| 1. Xenophon, Agesilaus, 5.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 |
2. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 191-192, 190 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 238| 190. ἔπειτα πολιός εἰμι καὶ πώγων' ἔχω, | |
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3. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.6.25, 1.9.21, 8.2, 8.7, 8.7.14-8.7.24 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 206| 1.6.25. καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων δέ, ἢν μὲν ἐν θέρει ὦσι, τὸν ἄρχοντα δεῖ τοῦ ἡλίου πλεονεκτοῦντα φανερὸν εἶναι· ἢν δὲ ἐν χειμῶνι, τοῦ ψύχους· ἢν δὲ διὰ μόχθων, τῶν πόνων· πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα εἰς τὸ φιλεῖσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχομένων συλλαμβάνει. λέγεις σύ, ἔφη, ὦ πάτερ, ὡς καὶ καρτερώτερον δεῖ πρὸς πάντα τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν ἀρχομένων εἶναι. λέγω γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη. θάρρει μέντοι τοῦτο, ὦ παῖ· εὖ γὰρ ἴσθι ὅτι τῶν ὁμοίων σωμάτων οἱ αὐτοὶ πόνοι οὐχ ὁμοίως ἅπτονται ἄρχοντός τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ ἰδιώτου, ἀλλʼ ἐπικουφίζει τι ἡ τιμὴ τοὺς πόνους τῷ ἄρχοντι καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἰδέναι ὅτι οὐ λανθάνει ὅ τι ἂν ποιῇ. 8.7.14. εἰ οὖν καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς πειράσῃ συμφύλακας τῆς βασιλείας ποιεῖσθαι μηδαμόθεν πρότερον ἄρχου ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὁμόθεν γενομένου. καὶ πολῖταί τοι ἄνθρωποι ἀλλοδαπῶν οἰκειότεροι καὶ σύσσιτοι ἀποσκήνων· οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ σπέρματος φύντες καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς μητρὸς τραφέντες καὶ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐξηθέντες καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν γονέων ἀγαπώμενοι καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν μητέρα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν πατέρα προσαγορεύοντες, πῶς οὐ πάντων οὗτοι οἰκειότατοι; 8.7.15. μὴ οὖν ἃ οἱ θεοὶ ὑφήγηνται ἀγαθὰ εἰς οἰκειότητα ἀδελφοῖς μάταιά ποτε ποιήσητε, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ ταῦτα εὐθὺς οἰκοδομεῖτε ἄλλα φιλικὰ ἔργα· καὶ οὕτως ἀεὶ ἀνυπέρβλητος ἄλλοις ἔσται ἡ ὑμετέρα φιλία. ἑαυτοῦ τοι κήδεται ὁ προνοῶν ἀδελφοῦ· τίνι γὰρ ἄλλῳ ἀδελφὸς μέγας ὢν οὕτω καλὸν ὡς ἀδελφῷ; τίς δʼ ἄλλος τιμήσεται διʼ ἄνδρα μέγα δυνάμενον οὕτως ὡς ἀδελφός; τίνα δὲ φοβήσεταί τις ἀδικεῖν ἀδελφοῦ μεγάλου ὄντος οὕτως ὡς τὸν ἀδελφόν; 8.7.16. μήτε οὖν θᾶττον μηδεὶς σοῦ τούτῳ ὑπακουέτω μήτε προθυμότερον παρέστω· οὐδενὶ γὰρ οἰκειότερα τὰ τούτου οὔτε ἀγαθὰ οὔτε δεινὰ ἢ σοί. ἐννόει δὲ καὶ τάδε· τίνι χαρισάμενος ἐλπίσαις ἂν μειζόνων τυχεῖν ἢ τούτῳ; τίνι δʼ ἂν βοηθήσας ἰσχυρότερον σύμμαχον ἀντιλάβοις; τίνα δʼ αἴσχιον μὴ φιλεῖν ἢ τὸν ἀδελφόν; τίνα δὲ ἁπάντων κάλλιον προτιμᾶν ἢ τὸν ἀδελφόν; μόνου τοι, ὦ Καμβύση, πρωτεύοντος ἀδελφοῦ παρʼ ἀδελφῷ οὐδὲ φθόνος παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐφικνεῖται. 8.7.17. ἀλλὰ πρὸς θεῶν πατρῴων, ὦ παῖδες, τιμᾶτε ἀλλήλους, εἴ τι καὶ τοῦ ἐμοὶ χαρίζεσθαι μέλει ὑμῖν· οὐ γὰρ δήπου τοῦτό γε σαφῶς δοκεῖτε εἰδέναι ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι ἐγὼ ἔσομαι, ἐπειδὰν τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου βίου τελευτήσω· οὐδὲ γὰρ νῦν τοι τήν γʼ ἐμὴν ψυχὴν ἑωρᾶτε, ἀλλʼ οἷς διεπράττετο, τούτοις αὐτὴν ὡς οὖσαν κατεφωρᾶτε. 8.7.18. τὰς δὲ τῶν ἄδικα παθόντων ψυχὰς οὔπω κατενοήσατε οἵους μὲν φόβους τοῖς μιαιφόνοις ἐμβάλλουσιν, οἵους δὲ παλαμναίους τοῖς ἀνοσίοις ἐπιπέμπουσι; τοῖς δὲ φθιμένοις τὰς τιμὰς διαμένειν ἔτι ἂν δοκεῖτε, εἰ μηδενὸς αὐτῶν αἱ ψυχαὶ κύριαι ἦσαν; 8.7.19. οὔτοι ἔγωγε, ὦ παῖδες, οὐδὲ τοῦτο πώποτε ἐπείσθην ὡς ἡ ψυχὴ ἕως μὲν ἂν ἐν θνητῷ σώματι ᾖ, ζῇ, ὅταν δὲ τούτου ἀπαλλαγῇ, τέθνηκεν· ὁρῶ γὰρ ὅτι καὶ τὰ θνητὰ σώματα ὅσον ἂν ἐν αὐτοῖς χρόνον ᾖ ἡ ψυχή, ζῶντα παρέχεται. 