The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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48 results for "imperial"

1. Cicero, Pro Milone, 59, 61, 60 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 182

2. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.5, 5.29-5.31, 5.80-5.82 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 188, 189

3. Livy, History, 13.18.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 188

4. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 2.7.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 176

5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.187 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 188

11.187. ἔπειτα τὰ ἔθνη καὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς αὐτῶν ἐν Σούσοις ἐπὶ ἡμέρας κατευώχησεν ἑπτά. τὸ δὲ συμπόσιον ἦν αὐτοῖς τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον γεγενημένον: σκήνωμα πηξάμενος ἐκ χρυσέων καὶ ἀργυρέων κιόνων ὕφη λίνεα καὶ πορφύρεα κατ' αὐτῶν διεπέτασεν, ὥστε πολλὰς μυριάδας κατακλίνεσθαι.

11.187. after which he made a feast for other nations, and for their ambassadors, at Shushan, for seven days. Now this feast was ordered after the manner following: He caused a tent to be pitched, which was supported by pillars of gold and silver, with curtains of linen and purple spread over them, that it might afford room for many ten thousands to sit down.

6. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 55.2, 63.1-63.4, 65.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 184, 185, 186, 409

55.2. ἐπιστάμεθα πολλοὺς ἐν ἡμῖν παραδεδωκότας ἑαυτοὺς εἰς δεσμά, ὅπως ἑτέρους λυτρώσονται: πολλοὶ ἑαυτοὺς παρέδωκαν εἰς δουλείαν. καὶ λαβόντες τὰς τιμὰς αὐτῶν ἑτέρους ἐψώμισαν. 63.1. Θεμιτὸν οὖν ἐστὶν τοῖς τοιούτοις καὶ τοσούτοις ὑποδείγμασιν προσελθόντας ὑποθεῖναι τὸν τράχηλον καὶ τὸν τῆς ὑπακοῆς τόπον ἀναπληρῶσαι, ὅπως ἡσυχάσαντες τῆς ματαίας στάσεως ἐπὶ τὸν προκείμενον ἡμῖν ἐν ἀληθείᾳ σκοπὸν δίχα παντὸς μώμου καταντήσωμεν. 63.2. χαρὰν γὰρ καὶ ἀγαλλίασιν ἡμῖν παρέξετε, ἐὰν ὑπήκοοι γενόμενοι τοῖς ὑφ̓ ἡμῶν γεγραμμένοις διὰ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος ἐκκόψητε τὴν ἀθέμιτον τοῦ ζήλους ὑμῶν ὀργὴν κατὰ τὴν ἔντευξιν. ἣν ἐποιησάμεθα περὶ εἰρήνης καὶ ὁμονοίας ἐν τῇδε τῇ ἐπιστολῇ. 63.3. ἐπέμψαμεν δὲ ἄνδρας πιστοὺς καὶ σώφρονας ἀπὸ νεότητος ἀναστραφέντας ἕως γήρους ἀμέμπτως ἐν ἡμῖν, οἵτινες καὶ μάρτυρες ἔσονται μεταξὺ ὑμῶν καὶ ἡμῶν. 65.1. Τοὺς δὲ ἀπεσταλμένους ἀφ̓ ἡμῶν Κλαύδιον Ἔφηβον καὶ Οὐαλέριον Βίτωνα σὺν καὶ Φορτουνάτῳ ἐν εἰρήνῃ μετὰ χαρᾶς ἐν τάχει ἀναπέμψατε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ὅπως θᾶττον τὴν εὐκταίαν καὶ ἐπιποθήτην ἡμῖν εἰρήνην καὶ ὁμόνοιαν ἀπαγγέλλωσιν, εἰς τὸ τάχιον καὶ ἡμᾶς χαρῆναι περὶ τῆς εὐσταθείας ὑμῶν.

7. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 3.79-3.83 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 188

3.79. Καὶ τὸ μὲν ἔνδον εἰς σκηνὰς διαλαμβάνουσιν, ἔξωθεν δ' ὁ κύκλος τείχους ὄψιν ἐπίχει πύργοις ἐξ ἴσου διαστήματος κεκοσμημένος. 3.81. πύλαι δὲ ἐνοικοδομοῦνται τέσσαρες καθ' ἕκαστον τοῦ περιβόλου κλίμα, πρός τε εἰσόδους τῶν ὑποζυγίων εὐμαρεῖς καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐκδρομὰς αὐτῶν, εἰ κατεπείγοι, πλατεῖαι. 3.82. ῥυμοτομοῦσι δ' εὐδιαθέτως εἴσω τὸ στρατόπεδον, καὶ μέσας μὲν τὰς τῶν ἡγεμόνων σκηνὰς τίθενται, μεσαίτατον δὲ τούτων τὸ στρατήγιον ναῷ παραπλήσιον: 3.83. ὥσπερ δὲ ἐν σχεδίῳ πόλις καὶ ἀγορά τις ἀποδείκνυται καὶ χειροτέχναις χωρίον θῶκοί τε λοχαγοῖς καὶ ταξιάρχοις, ὅπῃ δικάζοιεν, εἴ τινες διαφέροιντο.

3.79. 2. As for what is within the camp, it is set apart for tents, but the outward circumference hath the resemblance to a wall, and is adorned with towers at equal distances, 3.80. where between the towers stand the engines for throwing arrows and darts, and for slinging stones, and where they lay all other engines that can annoy the enemy, all ready for their several operations. 3.81. They also erect four gates, one at every side of the circumference, and those large enough for the entrance of the beasts, and wide enough for making excursions, if occasion should require. 3.82. They divide the camp within into streets, very conveniently, and place the tents of the commanders in the middle; but in the very midst of all is the general’s own tent, in the nature of a temple, 3.83. insomuch, that it appears to be a city built on the sudden, with its marketplace, and place for handicraft trades, and with seats for the officers superior and inferior, where, if any differences arise, their causes are heard and determined.

8. Juvenal, Satires, 3.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 189

9. Martial, Epigrams, 1.81, 2.17-2.18, 2.29, 2.32, 3.16, 3.29, 5.22, 6.66 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 177, 185, 189, 334, 335

2.17. TO MAXIMUS: I court your dinner; alas! I am ashamed of doing so, but, Maximus, I court your dinner: you court some one else's; so we are equal in this matter. I come in the morning to pay my respects to you; I am told that you are gone already to pay your respects elsewhere: again we are equal. I myself am of your escort, and walk before my proud patron; you are of the escort of the other, your patron: again we are equal. It is bad enough to be a servant; but I object to be the servant of a servant. One who is a patron himself Maximus, should not have a patron. 2.18. TO ZOILUS: Do you think, Zoilus, that I am made happy by an invitation to dinner? Happy by an invitation to dinner, Zoilus, and that dinner yours? That guest deserves to be a guest at the Aricine Hill, who is made happy, Zoilus, by a dinner of yours. 5.22. TO PAULUS: If I did not wish, as well as deserve, to find you at home this morning, may your Esquiline mansion, Paulus, be removed still farther from me! But I live close to the Tiburtine column, near the spot where rustic Flora looks upon ancient Jove. I must surmount the steep path of the Suburran hill, and the pavement dirty with footsteps never dry; while it is scarcely possible to get clear of the long trains of mules, and the blocks of marble which you see dragged along by a multitude of ropes. Worse than all this is it, that, after a thousand toils, your porter tells me, fatigued as I am, that you are not at home. This is the end of my useless labour and dripping toga: even to have seen Paulus at home in the morning was scarcely worth so much, The most attentive client always meets with most neglect from his friends. Unless you sleep longer in the morning, you cannot be my patron. 6.66. ON A CRIER SELLING A GIRL: The crier Gellianus was lately offering for sale a young lady of not over-good reputation, such as sit in the middle of the Suburra. When she had been for sometime standing at a small price, the seller, desiring to prove her purity to all around, drew her towards him, and, while she feigned resistance, kissed her two, three, and four times. Do you ask the result he produced by his kisses? It was, that he who had just offered six hundred sesterces, withdrew his bidding.

10. Martial, Epigrams, 1.81, 2.17-2.18, 2.29, 2.32, 3.16, 3.29, 5.22, 6.66 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 177, 185, 189, 334, 335

11. New Testament, Philippians, 4.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 184

4.22. ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι, μάλιστα δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας.

