘Scaly Mildew, spare the blades of corn,,And let their tender tips quiver above the soil.,Let the crops grow, nurtured by favourable stars,,Until they’re ready for the sickle.,Your power’s not slight: the corn you blight,The grieving farmer gives up for lost.,Wind and showers don’t harm the wheat as much,,Nor gleaming frost that bleaches the yellow corn,,As when the sun heats the moist stalks:,Then, dreadful goddess, is the time of your wrath.,Spare us, I pray, take your blighted hands from the harvest,,And don’t harm the crop: it’s enough that you can harm.,Grip harsh iron rather than the tender wheat,,Destroy whatever can destroy others first.,Better to gnaw at swords and harmful spears:,They’re not needed: the world’s at peace.,Let the rural wealth gleam now, rakes, sturdy hoes,,And curved ploughshare: let rust stain weapons:,And whoever tries to draw his sword from its sheath,,Let him feel it wedded there by long disuse.,Don’t you hurt the corn, and may the farmer’s,Prayer to you always be fulfilled by your absence.’,He spoke: to his right there was a soft towel,,And a cup of wine and an incense casket.,He offered the incense and wine on the hearth,,Sheep’s entrails, and (I saw him) the foul guts of a vile dog.,Then the priest said: ‘You ask why we offer an odd sacrifice,In these rites’ (I had asked) ‘then learn the reason.,There’s a Dog they call Icarian, and when it rises,The dry earth is parched, and the crops ripen prematurely.,This dog is set on the altar to signify the starry one,,And the only reason for it is because of the name.’,When Aurora’s left Tithonus, kin to Phrygian Assaracus,,And raised her light three times in the vast heavens,,A goddess comes framed in a thousand varied garlands,of flowers: and the stage has freer license for mirth.,The rites of Flora also stretch to the Kalends of May:,Then I’ll speak again, now a greater task is needed.,Vesta, bear the day onwards! Vesta’s been received,,At her kinsman’s threshold: so the Senators justly decreed.,Phoebus takes part of the space there: a further part remains,For Vesta, and the third part that’s left, Caesar occupies.,Long live the laurels of the Palatine: long live that house,Decked with branches of oak: one place holds three eternal gods.
5.23
Until Honour, and proper Reverence, she 5.24 of the calm look, were united in a lawful bed.
5.85
Among them, Maia’s said to have surpassed her sister 5.86 In beauty, and to have slept with mighty Jove.'' None
32. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.557-1.566, 6.104 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Power structures, Imperial power • Venus,, imperialism linked to • discrepancies in the imperial discourse • imperial family • imperial, future

 Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 56, 240; Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 65; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 218; Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 150

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1.557 Cui deus “at quoniam coniunx mea non potes esse, 1.558 arbor eris certe” dixit “mea. Semper habebunt 1.559 te coma, te citharae, te nostrae, laure, pharetrae: 1.560 tu ducibus Latiis aderis, cum laeta triumphum 1.561 vox canet et visent longas Capitolia pompas: 1.562 postibus Augustis eadem fidissima custos 1.563 ante fores stabis mediamque tuebere quercum, 1.564 utque meum intonsis caput est iuvenale capillis, 1.565 tu quoque perpetuos semper gere frondis honores.” 1.566 Finierat Paean: factis modo laurea ramis
6.104
Europam: verum taurum, freta vera putares.'' None
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1.557 or monster new created. Unwilling she 1.558 created thus enormous Python.—Thou 1.559 unheard of serpent spread so far athwart 1.560 the side of a vast mountain, didst fill with fear 1.561 the race of new created man. The God 1.562 that bears the bow (a weapon used till then 1.563 only to hunt the deer and agile goat) 1.564 destroyed the monster with a myriad darts, 1.565 and almost emptied all his quiver, till 1.566 envenomed gore oozed forth from livid wounds.
6.104
of all who gaze upon it; — so the threads,'' None
33. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 1-4, 49, 78, 81, 105 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Imperialism • freedmen, imperial • portraits, imperial, uses of • senate of Rome, imperial relations with • statues, imperial

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 33, 370; Capponi (2005), Augustan Egypt: The Creation of a Roman Province, 196, 237; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 239

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1 Flaccus Avillius succeeded Sejanus in his hatred of and hostile designs against the Jewish nation. He was not, indeed, able to injure the whole people by open and direct means as he had been, inasmuch as he had less power for such a purpose, but he inflicted the most intolerable evils on all who came within his reach. Moreover, though in appearance he only attacked a portion of the nation, in point of fact he directed his aims against all whom he could find anywhere, proceeding more by art than by force; for those men who, though of tyrannical natures and dispositions, have not strength enough to accomplish their designs openly, seek to compass them by manoeuvres. '2 This Flaccus being chosen by Tiberius Caesar as one of his intimate companions, after the death of Severus, who had been lieutetgovernor in Egypt, was appointed viceroy of Alexandria and the country round about, being a man who at the beginning, as far as appearance went, had given innumerable instances of his excellence, for he was a man of prudence and diligence, and great acuteness of perception, very energetic in executing what he had determined on, very eloquent as a speaker, and skilful too at discerning what was suppressed as well as at understanding what was said. 3 Accordingly in a short time he became perfectly acquainted with the affairs of Egypt, and they are of a very various and diversified character, so that they are not easily comprehended even by those who from their earliest infancy have made them their study. The scribes were a superfluous body when he had made such advances towards the knowledge of all things, whether important or trivial, by his extended experience, that he not only surpassed them, but from his great accuracy was qualified instead of a pupil to become the instructor of those who had hitherto been the teachers of all other persons. 4 However, all those things in which he displayed an admirable system and great wisdom concerning the accounts and the general arrangement of the revenues of the land, though they were serious matters and of the last importance, were nevertheless not such as gave any proofs of a soul fit for the task of governing; but those things which exhibited a more brilliant and royal disposition he also displayed with great freedom. For instance, he bore himself with considerable dignity, and pride and pomp are advantageous things for a ruler; and he decided all suits of importance in conjunction with the magistrates, he pulled down the overproud, he forbade promiscuous mobs of men from all quarters to assemble together, and prohibited all associations and meetings which were continually feasting together under pretence of sacrifices, making a drunken mockery of public business, treating with great vigour and severity all who resisted his commands.
49
You, without being aware of it, are taking away honour from your lords instead of conferring any on them. Our houses of prayer are manifestly incitements to all the Jews in every part of the habitable world to display their piety and loyalty towards the house of Augustus; and if they are destroyed from among us, what other place, or what other manner of showing that honour, will be left to us?
78
Now, though I desire to mention a circumstance which took place at that time, I am in doubt whether to do so or not, lest if it should be looked upon as unimportant, it may appear to take off from the enormity of these great iniquities; but even if it is unimportant in itself, it is nevertheless an indication of no trifling wickedness of disposition. There are different kinds of scourges used in the city, distinguished with reference to the deserts or crimes of those who are about to be scourged. Accordingly, it is usual for the Egyptians of the country themselves to be scourged with a different kind of scourge, and by a different class of executioners, but for the Alexandrians in the city to be scourged with rods by the Alexandrian lictors, 8
1
I omit to mention, that even if they had committed the most countless iniquities, nevertheless the governor ought, out of respect for the season, to have delayed their punishment; for with all rulers, who govern any state on constitutional principles, and who do not seek to acquire a character for audacity, but who do really honour their benefactors, it is the custom to punish no one, even of those who have been lawfully condemned, until the famous festival and assembly, in honour of the birth-day of the illustrious emperor, has passed.

105
for some men of those who, in the time of Tiberius, and of Caesar his father, had the government, seeking to convert their governorship and viceroyalty into a sovereignty and tyranny, filled all the country with intolerable evils, with corruption, and rapine, and condemnation of persons who had done no wrong, and with banishment and exile of such innocent men, and with the slaughter of the nobles without a trial; and then, after the appointed period of their government had expired, when they returned to Rome, the emperors exacted of them an account and relation of all that they had done, especially if by chance the cities which they had been oppressing sent any embassy to complain; ' None
34. Strabo, Geography, 4.3.2, 6.4.2, 12.2.7, 12.3.12, 14.1.23, 14.1.41 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De architectura, and imperialism • Imperial cult • Rome and Romans, imperial period of • Rome/Romans, provincialization and Parthian wars in the Imperial period • agriculture, Roman Imperial period • imperial cult, at Lugdunum • imperial cult, in Asia Minor • senators, governors of Imperial provinces • sophists, imperial style

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 62, 313; Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 140; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 291; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 291; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 316, 343, 401, 403; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 159, 169; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 214; Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 108

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4.3.2 Lugdunum itself, situated on a hill, at the confluence of the Arar and the Rhone, belongs to the Romans. It is the most populous city after Narbonne. It carries on a great commerce, and the Roman prefects here coin both gold and silver money. Before this city, at the confluence of the rivers, is situated the sanctuary dedicated by all the Galatae in common to Augustus Caesar. The altar is splendid, and has inscribed on it the names of sixty people, and images of them, one for each, and also another great altar. This is the principal city of the nation of the Segusiani who lie between the Rhone and the Doubs. The other nations who extend to the Rhine, are bounded in part by the Doubs, and in part by the Arar. These two rivers, as said before, descend from the Alps, and, falling into one stream, flow into the Rhone. There is likewise another river which has its sources in the Alps, and is named the Seine. It flows parallel with the Rhine, through a nation bearing the same name as itself, and so into the ocean. The Sequani are bounded on the east by the Rhine, and on the opposite side by the Arar. It is from them that the Romans procure the finest salted-pork. Between the Doubs and Arar dwells the nation of the Aedui, who possess the city of Cabyllinum, situated on the Arar and the fortress of Bibracte. The Aedui are said to be related to the Romans, and they were the first to enter into friendship and alliance with them. On the other side of the Arar dwell the Sequani, who have for long been at enmity with the Romans and Aedui, having frequently allied themselves with the Germans in their incursions into Italy. It was then that they proved their strength, for united to them the Germans were powerful, but when separated, weak. As for the Aedui, their alliance with the Romans naturally rendered them the enemies of the Sequani, but the enmity was increased by their contests concerning the river which divides them, each nation claiming the Arar exclusively for themselves, and likewise the tolls on vessels passing. However, at the present time, the whole of it is under the dominion of the Romans.' "
6.4.2
Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father." 12.2.7 Only two prefectures have cities, Tyanitis the city Tyana, which lies below the Taurus at the Cilician Gates, where for all is the easiest and most commonly used pass into Cilicia and Syria. It is called Eusebeia near the Taurus; and its territory is for the most part fertile and level. Tyana is situated upon a mound of Semiramis, which is beautifully fortified. Not far from this city are Castabala and Cybistra, towns still nearer to the mountain. At Castabala is the sanctuary of the Perasian Artemis, where the priestesses, it is said, walk with naked feet over hot embers without pain. And here, too, some tell us over and over the same story of Orestes and Tauropolus, asserting that she was called Perasian because she was brought from the other side. So then, in the prefecture Tyanitis, one of the ten above mentioned is Tyana (I am not enumerating along with these prefectures those that were acquired later, I mean Castabala and Cybistra and the places in Cilicia Tracheia, where is Elaeussa, a very fertile island, which was settled in a noteworthy manner by Archelaus, who spent the greater part of his time there), whereas Mazaca, the metropolis of the tribe, is in the Cilician prefecture, as it is called. This city, too, is called Eusebeia, with the additional words near the Argaeus, for it is situated below the Argaeus, the highest mountain of all, whose summit never fails to have snow upon it; and those who ascend it (those are few) say that in clear weather both seas, both the Pontus and the Issian Sea, are visible from it. Now in general Mazaca is not naturally a suitable place for the founding of a city, for it is without water and unfortified by nature; and, because of the neglect of the prefects, it is also without walls (perhaps intentionally so, in order that people inhabiting a plain, with hills above it that were advantageous and beyond range of missiles, might not, through too much reliance upon the wall as a fortification, engage in plundering). Further, the districts all round are utterly barren and untilled, although they are level; but they are sandy and are rocky underneath. And, proceeding a little farther on, one comes to plains extending over many stadia that are volcanic and full of fire-pits; and therefore the necessaries of life must be brought from a distance. And further, that which seems to be an advantage is attended with peril, for although almost the whole of Cappadocia is without timber, the Argaeus has forests all round it, and therefore the working of timber is close at hand; but the region which lies below the forests also contains fires in many places and at the same time has an underground supply of cold water, although neither the fire nor the water emerges to the surface; and therefore most of the country is covered with grass. In some places, also, the ground is marshy, and at night flames rise therefrom. Now those who are acquainted with the country can work the timber, since they are on their guard, but the country is perilous for most people, and especially for cattle, since they fall into the hidden fire-pits.
12.3.12
Thence, next, one comes to the outlet of the Halys River. It was named from the halae, past which it flows. It has its sources in Greater Cappadocia in Camisene near the Pontic country; and, flowing in great volume towards the west, and then turning towards the north through Galatia and Paphlagonia, it forms the boundary between these two countries and the country of the White Syrians. Both Sinopitis and all the mountainous country extending as far as Bithynia and lying above the aforesaid seaboard have shipbuilding timber that is excellent and easy to transport. Sinopitis produces also the maple and the mountain-nut, the trees from which they cut the wood used for tables. And the whole of the tilled country situated a little above the sea is planted with olive trees.
14.1.23
After the completion of the temple of Artemis, which, he says, was the work of Cheirocrates (the same man who built Alexandreia and the same man who proposed to Alexander to fashion Mt. Athos into his likeness, representing him as pouring a libation from a kind of ewer into a broad bowl, and to make two cities, one on the right of the mountain and the other on the left, and a river flowing from one to the other) — after the completion of the temple, he says, the great number of dedications in general were secured by means of the high honor they paid their artists, but the whole of the altar was filled, one might say, with the works of Praxiteles. They showed me also some of the works of Thrason, who made the chapel of Hecate, the waxen image of Penelope, and the old woman Eurycleia. They had eunuchs as priests, whom they called Megabyzi. And they were always in quest of persons from other places who were worthy of this preferment, and they held them in great honor. And it was obligatory for maidens to serve as colleagues with them in their priestly office. But though at the present some of their usages are being preserved, yet others are not; but the sanctuary remains a place of refuge, the same as in earlier times, although the limits of the refuge have often been changed; for example, when Alexander extended them for a stadium, and when Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner of the roof and thought it went a little farther than a stadium, and when Antony doubled this distance and included within the refuge a part of the city. But this extension of the refuge proved harmful, and put the city in the power of criminals; and it was therefore nullified by Augustus Caesar.
14.1.41
Well-known natives of Magnesia are: Hegesias the orator, who, more than any other, initiated the Asiatic style, as it is called, whereby he corrupted the established Attic custom; and Simus the melic poet, he too a man who corrupted the style handed down by the earlier melic poets and introduced the Simoedia, just as that style was corrupted still more by the Lysioedi and the Magoedi, and by Cleomachus the pugilist, who, having fallen in love with a certain cinaedus and with a young female slave who was kept as a prostitute by the cinaedus, imitated the style of dialects and mannerisms that was in vogue among the cinaedi. Sotades was the first man to write the talk of the cinaedi; and then Alexander the Aitolian. But though these two men imitated that talk in mere speech, Lysis accompanied it with song; and so did Simus, who was still earlier than he. As for Anaxenor, the citharoede, the theatres exalted him, but Antony exalted him all he possibly could, since he even appointed him exactor of tribute from four cities, giving him a body.guard of soldiers. Further, his native land greatly increased his honors, having clad him in purple as consecrated to Zeus Sosipolis, as is plainly indicated in his painted image in the market-place. And there is also a bronze statue of him in the theatre, with the inscription,Surely this is a beautiful thing, to listen to a singer such as this man is, like unto the gods in voice. But the engraver, missing his guess, left out the last letter of the second verse, the base of the statue not being wide enough for its inclusion; so that he laid the city open to the charge of ignorance, Because of the ambiguity of the writing, as to whether the last word should be taken as in the nominative case or in the dative; for many write the dative case without the iota, and even reject the ordinary usage as being without natural cause.'' None
35. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.236-1.237, 1.267-1.279, 1.286-1.290, 1.292-1.293, 4.165, 4.231-4.232, 6.851-6.853, 7.187-7.188, 8.319, 8.682, 8.688-8.713, 8.720-8.723, 12.851-12.853 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De architectura, and imperialism • Germanicus Caesar, enters Egypt without imperial permission • Imperialism • Power structures, Imperial power • Roman imperial ideology • Rome, imperial • Rome, imperial ideology • Saturn, on imperial estates • Siluae, imperialism in • dress, imperial • forums, imperial • imperial family • imperial ideology • imperial ideology, and its investment in collective hope • imperial patron • imperial, future • imperialism • imperium (imperator)