8.7.20. οὐδέ γε ὅπως ἄφρων ἔσται ἡ ψυχή, ἐπειδὰν τοῦ ἄφρονος σώματος δίχα γένηται, οὐδὲ τοῦτο πέπεισμαι· ἀλλʼ ὅταν ἄκρατος καὶ καθαρὸς ὁ νοῦς ἐκκριθῇ, τότε καὶ φρονιμώτατον αὐτὸν εἰκὸς εἶναι. διαλυομένου δὲ ἀνθρώπου δῆλά ἐστιν ἕκαστα ἀπιόντα πρὸς τὸ ὁμόφυλον πλὴν τῆς ψυχῆς· αὕτη δὲ μόνη οὔτε παροῦσα οὔτε ἀπιοῦσα ὁρᾶται. 8.7.21. ἐννοήσατε δʼ, ἔφη, ὅτι ἐγγύτερον μὲν τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων θανάτῳ οὐδέν ἐστιν ὕπνου· ἡ δὲ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ψυχὴ τότε δήπου θειοτάτη καταφαίνεται καὶ τότε τι τῶν μελλόντων προορᾷ· 8.7.22. τότε γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, μάλιστα ἐλευθεροῦται. εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἔχει ταῦτα ὥσπερ ἐγὼ οἴομαι καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καταλείπει τὸ σῶμα, καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχὴν καταιδούμενοι ποιεῖτε ἃ ἐγὼ δέομαι· εἰ δὲ μὴ οὕτως, ἀλλὰ μένουσα ἡ ψυχὴ ἐν τῷ σώματι συναποθνῄσκει, ἀλλὰ θεούς γε τοὺς ἀεὶ ὄντας καὶ πάντʼ ἐφορῶντας καὶ πάντα δυναμένους, οἳ καὶ τήνδε τὴν τῶν ὅλων τάξιν συνέχουσιν ἀτριβῆ καὶ ἀγήρατον καὶ ἀναμάρτητον καὶ ὑπὸ κάλλους καὶ μεγέθους ἀδιήγητον, τούτους φοβούμενοι μήποτʼ ἀσεβὲς μηδὲν μηδὲ ἀνόσιον μήτε ποιήσητε μήτε βουλεύσητε. 8.7.23. μετὰ μέντοι θεοὺς καὶ ἀνθρώπων τὸ πᾶν γένος τὸ ἀεὶ ἐπιγιγνόμενον αἰδεῖσθε· οὐ γὰρ ἐν σκότῳ ὑμᾶς οἱ θεοὶ ἀποκρύπτονται, ἀλλʼ ἐμφανῆ πᾶσιν ἀνάγκη ἀεὶ ζῆν τὰ ὑμέτερα ἔργα· ἃ ἢν μὲν καθαρὰ καὶ ἔξω τῶν ἀδίκων φαίνηται, δυνατοὺς ὑμᾶς ἐν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἀναδείξει· εἰ δὲ εἰς ἀλλήλους ἄδικόν τι φρονήσετε, ἐκ πάντων ἀνθρώπων τὸ ἀξιόπιστοι εἶναι ἀποβαλεῖτε. οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἂν ἔτι πιστεῦσαι δύναιτο ὑμῖν, οὐδʼ εἰ πάνυ προθυμοῖτο, ἰδὼν ἀδικούμενον τὸν μάλιστα φιλίᾳ προσήκοντα. 8.7.24. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐγὼ ὑμᾶς ἱκανῶς διδάσκω οἵους χρὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλους εἶναι· εἰ δὲ μή, καὶ παρὰ τῶν προγεγενημένων μανθάνετε· αὕτη γὰρ ἀρίστη διδασκαλία. οἱ μὲν γὰρ πολλοὶ διαγεγένηνται φίλοι μὲν γονεῖς παισί, φίλοι δὲ ἀδελφοὶ ἀδελφοῖς· ἤδη δέ τινες τούτων καὶ ἐναντία ἀλλήλοις ἔπραξαν· ὁποτέροις ἂν οὖν αἰσθάνησθε τὰ πραχθέντα συνενεγκόντα, ταῦτα δὴ αἱρούμενοι ὀρθῶς ἂν βουλεύοισθε. | 1.6.25. You mean to say, father, said he, that in everything the general must show more endurance than his men. Yes said he, that is just what I mean; however, never fear for that, my son; for bear in mind that the same toils do not affect the general and the private in the same way, though they have the same sort of bodies; but the honour of the general’s position and the very consciousness that nothing he does escapes notice lighten the burdens for him. 8.2. In the first place, then, he showed at all times How Cyrus made himself popular as great kindness of heart as he could; for he believed that just as it is not easy to love those who seem to hate us, or to cherish good-will toward those who bear us ill-will, in the same way those who are known to love and to cherish good-will could not be hated by those who believe themselves loved. , , , , , Exactly the same thing holds true also in reference to the kitchen: in any establishment where one and the same man arranges the dining couches, lays the table, bakes the bread, prepares now one sort of dish and now another, he must necessarily have things go as they may; but where it is all one man can do to stew meats and another to roast them, for one man to boil fish and another to bake them, for another to