4.22. All the saints greet you, especially those who are of Caesar's household.

12. New Testament, Romans, 16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183

16. , I commend to you Phoebe, our sister, who is a servant of the assembly that is at Cenchreae, , that you receive her in the Lord, in a way worthy of the saints, and that you assist her in whatever matter she may need from you, for she herself also has been a helper of many, and of my own self. , Greet Prisca and Aquila, my fellow workers in Christ Jesus, , who for my life, laid down their own necks; to whom not only I give thanks, but also all the assemblies of the Gentiles. , Greet the assembly that is in their house. Greet Epaenetus, my beloved, who is the first fruits of Achaia to Christ. , Greet Mary, who labored much for us. , Greet Andronicus and Junias, my relatives and my fellow prisoners, who are notable among the apostles, who also were in Christ before me. , Greet Amplias, my beloved in the Lord. , Greet Urbanus, our fellow worker in Christ, and Stachys, my beloved. , Greet Apelles, the approved in Christ. Greet those who are of the household of Aristobulus. , Greet Herodion, my kinsman. Greet them of the household of Narcissus, who are in the Lord. , Greet Tryphaena and Tryphosa, who labor in the Lord. Greet Persis, the beloved, who labored much in the Lord. , Greet Rufus, the chosen in the Lord, and his mother and mine. , Greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermes, Patrobas, Hermas, and the brothers who are with them. , Greet Philologus and Julia, Nereus and his sister, and Olympas, and all the saints who are with them. , Greet one another with a holy kiss. The assemblies of Christ greet you. , Now I beg you, brothers, look out for those who are causing the divisions and occasions of stumbling, contrary to the doctrine which you learned, and turn away from them. , For those who are such don't serve our Lord, Jesus Christ, but their own belly; and by their smooth and flattering speech, they deceive the hearts of the innocent. , For your obedience has become known to all. I rejoice therefore over you. But I desire to have you wise in that which is good, but innocent in that which is evil. , And the God of peace will quickly crush Satan under your feet. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you. , Timothy, my fellow worker, greets you, as do Lucius, Jason, and Sosipater, my relatives. , I, Tertius, who write the letter, greet you in the Lord. , Gaius, my host and host of the whole assembly, greets you. Erastus, the treasurer of the city, greets you, as does Quartus, the brother. , The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all! Amen.

13. Tacitus, Annals, 2.48.3, 4.36.1, 6.19.1, 13.31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 176, 188

14. Suetonius, Nero, 15.2, 48.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 185

48.1. Changing his purpose again, he sought for some retired place, where he could hide and collect his thoughts; and when his freedman Phaon offered his villa in the suburbs between the Via Nomentana and the Via Salaria near the fourth milestone, just as he was, barefooted and in his tunic, he put on a faded cloak, covered his head, and holding a handkerchief before his eyes, mounted a horse with only four attendants, one of whom was Sporus.

15. Suetonius, Iulius, 39, 7, 24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 185

16. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 179

17. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 327 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 336

18. New Testament, Acts, 18.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 187

18.2. καὶ εὑρών τινα Ἰουδαῖον ὀνόματι Ἀκύλαν, Ποντικὸν τῷ γένει, προσφάτως ἐληλυθότα ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ Πρίσκιλλαν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ διατεταχέναι Κλαύδιον χωρίζεσθαι πάντας τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης, προσῆλθεν αὐτοῖς,

18.2. He found a certain Jew named Aquila, a man of Pontus by race, who had recently come from Italy, with his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to depart from Rome. He came to them,

19. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 33, 35, 19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 188, 189

20. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.13, 1.15.1, 1.18.4, 9.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 89, 311, 335

1.13. 13. Τούτων δὲ γενομένων οὔτως, τὸ ἐμφωλεῦον τῷ κόσμῳ πῦρ ἐκλάμψαν καὶ ἐξαφθὲν, καὶ 3κατεργασάμενον cf. II. 52. πᾶσαν ὕλην 4συναναλωθήσεσθαι αὐτῇ, καὶ εἰς τὸ μηκέτʼ εἶναι χωρήσειν διδάσκουσι. Τὸν δὲ Δημιουργὸν μηδὲν τούτων ἐγνωκέναι LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 2. ἀποφαίνονται πρὸ τῆς τοῦ Σωτῆρος παρουσίας. Εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες προβαλέσθαι αὐτὸν καὶ Χριστὸν υἱὸν ἴδιον, ἀλλὰ cf. III. 18. 31. 32. καὶ ψυχικόν· καὶ περὶ τούτου διὰ τῶν Προφητῶν λελαληκέναι. G. 33. M. 33. Εἶναι δὲ τοῦτον τὸν διὰ Μαρίας διοδεύσαντα, καθάπερ ὕδωρ 2διὰ σωλῆνος ὁδεύει, καὶ εἰς τοῦτον ἐπὶ τοῦ βαπτίσματος κατελθεῖν ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ Πληρώματος ἐκ πάντων Σωτῆρα, ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς· γεγονέναι δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ l. ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ σπέρμα πνευματικόν. Τὸν οὖν Κύριον ἡμῶν ἐκ 3τεσσάρων τούτων σύνθετοι γεγονέναι φάσκουσιν, ἀποσώζοντα τὸν τύπον τῆς ἀρχεγόνου καὶ πρώτης 1τετρακτύος· ἔκ τε τοῦ πνευματικοῦ, ὃ ἦν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ. LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 2. καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ψυχιοῦ, ὃ ἦν ἀπὸ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ, καὶ ἐκ τῆρ οἰκονομίας, 2ὃ ἦν κατεσκευασμένον ἀῤῥήτῳ τέχνῃ, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ p. 52. Σωτῆρος, ὃ ἦν κατελθοῦσα εἰς αὐτὸν περιστερά. Ναὶ τοῦτο l. τοῦτον μὲν ἀπαθῆ διαμεμενηκέναι· (οὐ γὰρ ἐνεδέχετο παθεῖν αὐτὸν 3ἀκράτητον καὶ ἀόρατον ὑπάρχοντα·) 4καὶ διὰ LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 2. τοῦτο ᾖρθαι, προσαγομένου αὐτοῦ τῷ Πιλάτῳ, τὸ εἰς αὐτὸν ματατεθὲν πνεῦμα Χριστοῦ. Ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ τὸ ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς σπέρμα πεπονθέναι λέγουσιν. 1Ἀπαθὲς γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ l. ἅτε πνευματικὸν, καὶ ἀόρατον καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ δημιουργῷ. Ἔπαθε δὲ λοιπὸν κατ᾿ αὐτοὺς ὁ ψυχικὸς Χριστὸς, καὶ ὁ ἐκ τῆς οἰκονομίας κατεσκευασμένος μυστηριωδῶς, ἵνʼ ἐπιδείξῃ δι᾿ αὐτοῦ ἡ μήτηρ τὸν τύπον τοῦ ἄνω Χριστοῦ, ἐκείνου τοῦ ἐπεκταθέντος τῷ 3Σταυρῷ, καὶ μορφώσαντος τὴν Ἀχαμὼθ μόρφωσιν τὴν κατʼ οὐσίαν· πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα τόπους ἐκείνων εἶναι λέγουσι. Τὰς δὲ ἐσχηκυίας τό σπέρμα τῆς Ἀχαμὼθ ψυχὰς ἀμείνους λέγουσι γεγονέναι τῶν λοιπῶν· διὸ καὶ πλεῖον τῶν ἄλλων ἠγαπῆσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ, μὴ εἰδότος τὴν αἰτίαν, ἀλλὰ παῤ αὑτοῦ λογιζομένου εἶναι τοιαύτας. Διὸ καὶ εἰς προφήτας, φασὶν, ἔτασσεν αὐτοὺς αὐτὰς, καὶ M. 34. G. 34. ἱρεῖς, καὶ βασιλεῖς. Καὶ πολλὰ 1ὑπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος τούτον LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 3. εἰρῆσθαι διὰ τῶν προφητῶν ἐξηγοῦνται, ἅτε ὑψηλοτέρας φύσεως 2ὑπαρχούσας· πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα περὶ τῶν IV. lxix. ἀνωτέρω εἰρηκέναι λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τούτου καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ τούτου γενομένων ψυχῶν. Καὶ λοιπὸν 4τέμνουσι τὰς προφητείας, τὸ μέν τι ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς εἰρῆσθαι θέλοντες, cf. c. xxxiv. τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τοῦ σπέρματος, τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ. Ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὡσαύτως, τὸ μέν τι ἀπὸ τοῦ Σωτῆρος σἰρηκέναι, τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς, τὸ δέ τι ἀπὸ τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ, καθὼς ἐπιδείξομεν προϊόντος ἡμῖν τοῦ λόγου. Τὸρ δὲ Δημιουργὸν, ἅτε ἀγνοοῦντα τὰ ὑπὲρ αὐτὸν, κινεῖσθαι μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς λεγομένοις, καταπεφρονηκέναι δὲ αὐτῶν, ἄλλοτε ἄλλην αἰτίαν νομίσαντα, ἢ 5τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ προφητεῦον, ἔχον LIB. I. i. 13. GR. I. i. 13. MASS. I. vii. 5. καὶ αὐτὸ ἰδίαν τινὰ κίνησιν, ἢ τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἢ τὴν προσπλοκὴν τῶν χειρῶν χειρόνων καὶ οὕτως ἀγνοοῦντα 1 ἄχρι τῆς παρουσίας τοῦ Κυρίου. Ἐλθόντος δὲ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, μαθεῖν αὐτὸν παῤ αὐτοῦ πάντα λέγουσι, καὶ ἄσμενον αὐτῷ 2προσχωρήσαντα μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ, καὶ αὐτὸν εἶναι τὸν ἐν τῷ Εὐαγγελίῳ ἑκατόνταρχον. λέγοντα τῷ Σωτῆρι· καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ ὑπὸ τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ἐξουσίαν ἔχω στρατιώτας καὶ δούλους, καὶ ὃ ἐὰν προστάξω, ποιοῦσι. Τελέσειν δὲ αὐτὸν τὴν κατὰ τὸν κόσμον οἰκονομίαν μέχρι τοῦ M. 35. δέοντος καιροῦ, μάλιστα δὲ διὰ τὴν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπιμέλειαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐπίγνωσιν τοῦ ἑτοιμασθέντος αὐτῷ ἐπάθλου, ὅτι εἰς τὸν τῆς μητρὸς τόπον χωρήσει.