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 210; Cairns (1989), Virgil's Augustan Epic. 5; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 21, 39, 40, 103, 235, 236, 262; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73, 74; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 344, 345; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 115; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 177; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 64; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 30, 192, 209; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 218; Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 60; Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 150; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 186; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 210; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 128; deSilva (2022), Ephesians, 52, 80

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1.236 qui mare, qui terras omni dicione tenerent, 1.237 pollicitus, quae te, genitor, sententia vertit?
1.267
At puer Ascanius, cui nunc cognomen Iulo 1.268 additur,—Ilus erat, dum res stetit Ilia regno,— 1.269 triginta magnos volvendis mensibus orbis 1.270 imperio explebit, regnumque ab sede Lavini 1.271 transferet, et longam multa vi muniet Albam. 1.272 Hic iam ter centum totos regnabitur annos 1.273 gente sub Hectorea, donec regina sacerdos, 1.274 Marte gravis, geminam partu dabit Ilia prolem. 1.275 Inde lupae fulvo nutricis tegmine laetus 1.276 Romulus excipiet gentem, et Mavortia condet 1.277 moenia, Romanosque suo de nomine dicet.' '1.279 imperium sine fine dedi. Quin aspera Iuno,
1.286
Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar, 1.287 imperium oceano, famam qui terminet astris,— 1.288 Iulius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo. 1.289 Hunc tu olim caelo, spoliis Orientis onustum, 1.290 accipies secura; vocabitur hic quoque votis.
1.292
cana Fides, et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus, 1.293 iura dabunt; dirae ferro et compagibus artis
4.165
Speluncam Dido dux et Troianus eandem
4.231
proderet, ac totum sub leges mitteret orbem. 4.232 Si nulla accendit tantarum gloria rerum,
6.851
tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento; 6.852 hae tibi erunt artes; pacisque imponere morem, 6.853 parcere subiectis, et debellare superbos.
7.187
Ipse Quirinali lituo parvaque sedebat 7.188 succinctus trabea laevaque ancile gerebat
8.319
Primus ab aetherio venit Saturnus Olympo,
8.682
Parte alia ventis et dis Agrippa secundis
8.688
Bactra vehit, sequiturque (nefas) Aegyptia coniunx. 8.689 Una omnes ruere, ac totum spumare reductis 8.690 convolsum remis rostrisque tridentibus aequor. 8.691 alta petunt: pelago credas innare revolsas 8.692 Cycladas aut montis concurrere montibus altos, 8.693 tanta mole viri turritis puppibus instant. 8.694 stuppea flamma manu telisque volatile ferrum 8.695 spargitur, arva nova Neptunia caede rubescunt. 8.696 Regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sistro 8.697 necdum etiam geminos a tergo respicit anguis. 8.698 omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis 8.699 contra Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam 8.700 tela tenent. Saevit medio in certamine Mavors 8.701 caelatus ferro tristesque ex aethere Dirae, 8.702 et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla, 8.703 quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello. 8.704 Actius haec cernens arcum tendebat Apollo 8.705 desuper: omnis eo terrore Aegyptus et Indi, 8.706 omnis Arabs, omnes vertebant terga Sabaei. 8.707 Ipsa videbatur ventis regina vocatis 8.708 vela dare et laxos iam iamque inmittere funis. 8.709 Illam inter caedes pallentem morte futura 8.710 fecerat Ignipotens undis et Iapyge ferri, 8.711 contra autem magno maerentem corpore Nilum 8.712 pandentemque sinus et tota veste vocantem 8.713 caeruleum in gremium latebrosaque flumina victos.
8.720
Ipse, sedens niveo candentis limine Phoebi, 8.721 dona recognoscit populorum aptatque superbis 8.722 postibus; incedunt victae longo ordine gentes, 8.723 quam variae linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis.
12.851
siquando letum horrificum morbosque deum rex 12.852 molitur meritas aut bello territat urbes. 12.853 Harum unam celerem demisit ab aethere summo'' None
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1.236 ecured a flashing spark, heaped on light leaves, 1.237 and with dry branches nursed the mounting flame.
1.267
calamity till now. O, ye have borne 1.268 far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end 1.269 also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by ' "1.270 infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. " "1.271 Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! " '1.272 No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273 ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274 Through chance and change and hazard without end, 1.275 our goal is Latium ; where our destinies 1.276 beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained 1.277 that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! ' "1.278 Arms and the man I sing, who first made way, ,predestined exile, from the Trojan shore ,to Italy, the blest Lavinian strand. ,Smitten of storms he was on land and sea ,by violence of Heaven, to satisfy ,stern Juno's sleepless wrath; and much in war ,he suffered, seeking at the last to found ,the city, and bring o'er his fathers' gods ,to safe abode in Latium ; whence arose ,the Latin race, old Alba's reverend lords, ,O Muse, the causes tell! What sacrilege, ,or vengeful sorrow, moved the heavenly Queen ,to thrust on dangers dark and endless toil ,a man whose largest honor in men's eyes ,In ages gone an ancient city stood— , Carthage, a Tyrian seat, which from afar ,made front on Italy and on the mouths ,of Tiber 's stream; its wealth and revenues ,were vast, and ruthless was its quest of war. ,'T is said that Juno, of all lands she loved, ,most cherished this,—not Samos ' self so dear. ,Here were her arms, her chariot; even then ,a throne of power o'er nations near and far, ,if Fate opposed not, 't was her darling hope ,to 'stablish here; but anxiously she heard ,that of the Trojan blood there was a breed ,then rising, which upon the destined day ,should utterly o'erwhelm her Tyrian towers, ,a people of wide sway and conquest proud ,should compass Libya 's doom;—such was the web ,the Fatal Sisters spun. Such was the fear ,of Saturn's daughter, who remembered well ,what long and unavailing strife she waged ,for her loved Greeks at Troy . Nor did she fail ,to meditate th' occasions of her rage, ,and cherish deep within her bosom proud ,its griefs and wrongs: the choice by Paris made; ,her scorned and slighted beauty; a whole race ,rebellious to her godhead; and Jove's smile ,that beamed on eagle-ravished Ganymede. ,With all these thoughts infuriate, her power ,pursued with tempests o'er the boundless main ,the Trojans, though by Grecian victor spared ,and fierce Achilles; so she thrust them far ,from Latium ; and they drifted, Heaven-impelled, ,year after year, o'er many an unknown sea— ,Below th' horizon the Sicilian isle ,just sank from view, as for the open sea ,with heart of hope they sailed, and every ship ,clove with its brazen beak the salt, white waves. ,But Juno of her everlasting wound ,knew no surcease, but from her heart of pain ,thus darkly mused: “Must I, defeated, fail ,of what I will, nor turn the Teucrian King ,from Italy away? Can Fate oppose? ,Had Pallas power to lay waste in flame ,the Argive fleet and sink its mariners, ,revenging but the sacrilege obscene ,by Ajax wrought, Oileus' desperate son? ,She, from the clouds, herself Jove's lightning threw, ,scattered the ships, and ploughed the sea with storms. ,Her foe, from his pierced breast out-breathing fire, ,in whirlwind on a deadly rock she flung. ,But I, who move among the gods a queen, ,Jove's sister and his spouse, with one weak tribe ,make war so long! Who now on Juno calls? ,So, in her fevered heart complaining still, ,unto the storm-cloud land the goddess came, ,a region with wild whirlwinds in its womb, , Aeolia named, where royal Aeolus ,in a high-vaulted cavern keeps control ,o'er warring winds and loud concourse of storms. ,There closely pent in chains and bastions strong, ,they, scornful, make the vacant mountain roar, ,chafing against their bonds. But from a throne ,of lofty crag, their king with sceptred hand ,allays their fury and their rage confines. ,Did he not so, our ocean, earth, and sky ,were whirled before them through the vast ie. ,But over-ruling Jove, of this in fear, ,hid them in dungeon dark: then o'er them piled ,huge mountains, and ordained a lawful king ,to hold them in firm sway, or know what time, ,with Jove's consent, to loose them o'er the world. ,“Thou in whose hands the Father of all gods ,and Sovereign of mankind confides the power ,to calm the waters or with winds upturn, ,great Aeolus! a race with me at war ,now sails the Tuscan main towards Italy, ,bringing their Ilium and its vanquished powers. ,Uprouse thy gales. Strike that proud navy down! ,Hurl far and wide, and strew the waves with dead! ,Twice seven nymphs are mine, of rarest mould; ,of whom Deiopea, the most fair, ,I give thee in true wedlock for thine own, ,to mate thy noble worth; she at thy side ,shall pass long, happy years, and fruitful bring ,Then Aeolus: “'T is thy sole task, O Queen, ,to weigh thy wish and will. My fealty ,thy high behest obeys. This humble throne ,is of thy gift. Thy smiles for me obtain ,authority from Jove. Thy grace concedes ,my station at your bright Olympian board, ,Replying thus, he smote with spear reversed ,the hollow mountain's wall; then rush the winds ,through that wide breach in long, embattled line, ,and sweep tumultuous from land to land: ,with brooding pinions o'er the waters spread, ,east wind and south, and boisterous Afric gale ,upturn the sea; vast billows shoreward roll; ,the shout of mariners, the creak of cordage, ,follow the shock; low-hanging clouds conceal ,from Trojan eyes all sight of heaven and day; ,night o'er the ocean broods; from sky to sky ,the thunders roll, the ceaseless lightnings glare; ,and all things mean swift death for mortal man. ,Straightway Aeneas, shuddering with amaze, ,groaned loud, upraised both holy hands to Heaven, ,and thus did plead: “O thrice and four times blest, ,ye whom your sires and whom the walls of Troy ,looked on in your last hour! O bravest son , Greece ever bore, Tydides! O that I ,had fallen on Ilian fields, and given this life ,struck down by thy strong hand! where by the spear ,of great Achilles, fiery Hector fell, ,and huge Sarpedon; where the Simois ,in furious flood engulfed and whirled away ,While thus he cried to Heaven, a shrieking blast ,smote full upon the sail. Up surged the waves ,to strike the very stars; in fragments flew ,the shattered oars; the helpless vessel veered ,and gave her broadside to the roaring flood, ,where watery mountains rose and burst and fell. ,Now high in air she hangs, then yawning gulfs ,lay bare the shoals and sands o'er which she drives. ,Three ships a whirling south wind snatched and flung ,on hidden rocks,—altars of sacrifice ,Italians call them, which lie far from shore ,a vast ridge in the sea; three ships beside ,an east wind, blowing landward from the deep, ,drove on the shallows,—pitiable sight,— ,and girdled them in walls of drifting sand. ,That ship, which, with his friend Orontes, bore ,the Lycian mariners, a great, plunging wave ,struck straight astern, before Aeneas' eyes. ,Forward the steersman rolled and o'er the side ,fell headlong, while three times the circling flood ,spun the light bark through swift engulfing seas. ,Look, how the lonely swimmers breast the wave! ,And on the waste of waters wide are seen ,weapons of war, spars, planks, and treasures rare, ,once Ilium 's boast, all mingled with the storm. ,Now o'er Achates and Ilioneus, ,now o'er the ship of Abas or Aletes, ,bursts the tempestuous shock; their loosened seams ,Meanwhile how all his smitten ocean moaned, ,and how the tempest's turbulent assault ,had vexed the stillness of his deepest cave, ,great Neptune knew; and with indigt mien ,uplifted o'er the sea his sovereign brow. ,He saw the Teucrian navy scattered far ,along the waters; and Aeneas' men ,o'erwhelmed in mingling shock of wave and sky. ,Saturnian Juno's vengeful stratagem ,her brother's royal glance failed not to see; ,and loud to eastward and to westward calling, ,he voiced this word: “What pride of birth or power ,is yours, ye winds, that, reckless of my will, ,audacious thus, ye ride through earth and heaven, ,and stir these mountain waves? Such rebels I— ,nay, first I calm this tumult! But yourselves ,by heavier chastisement shall expiate ,hereafter your bold trespass. Haste away ,and bear your king this word! Not unto him ,dominion o'er the seas and trident dread, ,but unto me, Fate gives. Let him possess ,wild mountain crags, thy favored haunt and home, ,O Eurus! In his barbarous mansion there, ,let Aeolus look proud, and play the king ,He spoke, and swiftlier than his word subdued ,the swelling of the floods; dispersed afar ,th' assembled clouds, and brought back light to heaven. ,Cymothoe then and Triton, with huge toil, ,thrust down the vessels from the sharp-edged reef; ,while, with the trident, the great god's own hand ,assists the task; then, from the sand-strewn shore ,out-ebbing far, he calms the whole wide sea, ,and glides light-wheeled along the crested foam. ,As when, with not unwonted tumult, roars ,in some vast city a rebellious mob, ,and base-born passions in its bosom burn, ,till rocks and blazing torches fill the air ,(rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then ,some wise man comes, whose reverend looks attest ,a life to duty given, swift silence falls; ,all ears are turned attentive; and he sways ,with clear and soothing speech the people's will. ,So ceased the sea's uproar, when its grave Sire ,looked o'er th' expanse, and, riding on in light, ,Aeneas' wave-worn crew now landward made, ,and took the nearest passage, whither lay ,the coast of Libya . A haven there ,walled in by bold sides of a rocky isle, ,offers a spacious and secure retreat, ,where every billow from the distant main ,breaks, and in many a rippling curve retires. ,Huge crags and two confronted promontories ,frown heaven-high, beneath whose brows outspread ,the silent, sheltered waters; on the heights ,the bright and glimmering foliage seems to show ,a woodland amphitheatre; and yet higher ,rises a straight-stemmed grove of dense, dark shade. ,Fronting on these a grotto may be seen, ,o'erhung by steep cliffs; from its inmost wall ,clear springs gush out; and shelving seats it has ,of unhewn stone, a place the wood-nymphs love. ,In such a port, a weary ship rides free ,Hither Aeneas of his scattered fleet ,saving but seven, into harbor sailed; ,with passionate longing for the touch of land, ,forth leap the Trojans to the welcome shore, ,and fling their dripping limbs along the ground. ,Then good Achates smote a flinty stone, ,secured a flashing spark, heaped on light leaves, ,and with dry branches nursed the mounting flame. ,Then Ceres' gift from the corrupting sea ,they bring away; and wearied utterly ,ply Ceres' cunning on the rescued corn, ,and parch in flames, and mill 'twixt two smooth stones. ,Aeneas meanwhile climbed the cliffs, and searched ,the wide sea-prospect; haply Antheus there, ,storm-buffeted, might sail within his ken, ,with biremes, and his Phrygian mariners, ,or Capys or Caicus armor-clad, ,upon a towering deck. No ship is seen; ,but while he looks, three stags along the shore ,come straying by, and close behind them comes ,the whole herd, browsing through the lowland vale ,in one long line. Aeneas stopped and seized ,his bow and swift-winged arrows, which his friend, ,trusty Achates, close beside him bore. ,His first shafts brought to earth the lordly heads ,of the high-antlered chiefs; his next assailed ,the general herd, and drove them one and all ,in panic through the leafy wood, nor ceased ,the victory of his bow, till on the ground ,lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. ,Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends ,distributed the spoil, with that rare wine ,which good Acestes while in Sicily ,had stored in jars, and prince-like sent away ,with his Ioved guest;—this too Aeneas gave; ,“Companions mine, we have not failed to feel ,calamity till now. O, ye have borne ,far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end ,also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by ,infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. ,Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! ,No more complaint and fear! It well may be ,some happier hour will find this memory fair. ,Through chance and change and hazard without end, ,our goal is Latium ; where our destinies ,beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained ,that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! ,Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, ,feigned hopes upon his forehead firm he wore, ,and locked within his heart a hero's pain. ,Now round the welcome trophies of his chase ,they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs ,and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, ,and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, ,place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. ,Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, ,they rally their lost powers, and feast them well ,on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. ,But hunger banished and the banquet done, ,in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, ,'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows ,whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, ,or heed no more whatever voice may call? ,Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, ,Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, ,or