make bread and not every sort at that, but where it suffices if he makes one kind that has a high reputation—everything that is prepared in such a kitchen will, I think, necessarily be worked out with superior excellence. , Accordingly, Cyrus far surpassed all others in Cyrus lavish in his gifts the art of making much of his friends by gifts of food. And how he far surpassed in every other way of courting favour, I will now explain. Though he far exceeded all other men in the amount of the revenues he received, yet he excelled still more in the quantity of presents he made. It was Cyrus, therefore, who began the practice of lavish giving, and among the kings it continues even to this day. , , , , , , That he, the richest man of all, should excel Cyrus excelled in generosity in the munificence of his presents is not surprising; but for him, the king, to exceed all others in thoughtful attention to his friends and in care for them, that is more remarkable; and it is said to have been no secret that there was nothing wherein he would have been so much ashamed of being outdone as in attention to his friends. , , And how much gold, pray, Cyrus is said to have asked, do you think I should have by this time, if I had been amassing it, as you propose, ever since I have been in power? , Croesus named some large sum. Well, then, Croesus, said Cyrus in reply, send along with Hystaspas here a man in whom you have most confidence. And you, Hystaspas, said he to him, go the round of my friends and tell them that I need money for a certain enterprise; for, in truth, I do need more. And bid them write down the amount they could each let me have, and affix their seals to each subscription, and give it to Croesus’s messenger to deliver here. , And when he had written down what he had said, he sealed the letter and gave it to Hystaspas to carry to his friends. And he included in it also a request that they all receive Hystaspas as his friend. And when he had made the round and Croesus’s messenger had brought in the subscriptions, Hystaspas said: King Cyrus, you should treat me also henceforth as a rich man; for, thanks to your letter, I have come back with a great number of presents. , Then Croesus is said to have added it up and to have found that there was many times as much subscribed as he had told Cyrus he should have in his treasury by this time, if he had been amassing it. , , , , , And let me tell you, Croesus, he continued, I do not consider those the happiest who have the most and keep guard of the most; for if that were so, those would be the happiest who keep guard on the city walls, for they keep guard of everything in the city. But the one who can honestly acquire the most and use the most to noble ends, him I count most happy. And it was evident that he practised what he preached. , , , And the games, in which Cyrus used to announce contests and to offer prizes from a desire to inspire in his people a spirit of emulation in what was beautiful and good—these games also brought him praise, because his aim was to secure practice in excellence. But these contests also stirred up contentions and jealousies among the nobles. , Besides this, Cyrus had made a regulation that How Cyrus guarded against coalitions was practically a law, that, in any matter that required adjudication, whether it was a civil action or a contest for a prize, those who asked for such adjudication must concur in the choice of judges. It was, therefore, a matter of course that each of the contestants aimed to secure the most influential men as judges and such as were most friendly to himself. The one who did not win was always jealous of those who did, and disliked those of the judges