1.13. One Ecphantus, a native of Syracuse, affirmed that it is not possible to attain a true knowledge of things. He defines, however, as he thinks, primary bodies to be indivisible, and that there are three variations of these, viz., bulk, figure, capacity, from which are generated the objects of sense. But that there is a determinable multitude of these, and that this is infinite. And that bodies are moved neither by weight nor by impact, but by divine power, which he calls mind and soul; and that of this the world is a representation; wherefore also it has been made in the form of a sphere by divine power. And that the earth in the middle of the cosmical system is moved round its own centre towards the east. 1.13. But there is another among these heretics, Marcus by name, who boasts himself as having improved upon his master. He is a perfect adept in magical impostures, and by this means drawing away a great number of men, and not a few women, he has induced them to join themselves to him, as to one who is possessed of the greatest knowledge and perfection, and who has received the highest power from the invisible and ineffable regions above. Thus it appears as if he really were the precursor of Antichrist. For, joining the buffooneries of Anaxilaus to the craftiness of the magi, as they are called, he is regarded by his senseless and cracked-brain followers as working miracles by these means.,Pretending to consecrate cups mixed with wine, and protracting to great length the word of invocation, he contrives to give them a purple and reddish colour, so that Charis, who is one of those that are superior to all things, should be thought to drop her own blood into that cup through means of his invocation, and that thus those who are present should be led to rejoice to taste of that cup, in order that, by so doing, the Charis, who is set forth by this magician, may also flow into them. Again, handing mixed cups to the women, he bids them consecrate these in his presence. When this has been done, he himself produces another cup of much larger size than that which the deluded woman has consecrated,) and pouting from the smaller one consecrated by the woman into that which has been brought forward by himself, he at the same time pronounces these words: "May that Chaffs who is before all things, and who transcends all knowledge and speech, fill thine inner man, and multiply in thee her own knowledge, by sowing the grain of mustard seed in thee as in good soil." Repeating certain other like words, and thus goading on the wretched woman [to madness], he then appears a worker of wonders when the large cup is seen to have been filled out of the small one, so as even to overflow by what has been obtained from it. By accomplishing several other similar things, he has completely deceived many, and drawn them away after him.,It appears probable enough that this man possesses a demon as his familiar spirit, by means of whom he seems able to prophesy, and also enables as many as he counts worthy to be partakers of his Charis themselves to prophesy. He devotes himself especially to women, and those such as are well-bred, and elegantly attired, and of great wealth, whom he frequently seeks to draw after him, by addressing them in such seductive words as these: "I am eager to make thee a partaker of my Charis, since the Father of all doth continually behold thy angel before His face. Now the place of thy angel is among us: it behoves us to become one. Receive first from me and by me [the gift of] Chaffs. Adorn thyself as a bride who is expecting her bridegroom, that thou mayest be what I am, and I what thou art. Establish the germ of light in thy nuptial chamber. Receive from me a spouse, and become receptive of him, while thou art received by him. Behold Charis has descended upon thee; open thy mouth and prophesy." On the woman replying," I have never at any time prophesied, nor do I know how to prophesy;" then engaging, for the second time, in certain invocations, so as to astound his deluded victim, he says to her," Open thy mouth, speak whatsoever occurs to thee, and thou shalt prophesy." She then, vainly puffed up and elated by these words, and greatly excited in soul by the expectation that it is herself who is to prophesy, her heart beating violently [from emotion], reaches the requisite pitch of audacity, and idly as well as impudently utters some nonsense as it happens. to occur to her, such as might be expected from one heated by an empty spirit. (Referring to this, one superior to me has observed, that the soul is both audacious and impudent when heated with empty air.) Henceforth she reckons herself a prophetess, and expresses her thanks to Marcus for having imparted to her of his own Chaffs. She then makes the effort to reward him, not only by the gift of her possessions (in which way he has collected a very large fortune), but also by yielding up to him her person, desiring in every way to be united to him, that she may become altogether one with him.,But already some of the most faithful women, possessed of the fear of God, and not being deceived (whom, nevertheless, he did his best to seduce like the rest by bidding them prophesy), abhorring and execrating him, have withdrawn from such a vile company of revellers. This they have done, as being well aware that the gift of prophecy is not conferred on men by Marcus, the magician, but that only those to whom God sends His grace from above possess the divinely-bestowed power of prophesying; and then they speak where and when God pleases, and not when Marcus orders them to do so. For that which commands is greater and of higher authority than that which is commanded, inasmuch as the former rules, while the latter is in a state of subjection. If, then, Marcus, or any one else, does command,--as these are accustomed continually at their feasts to play at drawing lots, and [in accordance with the lot] to command one another to prophesy, giving forth as oracles what is in harmony with their own desires,--it will follow that he who commands is greater and of higher authority than the prophetic spirit, though he is but a man, which is impossible. But such spirits as are commanded by these men, and speak when they desire it, are earthly and weak, audacious and impudent, sent forth by Satan for the seduction and perdition of those who do not hold fast that well- compacted faith which they received at first through the Church.,Moreover, that this Marcus compounds philters and love-potions, in order to insult the persons of some of these women, if not of all, those of them who have returned to the Church of God--a thing which frequently occurs--have acknowledged, confessing, too, that they have been defiled by him, and that they were filled with a burning passion towards him. A sad example of this occurred in the case of a certain Asiatic, one of our deacons, who had received him (Marcus) into his house. His wife, a woman of remarkable beauty, fell a victim both in mind and body to this magician, and, for a long time, travelled about with him. At last, when, with no small difficulty, the brethren had converted her, she spent her whole time in the exercise of public confession, weeping over and lamenting the defilement which she had received from this magician.,Some of his disciples, too, addicting themselves to the same practices, have deceived many silly women, and defiled them. They proclaim themselves as being "perfect," so that no one can be compared to them with respect to the immensity of their knowledge, nor even were you to mention Paul or Peter, or any other of the apostles. They assert that they themselves know more than all others, and that they alone have imbibed the greatness of the knowledge of that power which is unspeakable. They also maintain that they have attained to a height above all power, and that therefore they are free in every respect to act as they please, having no one to fear in anything. For they affirm, that because of the "Redemption" it has come to pass that they can neither be apprehended, nor even seen by the judge. But even if he should happen to lay hold upon them, then they might simply repeat these words, while standing in his presence along with the "Redemption:" "O thou, who sittest beside God, and the mystical, eternal Sige, thou through whom the angels (mightiness), who continually behold the face of the Father, having thee as their guide and introducer, do derive their forms from above, which she in the greatness of her daring inspiring with mind on account of the goodness of the Propator, produced us as their images, having her mind then intent upon the things above, as in a dream,--behold, the judge is at hand, and the crier orders me to make my defence. But do thou, as being acquainted with the affairs of both, present the cause of both of us to the judge, inasmuch as it is in reality but one cause." Now, as soon as the Mother hears these words, she puts the Homeric helmet of Pluto upon them, so that they may invisibly escape the judge. And then she immediately catches them up, conducts them into the bridal chamber, and hands them over to their consorts.,Such are the words and deeds by which, in our own district of the Rhone, they have deluded many women, who have their consciences seared as with a hot iron. Some of them, indeed, make a public confession of their sins; but others of them are ashamed to do this, and in a tacit kind of way, despairing of [attaining to] the life of God, have, some of them, apostatized altogether; while others hesitate between the two courses, and incur that which is implied in the proverb, "neither without nor within;" possessing this as the fruit from the seed of the children of knowledge. 1.15.1. The all-wise Sige then announced the production of the four-and-twenty elements to him as follows:--Along with Monotes there coexisted Henotes, from which sprang two productions, as we have remarked above, Monas and Hen, which, added to the other two, make four, for twice two are Four. And again, two and four, when added together, exhibit the number six. And further, these six being quadrupled, give rise to the twenty-four forms. And the names of the first Tetrad, which are understood to be most holy, and not capable of being expressed in words, are known by the Son alone, while the father also knows what they are. The other names which are to be uttered with respect, and faith, and reverence, are, according to him, Arrhetos and Sige, Pater and Aletheia. Now the entire number of this Tetrad amounts to four-and-twenty letters; for the name Arrhetos contains in itself seven letters, Seige five, Pater five, and Aletheia seven. If all these be added together--twice five, and twice seven--they complete the number twenty-four. In like manner, also, the second Tetrad, Logos and Zoe, Anthropos and Ecclesia, reveal the same number of elements. Moreover, that name of the Saviour which may be pronounced, viz., Jesus 'Ihsous, consists of six letters, but His unutterable name comprises for-and-twenty letters. The name Christ the Son (uios Xreistos) comprises twelve letter, but that which is unpronounceable in Christ contains thirty letters. And for this reason he declares that fie is Alpha and Omega, that he may indicate the dove, inasmuch as that bird has this number [in its name]. 1.18.4. As to the Duodecad, in connection with which the mystery of the passion of the defect occurred, from which passion they maintain that all things visible were framed, they assert that is to be found strikingly and manifestly everywhere [in Scripture]. For they declare that the twelve sons of Jacob, from whom also sprung twelve tribes,--the breastplate of the high priest, which bore twelve precious stones and twelve little bells,--the twelve stones which were placed by Moses at the foot of the mountain,--the same number which was placed by Joshua in the river, and again, on the other side, the bearers of the ark of the covet,--those stones which were set up by Elijah when the heifer was offered as a burnt-offering; the number, too, of the apostles; and, in fine, every event which embraces in it the number twelve,--set forth their Duodecad. And then the union of all these, which is called the Triacontad, they strenuously endeavour to demonstrate by the ark of Noah, the height of which was thirty cubits; by the case of Samuel, who assigned Saul the chief place among thirty guests; by David, when for thirty days he concealed himself in the field; by those who entered along with him into the cave; also by the fact that the length (height) of the holy tabernacle was thirty cubits; and if they meet with any other like numbers, they still apply these to their Triacontad. 9.12. Inasmuch as (Elchasai) considers, then, that it would be an insult to reason that these mighty and ineffable mysteries should be trampled under foot, or that they should be committed to many, he advises that as valuable pearls Matthew 7:6 they should be preserved, expressing himself thus: Do not recite this account to all men, and guard carefully these precepts, because all men are not faithful, nor are all women straightforward. Books containing these (tenets), however, neither the wise men of the Egyptians secreted in shrines, nor did Pythagoras, a sage of the Greeks, conceal them there. For if at that time Elchasai had happened to live, what necessity would there be that Pythagoras, or Thales, or Solon, or the wise Plato, or even the rest of the sages of the Greeks, should become disciples of the Egyptian priests, when they could obtain possession of such and such wisdom from Alcibiades, as the most astonishing interpreter of that wretched Elchasai? The statements, therefore, that have been made for the purpose of attaining a knowledge of the madness of these, would seem sufficient for those endued with sound mind. And so it is, that it has not appeared expedient to quote more of their formularies, seeing that these are very numerous and ridiculous. Since, however, we have not omitted those practices that have risen up in our own day, and have not been silent as regards those prevalent before our time, it seems proper, in order that we may pass through all their systems, and leave nothing untold, to state what also are the (customs) of the Jews, and what are the diversities of opinion among them, for I imagine that these as yet remain behind for our consideration. Now, when I have broken silence on these points, I shall pass on to the demonstration of the Doctrine of the Truth, in order that, after the lengthened argumentative straggle against all heresies, we, devoutly pressing forward towards the kingdom's crown, and believing the truth, may not be unsettled.

21. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 7.8 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 182

7.8. ἀρχῇ πρέπειν ἐδόκει Νερούας, ἧς μετὰ Δομετιανὸν σωφρόνως ἥψατο, ἦν δὲ καὶ περὶ ̓́Ορφιτόν τε καὶ ̔Ροῦφον ἡ αὐτὴ δόξα. τούτους Δομετιανὸς ἐπιβουλεύειν ἑαυτῷ φήσας οἱ μὲν ἐς νήσους καθείρχθησαν, Νερούᾳ δὲ προσέταξεν οἰκεῖν Τάραντα. ὢν δὲ ἐπιτήδειος αὐτοῖς ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος τὸν μὲν χρόνον, ὃν Τίτος ὁμοῦ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ μετὰ τὸν πατέρα ἦρχεν, ἀεί τι ὑπὲρ σωφροσύνης ἐπέστελλε τοῖς ἀνδράσι προσποιῶν αὐτοὺς τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ὡς χρηστοῖς, Δομετιανοῦ δέ, ἐπεὶ χαλεπὸς ἦν, ἀφίστη τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἁπάντων ἐλευθερίας ἐρρώννυ. τὰς μὲν δὴ ἐπιστολιμαίους ξυμβουλίας οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς αὐτοῖς ᾤετο, πολλοὺς γὰρ τῶν ἐν δυνάμει καὶ δοῦλοι προὔδοσαν καὶ φίλοι καὶ γυναῖκες καὶ οὐδὲν ἀπόρρητον ἐχώρησε τότε οἰκία, τῶν δὲ αὑτοῦ ἑταίρων τοὺς σωφρονεστάτους ἄλλοτε ἄλλον ἀπολαμβάνων “διάκονον” εἶπεν ἂν “ποιοῦμαί σε ἀπορρήτου λαμπροῦ: βαδίσαι δὲ χρὴ ἐς τὴν ̔Ρώμην παρὰ τὸν δεῖνα καὶ διαλεχθῆναί οἱ καὶ γενέσθαι πρὸς τὴν πειθὼ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς πᾶν ὅ τι ἐγώ.” ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσεν, ὅτι φεύγοιεν ὁρμῆς μὲν ἐνδειξάμενοί τι ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον, ὄκνῳ δ' ἐκπεσόντες ὧν διενοήθησαν, διελέγετο μὲν ὑπὲρ Μοιρῶν καὶ ἀνάγκης περὶ τὸ νέμος τῆς Σμύρνης,

7.8. Thefollowing then is the history of his acts in Rome. Nerva was regarded as a proper candidate for the throne which after Domitian's death he occupied with so much wisdom, and the same opinion was entertained of Orfitus and of Rufus. Domitian accused the two latter of intriguing against himself, and they were confined in islands, while Nerva was commanded to live in Tarentum. Now Apollonius had been intimate with them all the time that Titus shared the throne with his father, and also reigned after his father's death; and he was in constant correspondence with them on the subject of self-control, being anxious to enlist them on the side of the sovereigns whose excellence of character he esteemed. But he did his best to alienate them from Domitian, on account of his cruelty, and encouraged them to espouse the cause of the freedom of all. Now it occurred to him that his epistles conveying advice to them were fraught with danger to them, for many of those who were in power were betrayed by their own slaves and friends and womankind, and there was not at the time any house that could keep a secret; accordingly he would take now one and now another of the discreetest of the companions, and say to them: I have a brilliant secret to entrust to you; for you must betake yourself as my agent to Rome to so and so, mentioning the party, and you must hold converse with him and do the utmost I could do to win him over. But when he heard that they were banished for having displayed a tendency to revolt against the tyrant, and yet had from timidity abandoned their plans, he delivered a discourse on the subject of the Fates and of Destiny in the grove of Smyrna in which stands the statue of the river Meles.

22. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 80.2-80.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 390