mourns with grief untold the untimely doom ,After these things were past, exalted Jove, ,from his ethereal sky surveying clear ,the seas all winged with sails, lands widely spread, ,and nations populous from shore to shore, ,paused on the peak of heaven, and fixed his gaze ,on Libya . But while he anxious mused, ,near him, her radiant eyes all dim with tears, ,nor smiling any more, Venus approached, ,and thus complained: “O thou who dost control ,things human and divine by changeless laws, ,enthroned in awful thunder! What huge wrong ,could my Aeneas and his Trojans few ,achieve against thy power? For they have borne ,unnumbered deaths, and, failing Italy, ,the gates of all the world against them close. ,Hast thou not given us thy covet ,that hence the Romans when the rolling years ,have come full cycle, shall arise to power ,from Troy 's regenerate seed, and rule supreme ,the unresisted lords of land and sea? ,O Sire, what swerves thy will? How oft have I ,in Troy 's most lamentable wreck and woe ,consoled my heart with this, and balanced oft ,our destined good against our destined ill! ,But the same stormful fortune still pursues ,my band of heroes on their perilous way. ,When shall these labors cease, O glorious King? ,Antenor, though th' Achaeans pressed him sore, ,found his way forth, and entered unassailed , Illyria 's haven, and the guarded land ,of the Liburni. Straight up stream he sailed ,where like a swollen sea Timavus pours ,a nine-fold flood from roaring mountain gorge, ,and whelms with voiceful wave the fields below. ,He built Patavium there, and fixed abodes ,for Troy 's far-exiled sons; he gave a name ,to a new land and race; the Trojan arms ,were hung on temple walls; and, to this day, ,lying in perfect peace, the hero sleeps. ,But we of thine own seed, to whom thou dost ,a station in the arch of heaven assign, ,behold our navy vilely wrecked, because ,a single god is angry; we endure ,this treachery and violence, whereby ,wide seas divide us from th' Hesperian shore. ,Is this what piety receives? Or thus ,Smiling reply, the Sire of gods and men, ,with such a look as clears the skies of storm ,chastely his daughter kissed, and thus spake on: ,“Let Cytherea cast her fears away! ,Irrevocably blest the fortunes be ,of thee and thine. Nor shalt thou fail to see ,that City, and the proud predestined wall ,encompassing Lavinium . Thyself ,shall starward to the heights of heaven bear ,Aeneas the great-hearted. Nothing swerves ,my will once uttered. Since such carking cares ,consume thee, I this hour speak freely forth, ,and leaf by leaf the book of fate unfold. ,Thy son in Italy shall wage vast war ,and, quell its nations wild; his city-wall ,and sacred laws shall be a mighty bond ,about his gathered people. Summers three ,shall Latium call him king; and three times pass ,the winter o'er Rutulia's vanquished hills. ,His heir, Ascanius, now Iulus called ,(Ilus it was while Ilium 's kingdom stood), ,full thirty months shall reign, then move the throne ,from the Lavinian citadel, and build ,Here three full centuries shall Hector's race ,have kingly power; till a priestess queen, ,by Mars conceiving, her twin offspring bear; ,then Romulus, wolf-nursed and proudly clad ,in tawny wolf-skin mantle, shall receive ,the sceptre of his race. He shall uprear ,and on his Romans his own name bestow. ,To these I give no bounded times or power, ,but empire without end. Yea, even my Queen, ,Juno, who now chastiseth land and sea ,with her dread frown, will find a wiser way, ,and at my sovereign side protect and bless ,the Romans, masters of the whole round world, ,who, clad in peaceful toga, judge mankind. ,Such my decree! In lapse of seasons due, ,the heirs of Ilium 's kings shall bind in chains , Mycenae 's glory and Achilles' towers, ,and over prostrate Argos sit supreme. ,of Trojan stock illustriously sprung, ,lo, Caesar comes! whose power the ocean bounds, ,whose fame, the skies. He shall receive the name ,Iulus nobly bore, great Julius, he. ,Him to the skies, in Orient trophies dress, ,thou shalt with smiles receive; and he, like us, ,shall hear at his own shrines the suppliant vow. ,Then will the world grow mild; the battle-sound ,will be forgot; for olden Honor then, ,with spotless Vesta, and the brothers twain, ,Remus and Romulus, at strife no more, ,will publish sacred laws. The dreadful gates ,whence issueth war, shall with close-jointed steel ,be barred impregnably; and prisoned there ,the heaven-offending Fury, throned on swords, ,and fettered by a hundred brazen chains, ,These words he gave, and summoned Maia's son, ,the herald Mercury, who earthward flying, ,should bid the Tyrian realms and new-built towers ,welcome the Trojan waifs; lest Dido, blind ,to Fate's decree, should thrust them from the land. ,He takes his flight, with rhythmic stroke of wing, ,across th' abyss of air, and soon draws near ,unto the Libyan mainland. He fulfils ,his heavenly task; the Punic hearts of stone ,grow soft beneath the effluence divine; ,and, most of all, the Queen, with heart at ease ,But good Aeneas, pondering all night long ,his many cares, when first the cheerful dawn ,upon him broke, resolved to take survey ,of this strange country whither wind and wave ,had driven him,—for desert land it seemed,— ,to learn what tribes of man or beast possess ,a place so wild, and careful tidings bring ,back to his friends. His fleet of ships the while, ,where dense, dark groves o'er-arch a hollowed crag, ,he left encircled in far-branching shade. ,Then with no followers save his trusty friend ,Achates, he went forth upon his way, ,two broad-tipped javelins poising in his hand. ,Deep to the midmost wood he went, and there ,his Mother in his path uprose; she seemed ,in garb and countece a maid, and bore, ,like Spartan maids, a weapon; in such guise ,Harpalyce the Thracian urges on ,her panting coursers and in wild career ,outstrips impetuous Hebrus as it flows. ,Over her lovely shoulders was a bow, ,slender and light, as fits a huntress fair; ,her golden tresses without wimple moved ,in every wind, and girded in a knot ,her undulant vesture bared her marble knees. ,She hailed them thus: “Ho, sirs, I pray you tell ,if haply ye have noted, as ye came, ,one of my sisters in this wood astray? ,She bore a quiver, and a lynx's hide ,her spotted mantle was; perchance she roused ,So Venus spoke, and Venus' son replied: ,“No voice or vision of thy sister fair ,has crossed my path, thou maid without a name! ,Thy beauty seems not of terrestrial mould, ,nor is thy music mortal! Tell me, goddess, ,art thou bright Phoebus' sister? Or some nymph, ,the daughter of a god? Whate'er thou art, ,thy favor we implore, and potent aid ,in our vast toil. Instruct us of what skies, ,or what world's end, our storm-swept lives have found! ,Strange are these lands and people where we rove, ,compelled by wind and wave. Lo, this right hand ,Then Venus: “Nay, I boast not to receive ,honors divine. We Tyrian virgins oft ,bear bow and quiver, and our ankles white ,lace up in purple buskin. Yonder lies ,the Punic power, where Tyrian masters hold ,Agenor's town; but on its borders dwell ,the Libyans, by battles unsubdued. ,Upon the throne is Dido, exiled there ,from Tyre, to flee th' unnatural enmity ,of her own brother. 'T was an ancient wrong; ,too Iong the dark and tangled tale would be; ,I trace the larger outline of her story: ,Sichreus was her spouse, whose acres broad ,no Tyrian lord could match, and he was-blessed ,by his ill-fated lady's fondest love, ,whose father gave him her first virgin bloom ,in youthful marriage. But the kingly power ,among the Tyrians to her brother came, ,Pygmalion, none deeper dyed in crime ,in all that land. Betwixt these twain there rose ,a deadly hatred,—and the impious wretch, ,blinded by greed, and reckless utterly ,of his fond sister's joy, did murder foul ,upon defenceless and unarmed Sichaeus, ,and at the very altar hewed him down. ,Long did he hide the deed, and guilefully ,deceived with false hopes, and empty words, ,her grief and stricken love. But as she slept, ,her husband's tombless ghost before her came, ,with face all wondrous pale, and he laid bare ,his heart with dagger pierced, disclosing so ,the blood-stained altar and the infamy ,that darkened now their house. His counsel was ,to fly, self-banished, from her ruined land, ,and for her journey's aid, he whispered where ,his buried treasure lay, a weight unknown ,of silver and of gold. Thus onward urged, ,Dido, assembling her few trusted friends, ,prepared her flight. There rallied to her cause ,all who did hate and scorn the tyrant king, ,or feared his cruelty. They seized his ships, ,which haply rode at anchor in the bay, ,and loaded them with gold; the hoarded wealth ,of vile and covetous Pygmalion ,they took to sea. A woman wrought this deed. ,Then came they to these lands where now thine eyes ,behold yon walls and yonder citadel ,of newly rising Carthage . For a price ,they measured round so much of Afric soil ,as one bull's hide encircles, and the spot ,received its name, the Byrsa. But, I pray, ,what men are ye? from what far land arrived, ,and whither going?” When she questioned thus, ,her son, with sighs that rose from his heart's depths, ,“Divine one, if I tell ,my woes and burdens all, and thou could'st pause ,to heed the tale, first would the vesper star ,th' Olympian portals close, and bid the day ,in slumber lie. of ancient Troy are we— ,if aught of Troy thou knowest! As we roved ,from sea to sea, the hazard of the storm ,cast us up hither on this Libyan coast. ,I am Aeneas, faithful evermore ,to Heaven's command; and in my ships I bear ,my gods ancestral, which I snatched away ,from peril of the foe. My fame is known ,above the stars. I travel on in quest ,of Italy, my true home-land, and I ,from Jove himself may trace my birth divine. ,With twice ten ships upon the Phryglan main ,I launched away. My mother from the skies ,gave guidance, and I wrought what Fate ordained. ,Yet now scarce seven shattered ships survive ,the shock of wind and wave; and I myself ,friendless, bereft, am wandering up and down ,this Libyan wilderness! Behold me here, ,from Europe and from Asia exiled still!” ,But Venus could not let him longer plain, ,“Whoe'er thou art, ,I deem that not unblest of heavenly powers, ,with vital breath still thine, thou comest hither ,unto our Tyrian town. Go steadfast on, ,and to the royal threshold make thy way! ,I bring thee tidings that thy comrades all ,are safe at land; and all thy ships, conveyed ,by favoring breezes, safe at anchor lie; ,or else in vain my parents gave me skill ,to read the skies. Look up at yonder swans! ,A flock of twelve, whose gayly fluttering file, ,erst scattered by Jove's eagle swooping down ,from his ethereal haunt, now form anew ,their long-drawn line, and make a landing-place, ,or, hovering over, scan some chosen ground, ,or soaring high, with whir of happy wings, ,re-circle heaven in triumphant song: ,likewise, I tell thee, thy Iost mariners ,are landed, or fly landward at full sail. ,She ceased and turned away. A roseate beam ,from her bright shoulder glowed; th' ambrosial hair ,breathed more than mortal sweetness, while her robes ,fell rippling to her feet. Each step revealed ,the veritable goddess. Now he knew ,that vision was his mother, and his words ,pursued the fading phantom as it fled: ,“Why is thy son deluded o'er and o'er ,with mocking dreams,—another cruel god? ,Hast thou no hand-clasp true, nor interchange ,of words unfeigned betwixt this heart and thine?” ,Such word of blame he spoke, and took his way ,toward the city's rampart. Venus then ,o'erveiled them as they moved in darkened air,— ,a liquid mantle of thick cloud divine,— ,that viewless they might pass, nor would any ,obstruct, delay, or question why they came. ,To Paphos then she soared, her Ioved abode, ,where stands her temple, at whose hundred shrines ,garlands of myrtle and fresh roses breathe, ,Meanwhile the wanderers swiftly journey on ,along the clear-marked road, and soon they climb ,the brow of a high hill, which close in view ,o'er-towers the city's crown. The vast exploit, ,where lately rose but Afric cabins rude, ,Aeneas wondered at: the smooth, wide ways; ,the bastioned gates; the uproar of the throng. ,The Tyrians toil unwearied; some up-raise ,a wall or citadel, from far below ,lifting the ponderous stone; or with due care ,choose where to build, and close the space around ,with sacred furrow; in their gathering-place ,the people for just governors, just laws, ,and for their reverend senate shout acclaim. ,Some clear the harbor mouth; some deeply lay ,the base of a great theatre, and carve out ,proud columns from the mountain, to adorn ,their rising stage with lofty ornament. ,so busy bees above a field of flowers ,in early summer amid sunbeams toil, ,leading abroad their nation's youthful brood; ,or with the flowing honey storing close ,the pliant cells, until they quite run o'er ,with nectared sweet; while from the entering swarm ,they take their little loads; or lined for war, ,rout the dull drones, and chase them from the hive; ,brisk is the task, and all the honeyed air ,breathes odors of wild thyme. “How blest of Heaven. ,These men that see their promised ramparts rise!” ,Aeneas sighed; and swift his glances moved ,from tower to tower; then on his way he fared, ,veiled in the wonder-cloud, whence all unseen ,of human eyes,—O strange the tale and true!— ,Deep in the city's heart there was a grove ,of beauteous shade, where once the Tyrians, ,cast here by stormful waves, delved out of earth ,that portent which Queen Juno bade them find,— ,the head of a proud horse,—that ages long ,their boast might be wealth, luxury and war. ,Upon this spot Sidonian Dido raised ,a spacious fane to Juno, which became ,splendid with gifts, and hallowed far and wide ,for potency divine. Its beams were bronze, ,and on loud hinges swung the brazen doors. ,A rare, new sight this sacred grove did show, ,which calmed Aeneas' fears, and made him bold ,to hope for safety, and with lifted heart ,from his low-fallen fortunes re-aspire. ,For while he waits the advent of the Queen, ,he scans the mighty temple, and admires ,the city's opulent pride, and all the skill ,its rival craftsmen in their work approve. ,Behold! he sees old Ilium 's well-fought fields ,in sequent picture, and those famous wars ,now told upon men's lips the whole world round. ,There Atreus' sons, there kingly Priam moved, ,and fierce Pelides pitiless to both. ,Aeneas paused, and, weeping, thus began: ,“Alas, Achates, what far region now, ,what land in all the world knows not our pain? ,See, it is Priam! Virtue's wage is given— ,O even here! Here also there be tears ,for what men bear, and mortal creatures feel ,each other's sorrow. Therefore, have no fear! ,So saying, he received into his heart ,that visionary scene, profoundly sighed, ,and let his plenteous tears unheeded flow. ,There he beheld the citadel of Troy ,girt with embattled foes; here, Greeks in flight ,some Trojan onset 'scaped; there, Phrygian bands ,before tall-plumed Achilles' chariot sped. ,The snowy tents of Rhesus spread hard by ,(he sees them through his tears), where Diomed ,in night's first watch burst o'er them unawares ,with bloody havoc and a host of deaths; ,then drove his fiery coursers o'er the plain ,before their thirst or hunger could be stayed ,on Trojan corn or Xanthus ' cooling stream. ,Here too was princely Troilus, despoiled, ,routed and weaponless, O wretched boy! ,Ill-matched against Achilles! His wild steeds ,bear him along, as from his chariot's rear ,he falls far back, but clutches still the rein; ,his hair and shoulders on the ground go trailing, ,and his down-pointing spear-head scrawls the dust. ,Elsewhere, to Pallas' ever-hostile shrine, ,daughters of Ilium, with unsnooded hair, ,and lifting all in vain her hallowed pall, ,walked suppliant and sad, beating their breasts, ,with outspread palms. But her unswerving eyes ,the goddess fixed on earth, and would not see. ,Achilles round the Trojan rampart thrice ,had dragged the fallen Hector, and for gold ,was making traffic of the lifeless clay. ,Aeneas groaned aloud, with bursting heart, ,to see the spoils, the car, the very corpse ,of his lost friend,—while Priam for the dead ,stretched forth in piteous prayer his helpless hands. ,There too his own presentment he could see ,surrounded by Greek kings; and there were shown ,hordes from the East, and black-browed Memnon's arms; ,her band of Amazons, with moon-shaped shields, ,Penthesilea led; her martial eye ,flamed on from troop to troop; a belt of gold ,beneath one bare, protruded breast she bound— ,While on such spectacle Aeneas' eyes ,looked wondering, while mute and motionless ,he stood at gaze, Queen Dido to the shrine ,in lovely majesty drew near; a throng ,of youthful followers pressed round her way. ,So by the margin of Eurotas wide ,or o'er the Cynthian steep, Diana leads ,her bright processional; hither and yon ,are visionary legions numberless ,of Oreads; the regt goddess bears ,a quiver on her shoulders, and is seen ,emerging tallest of her beauteous train; ,while joy unutterable thrills the breast ,of fond Latona: Dido not less fair ,amid her subjects passed, and not less bright ,her glow of gracious joy, while she approved ,her future kingdom's pomp and vast emprise. ,Then at the sacred portal and beneath ,the temple's vaulted dome she took her place, ,encompassed by armed men, and lifted high ,upon a throne; her statutes and decrees ,the people heard, and took what lot or toil ,her sentence, or impartial urn, assigned. ,But, lo! Aeneas sees among the throng ,Antheus, Sergestus, and Cloanthus bold, ,with other Teucrians, whom the black storm flung ,far o'er the deep and drove on alien shores. ,Struck dumb was he, and good Achates too, ,half gladness and half fear. Fain would they fly ,to friendship's fond embrace; but knowing not ,what might befall, their hearts felt doubt and care. ,Therefore they kept the secret, and