who did not vote in his favour; on the other hand, the one who did win claimed that he had won by virtue of the justice of his cause, and so he thought he owed no thanks to anybody. , And those also who wished to hold the first place in the affections of Cyrus were jealous of one another, just like other people (even in republics), so that in most cases the one would have wished to get the other out of the way sooner than to join with him in any work to their mutual interest. Thus it has been shown how he contrived that the most influential citizens should love him more than they did each other. 8.7.14. 8.7.15. 8.7.16. Therefore, Tanaoxares, let no one more (2) to Tanaoxares readily than yourself yield obedience to your brother or more zealously support him. For his fortunes, good or ill, will touch no one more closely than yourself. And bear this also in mind: whom could you favour in the hope of getting more from him than from your brother? Where could you lend help and get in return a surer ally than you would find in him? Whom would it be a more shameful thing for you not to love than your own brother? And who is there in all the world whom it would be a more noble thing to prefer in honour than your brother? It is only a brother, you know, Cambyses, whom, if he holds the first place of love in his brother’s heart, the envy of others cannot reach. 8.7.17. Nay by our fathers’ gods I implore you, my sons, honour one another, if you care at all to give me pleasure. For assuredly, this one thing, so it Cyrus on the immortality of the soul seems to me, you do not know clearly, that I shall have no further being when I have finished this earthly life; for not even in this life have you seen my soul, but you have detected its existence by what it accomplished. 8.7.18. 8.7.19. 8.7.20. 8.7.21. Consider again, he continued, that there is nothing in the world more nearly akin to death than is sleep; and the soul of man at just such times is revealed in its most divine aspect and at such times, too, it looks forward into the future; for then, it seems, it is most untrammelled by the bonds of the flesh. 8.7.22. 8.7.23. 8.7.24. |
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4. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 5.1.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139| 5.1.15. ἔλαβον δὲ καὶ πεντηκόντορον παρὰ τῶν Τραπεζουντίων, ᾗ ἐπέστησαν Δέξιππον Λάκωνα περίοικον. οὗτος ἀμελήσας τοῦ ξυλλέγειν πλοῖα ἀποδρὰς ᾤχετο ἔξω τοῦ Πόντου, ἔχων τὴν ναῦν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν δίκαια ἔπαθεν ὕστερον· ἐν Θρᾴκῃ γὰρ παρὰ Σεύθῃ πολυπραγμονῶν τι ἀπέθανεν ὑπὸ Νικάνδρου τοῦ Λάκωνος. | 5.1.15. Furthermore, they got a fifty-oared warship from the Trapezuntians, and put it under the command of Dexippus, a Laconian perioecus. The perioeci were the inhabitants of the outlying Laconian towns; they were free, but not Spartan citizens. This fellow, however, paying no heed to the duty of collecting vessels, slipped away with his man-of-war and left the Euxine. He did indeed get his deserts afterwards; for while engaged in some intrigue at the court of Seuthes See Xen. Anab. 7.2.31-34 . in Thrace he was killed by Nicander the Laconian. |