80.2. Κἀγὼ εἶπον· Οὐχ οὕτω τάλας ἐγώ, ὦ Τρύφων, ὡς ἕτερα λέγειν παρ᾿ ἃ φρονῶ. Ὡμολόγησα οὖν σοι καὶ πρότερον ὅτι ἐγὼ μὲν καὶ ἄλλοι πολλοὶ ταῦτα φρονοῦμεν, ὡς καὶ πάντως ἐπίστασθαι τοῦτο γενησόμενον· πολλοὺς δ᾿ αὖ καὶ τῶν τῆς καθαρᾶς καὶ εὐσεβοῦς ὄντων Χριστιανῶν γνώμης τοῦτο μὴ γνωρίζειν ἐσήμανά σοι. 80.3. Τοὺς γὰρ λεγομένους μὲν Χριστιανούς, ὄντας δὲ ἀθέους καὶ ἀσεβεῖς αἱρεσιώτας, ὅτι κατὰ πάντα βλάσφημα καὶ ἄθεα καὶ ἀνόητα διδάσκουσιν, ἐδήλωσά σοι. Ὅτι δ᾿ οὐκ [fol. 135] ἐφ᾿ ὑμῶν μόνων τοῦτο λέγειν με ἐπίστασθε, τῶν γεγενημένων ἡμῖν λόγων ἁπάντων, ὡς δύναμίς μου, σύνταξιν ποιήσομαι, ἐν οἷς καὶ τοῦτο ὁμολογοῦντά με, ὃ καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ὁμολογῶ, ἐγγράψω. Οὐ γὰρ ἀνθρώποις μᾶλλον ἢ ἀνθρωπίνοις διδάγμασιν αἱροῦμαι ἀκολουθεῖν, ἀλλὰ θεῷ [cf. Actes, V, 29] καὶ τοῖς παρ᾿ ἐκείνου διδάγμασιν. 80.4. Εἰ γὰρ καὶ συνεβάλετε ὑμεῖς τισι λεγομένοις Χριστιανοῖς. καὶ τοῦτο μὴ ὁμολογοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλασφημεῖν τολμῶσι τὸν θεὸν Ἀβραὰμ καὶ τὸν θεὸν Ἰσαὰκ καὶ τὸν θεὸν Ἰακώβ. οἳ καὶ λέγουσι μὴ εἶναι νεκρῶν ἀνάστασιν, ἀλλὰ ἅμα τῷ ἀποθνήσκειν τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν ἀναλαμβάνεσθαι εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, μὴ ὑπολάβητε αὐτοὺς Χριστιανούς, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ Ἰουδαίους, ἄν τις ὀρθῶς ἐξετάσῃ, ὁμολογήσειεν εἶναι τοὺς Σαδδουκαίους ἢ τὰς ὁμοίας αἱρέσεις Γενιστῶν καὶ Μεριστῶν καὶ Γαλιλαίων καὶ Ἑλληνιανῶν καὶ Φαρισαίων καὶ Βαπτιστῶν (καὶ μὴ ἀηδῶς ἀκούσητέ μου πάντα ἃ φρονῶ λέγοντος), ἀλλὰ λεγομένους μὲν Ἰουδαίους καὶ τέκνα Ἀβραάμ, καὶ χείλεσιν ὁμολογοῦντας τὸν θεόν, ὡς αὐτὸς κέκραγεν ὁ θεός, τὴν δὲ καρδίαν πόρρω ἔχειν ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ [Is., XXIX, 13]. 80.5. Ἐγὼ δέ, καὶ εἴ τινές εἰσιν ὁρθογνώμονες κατὰ πάντα Χριστιανοί, καὶ σαρκὸς ἀνάστασιν γενήσεσθαι ἐπιστάμεθα καὶ χίλια ἔτη ἐν Ἱερουσαλὴμ οἰκοδομηθείσῃ [fol. 135] καὶ κοσμηθείσῃ καὶ πλατυνθείσῃ. ὡς οἱ προφῆται Ἰεζεκιὴλ [XXXVII, 12-14] καὶ Ήσαΐας [voy. ch. suivant] καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ὁμολογοῦσιν.

23. Justin, Second Apology, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 351, 390

2. A certain woman lived with an intemperate husband; she herself, too, having formerly been intemperate. But when she came to the knowledge of the teachings of Christ she became sober-minded, and endeavoured to persuade her husband likewise to be temperate, citing the teaching of Christ, and assuring him that there shall be punishment in eternal fire inflicted upon those who do not live temperately and conformably to right reason. But he, continuing in the same excesses, alienated his wife from him by his actions. For she, considering it wicked to live any longer as a wife with a husband who sought in every way means of indulging in pleasure contrary to the law of nature, and in violation of what is right, wished to be divorced from him. And when she was overpersuaded by her friends, who advised her still to continue with him, in the idea that some time or other her husband might give hope of amendment, she did violence to her own feeling and remained with him. But when her husband had gone into Alexandria, and was reported to be conducting himself worse than ever, she - that she might not, by continuing in matrimonial connection with him, and by sharing his table and his bed, become a partaker also in his wickednesses and impieties - gave him what you call a bill of divorce, and was separated from him. But this noble husband of hers - while he ought to have been rejoicing that those actions which formerly she unhesitatingly committed with the servants and hirelings, when she delighted in drunkenness and every vice, she had now given up, and desired that he too should give up the same - when she had gone from him without his desire, brought an accusation against her, affirming that she was a Christian. And she presented a paper to you, the Emperor, a very bold apostrophe, like that of Huss to the Emperor Sigismund, which crimsoned his forehead with a blush of shame.]}-- requesting that first she be permitted to arrange her affairs, and afterwards to make her defense against the accusation, when her affairs were set in order. And this you granted. And her quondam husband, since he was now no longer able to prosecute her, directed his assaults against a man, Ptolem us, whom Urbicus punished, and who had been her teacher in the Christian doctrines. And this he did in the following way. He persuaded a centurion - who had cast Ptolem us into prison, and who was friendly to himself - to take Ptolem us and interrogate him on this sole point: whether he were a Christian? And Ptolem us, being a lover of truth, and not of a deceitful or false disposition, when he confessed himself to be a Christian, was bound by the centurion, and for a long time punished in the prison And, at last, when the man came to Urbicus, he was asked this one question only: whether he was a Christian? And again, being conscious of his duty, and the nobility of it through the teaching of Christ, he confessed his discipleship in the divine virtue. For he who denies anything either denies it because he condemns the thing itself, or he shrinks from confession because he is conscious of his own unworthiness or alienation from it, neither of which cases is that of the true Christian. And when Urbicus ordered him to be led away to punishment, one Lucius, who was also himself a Christian, seeing the unreasonable judgment that had thus been given, said to Urbicus: What is the ground of this judgment? Why have you punished this man, not as an adulterer, nor fornicator, nor murderer, nor thief, nor robber, nor convicted of any crime at all, but who has only confessed that he is called by the name of Christian? This judgment of yours, O Urbicus, does not become the Emperor Pius, nor the philosopher, the son of C sar, nor the sacred senate. And he said nothing else in answer to Lucius than this: You also seem to me to be such an one. And when Lucius answered, Most certainly I am, he again ordered him also to be led away. And he professed his thanks, knowing that he was delivered from such wicked rulers, and was going to the Father and King of the heavens. And still a third having come forward, was condemned to be punished.

24. Justin, First Apology, 260 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 390

25. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 6.31.8, 8.6, 10.96-10.97 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 89, 185, 409