remained ,forth-peering from the hollow veil of cloud, ,haply to learn what their friends' fate might be, ,or where the fleet was landed, or what aim ,had brought them hither; for a chosen few ,from every ship had come to sue for grace, ,The doors swung wide; and after access given ,and leave to speak, revered Ilioneus ,with soul serene these lowly words essayed: ,“O Queen, who hast authority of Jove ,to found this rising city, and subdue ,with righteous goverce its people proud, ,we wretched Trojans, blown from sea to sea, ,beseech thy mercy; keep the curse of fire ,from our poor ships! We pray thee, do no wrong ,unto a guiltless race. But heed our plea! ,No Libyan hearth shall suffer by our sword, ,nor spoil and plunder to our ships be borne; ,such haughty violence fits not the souls ,of vanquished men. We journey to a land ,named, in Greek syllables, Hesperia : ,a storied realm, made mighty by great wars ,and wealth of fruitful land; in former days ,Oenotrians had it, and their sons, 't is said, ,have called it Italy, a chieftain's name ,to a whole region given. Thitherward ,our ships did fare; but with swift-rising flood ,the stormful season of Orion's star ,drove us on viewless shoals; and angry gales ,dispersed us, smitten by the tumbling surge, ,among innavigable rocks. Behold, ,we few swam hither, waifs upon your shore! ,What race of mortals this? What barbarous land, ,that with inhospitable laws ye thrust ,a stranger from your coasts, and fly to arms, ,nor grant mere foothold on your kingdom's bound? ,If man thou scornest and all mortal power, ,A king we had; Aeneas,—never man ,in all the world more loyal, just and true, ,nor mightier in arms! If Heaven decree ,his present safety, if he now do breathe ,the air of earth and is not buried low ,among the dreadful shades, then fear not thou! ,For thou wilt never rue that thou wert prompt ,to do us the first kindness. O'er the sea ,in the Sicilian land, are cities proud, ,with martial power, and great Acestes there ,is of our Trojan kin. So grant us here ,to beach our shattered ships along thy shore, ,and from thy forest bring us beam and spar ,to mend our broken oars. Then, if perchance ,we find once more our comrades and our king, ,and forth to Italy once more set sail, ,to Italy, our Latin hearth and home, ,we will rejoicing go. But if our weal ,is clean gone by, and thee, blest chief and sire, ,these Libyan waters keep, and if no more ,Iulus bids us hope,—then, at the least, ,to yon Sicilian seas, to friendly lands ,whence hither drifting with the winds we came, ,let us retrace the journey and rejoin ,good King Acestes.” So Ilioneus ,ended his pleading; the Dardanidae ,Then Dido, briefly and with downcast eyes, ,her answer made: “O Teucrians, have no fear! ,Bid care begone! It was necessity, ,and my young kingdom's weakness, which compelled ,the policy of force, and made me keep ,such vigilant sentry my wide co'ast along. ,Aeneas and his people, that fair town ,of Troy—who knows them not? The whole world knows ,those valorous chiefs and huge, far-flaming wars. ,Our Punic hearts are not of substance all ,insensible and dull: the god of day ,drives not his fire-breathing steeds so far ,from this our Tyrian town. If ye would go ,to great Hesperia, where Saturn reigned, ,or if voluptuous Eryx and the throne ,of good Acestes be your journey's end, ,I send you safe; I speed you on your way. ,But if in these my realms ye will abide, ,associates of my power, behold, I build ,this city for your own! Choose haven here ,for your good ships. Beneath my royal sway ,Trojan and Tyrian equal grace will find. ,But O, that this same storm had brought your King. ,Aeneas, hither! I will bid explore ,our Libya 's utmost bound, where haply he ,By these fair words to joy profoundly stirred, ,Father Aeneas and Achates brave ,to cast aside the cloud that wrapped them round ,yearned greatly; and Achates to his King ,spoke thus: “O goddess-born, in thy wise heart ,what purpose rises now? Lo! All is well! ,Thy fleet and followers are safe at land. ,One only comes not, who before our eyes ,sank in the soundless sea. All else fulfils ,thy mother's prophecy.” Scarce had he spoke ,when suddenly that overmantling cloud ,was cloven, and dissolved in lucent air; ,forth stood Aeneas. A clear sunbeam smote ,his god-like head and shoulders. Venus' son ,of his own heavenly mother now received ,youth's glowing rose, an eye of joyful fire, ,and tresses clustering fair. 'T is even so ,the cunning craftsman unto ivory gives ,new beauty, or with circlet of bright gold ,encloses silver or the Parian stone. ,Thus of the Queen he sued, while wonderment ,fell on all hearts. “Behold the man ye seek, ,for I am here! Aeneas, Trojan-born, ,brought safely hither from yon Libyan seas! ,O thou who first hast looked with pitying eye ,on Troy 's unutterable grief, who even to us ,(escaped our Grecian victor, and outworn ,by all the perils land and ocean know), ,to us, bereft and ruined, dost extend ,such welcome to thy kingdom and thy home! ,I have no power, Dido, to give thanks ,to match thine ample grace; nor is there power ,in any remt of our Dardan blood, ,now fled in exile o'er the whole wide world. ,May gods on high (if influence divine ,bless faithful lives, or recompense be found ,in justice and thy self-approving mind) ,give thee thy due reward. What age was blest ,by such a birth as thine? What parents proud ,such offspring bore? O, while the rivers run ,to mingle with the sea, while shadows pass ,along yon rounded hills from vale to vale, ,and while from heaven's unextinguished fire ,the stars be fed—so Iong thy glorious name, ,thy place illustrious and thy virtue's praise, ,abide undimmed.—Yet I myself must go ,to lands I know not where.” After this word ,his right hand clasped his Ioved Ilioneus, ,his left Serestus; then the comrades all, ,Sidonian Dido felt her heart stand still ,when first she looked on him; and thrilled again ,to hear what vast adventure had befallen ,so great a hero. Thus she welcomed him: ,“What chance, O goddess-born, o'er danger's path ,impels? What power to this wild coast has borne? ,Art thou Aeneas, great Anchises' son, ,whom lovely Venus by the Phrygian stream ,of Simois brought forth unto the day? ,Now I bethink me of when Teucer came ,to Sidon, exiled, and of Belus' power ,desired a second throne. For Belus then, ,our worshipped sire, despoiled the teeming land ,of Cyprus, as its conqueror and king. ,And since that hour I oft have heard the tale ,of fallen Troy, of thine own noble name, ,and of Achaean kings. Teucer was wont, ,although their foe, to praise the Teucrian race, ,and boasted him of that proud lineage sprung. ,Therefore, behold, our portals are swung wide ,for all your company. I also bore ,hard fate like thine. I too was driven of storms ,and after long toil was allowed at last ,to call this land my home. O, I am wise ,in sorrow, and I help all suffering souls!” ,So saying, she bade Aeneas welcome take ,beneath her royal roof, and to the gods ,made sacrifice in temples, while she sent ,unto the thankful Trojans on the shore ,a score of bulls, and of huge, bristling swine, ,a herd of a whole hundred, and a flock ,of goodly lambs, a hundred, who ran close ,beside the mother-ewes: and all were given ,in joyful feast to please the Heavenly Powers. ,Her palace showed a monarch's fair array ,all glittering and proud, and feasts were spread ,within the ample court. Rich broideries ,hung deep incarnadined with Tyrian skill; ,the board had massy silver, gold-embossed, ,where gleamed the mighty deeds of all her sires, ,a graven chronicle of peace and war ,prolonged, since first her ancient line began, ,Aeneas now ,(for love in his paternal heart spoke loud ,and gave no rest) bade swift Achates run ,to tell Ascanius all, and from the ship ,to guide him upward to the town,—for now ,the father's whole heart for Ascanius yearned. ,And gifts he bade them bring, which had been saved ,in Ilium 's fall: a richly broidered cloak ,heavy with golden emblems; and a veil ,by leaves of saffron lilies bordered round, ,which Argive Helen o'er her beauty threw, ,her mother Leda's gift most wonderful, ,and which to Troy she bore, when flying far ,in lawless wedlock from Mycenae 's towers; ,a sceptre, too, once fair Ilione's, ,eldest of Priam's daughters; and round pearls ,strung in a necklace, and a double crown ,of jewels set in gold. These gifts to find, ,But Cytherea in her heart revolved ,new wiles, new schemes: how Cupid should transform ,his countece, and, coming in the guise ,of sweet Ascanius, still more inflame ,the amorous Queen with gifts, and deeply fuse ,through all her yielding frame his fatal fire. ,Sooth, Venus feared the many-languaged guile ,which Tyrians use; fierce Juno's hate she feared, ,and falling night renewed her sleepless care. ,Therefore to Love, the light-winged god, she said: ,“Sweet son, of whom my sovereignty and power ,alone are given! O son, whose smile may scorn ,the shafts of Jove whereby the Titans fell, ,to thee I fly, and humbly here implore ,thy help divine. Behold, from land to land ,Aeneas, thine own brother, voyages on ,storm-driven, by Juno's causeless enmity. ,Thou knowest it well, and oft hast sighed to see ,my sighs and tears. Dido the Tyrian now ,detains him with soft speeches; and I fear ,such courtesy from Juno means us ill; ,she is not one who, when the hour is ripe, ,bids action pause. I therefore now intend ,the Tyrian Queen to snare, and siege her breast ,with our invading fire, before some god ,shall change her mood. But let her bosom burn ,with love of my Aeneas not less than mine. ,This thou canst bring to pass. I pray thee hear ,the plan I counsel. At his father's call ,Ascanius, heir of kings, makes haste to climb ,to yon Sidonian citadel; my grace ,protects him, and he bears gifts which were saved ,from hazard of the sea and burning Troy . ,Him lapped in slumber on Cythera 's hill, ,or in Idalia's deep and hallowing shade, ,myself will hide, lest haply he should learn ,our stratagem, and burst in, foiling all. ,Wear thou his shape for one brief night thyself, ,and let thy boyhood feign another boy's ,familiar countece; when Dido there, ,beside the royal feast and flowing wine, ,all smiles and joy, shall clasp thee to her breast ,while she caresses thee, and her sweet lips ,touch close with thine, then let thy secret fire ,breathe o'er her heart, to poison and betray.” ,The love-god to his mother's dear behest ,gave prompt assent. He put his pinions by ,and tripped it like Iulus, light of heart. ,But Venus o'er Ascanius' body poured ,a perfect sleep, and, to her heavenly breast ,enfolding him, far, far away upbore ,to fair Idalia's grove, where fragrant buds ,of softly-petalled marjoram embower ,Cupid straightway ,obeyed his mother's word and bore the gifts, ,each worthy of a king, as offerings ,to greet the Tyrian throne; and as he went ,he clasped Achates' friendly hand, and smiled. ,Father Aeneas now, and all his band ,of Trojan chivalry, at social feast, ,on lofty purple-pillowed couches lie; ,deft slaves fresh water on their fingers pour, ,and from reed-woven basketry renew ,the plenteous bread, or bring smooth napery ,of softest weave; fifty handmaidens serve, ,whose task it is to range in order fair ,the varied banquet, or at altars bright ,throw balm and incense on the sacred fires. ,A hundred more serve with an equal band ,of beauteous pages, whose obedient skill ,piles high the generous board and fills the bowl. ,The Tyrians also to the festal hall ,come thronging, and receive their honor due, ,each on his painted couch; with wondering eyes ,Aeneas' gifts they view, and wondering more, ,mark young Iulus' radiant brows divine, ,his guileful words, the golden pall he bears, ,and broidered veil with saffron lilies bound. ,The Tyrian Queen ill-starred, already doomed ,to her approaching woe, scanned ardently, ,with kindling cheek and never-sated eyes, ,the precious gifts and wonder-gifted boy. ,He round Aeneas' neck his arms entwined, ,fed the deep yearning of his seeming sire, ,then sought the Queen's embrace; her eyes, her soul ,clave to him as she strained him to her breast. ,For Dido knew not in that fateful hour ,how great a god betrayed her. He began, ,remembering his mother (she who bore ,the lovely Acidalian Graces three), ,to make the dear name of Sichaeus fade, ,and with new life, new love, to re-possess ,When the main feast is over, they replace ,the banquet with huge bowls, and crown the wine ,with ivy-leaf and rose. Loud rings the roof ,with echoing voices; from the gilded vault ,far-blazing cressets swing, or torches bright ,drive the dark night away. The Queen herself ,called for her golden chalice studded round ,with jewels, and o'er-brimming it with wine ,as Belus and his proud successors use, ,commanded silence, and this utterance made: ,“Great Jove, of whom are hospitable laws ,for stranger-guest, may this auspicious day ,bless both our Tyrians and the wanderers ,from Trojan shore. May our posterity ,keep this remembrance! Let kind Juno smile, ,and Bacchus, Iord of mirth, attend us here! ,And, O ye Tyrians, come one and all, ,and with well-omened words our welcome share!” ,So saying, she outpoured the sacred drop ,due to the gods, and lightly from the rim ,sipped the first taste, then unto Bitias gave ,with urgent cheer; he seized it, nothing loth, ,quaffed deep and long the foaming, golden bowl, ,then passed to others. On a gilded Iyre ,the flowing-haired Iopas woke a song ,taught him by famous Atlas: of the moon ,he sang, the wanderer, and what the sun's ,vast labors be; then would his music tell ,whence man and beast were born, and whence were bred ,clouds, lightnings, and Arcturus' stormful sign, ,the Hyades, rain-stars, and nigh the Pole ,the great and lesser Wain; for well he knew ,why colder suns make haste to quench their orb ,in ocean-stream, and wintry nights be slow. ,Loudly the Tyrians their minstrel praised, ,and Troy gave prompt applause. Dido the while ,with varying talk prolonged the fateful night, ,and drank both long and deep of love and wine. ,Now many a tale of Priam would she crave, ,of Hector many; or what radiant arms ,Aurora's son did wear; what were those steeds ,of Diomed, or what the stature seemed ,of great Achilles. “Come, illustrious guest, ,begin the tale,” she said, “begin and tell ,the perfidy of Greece, thy people's fall, ,and all thy wanderings. For now,—Ah, me! ,Seven times the summer's burning stars have seen ,thee wandering far o'er alien lands and seas.” " '1.279 Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care,
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place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287 Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288 they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289 on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290 But hunger banished and the banquet done, ' "
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'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows " '1.293 whether the lost ones live, or strive with death,
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Juno the Queen replied: “Leave that to me! ' "
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with the young heir of Dardan's kingly line, " '4.232 of Venus sprung, seek shelter where they may,
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Eridanus, through forests rolling free. 6.852 Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853 Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests ' "
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looked o'er the world, they took their separate ways, " '7.188 exploring shore and towns; here spread the pools ' "
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filled all the arching sky, the river's banks " 8.682 is half Italian-born. Thyself art he,
8.688
pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689 a master and example, while he learns ' "8.690 the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds " '8.691 let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692 with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693 two hundred horsemen of Arcadia, 8.694 our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695 in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696 to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697 With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698 Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699 mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. ' "8.700 But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen " "8.701 gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome " '8.702 a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703 tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704 and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705 All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706 crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707 looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708 whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. ' "8.709 All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son " '8.710 knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711 her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712 “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read ' "8.713 the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me " 8.720 O Turnus, what a reckoning thou shalt pay 8.721 to me in arms! O Tiber, in thy wave 8.722 what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723 hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead
12.851
I knew thee what thou wert, when guilefully 12.852 thou didst confound their treaty, and enlist 12.853 thy whole heart in this war. No Ionger now '' None
36. Vergil, Georgics, 2.173-2.176, 3.8-3.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De architectura, and imperialism • Rome, imperial • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • statues, imperial • triumph, as an imperial monopoly