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5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 4.92.7, 7.77.2-7.77.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139| 4.92.7. ὧν χρὴ μνησθέντας ἡμᾶς τούς τε πρεσβυτέρους ὁμοιωθῆναι τοῖς πρὶν ἔργοις, τούς τε νεωτέρους πατέρων τῶν τότε ἀγαθῶν γενομένων παῖδας πειρᾶσθαι μὴ αἰσχῦναι τὰς προσηκούσας ἀρετάς, πιστεύσαντας δὲ τῷ θεῷ πρὸς ἡμῶν ἔσεσθαι, οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνόμως τειχίσαντες νέμονται, καὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἃ ἡμῖν θυσαμένοις καλὰ φαίνεται, ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖσδε καὶ δεῖξαι ὅτι ὧν μὲν ἐφίενται πρὸς τοὺς μὴ ἀμυνομένους ἐπιόντες κτάσθων, οἷς δὲ γενναῖον τήν τε αὑτῶν αἰεὶ ἐλευθεροῦν μάχῃ καὶ τὴν ἄλλων μὴ δουλοῦσθαι ἀδίκως, ἀνανταγώνιστοι ἀπ’ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀπίασιν.’ 7.77.2. κἀγώ τοι οὐδενὸς ὑμῶν οὔτε ῥώμῃ προφέρων ʽἀλλ’ ὁρᾶτε δὴ ὡς διάκειμαι ὑπὸ τῆς νόσοὐ οὔτ’ εὐτυχίᾳ δοκῶν που ὕστερός του εἶναι κατά τε τὸν ἴδιον βίον καὶ ἐς τὰ ἄλλα, νῦν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ κινδύνῳ τοῖς φαυλοτάτοις αἰωροῦμαι: καίτοι πολλὰ μὲν ἐς θεοὺς νόμιμα δεδιῄτημαι, πολλὰ δὲ ἐς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια καὶ ἀνεπίφθονα. 7.77.3. ἀνθ’ ὧν ἡ μὲν ἐλπὶς ὅμως θρασεῖα τοῦ μέλλοντος, αἱ δὲ ξυμφοραὶ οὐ κατ’ ἀξίαν δὴ φοβοῦσιν. τάχα δὲ ἂν καὶ λωφήσειαν: ἱκανὰ γὰρ τοῖς τε πολεμίοις ηὐτύχηται, καὶ εἴ τῳ θεῶν ἐπίφθονοι ἐστρατεύσαμεν, ἀποχρώντως ἤδη τετιμωρήμεθα. | 4.92.7. Remembering this, the old must equal their ancient exploits, and the young, the sons of the heroes of that time, must endeavor not to disgrace their native valour; and trusting in the help of the god whose temple has been sacrilegiously fortified, and in the victims which in our sacrifices have proved propitious, we must march against the enemy, and teach him that he must go and get what he wants by attacking some one who will not resist him, but that men whose glory it is to be always ready to give battle for the liberty of their own country, and never unjustly to enslave that of others, will not let him go without a struggle.’ 7.77.2. I myself who am not superior to any of you in strength—indeed you see how I am in my sickness—and who in the gifts of fortune am, I think, whether in private life or otherwise, the equal of any, am now exposed to the same danger as the meanest among you; and yet my life has been one of much devotion towards the gods, and of much justice and without offence towards men. 7.77.3. I have, therefore, still a strong hope for the future, and our misfortunes do not terrify me as much as they might. Indeed we may hope that they will be lightened: our enemies have had good fortune enough; and if any of the gods was offended at our expedition, we have been already amply punished. |
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| 6. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 2.8.1386a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23 |
| 7. Aristotle, Poetics, 16.1455a (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23 |
| 8. Aristotle, Physiognomonics, 1.3 (807b35-808a1) (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 237 |
9. Polybius, Histories, 10.3.4-10.3.7, 10.32, 11.2.9-11.2.10, 12.15.6-12.15.8, 15.35.1-15.35.7, 23.11.1-23.11.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52, 139, 206| 10.3.7. περιγενομένης δʼ αὐτῷ τῆς ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ φήμης ὁμολογουμένης διὰ τὴν προειρημένην χρείαν, λοιπὸν ἤδη πάντως αὑτὸν ἐδίδου κατὰ τοὺς ὕστερον καιροὺς εἰς τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν κινδύνους, ὅτʼ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀναρτηθεῖεν ὑπὸ τῆς πατρίδος αἱ τῶν ὅλων ἐλπίδες· ὅπερ ἴδιόν ἐστιν οὐ τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύοντος, ἀλλὰ νοῦν ἔχοντος ἡγεμόνος. 