8.6. To Montanus: You must by this time be aware from my last letter that I just lately noticed the monument erected to Pallas, which bore the following inscription:- "To him, because of his loyal services to his patrons, the senate decreed the honourable distinctions of praetorian rank together with five million sesterces, but he was content to lake the distinctions alone." Subsequently I thought it worthwhile to look up the actual terms of the decree, and I found it couched in such exaggerated and fulsome language as to make even that pompous inscription on the monument look modest and humble by comparison. I won't speak of the ancient worthies, like the Scipios with their titles of Africanus, Achaicus and Numantinus; but if those who lived nearer our times, to go no farther back, like Marius, Sulla and Pompeius, were rolled into one, their eulogies would still fall short of those showered upon Pallas. Well, then, am I to consider that those who decreed these extravagant praises were merely gratifying his vanity or were acting like abject slaves? I should say the former if such a spirit were becoming to a senate, and the latter but that no one is such an abject slave as to stoop to such servilities. Are we to ascribe it then to a desire to curry favour with Pallas, or to an insane passion to get on in the world? But who is so utterly mad as to wish to get on in the world at the price of his own shame and the disgrace of his country, especially when living in a state where the only advantage of holding the most honourable position was that the holder had the privilege of taking precedence in the senate in singing the praises of Pallas? I say nothing of the fact of praetorian distinctions being offered to such a slave, for they were slaves who offered them; I say nothing of their desire that he should not only be urged, but even compelled, to wear the golden rings, for if a man of praetorian rank wore iron ones he would be lowering the dignity of the senate. These are trifling details which call for no remark, but what does demand notice is the fact that it was in the name of Pallas - and the senate-house has never yet been purged of the disgrace - it was in the name of Pallas, I repeat, that the senate returned thanks to Caesar for having made honourable mention to them of Pallas, and for having given them an opportunity of testifying to the good will they bore him. 8.6. To Montanus. You must by this time be aware from my last letter that I just lately noticed the monument erected to Pallas, which bore the following inscription Well, then, am I to consider that those who decreed these extravagant praises were merely gratifying his vanity or were acting like abject slaves ? I should say the former if such a spirit were becoming to a senate, and the latter but that no one is such an abject slave as to stoop to such servilities. Are we to ascribe it then to a desire to curry favour with Pallas, or to an insane passion to get on in the world? But who is so utterly mad as to wish to get on in the world at the price of his own shame and the disgrace of his country, especially when l 10.96. To Trajan: It is my custom, Sir, to refer to you in all cases where I do not feel sure, for who can better direct my doubts or inform my ignorance? I have never been present at any legal examination of the Christians, and I do not know, therefore, what are the usual penalties passed upon them, or the limits of those penalties, or how searching an inquiry should be made. I have hesitated a great deal in considering whether any distinctions should be drawn according to the ages of the accused; whether the weak should be punished as severely as the more robust; whether if they renounce their faith they should be pardoned, or whether the man who has once been a Christian should gain nothing by recanting; whether the name itself, even though otherwise innocent of crime, should be punished, or only the crimes that gather round it. 10.96. In the meantime, this is the plan which I have adopted in the case of those Christians who have been brought before me. I ask them whether they are Christians; if they say yes, then I repeat the question a second and a third time, warning them of the penalties it entails, and if they still persist, I order them to be taken away to prison. For I do not doubt that, whatever the character of the crime may be which they confess, their pertinacity and inflexible obstinacy certainly ought to be punished. There were others who showed similar mad folly whom I reserved to be sent to Rome, as they were Roman citizens. Subsequently, as is usually the way, the very fact of my taking up this question led to a great increase of accusations, and a variety of cases were brought before me. A pamphlet was issued anonymously, containing the names of a number of people. Those who denied that they were or had been Christians and called upon the gods in the usual formula, reciting the words after me, those who offered incense and wine before your image, which I had given orders to be brought forward for this purpose, together with the statues of the deities - all such I considered should be discharged, especially as they cursed the name of Christ, which, it is said, those who are really Christians cannot be induced to do. Others, whose names were given me by an informer, first said that they were Christians and afterwards denied it, declaring that they had been but were so no longer, some of them having recanted many years before, and more than one so long as twenty years back. They all worshipped your image and the statues of the deities, and cursed the name of Christ. But they declared that the sum of their guilt or their error only amounted to this, that on a stated day they had been accustomed to meet before daybreak and to recite a hymn among themselves to Christ, as though he were a god, and that so far from binding themselves by oath to commit any crime, their oath was to abstain from theft, robbery, adultery, and from breach of faith, and not to deny trust money placed in their keeping when called upon to deliver it. When this ceremony was concluded, it had been their custom to depart and meet again to take food, but it was of no special character and quite harmless, and they had ceased this practice after the edict in which, in accordance with your orders, I had forbidden all secret societies. † I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what truth there was in these statements by submitting two women, who were called deaconesses, to the torture, but I found nothing but a debased superstition carried to great lengths. So I postponed my examination, and immediately consulted you. The matter seems to me worthy of your consideration, especially as there are so many people involved in the danger. Many persons of all ages, and of both sexes alike, are being brought into peril of their lives by their accusers, and the process will go on. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through the free cities, but into the villages and the rural districts, and yet it seems to me that it can be checked and set right. It is beyond doubt that the temples, which have been almost deserted, are beginning again to be thronged with worshippers, that the sacred rites which have for a long time been allowed to lapse are now being renewed, and that the food for the sacrificial victims is once more finding a sale, whereas, up to recently, a buyer was hardly to be found. From this it is easy to infer what vast numbers of people might be reclaimed, if only they were given an opportunity of repentance. 10.97. Trajan to Pliny: You have adopted the proper course, my dear Pliny, in examining into the cases of those who have been denounced to you as Christians, for no hard and fast rule can be laid down to meet a question of such wide extent. The Christians are not to be hunted out ; if they are brought before you and the offence is proved, they are to be punished, but with this reservation - that if any one denies that he is a Christian and makes it clear that he is not, by offering prayers to our deities, then he is to be pardoned because of his recantation, however suspicious his past conduct may have been. But pamphlets published anonymously must not carry any weight whatever, no matter what the charge may be, for they are not only a precedent of the very worst type, but they are not in consoce with the spirit of our age.

26. Tertullian, To Scapula, 4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 333, 337

4. We who are without fear ourselves are not seeking to frighten you, but we would save all men if possible by warning them not to fight with God. You may perform the duties of your charge, and yet remember the claims of humanity; if on no other ground than that you are liable to punishment yourself, (you ought to do so). For is not your commission simply to condemn those who confess their guilt, and to give over to the torture those who deny? You see, then, how you trespass yourselves against your instructions to wring from the confessing a denial. It is, in fact, an acknowledgment of our innocence that you refuse to condemn us at once when we confess. In doing your utmost to extirpate us, if that is your object, it is innocence you assail. But how many rulers, men more resolute and more cruel than you are, have contrived to get quit of such causes altogether - as Cincius Severus, who himself suggested the remedy at Thysdris, pointing out how the Christians should answer that they might secure an acquittal; as Vespronius Candidus, who dismissed from his bar a Christian, on the ground that to satisfy his fellow citizens would break the peace of the community; as Asper, who, in the case of a man who gave up his faith under slight infliction of the torture, did not compel the offering of sacrifice, having owned before, among the advocates and assessors of court, that he was annoyed at having had to meddle with such a case. Pudens, too, at once dismissed a Christian who was brought before him, perceiving from the indictment that it was a case of vexatious accusation; tearing the document in pieces, he refused so much as to hear him without the presence of his accuser, as not being consistent with the imperial commands. All this might be officially brought under your notice, and by the very advocates, who are themselves also under obligations to us, although in court they give their voice as it suits them. The clerk of one of them who was liable to be thrown upon the ground by an evil spirit, was set free from his affliction; as was also the relative of another, and the little boy of a third. How many men of rank (to say nothing of common people) have been delivered from devils, and healed of diseases! Even Severus himself, the father of Antonine, was graciously mindful of the Christians; for he sought out the Christian Proculus, surnamed Torpacion, the steward of Euhodias, and in gratitude for his having once cured him by anointing, he kept him in his palace till the day of his death. Antonine, too, brought up as he was on Christian milk, was intimately acquainted with this man. Both women and men of highest rank, whom Severus knew well to be Christians, were not merely permitted by him to remain uninjured; but he even bore distinguished testimony in their favour, and gave them publicly back to us from the hands of a raging populace. Marcus Aurelius also, in his expedition to Germany, by the prayers his Christian soldiers offered to God, got rain in that well-known thirst. When, indeed, have not droughts been put away by our kneelings and our fastings? At times like these, moreover, the people crying to the God of gods, the alone Omnipotent, under the name of Jupiter, have borne witness to our God. Then we never deny the deposit placed in our hands; we never pollute the marriage bed; we deal faithfully with our wards; we give aid to the needy; we render to none evil for evil. As for those who falsely pretend to belong to us, and whom we, too, repudiate, let them answer for themselves. In a word, who has complaint to make against us on other grounds? To what else does the Christian devote himself, save the affairs of his own community, which during all the long period of its existence no one has ever proved guilty of the incest or the cruelty charged against it? It is for freedom from crime so singular, for a probity so great, for righteousness, for purity, for faithfulness, for truth, for the living God, that we are consigned to the flames; for this is a punishment you are not wont to inflict either on the sacrilegious, or on undoubted public enemies, or on the treason-tainted, of whom you have so many. Nay, even now our people are enduring persecution from the governors of Legio and Mauritania; but it is only with the sword, as from the first it was ordained that we should suffer. But the greater our conflicts, the greater our rewards.

27. Tertullian, Apology, 16.6-16.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 338

16.7. 16.8. veneratur, signa iurat, signa omnibus deis praeponit. Omnes illi imaginum suggestus in signis monilia crucum sunt; siphara illa vexillorum et cantabrorum stolae crucum sunt. Laudo diligentiam. Noluistis incultas et nudas cruces consecrare.

28. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 9.5-9.7, 10.18.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 189, 332

9.5. The lover in the jar Labouring away in poverty, this leanest of fellows made a living by doing jobbing work for little pay. He had a wife as lean as himself, but rumoured to be the ultimate in lasciviousness. One day after had left in the early morning to go to his current job, a bold adulterer slipped secretly into the house, but while the two were happily striving away at Venus' sport, the husband suddenly came home. Not expecting, in his ignorance, anything of the sort, and finding the doors locked and bolted, he praised his wife's virtue in his thoughts, and knocked on the door, announcing his presence with a whistle. Now the wife, astute and cunning in all those kinds of games, pushed her lover from their close embrace, and hid him from view in an empty storage-jar, half-buried in an angle of the room. Then she flung the door wide, and as her husband entered, assailed him with a furious tirade. 'What are you doing ambling around hands in pockets, with that vacant idle look? Is this the way you win us a living, and put food on the table, absenting yourself from work? Here I sit in this miserable home of ours, wearing my fingers to the bone spinning wool night and day, so we can at least keep oil in the lamp. How much happier than I my neighbour Daphne is, she spends her days eating and drinking, and dallying with her lovers.' The husband was astounded. 'What's all this about? The boss is involved in a lawsuit, and gave us the day off, but I've still taken care of supper. You see how much space that storage-jar takes up, that's always empty, and serves no purpose except to cramp our living space? Well I've sold it to someone for five denarii, and he's on his way to collect it and pay, so while we're waiting tuck up your skirt and lend me a hand to dig it up, then the purchaser can take it straight away.' A born deceiver, the wife gave a bold laugh, and said: 'What a brilliant husband I've got, a masterly negotiator! I, a mere woman, without stepping outside, just sold for seven denarii something he's offloaded for less!' Pleased with the higher price, the husband asked: 'Who would pay that for it?' 'Quiet, you fool,' she cried, 'he's there, he's climbed down into the jar to see whether it's quite sound!' Now the lover took his cue from the wife's words, and swiftly emerged. 'To tell you the truth, madam,' he cried, 'this jar of yours is pretty old and badly cracked in a host of places.' Then he turned to the husband pretending not to know who he was: 'You then, my man, whoever you are, look sharp and hand me the light, so I can scrape off a layer of dirt, and see if it's fit for use, unless you think money grows on trees!' Without a moment's delay, and suspecting nothing, that fine genius of a husband, lit the lamp and saying: 'Step aside, mate, you take a rest while I clean it up to show you!' he took off his shirt, lowered the lamp inside, and began to hack at the solid crust inside the ancient receptacle. At once the adulterer, fine lad that he was, bent the man's wife face-down over the jar, and toyed with her at his ease, while she, the cunning little whore, poked her head right into the jar and made a fool of her husband, pointing her finger at places to clean, here, there, and elsewhere, again and again till, with both jobs now complete, she'd pocketed the seven denarii, and the poor husband, hoisting the jar on his back, had to carry it off to her lover's lodgings.

29. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 43.24.2, 58.22.2, 72.22.4, 73.4.7, 77.11.2-77.11.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 176, 188, 336, 337

73.4.7. and she saw them also perish by violence. The tradition is that she greatly favoured the Christians and rendered them many kindnesses, inasmuch as she could do anything with Commodus.

30. Hermas, Visions, 1.1.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 333

31. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 2.25.5, 3.28, 3.31, 4.22-4.25, 5.15, 5.20, 5.28, 6.18.1, 6.20.3, 6.23.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 89, 313, 338, 390

2.25.5. Thus publicly announcing himself as the first among God's chief enemies, he was led on to the slaughter of the apostles. It is, therefore, recorded that Paul was beheaded in Rome itself, and that Peter likewise was crucified under Nero. This account of Peter and Paul is substantiated by the fact that their names are preserved in the cemeteries of that place even to the present day. 3.28. We have understood that at this time Cerinthus, the author of another heresy, made his appearance. Caius, whose words we quoted above, in the Disputation which is ascribed to him, writes as follows concerning this man:,But Cerinthus also, by means of revelations which he pretends were written by a great apostle, brings before us marvelous things which he falsely claims were shown him by angels; and he says that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ will be set up on earth, and that the flesh dwelling in Jerusalem will again be subject to desires and pleasures. And being an enemy of the Scriptures of God, he asserts, with the purpose of deceiving men, that there is to be a period of a thousand years for marriage festivals.,And Dionysius, who was bishop of the parish of Alexandria in our day, in the second book of his work On the Promises, where he says some things concerning the Apocalypse of John which he draws from tradition, mentions this same man in the following words:,But (they say that) Cerinthus, who founded the sect which was called, after him, the Cerinthian, desiring reputable authority for his fiction, prefixed the name. For the doctrine which he taught was this: that the kingdom of Christ will be an earthly one.,And as he was himself devoted to the pleasures of the body and altogether sensual in his nature, he dreamed that that kingdom would consist in those things which he desired, namely, in the delights of the belly and of sexual passion, that is to say, in eating and drinking and marrying, and in festivals and sacrifices and the slaying of victims, under the guise of which he thought he could indulge his appetites with a better grace.,These are the words of Dionysius. But Irenaeus, in the first book of his work Against Heresies, gives some more abominable false doctrines of the same man, and in the third book relates a story which deserves to be recorded. He says, on the authority of Polycarp, that the apostle John once entered a bath to bathe; but, learning that Cerinthus was within, he sprang from the place and rushed out of the door, for he could not bear to remain under the same roof with him. And he advised those that were with him to do the same, saying, Let us flee, lest the bath fall; for Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth, is within. 3.31. The time and the manner of the death of Paul and Peter as well as their burial places, have been already shown by us.,The time of John's death has also been given in a general way, but his burial place is indicated by an epistle of Polycrates (who was bishop of the parish of Ephesus), addressed to Victor, bishop of Rome. In this epistle he mentions him together with the apostle Philip and his daughters in the following words:,For in Asia also great lights have fallen asleep, which shall rise again on the last day, at the coming of the Lord, when he shall come with glory from heaven and shall seek out all the saints. Among these are Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who sleeps in Hierapolis, and his two aged virgin daughters, and another daughter who lived in the Holy Spirit and now rests at Ephesus; and moreover John, who was both a witness and a teacher, who reclined upon the bosom of the Lord, and being a priest wore the sacerdotal plate. He also sleeps at Ephesus.,So much concerning their death. And in the Dialogue of Caius which we mentioned a little above, Proclus, against whom he directed his disputation, in agreement with what has been quoted, speaks thus concerning the death of Philip and his daughters: After him there were four prophetesses, the daughters of Philip, at Hierapolis in Asia. Their tomb is there and the tomb of their father. Such is his statement.,But Luke, in the Acts of the Apostles, mentions the daughters of Philip who were at that time at Caesarea in Judea with their father, and were honored with the gift of prophecy. His words are as follows: We came unto Caesarea; and entering into the house of Philip the evangelist, who was one of the seven, we abode with him. Now this man had four daughters, virgins, which did prophesy.,We have thus set forth in these pages what has come to our knowledge concerning the apostles themselves and the apostolic age, and concerning the sacred writings which they have left us, as well as concerning those which are disputed, but nevertheless have been publicly used by many in a great number of churches, and moreover, concerning those that are altogether rejected and are out of harmony with apostolic orthodoxy. Having done this, let us now proceed with our history. 4.22. Hegesippus in the five books of Memoirs which have come down to us has left a most complete record of his own views. In them he states that on a journey to Rome he met a great many bishops, and that he received the same doctrine from all. It is fitting to hear what he says after making some remarks about the epistle of Clement to the Corinthians.,His words are as follows: And the church of Corinth continued in the true faith until Primus was bishop in Corinth. I conversed with them on my way to Rome, and abode with the Corinthians many days, during which we were mutually refreshed in the true doctrine.,And when I had come to Rome I remained there until Anicetus, whose deacon was Eleutherus. And Anicetus was succeeded by Soter, and he by Eleutherus. In every succession, and in every city that is held which is preached by the law and the prophets and the Lord.,The same author also describes the beginnings of the heresies which arose in his time, in the following words: And after James the Just had suffered martyrdom, as the Lord had also on the same account, Symeon, the son of the Lord's uncle, Clopas, was appointed the next bishop. All proposed him as second bishop because he was a cousin of the Lord.Therefore, they called the Church a virgin, for it was not yet corrupted by vain discourses.,But Thebuthis, because he was not made bishop, began to corrupt it. He also was sprung from the seven sects among the people, like Simon, from whom came the Simonians, and Cleobius, from whom came the Cleobians, and Dositheus, from whom came the Dositheans, and Gorthaeus, from whom came the Goratheni, and Masbotheus, from whom came the Masbothaeans. From them sprang the Medrianists, and Marcionists, and Carpocratians, and Valentinians, and Basilidians, and Saturnilians. Each introduced privately and separately his own peculiar opinion. From them came false Christs, false prophets, false apostles, who divided the unity of the Church by corrupt doctrines uttered against God and against his Christ.,The same writer also records the ancient heresies which arose among the Jews, in the following words: There were, moreover, various opinions in the circumcision, among the children of Israel. The following were those that were opposed to the tribe of Judah and the Christ: Essenes, Galileans, Hemerobaptists, Masbothaeans, Samaritans, Sadducees, Pharisees.,And he wrote of many other matters, which we have in part already mentioned, introducing the accounts in their appropriate places. And from the Syriac Gospel according to the Hebrews he quotes some passages in the Hebrew tongue, showing that he was a convert from the Hebrews, and he mentions other matters as taken from the unwritten tradition of the Jews.,And not only he, but also Irenaeus and the whole company of the ancients, called the Proverbs of Solomon All-virtuous Wisdom. And when speaking of the books called Apocrypha, he records that some of them were composed in his day by certain heretics. But let us now pass on to another. 4.23. And first we must speak of Dionysius, who was appointed bishop of the church in Corinth, and communicated freely of his inspired labors not only to his own people, but also to those in foreign lands, and rendered the greatest service to all in the catholic epistles which he wrote to the churches.,Among these is the one addressed to the Lacedaemonians, containing instruction in the orthodox faith and an admonition to peace and unity; the one also addressed to the Athenians, exciting them to faith and to the life prescribed by the Gospel, which he accuses them of esteeming lightly, as if they had almost apostatized from the faith since the martyrdom of their ruler Publius, which had taken place during the persecutions of those days.,He mentions Quadratus also, stating that he was appointed their bishop after the martyrdom of Publius, and testifying that through his zeal they were brought together again and their faith revived. He records, moreover, that Dionysius the Areopagite, who was converted to the faith by the apostle Paul, according to the statement in the Acts of the Apostles, first obtained the episcopate of the church at Athens.,And there is extant another epistle of his addressed to the Nicomedians, in which he attacks the heresy of Marcion, and stands fast by the canon of the truth.,Writing also to the church that is in Gortyna, together with the other parishes in Crete, he commends their bishop Philip, because of the many acts of fortitude which are testified to as performed by the church under him, and he warns them to be on their guard against the aberrations of the heretics.,And writing to the church that is in Amastris, together with those in Pontus, he refers to Bacchylides and Elpistus, as having urged him to write, and he adds explanations of passages of the divine Scriptures, and mentions their bishop Palmas by name. He gives them much advice also in regard to marriage and chastity, and commands them to receive those who come back again after any fall, whether it be delinquency or heresy.,Among these is inserted also another epistle addressed to the Cnosians, in which he exhorts Pinytus, bishop of the parish, not to lay upon the brethren a grievous and compulsory burden in regard to chastity, but to have regard to the weakness of the multitude.,Pinytus, replying to this epistle, admires and commends Dionysius, but exhorts him in turn to impart some time more solid food, and to feed the people under him, when he wrote again, with more advanced teaching, that they might not be fed continually on these milky doctrines and imperceptibly grow old under a training calculated for children. In this epistle also Pinytus' orthodoxy in the faith and his care for the welfare of those placed under him, his learning and his comprehension of divine things, are revealed as in a most perfect image.,There is extant also another epistle written by Dionysius to the Romans, and addressed to Soter, who was bishop at that time. We cannot do better than to subjoin some passages from this epistle, in which he commends the practice of the Romans which has been retained down to the persecution in our own days. His words are as follows:,For from the beginning it has been your practice to do good to all the brethren in various ways, and to send contributions to many churches in every city. Thus relieving the want of the needy, and making provision for the brethren in the mines by the gifts which you have sent from the beginning, you Romans keep up the hereditary customs of the Romans, which your blessed bishop Soter has not only maintained, but also added to, furnishing an abundance of supplies to the saints, and encouraging the brethren from abroad with blessed words, as a loving father his children.,In this same epistle he makes mention also of Clement's epistle to the Corinthians, showing that it had been the custom from the beginning to read it in the church. His words are as follows: Today we have passed the Lord's holy day, in which we have read your epistle. From it, whenever we read it, we shall always be able to draw advice, as also from the former epistle, which was written to us through Clement.,The same writer also speaks as follows concerning his own epistles, alleging that they had been mutilated: As the brethren desired me to write epistles, I wrote. And these epistles the apostles of the devil have filled with tares, cutting out some things and adding others. For them a woe is reserved. It is, therefore, not to be wondered at if some have attempted to adulterate the Lord's writings also, since they have formed designs even against writings which are of less account.There is extant, in addition to these, another epistle of Dionysius, written to Chrysophora, a most faithful sister. In it he writes what is suitable, and imparts to her also the proper spiritual food. So much concerning Dionysius. 4.24. of Theophilus, whom we have mentioned as bishop of the church of Antioch, three elementary works addressed to Autolycus are extant; also another writing entitled Against the Heresy of Hermogenes, in which he makes use of testimonies from the Apocalypse of John, and finally certain other catechetical books.,And as the heretics, no less then than at other times, were like tares, destroying the pure harvest of apostolic teaching, the pastors of the churches everywhere hastened to restrain them as wild beasts from the fold of Christ, at one time by admonitions and exhortations to the brethren, at another time by contending more openly against them in oral discussions and refutations, and again by correcting their opinions with most accurate proofs in written works.,And that Theophilus also, with the others, contended against them, is manifest from a certain discourse of no common merit written by him against Marcion. This work too, with the others of which we have spoken, has been preserved to the present day.Maximinus, the seventh from the apostles, succeeded him as bishop of the church of Antioch. 4.25. Philip who, as we learn from the words of Dionysius, was bishop of the parish of Gortyna, likewise wrote a most elaborate work against Marcion, as did also Irenaeus and Modestus. The last named has exposed the error of the man more clearly than the rest to the view of all. There are a number of others also whose works are still presented by a great many of the brethren. 5.15. Others, of whom Florinus was chief, flourished at Rome. He fell from the presbyterate of the Church, and Blastus was involved in a similar fall. They also drew away many of the Church to their opinion, each striving to introduce his own innovations in respect to the truth. 5.20. Irenaeus wrote several letters against those who were disturbing the sound ordice of the Church at Rome. One of them was to Blastus On Schism; another to Florinus On Monarchy, or That God is not the Author of Evil. For Florinus seemed to be defending this opinion. And because he was being drawn away by the error of Valentinus, Irenaeus wrote his work On the Ogdoad, in which he shows that he himself had been acquainted with the first successors of the apostles.,At the close of the treatise we have found a most beautiful note which we are constrained to insert in this work. It runs as follows:I adjure you who may copy this book, by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious advent when he comes to judge the living and the dead, to compare what you shall write, and correct it carefully by this manuscript, and also to write this adjuration, and place it in the copy.,These things may be profitably read in his work, and related by us, that we may have those ancient and truly holy men as the best example of painstaking carefulness.,In the letter to Florinus, of which we have spoken, Irenaeus mentions again his intimacy with Polycarp, saying:These doctrines, O Florinus, to speak mildly, are not of sound judgment. These doctrines disagree with the Church, and drive into the greatest impiety those who accept them. These doctrines, not even the heretics outside of the Church, have ever dared to publish. These doctrines, the presbyters who were before us, and who were companions of the apostles, did not deliver to you.,For when I was a boy, I saw you in lower Asia with Polycarp, moving in splendor in the royal court, and endeavoring to gain his approbation.,I remember the events of that time more clearly than those of recent years. For what boys learn, growing with their mind, becomes joined with it; so that I am able to describe the very place in which the blessed Polycarp sat as he discoursed, and his goings out and his comings in, and the manner of his life, and his physical appearance, and his discourses to the people, and the accounts which he gave of his intercourse with John and with the others who had seen the Lord. And as he remembered their words, and what he heard from them concerning the Lord, and concerning his miracles and his teaching, having received them from eyewitnesses of the 'Word of life,' Polycarp related all things in harmony with the Scriptures.,These things being told me by the mercy of God, I listened to them attentively, noting them down, not on paper, but in my heart. And continually, through God's grace, I recall them faithfully. And I am able to bear witness before God that if that blessed and apostolic presbyter had heard any such thing, he would have cried out, and stopped his ears, and as was his custom, would have exclaimed, O good God, unto what times have you spared me that I should endure these things? And he would have fled from the place where, sitting or standing, he had heard such words.,And this can be shown plainly from the letters which he sent, either to the neighboring churches for their confirmation, or to some of the brethren, admonishing and exhorting them. Thus far Irenaeus. 6.18.1. About this time Ambrose, who held the heresy of Valentinus, was convinced by Origen's presentation of the truth, and, as if his mind were illumined by light, he accepted the orthodox doctrine of the Church. 6.20.3. There has reached us also a dialogue of Caius, a very learned man, which was held at Rome under Zephyrinus, with Proclus, who contended for the Phrygian heresy. In this he curbs the rashness and boldness of his opponents in setting forth new Scriptures. He mentions only thirteen epistles of the holy apostle, not counting that to the Hebrews with the others. And unto our day there are some among the Romans who do not consider this a work of the apostle. 6.23.2. For he dictated to more than seven amanuenses, who relieved each other at appointed times. And he employed no fewer copyists, besides girls who were skilled in elegant writing. For all these Ambrose furnished the necessary expense in abundance, manifesting himself an inexpressible earnestness in diligence and zeal for the divine oracles, by which he especially pressed him on to the preparation of his commentaries.

32. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Claud., 14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 188

33. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Carus, 1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 337

34. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 18.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 335

35. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 4.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 337

36. Epiphanius, Panarion, 64.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 313

37. Justinian, Digest, 48.19.8.12 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 335

38. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, 2256, 2258, 2807, 2922, 3337, 90, 2257 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 339

39. Pseudo-Tertullian, Adv. Valentinus, 5 Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 338, 390

40. Epigraphy, Cig, 2819, 2839, 3348 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 180

41. Epigraphy, Cij, 1, 12, 137, 251-252, 374, 457, 459, 511, 96, 173 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 178

43. Herodian, Similitudes, 212 Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 336

45. Historia Augusta, Geta, 3.1 Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 337

46. Minucius Felix, Epigrams, 28.7-28.9, 34.10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 331, 338

47. Papyri, Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, 13584 Tagged with subjects: •imperial freedpersons Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 176

48. Epigraphy, Cil, 2.2255, 6.27948, 1.2688, 1.1862, 6.1884, 6.1304, 6.8498, 1.1418, 1.1405, 1.1336, 1.1263, 1.1256, 5.7462, 14.1877, 6.1808, 6.9077, 14.1728, 6.8987, 6.9057, 14.734, 14.415, 6.9835, 6.983, 14.1286, 10.2523, 12.3398, 10.2857, 6.9005, 9.512, 6.9053, 6.37764, 11.3612, 10.8043, 15.6474, 6.5183, 6.9053a, 14.2008a Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe, Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus (2003) 331

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database