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 220; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 50; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 68; Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 179, 180; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 211, 213, 214, 220, 229; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 220

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2.173 Salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, 2.174 magna virum; tibi res antiquae laudis et artem 2.175 ingredior, sanctos ausus recludere fontis, 2.176 Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen.
3.8
acer equis? Temptanda via est, qua me quoque possim 3.9 tollere humo victorque virum volitare per ora. 3.10 Primus ego in patriam mecum, modo vita supersit, 3.11 Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas; 3.12 primus Idumaeas referam tibi, Mantua, palmas, 3.13 et viridi in campo templum de marmore ponam 3.14 propter aquam. Tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat 3.15 Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 3.16 In medio mihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit: 3.17 illi victor ego et Tyrio conspectus in ostro 3.18 centum quadriiugos agitabo ad flumina currus. 3.19 Cuncta mihi Alpheum linquens lucosque Molorchi 3.20 cursibus et crudo decernet Graecia caestu.'' None
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2.173 With it the Medes for sweetness lave the lips, 2.174 And ease the panting breathlessness of age. 2.175 But no, not Mede-land with its wealth of woods, 2.176 Nor Ganges fair, and Hermus thick with gold,
3.8
Hath not the tale been told of Hylas young, 3.9 Latonian Delos and Hippodame, 3.10 And Pelops for his ivory shoulder famed, 3.11 Keen charioteer? Needs must a path be tried, 3.12 By which I too may lift me from the dust, 3.13 And float triumphant through the mouths of men. 3.14 Yea, I shall be the first, so life endure, 3.15 To lead the Muses with me, as I pa 3.16 To mine own country from the Aonian height; 3.17 I, 3.18 of Idumaea, and raise a marble shrine 3.19 On thy green plain fast by the water-side, 3.20 Where Mincius winds more vast in lazy coils,'' None
37. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 6.1.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De architectura, and imperialism • imperialism

 Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 108; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 336

sup>
6.1.11 11. on this account the people of Italy excel in both qualities, strength of body and vigour of mind. For as the planet Jupiter moves through a temperate region between the fiery Mars and icy Saturn, so Italy enjoys a temperate and unequalled climate between the north on one side, and the south on the other. Hence it is, that by stratagem she is enabled to repress the attacks of the barbarians, and by her strength to overcome the subtilty of southern nations. Divine providence has so ordered it that the metropolis of the Roman people is placed in an excellent and temperate climate, whereby they have become the masters of the world.'' None
38. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De architectura, and imperialism • Imperial cult • civil wars (as a part of imperial discourse) • construction, imperial oversight of • divi and divae, deified emperors and members of imperial family • economy, imperial • feriae, in the Imperial Period • forums, imperial • gentilicia, imperial • imperial ideology, the emperor as a provider of hope • praenomen “ Imperator,” • responses to imperial cults, Revelation, book of • statuary, imperial oversight of

 Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 231; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 182; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 342; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 95; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 187; Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 61; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 31; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 292; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 126; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 75

39. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 227; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 227

40. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • imperialism

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 217, 220, 221, 228; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 217, 220, 221, 228; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 118

41. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Power structures, Imperial power • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • cult, imperial ( • library, imperial

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 218, 222; Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 297; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 218; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 218, 222

42. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Jupiter, Imperator • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • imperial representation, in Roman Senate • imperial representation, pagan or Christian elites • imperialism Roman, x • succession, imperial, public displays of • women, imperial, in triumphs

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 219; Boustan Janssen and Roetzel (2010), Violence, Scripture, and Textual Practices in Early Judaism and Christianity, 231; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 97; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 69; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 34; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 219

43. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Imperial cult • imperial cult, provincial

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 434; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 214

44. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 220; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 220

45. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 219; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 219

46. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • cult, imperial, in domestic setting • divi and divae, deified emperors and members of imperial family • domus Augusta (imperial family), and Augustus • domus Augusta (imperial family), definition of • domus Augusta (imperial family), women of • imperial family, Roman • portraits, imperial, sanctity of

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 235; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 218; Black, Thomas, and Thompson (2022), Ephesos as a Religious Center under the Principate. 21; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 40; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 218

47. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • banquets (convivia), imperial • dress, imperial • imperial family • senate of Rome, imperial relations with

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 32; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 229; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 24, 41; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 239; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 229

48. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Imperial integration • Imperialism • Palatine Hill, seat of imperial power • Power structures, Imperial power • Statius, and Roman imperial élite • dress, imperial • forums, imperial • imperial family • imperialism

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 340; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 228, 229; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 236; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73, 74; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 142; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 95, 178; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 209, 239; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 218; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 228, 229; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 130

49. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.116, 32.71, 32.95 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Imperial cult • Imperialism • Statius, and Roman imperial élite

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 225, 226; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 241; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 66; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 225, 226

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31.116 \xa0Well, I\xa0once heard a man make an off-hand remark to the effect that there are other peoples also where one can see this practice being carried on; and again, another man, who said that even in Athens many things are done now which any one, not without justice, could censure, these being not confined to ordinary matters, but having to do even with the conferring of honours. "Why, they have conferred the title of \'Olympian,\'\xa0" he alleged, upon a certain person he named, "though he was not an Athenian by birth, but a Phoenician fellow who came, not from Tyre or Sidon, but from some obscure village or from the interior, a man, what is more, who has his arms depilated and wears stays"; and he added that another, whom he also named, that very slovenly poet, who once gave a recital here in Rhodes too, they not only have set up in bronze, but even placed his statue next to that of Meder. Those who disparage their city and the inscription on the statue of Nicanor are accustomed to say that it actually bought Salamis for them. <
32.71
\xa0And though you now have such reasonable men as governors, you have brought them to a feeling of suspicion toward themselves, and so they have come to believe that there is need of more careful watchfulness than formerly; and this you have brought about through arrogance and not through plotting. For would you revolt from anybody? Would you wage war a single day? Is it not true that in the disturbance which took place the majority went only as far as jeering in their show of courage, while only a\xa0few, after one or two shots with anything at hand, like people drenching passers-by with slops, quickly lay down and began to sing, and some went to fetch garlands, as if on their way to a drinking party at some festival? <' "
32.95
\xa0Maybe, then, like so many others, you are only following the example set by Alexander, for he, like Heracles, claimed to be a son of Zeus. Nay rather, it may be that it is not Heracles whom your populace resembles, but some Centaur or Cyclops in his cups and amorous, in body strong and huge but mentally a fool. In heaven's name, do you not see how great is the consideration that your emperor has displayed toward your city? Well then, you also must match the zeal he shows and make your country better, not, by Zeus, through constructing fountains or stately portals â\x80\x94 for you have not the wealth to squander on things like that, nor could you ever, methinks, surpass the emperor's magnificence â\x80\x94 but rather by means of good behaviour, by decorum, by showing yourselves to be sane and steady. For in that case not only would he not regret his generosity because of what has happened, but he might even confer on you still further benefactions. And perhaps you might even make him long to visit you. <"' None
50. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 4.196-4.198, 4.214, 4.287, 14.73-14.74, 16.163-16.164, 18.65-18.80, 20.199-20.203, 20.251 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Germanicus Caesar, enters Egypt without imperial permission • Imperial ideology • Judea (Jewish Palestine), incorporation of, into Roman imperial structure • Roman Empire, imperial legislation and Judaism • Roman Empire, imperial security forces • Rome, Imperial, crisis in • Sculpture, , of emperors and part of imperial cult • imperial adjudication • imperial expansionism • imperial horse guard • imperial(ism)

 Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 746; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 89; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 182; Flatto (2021), The Crown and the Courts, 101; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 177; Johnson Dupertuis and Shea (2018), Reading and Teaching Ancient Fiction : Jewish, Christian, and Greco-Roman Narratives 230; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 37; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 151; Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 46; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 143; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 124, 126