12.15.6. εἰ γὰρ εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας παρεγενήθη φεύγων τὸν τροχόν, τὸν καπνόν, τὸν πηλόν, περὶ ἔτη τὴν ἡλικίαν ὀκτωκαίδεκα γεγονώς, 12.15.7. καὶ μετά τινα χρόνον ὁρμηθεὶς ἀπὸ τοιαύτης ὑποθέσεως κύριος μὲν ἐγενήθη πάσης Σικελίας, μεγίστους δὲ κινδύνους περιέστησε Καρχηδονίοις, τέλος ἐγγηράσας τῇ δυναστείᾳ κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον βασιλεὺς προσαγορευόμενος, 12.15.8. ἆρʼ οὐκ ἀνάγκη μέγα τι γεγονέναι χρῆμα καὶ θαυμάσιον τὸν Ἀγαθοκλέα καὶ πολλὰς ἐσχηκέναι ῥοπὰς καὶ δυνάμεις πρὸς τὸν πραγματικὸν τρόπον; 15.35.2. ἐκείνων γὰρ ὁ μὲν ἕτερος ἐκ δημοτικῆς καὶ ταπεινῆς ὑποθέσεως ὁρμηθείς, ὁ δʼ Ἀγαθοκλῆς, ὡς ὁ Τίμαιος ἐπισκώπτων φησί, κεραμεὺς ὑπάρχων καὶ καταλιπὼν τὸν τροχὸν καὶ τὸν πηλὸν καὶ τὸν καπνόν, ἧκε νέος ὢν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας. 15.35.6. διὸ καὶ Πόπλιον Σκιπίωνά φασι τὸν πρῶτον καταπολεμήσαντα Καρχηδονίους ἐρωτηθέντα τίνας ὑπολαμβάνει πραγματικωτάτους ἄνδρας γεγονέναι καὶ σὺν νῷ τολμηροτάτους, εἰπεῖν τοὺς περὶ Ἀγαθοκλέα καὶ Διονύσιον τοὺς Σικελιώτας. | 10.3.7. Having by this service gained a universally acknowledged reputation for bravery, he in subsequent times refrained from exposing his person without sufficient reason, when his country reposed her hopes of success on him â conduct characteristic not of a commander who relies on luck, but on one gifted with intelligence. < 12.15.6. For if at the age of eighteen he reached Syracuse, escaping from the wheel, the kiln, and the clay, and in a short time, < 12.15.7. starting from such small beginnings, became master of the whole of Sicily, exposed the Carthaginians to extreme peril, and having grown old in his sovereign position, died with the title of king, < 12.15.8. must not Agathocles have had something great and wonderful in him, and must he not have been qualified for the conduct of affairs by peculiar mental force and power? Regarding all this a historian should lay before posterity not only such matters as tend to confirm slanderous accusations, but also what redounds to the credit of his prince; for such is the proper function of history. < 15.35.2. of these two, the latter started from an obscure and humble position, and Agathocles, as Timaeus ridiculing him tells us, was a potter and leaving the wheel and the clay and the smoke came to Syracuse as a young man. < 15.35.6. So that they say that Publius Scipio, who was the first to bring Carthage to her knees, when some one asked him whom he thought the greatest statesmen combining courage and wisdom, replied "Agathocles and Dionysius the Sicilians." < |
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10. Cicero, Pro Murena, 38 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139| 38. subsidia consulatus, voluntas militum, quae que quaeque scripsi : quae codd. : et illa quae Reid cum per se valet multitudine, cum apud suos gratia, tum vero in consule declarando multum etiam apud universum populum Romanum auctoritatis habet, suffragatio militaris? imperatores enim comitiis consularibus, non verborum interpretes deliguntur deliguntur xy : diliguntur cett. . qua re gravis est illa oratio: ' me saucium recreavit, me praeda donavit; hoc duce castra cepimus, signa contulimus; numquam iste plus militi laboris imposuit quam sibi sumpsit, ipse cum sumpsit ipse, cum Gulielmius fortis fortis est Nohl tum etiam felix.' hoc quanti putas esse ad famam hominum ac voluntatem? etenim, si tanta illis comitiis religio est ut adhuc semper omen valuerit praerogativum praerogativae Zumpt, quid mirum est in hoc felicitatis famam sermonemque valuisse? sed si haec leviora ducis quae sunt gravissima et hanc urbanam suffragationem militari anteponis, noli ludorum huius elegantiam et scaenae magnificentiam tam magnificentiam tam Wrampelmeyer : magnificentiam a S : magnificentiam cett. valde contemnere; quae huic admodum profuerunt. nam quid ego dicam populum ac volgus imperitorum imperitum Ernesti ludis magno opere delectari? minus est mirandum. quamquam huic causae id satis est; sunt enim populi ac multitudinis comitia. qua re, si populo ludorum magnificentia voluptati est, non est mirandum eam L. Lucio Murenae apud populum profuisse. | |
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| 11. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 21.17.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52 |
| 12. Sallust, Iugurtha, 10.3-10.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 206 |
| 13. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Lysias, 7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23 |
| 14. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, De Veterum Censura, 31.3.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23 |
| 15. Livy, History, 2.46, 7.32.12, 7.33.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 218 |
| 16. Plutarch, Sertorius, 13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 |
17. Plutarch, Pompey, 10.4-10.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 157| 10.4. ἀπαχθέντα μέντοι φασὶν αὐτόν, ὡς εἶδεν ἑλκόμενον ἤδη τὸ ξίφος, δεῖσθαι τόπον αὑτῷ καὶ χρόνον βραχύν, ὡς ὑπὸ κοιλίας ἐνοχλουμένῳ, παρασχεῖν. Γάϊος δὲ Ὄππιος ὁ Καίσαρος ἑταῖρος ἀπανθρώπως φησὶ καὶ Κοΐντῳ Οὐαλλερίῳ χρήσασθαι τὸν Πομπήϊον. ἐπιστάμενον γὰρ ὡς ἔστι φιλολόγος ἀνὴρ καὶ φιλομαθὴς ἐν ὀλίγοις ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, ὡς ἤχθη πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπισπασάμενον καὶ συμπεριπατήσαντα καὶ πυθόμενον ὧν ἔχρῃζε καὶ μαθόντα, προστάξαι τοῖς ὑπηρέταις εὐθὺς ἀνελεῖν ἀπαγαγόντας. 10.5. ἀλλʼ Ὀππίῳ μέν, ὅταν περὶ τῶν Καίσαρος πολεμίων ἢ φίλων διαλέγηται, σφόδρα δεῖ πιστεύειν μετὰ εὐλαβείας· Πομπήϊος δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐν δόξῃ μάλιστα τῶν Σύλλα πολεμίων καὶ φανερῶς ἁλισκομένους ἀναγκαίως ἐκόλαζε, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων ὅσους ἐξῆν περιεώρα λανθάνοντας, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ συνεξέπεμπε. 10.6. τὴν δὲ Ἱμεραίων πόλιν ἐγνωκότος αὐτοῦ κολάζειν γενομένην μετὰ τῶν πολεμίων, Σθένις ὁ δημαγωγὸς αἰτησάμενος λόγον οὐκ ἔφη δίκαια ποιήσειν τὸν Πομπήϊον, ἐὰν τὸν αἴτιον ἀφεὶς ἀπολέσῃ τοὺς μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας. ἐρομένου δὲ ἐκείνου τίνα λέγει τὸν αἴτιον, ἑαυτὸν ὁ Σθένις ἔφη, τοὺς μὲν φίλους πείσαντα τῶν πολιτῶν, τοὺς δʼ ἐχθροὺς βιασάμενον. | 10.4. They say, moreover, that after Carbo had been led away to execution, when he saw the sword already drawn, he begged that a short respite and a convenient place might be afforded him, since his bowels distressed him. Furthermore, Caius Oppius, the friend of Caesar, says that Pompey treated Quintus Valerius also with unnatural cruelty. For, understanding that Valerius was a man of rare scholarship and learning, when he was brought to him, Oppius says, Pompey took him aside, walked up and down with him, asked and learned what he wished from him, and then ordered his attendants to lead him away and put him to death at once. 10.5. But when Oppius discourses about the enemies or friends of Caesar, one must be very cautious about believing him. Pompey was compelled to punish those enemies of Sulla who were most eminent, and whose capture was notorious; but as to the rest, he suffered as many as possible to escape detection, and even helped to send some out of the country. 10.6. Again, when he had made up his mind to chastise the city of Himera because it had sided with the enemy, Sthenis, the popular leader there, requested audience of him, and told him that he would commit an injustice if he should let the real culprit go and destroy those who had done no wrong. And when Pompey asked him whom he meant by the real culprit, Sthenis said he meant himself, since he had persuaded his friends among the citizens, and forced his enemies, into their course. |