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4.196 Βούλομαι δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν πρότερον εἰπὼν τῷ τε Μωυσέος ἀξιώματι τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀναλογοῦσαν καὶ μαθεῖν παρέξων δι' αὐτῆς τοῖς ἐντευξομένοις. οἷα τὰ καθ' ἡμᾶς ἀρχῆθεν ἦν, ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων τραπέσθαι διήγησιν. γέγραπται δὲ πάνθ' ὡς ἐκεῖνος κατέλιπεν οὐδὲν ἡμῶν ἐπὶ καλλωπισμῷ προσθέντων οὐδ' ὅτι μὴ κατελέλοιπε Μωυσῆς." "4.197 νενεωτέρισται δ' ἡμῖν τὸ κατὰ γένος ἕκαστα τάξαι: σποράδην γὰρ ὑπ' ἐκείνου κατελείφθη γραφέντα καὶ ὡς ἕκαστόν τι παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πύθοιτο. τούτου χάριν ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην προδιαστείλασθαι, μὴ καί τις ἡμῖν παρὰ τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἐντυχόντων τῇ γραφῇ μέμψις ὡς διημαρτηκόσι γένηται." '4.198 ἔχει δὲ οὕτως ἡ διάταξις ἡμῶν τῶν νόμων τῶν ἀνηκόντων εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν. οὓς δὲ κοινοὺς ἡμῖν καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατέλιπε τούτους ὑπερεθέμην εἰς τὴν περὶ ἐθῶν καὶ αἰτιῶν ἀπόδοσιν, ἣν συλλαμβανομένου τοῦ θεοῦ μετὰ ταύτην ἡμῖν τὴν πραγματείαν συντάξασθαι πρόκειται.' "
4.214
̓Αρχέτωσαν δὲ καθ' ἑκάστην πόλιν ἄνδρες ἑπτὰ οἱ καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ δίκαιον σπουδὴν προησκηκότες: ἑκάστῃ δὲ ἀρχῇ δύο ἄνδρες ὑπηρέται διδόσθωσαν ἐκ τῆς τῶν Λευιτῶν φυλῆς." 4.287 εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἐπίβουλον δρῶν ὁ πιστευθεὶς ἀπολέσειεν, ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἑπτὰ κριτὰς ὀμνύτω τὸν θεόν, ὅτι μηδὲν παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ βούλησιν ἀπόλοιτο καὶ κακίαν οὐδὲ χρησαμένου τινὶ μέρει αὐτῆς, καὶ οὕτως ἀνεπαιτίατος ἀπίτω. χρησάμενος δὲ κἂν ἐλαχίστῳ μέρει τῶν πεπιστευμένων ἂν ἀπολέσας τύχῃ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα ἃ ἔλαβεν ἀποδοῦναι κατεγνώσθω.
14.73
τῇ τε ὑστεραίᾳ καθαίρειν παραγγείλας τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς ναοπόλοις καὶ τὰ νόμιμα ἐπιφέρειν τῷ θεῷ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπέδωκεν ̔Υρκανῷ διά τε τἆλλα ὅσα χρήσιμος ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς κατὰ τὴν χώραν ̓Ιουδαίους ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ἐκώλυσεν, καὶ τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ πολέμου τῷ πελέκει διεχρήσατο. τὸν δὲ Φαῦστον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὅσοι τῷ τείχει προθύμως ἐπέβησαν τῶν πρεπόντων ἀριστείων ἠξίωσεν. 14.74 καὶ τὰ μὲν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ὑποτελῆ φόρου ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ ἔνοικοι πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ τῷ σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξεν καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων ὅρων συνέστειλεν.
16.163
ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον, καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου, τά τε ἱερὰ * εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν ̔Ιεροσολύμων, ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης. 16.164 ἐὰν δέ τις φωραθῇ κλέπτων τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους αὐτῶν ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα ἔκ τε σαββατείου ἔκ τε ἀνδρῶνος, εἶναι αὐτὸν ἱερόσυλον καὶ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐνεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων.
18.65
Καὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους ἕτερόν τι δεινὸν ἐθορύβει τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ̓́Ισιδος τὸ ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ πράξεις αἰσχυνῶν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμέναι συντυγχάνουσιν. καὶ πρότερον τοῦ τῶν ̓Ισιακῶν τολμήματος μνήμην ποιησάμενος οὕτω μεταβιβῶ τὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις γεγονότα.' "18.66 Παυλῖνα ἦν τῶν ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης προγόνων τε ἀξιώματι τῶν καθ' ἑαυτὴν ἐπιτηδεύοντι κόσμον ἀρετῆς ἐπὶ μέγα προϊοῦσα τῷ ὀνόματι, δύναμίς τε αὐτῇ χρημάτων ἦν καὶ γεγονυῖα τὴν ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ἀγάλλονται αἱ γυναῖκες εἰς τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀνέκειτο ἡ ἐπιτήδευσις τοῦ βίου. ἐγεγάμητο δὲ Σατορνίνῳ τῶν εἰς τὰ πάντα ἀντισουμένων τῷ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀξιολόγῳ." '18.67 ταύτης ἐρᾷ Δέκιος Μοῦνδος τῶν τότε ἱππέων ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγάλῳ, καὶ μείζονα οὖσαν ἁλῶναι δώροις διὰ τὸ καὶ πεμφθέντων εἰς πλῆθος περιιδεῖν ἐξῆπτο μᾶλλον, ὥστε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας δραχμῶν ̓Ατθίδων ὑπισχνεῖτο εὐνῆς μιᾶς.' "18.68 καὶ μηδ' ὣς ἐπικλωμένης, οὐ φέρων τὴν ἀτυχίαν τοῦ ἔρωτος ἐνδείᾳ σιτίων θάνατον ἐπιτιμᾶν αὑτῷ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισεν ἐπὶ παύλῃ κακοῦ τοῦ κατειληφότος. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπεψήφιζέν τε τῇ οὕτω τελευτῇ καὶ πράσσειν οὐκ ἀπηλλάσσετο." '18.69 καὶ ἦν γὰρ ὄνομα ̓́Ιδη πατρῷος ἀπελευθέρα τῷ Μούνδῳ παντοίων ἴδρις κακῶν, δεινῶς φέρουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου τῷ ψηφίσματι τοῦ θανεῖν, οὐ γὰρ ἀφανὴς ἦν ἀπολούμενος, ἀνεγείρει τε αὐτὸν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγου πιθανή τε ἦν ἐλπίδων τινῶν ὑποσχέσεσιν, ὡς διαπραχθησομένων ὁμιλιῶν πρὸς τὴν Παυλῖναν αὐτῷ.' "18.71 τῶν ἱερέων τισὶν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγων ἐπὶ πίστεσιν μεγάλαις τὸ δὲ μέγιστον δόσει χρημάτων τὸ μὲν παρὸν μυριάδων δυοῖν καὶ ἡμίσει, λαβόντος δ' ἔκβασιν τοῦ πράγματος ἑτέρῳ τοσῷδε, διασαφεῖ τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸν ἔρωτα αὐτοῖς, κελεύουσα παντοίως ἐπὶ τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν ἄνθρωπον σπουδάσαι." "18.72 οἱ δ' ἐπὶ πληγῇ τοῦ χρυσίου παραχθέντες ὑπισχνοῦντο. καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ γεραίτατος ὡς τὴν Παυλῖναν ὠσάμενος γενομένων εἰσόδων καταμόνας διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν ἠξίου. καὶ συγχωρηθὲν πεμπτὸς ἔλεγεν ἥκειν ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος ἔρωτι αὐτῆς ἡσσημένου τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντός τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν." "18.73 τῇ δὲ εὐκτὸς ὁ λόγος ἦν καὶ ταῖς τε φίλαις ἐνεκαλλωπίζετο τῇ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀξιώσει τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος καὶ φράζει πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, δεῖπνόν τε αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνὴν τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος εἰσηγγέλθαι, συνεχώρει δ' ἐκεῖνος τὴν σωφροσύνην τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεπιστάμενος." '18.74 χωρεῖ οὖν εἰς τὸ τέμενος, καὶ δειπνήσασα, ὡς ὕπνου καιρὸς ἦν, κλεισθεισῶν τῶν θυρῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως ἔνδον ἐν τῷ νεῷ καὶ τὰ λύχνα ἐκποδὼν ἦν καὶ ὁ Μοῦνδος, προεκέκρυπτο γὰρ τῇδε, οὐχ ἡμάρτανεν ὁμιλιῶν τῶν πρὸς αὐτήν, παννύχιόν τε αὐτῷ διηκονήσατο ὑπειληφυῖα θεὸν εἶναι.' "18.75 καὶ ἀπελθόντος πρότερον ἢ κίνησιν ἄρξασθαι τῶν ἱερέων, οἳ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ᾔδεσαν, ἡ Παυλῖνα πρωὶ̈ ὡς τὸν ἄνδρα ἐλθοῦσα τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος καὶ πρὸς τὰς φίλας ἐνελαμπρύνετο λόγοις τοῖς ἐπ' αὐτῷ." "18.76 οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἠπίστουν εἰς τὴν φύσιν τοῦ πράγματος ὁρῶντες, τὰ δ' ἐν θαύματι καθίσταντο οὐκ ἔχοντες, ὡς χρὴ ἄπιστα αὐτὰ κρίνειν, ὁπότε εἴς τε τὴν σωφροσύνην καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα ἀπίδοιεν αὐτῆς." "18.77 τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπαντιάσας αὐτὴν ὁ Μοῦνδος “Παυλῖνα, φησίν, ἀλλά μοι καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας διεσώσω δυναμένη οἴκῳ προσθέσθαι τῷ σαυτῆς διακονεῖσθαί τε ἐφ' οἷς προεκαλούμην οὐκ ἐνέλιπες. ἃ μέντοι εἰς Μοῦνδον ὑβρίζειν ἐπειρῶ, μηδέν μοι μελῆσαν τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἡδονῆς, ̓Ανούβιον ὄνομα ἐθέμην αὐτῷ.”" '18.78 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπῄει ταῦτα εἰπών, ἡ δὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν τότε πρῶτον ἐλθοῦσα τοῦ τολμήματος περιρρήγνυταί τε τὴν στολὴν καὶ τἀνδρὶ δηλώσασα τοῦ παντὸς ἐπιβουλεύματος τὸ μέγεθος ἐδεῖτο μὴ περιῶφθαι βοηθείας τυγχάνειν:' "18.79 ὁ δὲ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ἐπεσήμηνε τὴν πρᾶξιν. καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος μαθήσεως ἀκριβοῦς αὐτῷ γενομένης ἐξετάσει τῶν ἱερέων ἐκείνους τε ἀνεσταύρωσεν καὶ τὴν ̓́Ιδην ὀλέθρου γενομένην αἰτίαν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐφ' ὕβρει συνθεῖσαν τῆς γυναικός, τόν τε ναὸν καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς ̓́Ισιδος εἰς τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐμβαλεῖν. Μοῦνδον δὲ φυγῆς ἐτίμησε," 20.199 ὁ δὲ νεώτερος ̓́Ανανος, ὃν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἔφαμεν εἰληφέναι, θρασὺς ἦν τὸν τρόπον καὶ τολμητὴς διαφερόντως, αἵρεσιν δὲ μετῄει τὴν Σαδδουκαίων, οἵπερ εἰσὶ περὶ τὰς κρίσεις ὠμοὶ παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, καθὼς ἤδη δεδηλώκαμεν. 20.201 ὅσοι δὲ ἐδόκουν ἐπιεικέστατοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν εἶναι καὶ περὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβεῖς βαρέως ἤνεγκαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ πέμπουσιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα κρύφα παρακαλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐπιστεῖλαι τῷ ̓Ανάνῳ μηκέτι τοιαῦτα πράσσειν: μηδὲ γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν πεποιηκέναι.' "20.202 τινὲς δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸν ̓Αλβῖνον ὑπαντιάζουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρείας ὁδοιποροῦντα καὶ διδάσκουσιν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξὸν ἦν ̓Ανάνῳ χωρὶς τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης καθίσαι συνέδριον." "20.203 ̓Αλβῖνος δὲ πεισθεὶς τοῖς λεγομένοις γράφει μετ' ὀργῆς τῷ ̓Ανάνῳ λήψεσθαι παρ' αὐτοῦ δίκας ἀπειλῶν. καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας διὰ τοῦτο τὴν ̓Αρχιερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν ἄρξαντα μῆνας τρεῖς ̓Ιησοῦν τὸν τοῦ Δαμναίου κατέστησεν." 20.251 καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐπολιτεύσαντο ἐπί τε ̔Ηρώδου βασιλεύοντος καὶ ἐπὶ ̓Αρχελάου τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τούτων τελευτὴν ἀριστοκρατία μὲν ἦν ἡ πολιτεία, τὴν δὲ προστασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐπεπίστευντο. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἱκανὰ ταῦτα.'" None
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4.196 4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of government which was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of Moses; and shall thereby inform those that read these Antiquities, what our original settlements were, and shall then proceed to the remaining histories. Now those settlements are all still in writing, as he left them; and we shall add nothing by way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; 4.197 only we shall so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws into a regular system; for they were by him left in writing as they were accidentally scattered in their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had learned them of God. On which account I have thought it necessary to premise this observation beforehand, lest any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been guilty of an offense herein. 4.198 Now part of our constitution will include the laws that belong to our political state. As for those laws which Moses left concerning our common conversation and intercourse one with another, I have reserved that for a discourse concerning our manner of life, and the occasions of those laws; which I propose to myself, with God’s assistance, to write, after I have finished the work I am now upon.
4.214
14. Let there be seven men to judge in every city, and these such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi.
4.287
but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly, or with a wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part thereof, and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him be condemned to repay all that he had received.
14.73
The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; 14.74 and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds.
16.163
it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164 But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans.
18.65
4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. 18.66 There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. 18.67 Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging; 18.68 and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. 18.69 Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; 18.70 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance.,Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money;,but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it.,Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty;,as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same;,so men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree;,one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves;,whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies’ fire.,Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal,,concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.,2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essenes, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.,3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced;,and when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously.,They also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again;,on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.,4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent:,but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.,5. The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for;,and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry.,It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way,,and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another.,They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essenes in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae dwellers in cities.,6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord.,And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain.,And it was in Gessius Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy.,1. About this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod had a quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high priest Sireoh’s daughter.,However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter.,So Antipus, when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having discovered the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions.,Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was subject to her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas’s army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod’s intentions.,So Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves;,and when they had joined battle, all Herod’s army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas’s army.,So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.,2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist:,for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing with water would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away or the remission of some sins only, but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness.,Now when many others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved or pleased by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late.,Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God’s displeasure to him.,3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais.,But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of which there were a great many in their ensigns;,so he was persuaded by what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching;,and when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus.,But when on the fourth day letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which he had before.,It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army of Vitellius’s could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would die, either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was marching at the other’s desire, in order to be subservient to his will, or else he against whom this army is prepared.,So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he might be permitted so to do.,I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God;,for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed. One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were:,it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about them.,4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the grand daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, her father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod’s sister.,Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children.,Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, which daughters were named Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusius; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty;,but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod’s sister.,Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus;,but Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male line.,But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod Philip, the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod Antipas, her husband’s brother by the father’s side, he was tetrarch of Galilee;,but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus;,and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless.,As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless;,Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia.,But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless.,And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power.,1. A little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius’s son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son.,Now as Agrippa was by nature magimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance;,but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar’s freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty,,and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived.,2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself;,but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa’s present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto,,and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband’s troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintece, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him.,Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.,3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa’s brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him.,However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this:,The Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a great deal of money;,so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends.,So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other.,So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa’s own bond and security;,but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it.,Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar’s treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay.,He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue;,so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia Puteoli; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea.,4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Caprein:,so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do.,But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him.,When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship;,so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s friendship to him.,After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson, and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa’s kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father.,Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.,5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying to God (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa’s freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them;,but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, he replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so;,for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners;,insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission:,that he permitted those governors who had been sent once to their government to stay there a long while, out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people;,but that if their government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they have had time for their oppressions.,He gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man’s misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him;,but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which he answered, “If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction.,For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it.”,And, as a further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate.,Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; “but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery.”,6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would.,Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach.,She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband’s friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus’s malice;,for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things.,So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, “If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.”,Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity:,As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined;,to which he replied, “O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.” When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty.,Upon which he said, “O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.”,Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius;,he said to Macro, “Bind this man.” But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said.,But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: “For certain,” said he, “Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;” and when he still asked, “Which of these is to be bound?” he said “Agrippa.”,Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius his grandson whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments.,It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel,,he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, “O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.”,Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.,7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) an owl, one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was;,and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country;,which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: “This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee.,Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause;,for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods.,It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer.,This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me.”,So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success;,yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him.,So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for six months’ time, and in this case were his affairs.,8. But as for Tiberius, upon his return to Capreae, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died.,Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus’s son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son of his brother Drusus. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus,,who had attained the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals;,by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men;,not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men,,that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government.,9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son’s son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination;,so he made this to be the omen, that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson’s tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation;,for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius, “Thy father calls thee,” and then brought him in.,As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him,,and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also.,Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology, and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire.,So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs.,And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son’s son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment.,Now although he was disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination: “O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire;,and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity,,or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes;,for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished.”,This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him.,10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor.,But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone.,For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses;,insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded.,Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius’s death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, “The lion is dead;”,who, understanding his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, “Nay,” said he, “but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true.”,Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said.,They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city in a few days.,At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, “Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?”,When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night;,but the next day the rumor increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government;,another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs.,Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’s dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately.,However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.,11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put.,So, upon the emperor’s permission, he came into his own country, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as a king, and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence; so some called him a happy man, and others could not well believe that things were so much changed with him for the better.,1. But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, took this authority of her brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was come back, it was because he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune.,She was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honors equal to his;,for she said that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be entirely supplied him day by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king; while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal authority called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater life.,“But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast derived had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired thy riches should be in greater honor than thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase greater things than our abundance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity.,But let us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom.”,2. But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it, and desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king;,and at last she left not off till she engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him.,But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity.,This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and delivered his letters; for they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Bairn,,which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still endeavoring to outdo his predecessor’s magnificence; the place also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage for the recovery of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to men’s luxury also.,Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius’s and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius;,as a demonstration of which he alleged, that he had armor sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius was moved at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the armor was true;,and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation.,But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband.,But she made this reply: “Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.”,Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman.,Now Caius managed public affairs with great magimity during the first and second year of his reign, and behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the good-will of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But, in process of time, he went beyond the bounds of human nature in his conceit of himself, and by reason of the vastness of his dominions made himself a god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the Deity itself.,1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar;,for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name.,Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations;,but Caius prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted, went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good courage, since Caius’s words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality had already set God against himself.,2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body of troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it.,Accordingly, Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar’s epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands.,But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers;,“but if,” said they, “thou art entirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for while we are alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers’ determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue.”,But Petronius was angry at them, and said, “If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction.”,Then the Jews replied, “Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O Petronius! that thou wilt not disobey Caius’s epistles, neither will we transgress the commands of our law; and as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors, have continued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws out of the fear of death,,which God hath determined are for our advantage; and if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune.,But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and we should incur the great anger of God also, who, even thyself being judge, is superior to Caius.”,3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were;,and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence,,and made supplication to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, “Will you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations for war, and your own weakness?” They replied, “We will not by any means make war with him, but still we will die before we see our laws transgressed.” So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be slain;,and this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required them to sow it. Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue.,4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa’s brother, and Helcias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him,,that since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and left off the tillage of their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed: and how, upon the land’s continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes;,and that perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself.,And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius, partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication,—,partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a horrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle,,for that perhaps he might persuade him; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them; nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.,5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing:—,“yet,” said he, “I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial authority.,I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed honors.,But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in so excellent a manner.,Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends.”,6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed the assembly of the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to him that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design;,for he had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds;,insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it.,This was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should slay, (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages.,Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business that Petronius was now engaged in.,7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure;,nay, it was so far from the ability of others, that Caius himself could never equal, much less exceed it (such care had he taken beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly to make all agreeable to Caesar);,hereupon Caius admired his understanding and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him:,“I knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient;,for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability will reach.” And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large country, or the revenues of certain cities.,But although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him;,that the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, who art the donor, yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who am the receiver.,And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa’s inclinations, and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, “Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein;,but I desire somewhat which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius.”,8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life.,So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa’s obliging behavior, and on other accounts thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of what he had said,,and because he greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs.,“If therefore,” said’ he, “thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him.”,And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else.,When therefore Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius:,“Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor.”,9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was dead;,for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them;,for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration.,Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius’s death came first, and a little afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of Caius,,and admired God’s providence, who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he could not foresee.,1. When Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus’s money, and when the taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar’s victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Aus, the son of Seth, to be high priest;,while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor’s wife.,When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Caesarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar’s daughter.,2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, it was customary for the priests to open the temple-gates just after midnight.,When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men’s bodies, in the cloisters; on which account the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done.,A little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia Caesar’s wife Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind.,After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled together with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven years);,upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia’s son, succeeded. He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus.,This man deprived Aus of the high priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of Aus, who had been high priest before, to be high priest; which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus;,and when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.,3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus.,Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it.,Nay, some of them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days.,4. About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following:,When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her.,Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son; but still she saw that her endeavors would not succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates’s legitimate sons out of the kingdom;,so she persuaded him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father’s donation as his successor; he therefore formed a treacherous design against his father, by his mother’s assistance, with whom, as the report went, he had criminal conversation also.,So he was hated for both these vices, while his subjects esteemed this wicked love of his mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in a sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and died.,But as the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was impossible they should be governed without a king, while also it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, nor did their law allow of any others; and they thought this kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue, they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes to take the crown; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them; and though he was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an untractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of Arsaces.,However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords with them;) but, as the more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out ahunting.,So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send one of those that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly, Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one).,However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace.,So they presently invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him, and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media.,Yet did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia upon Tigris. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians.,But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome for that purpose.,But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to take to regain any other kingdom, (for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus,),he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.,5. At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the multitude contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to Rome; for the men of power were desirous that their form of government might be changed into that of a Roman province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kings, as their fathers had been.,So the senate made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere.,1. A very sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had gone before, and came together with a great slaughter of them, and that greater than any upon record before; concerning all which I shall speak more accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these miseries came upon them.,There was a city of Babylonia called Neerda; not only a very populous one, but one that had a good and large territory about it, and, besides its other advantages, full of men also. It was, besides, not easily to be assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates encompassing it all round, and from the walls that were built about it.,There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury,,whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject.,Now there were two men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed a disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now he that taught them that art, and was set over them, complained that they came too late to their work, and punished them with stripes;,but they took this just punishment as an affront, and carried off all the weapons which were kept in that house, which were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a partition of the rivers, and was a place naturally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and for preserving such fruits as were usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort of the young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they had gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from being their leaders into mischief;,for as soon as they were become invincible, and had built them a citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them so much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for their maintece, proposing also that they would be their friends, if they would submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle of those that refused to obey them.,So they hearkened to their proposals, (for they could do nothing else,) and sent them as many sheep as were required of them; whereby their forces grew greater, and they became lords over all they pleased, because they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that every body who had to do with them chose to pay them respect; and they became formidable to such as came to assault them, till the report about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.,2. But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy them before any one should carry them the news that he had got an army together.,He then encamped at a lake, and lay still; but on the next day (it was the Sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prisoners, without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden.,Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them; upon which he said, “Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs; I also hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us to encompass us round. However, let somebody go to look about, and make report of what reality there is in the present state of things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm.”,And when he had said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again immediately, and said to him, that “neither hast thou been mistaken in telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us to be injurious to people any longer.,We are caught by their intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal, because we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition of our law, which obliges us to rest on this day.”,But Asiueus did not by any means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as courageously as himself.,So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a great many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain victory, and put the rest to flight.,3. But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was desirous to see them, and speak with them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards to say thus to them:,“That king Artabanus, although he had been unjustly treated by you, who have made an attempt against his government, yet hath he more regard to your courageous behavior, than to the anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to give you his right hand and security; and he permits you to come to him safely, and without any violence upon the road; and he wants to have you address yourselves to him as friends, without meaning any guile or deceit to you. He also promises to make you presents, and to pay you those respects which will make an addition of his power to your courage, and thereby be of advantage to you.”,Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither, but sent his brother Anileus with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and was admitted to the king’s presence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone, he inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to come along with him;,and when he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of his country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon the assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is of the greatest force there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm security to those who converse with them;,for none of them will deceive you when once they have given you their right hands, nor will any one doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given, even though they were before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done this, he sent away Anileus to persuade his brother to come to him.,Now this the king did, because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league with them; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to rebel, had they been sent on an expedition against them.,He was also afraid, lest when he was engaged in a war, in order to subdue those governors of provinces that had revolted, the party of Asineus, and those in Babylonia, should be augmented, and either make war upon him, when they should hear of that revolt, or if they should be disappointed in that case, they would not fail of doing further mischief to him.,4. When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and Anileus prevailed on his brother to come to the king, when he had related to him the king’s good-will, and the oath that he had taken. Accordingly, they made haste to go to Artabanus,,who received them when they were come with pleasure, and admired Asineus’s courage in the actions he had done, and this because he was a little man to see to, and at first sight appeared contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no value at all. He also said to his friends, how, upon the comparison, he showed his soul to be in all respects superior to his body; and when, as they were drinking together, he once showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army, and told him his name, and described the great courage he was of in war,,and Abdagases had desired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict on him a punishment for those injuries he had done to the Parthian government, the king replied, “I will never give thee leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not after I have sent him my right hand, and endeavored to gain his belief by oaths made by the gods.,But if thou be a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when he is returned back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy command, without my privity.”,Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said to him, “It is time for thee, O thou young man! to return home, and not provoke the indignation of my generals in this place any further, lest they attempt to murder thee, and that without my approbation.,I commit to thee the country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be preserved free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith inviolable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to me.”,When he had said this, and given Asineus some presents, he sent him away immediately; who, when he was come home, built fortresses, and became great in a little time, and managed things with such courage and success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did before him.,Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him great respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them too small, and beneath his deserts, although he were in no small dignity and power there; nay, indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon him, and he more and more flourished in this happy condition of his for fifteen years.,5. But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there sprang up a calamity among them on the following occasion. When once they had deviated from that course of virtue whereby they had gained so great power, they affronted and transgressed the laws of their forefathers, and fell under the dominion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain Parthian, who came as general of an army into those parts,,had a wife following him, who had a vast reputation for other accomplishments, and particularly was admired above all other women for her beauty.,Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself also, and so became at once her lover and her enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought he could not conquer his inclinations for her.,As soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their house without producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus also; but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following.,Since she was led away captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed the images of those gods which were their country gods, common to her husband and to herself: now it was the custom of that country for all to have the idols they worship in their own houses, and to carry them along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeable to which custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at first she performed her worship to them privately; but when she was become Anileus’s married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the same appointed ceremonies which she used in her former husband’s days;,upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one that transgressed the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies; that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality, on account of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which, by God’s blessing, he had arrived at.,But when they prevailed not at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, because of the liberty he took with him; who, when he was dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment upon his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that all their companions might come to a like end from their enemies;,upon the two first as the principal actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would not assist him when he suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these latter were sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they remembered that they had arrived at their present happy state by no other means than their fortitude.,But when they also heard of the worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the injury that Anileus offered to their laws was to be borne no longer; and a greater number of them came to Asineus, and loudly complained of Anileus,,and told him that it had been well that he had of himself seen what was advantageous to them; but that however it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss, before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added, that the marriage of this woman was made without their consent, and without a regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this woman paid to her gods was a reproach to the God whom they worshipped.,Now Asineus was sensible of his brother’s offense, that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations.,But as more and more still came about him every day, and the clamors about it became greater, he at length spake to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his former actions, and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and send the woman back to her relations.,But nothing was gained by these reproofs; for as the woman perceived what a tumult was made among the people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should come to any harm for his love to her, she infused poison into Asineus’s food, and thereby took him off, and was now secure of prevailing, when her lover was to be judge of what should be done about her.,6. So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army against the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of principal authority in Parthin, and had married king Artabanus’s daughter; he also plundered them, and among that prey was found much money, and many slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and many other things, which, when gained, make men’s condition happy.,Now when Mithridates, who was there at this time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very much displeased to find that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to affront him in his present dignity, when he had not offered any injury to him beforehand; and he got together the greatest body of horsemen he was able, and those out of that number which were of an age fit for war, and came to fight Anileus; and when he was arrived at a certain village of his own, he lay still there, as intending to fight him on the day following, because it was the Sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest.,And when Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian stranger of another village, who not only gave him an exact account of other circumstances, but told him where Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the Parthians while they were unapprised what they should do;,so he fell upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and some of them he slew while they were asleep, and others he put to flight, and took Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass which, among the Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach possible.,And when he had brought him into a wood with such a resolution, and his friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind to the contrary, and said that it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians, and greatly honored with matching into the royal family;,that so far as they had hitherto gone was tolerable; for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they preserved his life, this benefit would be remembered by him to the advantage of those that gave it him;,but that if he were once put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; “to whose safety we ought to have a regard, both on account of our relation to them, and because if any misfortune befall us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of their youth under him.”,By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it,,but was contented to have been made a captive by the Jews, and to have escaped them; and she bid him either to go back like a man of courage, or else she sware by the gods of their royal family that she would certainly dissolve her marriage with him.,Upon which, partly because he could not bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and partly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together again as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as himself thinking it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a Parthian, should owe his preservation to the Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the war.,7. But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with a great army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have the same success, and to beat their enemies as they did before; as also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly, he led out his army,,and a great many more joined themselves to that army, in order to betake themselves to plunder the people, and in order to terrify the enemy again by their numbers.,But when they had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been through dry and sandy places, and about the midst of the day, they were become very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared, and fell upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which account, and on account of the time of the day, they were not able to bear their weapons.,So Anileus and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while men in despair were to attack those that were fresh and in good plight; so a great slaughter was made, and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood firm about him, ran away as fast as they were able into a wood, and afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them.,But there now came in to Anileus a conflux of bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gain some present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the multitude of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men like to those that fell, because they were rash, and unexercised in war;,however, with these he came upon the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty devastation of all things was made there by the injuries that Anileus did them.,So the Babylonians, and those that had already been in the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus. But although they did not agree to their demands, (for if they had been willing to deliver him up, it was not in their power so to do,) yet did they desire to make peace with them. To which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle conditions of peace with them, and sent men together with the Babylonians, who discoursed with Anileus about them.,But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also.,8. The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus’s heavy incursions, which had been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to the Jews; for they were almost always at variance, by reason of the contrariety of their laws; and which party soever grew boldest before the other, they assaulted the other: and at this time in particular it was, that upon the ruin of Anileus’s party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews,,which made those Jews so, vehemently to resent the injuries they received from the Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them, nor bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal city of those parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by many of the Macedonians, but by more of the Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt there;,and thither did the Jews fly, and lived there five years, without any misfortunes. But on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon these at Babylon, which occasioned new removals of men’s habitations out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it happened that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that accountwhich I am going to relate immediately.,9. Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were Greeks and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the Greeks were too hard for the Syrians. When, therefore, the Jews were come thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a sedition, and the Syrians were too hard for the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who are men that despise dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion.,Now when the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they every one discoursed with such of the Syrians as were formerly their acquaintance, and promised they would be at peace and friendship with them.,Accordingly, they gladly agreed so to do; and when this was done by the principal men of both nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation; and when they were so agreed, they both knew that the great design of such their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. Accordingly, they fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of them; nay, the Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few who escaped, either by the compassion which their friends or neighbors afforded them, in order to let them fly away.,These retired to Ctesiphon, a Grecian city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king of Parthia lives in winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are reposited; but the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of Seleucia having little concern for the king’s honor.,Now the whole nation of the Jews were in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that live in those places agreed with the Seleucians in the war against the Jews;,so the most of them gathered themselves together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security there by the strength of those cities; besides which their inhabitants, who were a great many, were all warlike men. And this was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.,1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Caesarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar’s effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images;,on which account the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night time;,but as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes to Caesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the images; and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them;,and when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home.,But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Caesarea.,2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do.,So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on;,who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.,3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was the Christ.,And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.,4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs.,There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character.,Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging;,and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly.,Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina;,and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem:,She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances of concealment, she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman.,So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him.,Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife.,Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god;,and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor,,who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person.,But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.”,When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor;,whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber;,while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would.,5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses.,He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her.,Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome;,at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men.,1. But the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The man who excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the multitude might be pleased; so he bid them to get together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them, that when they were come thither, he would show them those sacred vessels which were laid under that place, because Moses put them there.,So they came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man probable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great multitude together;,but Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon file roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village; and when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.,2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria, and accused Pilate of the murder of those that were killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate.,So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before he could get to Rome Tiberius was dead.,3. But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high priest’s vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which power they used to have formerly,,although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion following: There was one of the high priests, named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments;,the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there, he retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his custody, the people would make no innovations against him.,The like to what Herod did was done by his son Archelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Romans, when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day;,and seven days before a festival they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day;,but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Aus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch.,4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for while he was his enemy, he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed further, and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially his son Artabanus.,Upon Tiberius’s writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus; and although they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage through their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus.,So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthia was filled with war, and the principal of their men were slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the king’s son also himself fell in these wars, together with many ten thousands of his army.,Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus’s father’s kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it would certainly take effect,—,when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacae, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.,5. When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates,,and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace Herod, the tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there.,Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant.,After which Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod the tetrarch being desirous to give Caesar the first information that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him of.,But when Vitellius’s letters were sent, and Caesar had let him know that he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod had given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had taken the government.,6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod’s brother, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government;,he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he used to make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly.,He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy. 18.71 She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances of concealment, she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. 18.72 So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. 18.73 Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. 18.74 Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; 18.75 and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, 18.76 who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. 18.77 But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” 18.78 When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; 18.79 whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber;
20.199
But this younger Aus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; 20.200 1. Upon the death of king Agrippa, which we have related in the foregoing book, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as successor to Marcus, out of regard to the memory of king Agrippa, who had often desired of him by letters, while he was alive, that he would not suffer Marcus to be any longer president of Syria.,But Fadus, as soon as he was come procurator into Judea, found quarrelsome doings between the Jews that dwelt in Perea, and the people of Philadelphia, about their borders, at a village called Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike temper; for the Jews of Perea had taken up arms without the consent of their principal men, and had destroyed many of the Philadelphians.,When Fadus was informed of this procedure, it provoked him very much that they had not left the determination of the matter to him, if they thought that the Philadelphians had done them any wrong, but had rashly taken up arms against them.,So he seized upon three of their principal men, who were also the causes of this sedition, and ordered them to be bound, and afterwards had one of them slain, whose name was Hannibal; and he banished the other two, Areram and Eleazar.,Tholomy also, the arch robber, was, after some time, brought to him bound, and slain, but not till he had done a world of mischief to Idumea and the Arabians. And indeed, from that time, Judea was cleared of robberies by the care and providence of Fadus.,He also at this time sent for the high priests and the principal citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the command of the emperor, and admonished them that they should lay up the long garment and the sacred vestment, which it is customary for nobody but the high priest to wear, in the tower of Antonia, that it might be under the power of the Romans, as it had been formerly.,Now the Jews durst not contradict what he had said, but desired Fadus, however, and Longinus, (which last was come to Jerusalem, and had brought a great army with him, out of a fear that the rigid injunctions of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel,) that they might, in the first place, have leave to send ambassadors to Caesar, to petition him that they may have the holy vestments under their own power; and that, in the next place, they would tarry till they knew what answer Claudius would give to that their request.,So they replied, that they would give them leave to send their ambassadors, provided they would give them their sons as pledges for their peaceable behavior. And when they had agreed so to do, and had given them the pledges they desired, the ambassadors were sent accordingly.,But when, upon their coming to Rome, Agrippa, junior, the son of the deceased, understood the reason why they came, (for he dwelt with Claudius Caesar, as we said before,) he besought Caesar to grant the Jews their request about the holy vestments, and to send a message to Fadus accordingly.,2. Hereupon Claudius called for the ambassadors; and told them that he granted their request; and bade them to return their thanks to Agrippa for this favor, which had been bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And besides these answers of his, he sent the following letter by them:,“Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, and designed consul the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting.,Upon the presentation of your ambassadors to me by Agrippa, my friend, whom I have brought up, and have now with me, and who is a person of very great piety, who are come to give me thanks for the care I have taken of your nation, and to entreat me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that they may have the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them, under their power,—I grant their request, as that excellent person Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had done before me.,And I have complied with your desire, in the first place, out of regard to that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country; and this I do also because I shall hereby highly gratify king Herod, and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best character.,Now I have written about these affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my procurator. The names of those that brought me your letter are Cornelius, the son of Cero, Trypho, the son of Theudio, Dorotheus, the son of Nathaniel, and John, the son of Jotre. This letter is dated before the fourth of the calends of July, when Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus are consuls.”,3. Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who was then possessed of the royal authority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Caesar for the authority over the temple, and the money of the sacred treasure, and the choice of the high priests, and obtained all that he petitioned for.,So that after that time this authority continued among all his descendants till the end of the war. Accordingly, Herod removed the last high priest, called Cantheras, and bestowed that dignity on his successor Joseph, the son of Camus.,1. Now there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans; and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them.,But when the principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of those that were killed; but he was induced by the Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter;,upon which the Galileans were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable,,And when their principal men endeavored to pacify them, and promised to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans.,When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive;,whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children, which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them.,So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun with robberies.,2. But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them;,and said withal, that they were not so much displeased at what they had suffered, as they were at the contempt thereby shown to the Romans; while if they had received any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done, and not presently to make such devastation, as if they had not the Romans for their governors;,on which account they came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of those that were slain in silence;—,which allegations when Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence when he should come into Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge of the truth of that matter.,So these men went away without success. Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives.,From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans;,whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Aias the high priest, and Aus the commander of the temple, in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar.,He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another.,But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch.,3. Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another.,But now Caesar’s freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government:—,whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain.,1. So Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea;,and when he had already completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added thereto Trachonites, with Abila; which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took from him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years.,And when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the son of king Antiochus, had refused to marry her, because, after he had promised her father formerly to come over to the Jewish religion, he would not now perform that promise.,He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to whom she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa her father; from which marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Bernice.,2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion:,While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman.,Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice’s envy, for she was very ill treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son by her, he named him Agrippa.,But after what manner that young man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain Vesuvius, in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter.,3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod king of Chalcis, who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, Agrippa, junior, she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false;,and Poleme was prevailed upon, and that chiefly on account of her riches. Yet did not this matrimony endure long; but Bernice left Poleme, and, as was said, with impure intentions. So he forsook at once this matrimony, and the Jewish religion;,and, at the same time, Mariamne put away Archelaus, and was married to Demetrius, the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat more exactly.,1. Now Claudius Caesar died when he had reigned thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days; and a report went about that he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus, the brother of Caesar. Her husband was Domitius Aenobarbus, one of the most illustrious persons that was in the city of Rome;,after whose death, and her long continuance in widowhood, Claudius took her to wife. She brought along with her a son, Domtitus, of the same name with his father. He had before this slain his wife Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had his children Britannicus and Octavia;,their eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by Pelina his first wife. He also married Octavia to Nero; for that was the name that Caesar gave him afterward, upon his adopting him for his son.,2. But now Agrippina was afraid, lest, when Britannicus should come to man’s estate, he should succeed his father in the government, and desired to seize upon the principality beforehand for her own son Nero; upon which the report went that she thence compassed the death of Claudius.,Accordingly, she sent Burrhus, the general of the army, immediately, and with him the tribunes, and such also of the freed-men as were of the greatest authority, to bring Nero away into the camp, and to salute him emperor.,And when Nero had thus obtained the government, he got Britannicus to be so poisoned, that the multitude should not perceive it; although he publicly put his own mother to death not long afterward, making her this requital, not only for being born of her, but for bringing it so about by her contrivances that he obtained the Roman empire. He also slew Octavia his own wife, and many other illustrious persons, under this pretense, that they plotted against him.,3. But I omit any further discourse about these affairs; for there have been a great many who have composed the history of Nero; some of which have departed from the truth of facts out of favor, as having received benefits from him; while others, out of hatred to him, and the great ill-will which they bare him, have so impudently raved against him with their lies, that they justly deserve to be condemned.,Nor do I wonder at such as have told lies of Nero, since they have not in their writings preserved the truth of history as to those facts that were earlier than his time, even when the actors could have no way incurred their hatred, since those writers lived a long time after them.,But as to those that have no regard to truth, they may write as they please; for in that they take delight:,but as to ourselves, who have made truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what only belongs remotely to this undertaking, but shall relate what hath happened to us Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge our pains in giving an account both of the calamities we have suffered, and of the crimes we have been guilty of. I will now therefore return to the relation of our own affairs.,4. For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of Azizus, king of Emesa, Soemus, his brother, succeeded in his kingdom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the government of the Lesser Armenia.,Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae, and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it.,5. Now as for the affairs of the Jews, they grew worse and worse continually, for the country was again filled with robbers and impostors, who deluded the multitude.,Yet did Felix catch and put to death many of those impostors every day, together with the robbers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of Dineas, who had gotten together a company of robbers; and this he did by treachery; for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no harm, and thereby persuaded him to come to him; but when he came, he bound him, and sent him to Rome.,Felix also bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high priest, because he frequently gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs better than he did, lest he should himself have complaints made of him by the multitude, since he it was who had desired Caesar to send him as procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a method whereby he might get rid of him, now he was become so continually troublesome to him; for such continual admonitions are grievous to those who are disposed to act unjustly.,Wherefore Felix persuaded one of Jonathan’s most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner:,Certain of those robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to worship God, while they had daggers under their garments, and by thus mingling themselves among the multitude they slew Jonathan,,and as this murder was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude, they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to other men for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of the city, but in the temple itself also; for they had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty.,And this seems to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men’s wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to make us wiser by our calamities.,6. These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness,,and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them.,Moreover, there came out of Egypt about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs.,He said further, that he would show them from hence how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall down; and he promised them that he would procure them an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were fallen down.,Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive.,But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them.,7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Caesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Caesarea, and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Caesarea was formerly called Strato’s Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant.,When the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them on both sides, and tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a time.,But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached them again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches.,However, the Syrians, though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there were either of Caesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful language to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors.,But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches.,Now those Jews that were more moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves, and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so.,8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi.,And now arose a sedition between the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it.,And such was the impudence and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice.,9. Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Caesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in the greatest honor by him.,Two of the principal Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed.,So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Caesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.,10. Upon Festus’s coming into Judea, it happened that Judea was afflicted by the robbers, while all the villages were set on fire, and plundered by them.,And then it was that the sicarii, as they were called, who were robbers, grew numerous. They made use of small swords, not much different in length from the Persian acinacae, but somewhat crooked, and like the Roman sicae, or sickles, as they were called; and from these weapons these robbers got their denomination; and with these weapons they slew a great many;,for they mingled themselves among the multitude at their festivals, when they were come up in crowds from all parts to the city to worship God, as we said before, and easily slew those that they had a mind to slay. They also came frequently upon the villages belonging to their enemies, with their weapons, and plundered them, and set them on fire.,So Festus sent forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon those that had been seduced by a certain impostor, who promised them deliverance and freedom from the miseries they were under, if they would but follow him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those forces that were sent destroyed both him that had deluded them, and those that were his followers also.,11. About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico.,Now this palace had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a most delightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done in the temple;,which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw they were very much displeased at it; for it was not agreeable to the institutions of our country or law that what was done in the temple should be viewed by others, especially what belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall upon the uppermost building which belonged to the inner court of the temple towards the west,,which wall when it was built, did not only intercept the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the temple also, where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at the festivals.,At these doings both king Agrippa, and principally Festus the procurator, were much displeased; and Festus ordered them to pull the wall down again: but the Jews petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage about this matter to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the temple should be demolished;,and when Festus had given them leave so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ismael the high priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasure.,And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only forgave them what they had already done, but also gave them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero’s wife, who was a religious woman, and had requested these favors of Nero, and who gave order to the ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself.,As soon as the king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, who was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high priest.,1. About this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion following:,Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife’s belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife’s belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God’s providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end.,This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates.,He had indeed Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet did he openly place all his affections on this his only begotten son Izates,,which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them.,Now although their father was very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son’s preservation to him.,Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues.,2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carra;,it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them.,Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father’s death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command;,and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: “I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many.”,This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they confirmed the king’s determination, and would submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates’s father had preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes:,but that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred and envy to him.,Helena replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates’s brethren till he should be there himself, and give his approbation to it.,So since these men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the mean time.,So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father’s ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come;,who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government to him.,3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Aias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion.,He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them.,But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it;,and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions.,4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done.,But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew.,This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Aias, he confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him,,and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision.,He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias.,But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing;,for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, “Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, by omitting to be circumcised; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee.,How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.”,When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Aias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing;,upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing.,But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter.,5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither;,upon which he gave his consent to what she desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way.,Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs.,And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation.,And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter.,1. And now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Aus, who was also himself called Aus.,Now the report goes that this eldest Aus proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high priests.,But this younger Aus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed;,when, therefore, Aus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity to exercise his authority. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, or, some of his companions; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned:,but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king Agrippa, desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified;,nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Aus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent.,Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Aus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest.,2. Now as soon as Albinus was come to the city of Jerusalem, he used all his endeavors and care that the country might be kept in peace, and this by destroying many of the Sicarii.,But as for the high priest, Aias he increased in glory every day, and this to a great degree, and had obtained the favor and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of the high priest Jesus, by making them presents;,he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them.,So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that some of the priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food.,3. But now the Sicarii went into the city by night, just before the festival, which was now at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the governor of the temple, whose name was Eleazar, who was the son of Aus Aias the high priest, and bound him, and carried him away with them;,after which they sent to Aias, and said that they would send the scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners which he had caught of their party; so Aias was plainly forced to persuade Albinus, and gained his request of him.,This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually contrived to catch some of Aias’s servants; and when they had taken them alive, they would not let them go, till they thereby recovered some of their own Sicarii. And as they were again become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great affliction to the whole country.,4. About this time it was that king Agrippa built Caesarea Philippi larger than it was before, and, in honor of Nero, named it Neronias. And when he had built a theater at Berytus, with vast expenses, he bestowed on them shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent therein many ten thousand drachmae;,he also gave the people a largess of corn, and distributed oil among them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own donation, and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he almost transferred all that was most ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This made him more than ordinarily hated by his subjects, because he took those things away that belonged to them to adorn a foreign city.,And now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in the high priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which account a sedition arose between the high priests, with regard to one another; for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing of stones at each other. But Aias was too hard for the rest, by his riches, which enabled him to gain those that were most ready to receive.,Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves get together a multitude of wicked wretches, and this because they were of the royal family; and so they obtained favor among them, because of their kindred to Agrippa; but still they used violence with the people, and were very ready to plunder those that were weaker than themselves. And from that time it principally came to pass that our city was greatly disordered, and that all things grew worse and worse among us.,5. But when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all those prisoners who seemed to him to be the most plainly worthy of death, and ordered them to be put to death accordingly. But as to those who had been put into prison on some trifling occasions, he took money of them, and dismissed them; by which means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with robbers.,6. Now as many of the Levites, which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing.,Nor did they fail of obtaining their desire; for the king, with the suffrages of those that came into the sanhedrim, granted the singers of hymns this privilege, that they might lay aside their former garments, and wear such a linen one as they desired;,and as a part of this tribe ministered in the temple, he also permitted them to learn those hymns as they had besought him for. Now all this was contrary to the laws of our country, which, whenever they have been transgressed, we have never been able to avoid the punishment of such transgressions.,7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple;,and while they were unwilling to keep by them the treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of their being carried away by the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labor for a single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters.,These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits in length, and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built the entire temple.,But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone.,He also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high priesthood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, under whom the Jews’ war with the Romans took its beginning.,1. And now I think it proper and agreeable to this history to give an account of our high priests; how they began, who those are which are capable of that dignity, and how many of them there had been at the end of the war.,In the first place, therefore, history informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses, officiated to God as a high priest, and that, after his death, his sons succeeded him immediately; and that this dignity hath been continued down from them all to their posterity.,Whence it is a custom of our country, that no one should take the high priesthood of God but he who is of the blood of Aaron, while every one that is of another stock, though he were a king, can never obtain that high priesthood.,Accordingly, the number of all the high priests from Aaron, of whom we have spoken already, as of the first of them, until Phanas, who was made high priest during the war by the seditious, was eighty-three;,of whom thirteen officiated as high priests in the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while the tabernacle was standing, until the people came into Judea, when king Solomon erected the temple to God;,for at the first they held the high priesthood till the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another; for their form of government was an aristocracy, and after that a monarchy, and in the third place the government was regal.,Now the number of years during the rule of these thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed out of Egypt, under Moses their leader, until the building of that temple which king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve.,After those thirteen high priests, eighteen took the high priesthood at Jerusalem, one in succession to another, from the days of king Solomon, until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, made an expedition against that city, and burnt the temple, and removed our nation into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the high priest, captive;,the times of these high priests were four hundred and sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, while the Jews were still under the regal government.,But after the term of seventy years’ captivity under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land again, and gave them leave to rebuild their temple;,at which time Jesus, the son of Josadek, took the high priesthood over the captives when they were returned home. Now he and his posterity, who were in all fifteen, until king Antiochus Eupator, were under a democratical government for four hundred and fourteen years;,and then the forementioned Antiochus, and Lysias the general of his army, deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high priesthood, and slew him at Berea; and driving away the son of Onias the third, put Jacimus into the place of the high priest, one that was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of the family of Onias.,On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem;,but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest.,But then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the government of the nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Macedonians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high priest, who ruled over them seven years.,And when he had been slain by the treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we have related some where, Simon his brother took the high priesthood;,and when he was destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyrcanus, succeeded him, after he had held the high priesthood one year longer than his brother. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity thirty years, and died an old man, leaving the succession to Judas, who was also called Aristobulus,,whose brother Alexander was his heir; which Judas died of a sore distemper, after he had kept the priesthood, together with the royal authority; for this Judas was the first that put on his head a diadem for one year.,And when Alexander had been both king and high priest twenty-seven years, he departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint him that should be high priest; so she gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom herself nine years, and then departed this life. The like duration and no longer did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood;,for after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and deprived him of his principality; and he did himself both reign, and perform the office of high priest to God.,But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him go