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18. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 | 2. For if, as Iphicrates analyzed the matter, the light-armed troops are like the hands, the cavalry like the feet, the line of men-at-arms itself like chest and breastplate, and the general like the head, then he, in taking undue risks and being over bold, would seem to neglect not himself, but all, inasmuch as their safety depends on him, and their destruction too. Therefore Callicratidas, although otherwise he was a great man, did not make a good answer to the seer who begged him to be careful, since the sacrificial omens foretold his death; Sparta, said he, does not depend upon one man.,For when fighting, or sailing, or marching under orders, Callicratidas was one man ; but as general, he comprised in himself the strength and power of all, so that he was not one man, when such numbers perished with him. Better was the speech of old Antigonus as he was about to fight a sea-fight off Andros, and someone told him that the enemy’s ships were far more numerous than his: But what of myself, said he, how many ships wilt thou count me? implying that the worth of the commander is a great thing, as it is in fact, when allied with experience and valour, and his first duty is to save the one who saves everything else.,Therefore Timotheus was right when Chares was once showing the Athenians some wounds he had received, and his shield pierced by a spear, in saying: But I, how greatly ashamed I was, at the siege of Samos, because a bolt fell near me; I thought I was behaving more like an impetuous youth than like a general in command of so large a force.,For where the whole issue is greatly furthered by the general’s exposing himself to danger, there he must employ hand and body unsparingly, ignoring those who say that a good general should die, if not of old age, at least in old age; but where the advantage to be derived from his success is small, and the whole cause perishes with him if he fails, no one demands that a general should risk his life in fighting like a common soldier.,Such is the preface I have thought fit to make for the Lives of Pelopidas and Marcellus, great men who rashly fell in battle. For both were most valiant fighters, did honour to their countries in most illustrious campaigns, and what is more, had the most formidable adversaries, one being the first, as we are told, to rout Hannibal, who was before invincible, the other conquering in a pitched battle the Lacedaemonians, who were supreme on land and sea; and yet they were careless of their own lives, and recklessly threw them away at times when it was most important that such men should live and hold command. These are the resemblances between them which have led me to write their lives in parallel. |
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| 19. Plutarch, On The Glory of The Athenians, 347a (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23 |
20. Plutarch, Comparison of Demetrius And Antony, 1.1-1.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52| 1.1. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν μεγάλαι περὶ ἀμφοτέρους γεγόνασι μεταβολαί, πρῶτον τὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιφανείας σκοπῶμεν, ὅτι τῷ μὲν ἦν πατρῷα καὶ προκατειργασμένα, μέγιστον ἰσχύσαντος Ἀντιγόνου τῶν διαδόχων καὶ πρὸ τοῦ Δημήτριον ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενέσθαι τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς Ἀσίας ἐπελθόντος καὶ κρατήσαντος· | 1.1. Since, then, both these men experienced great reversals of fortune, let us first observe, with regard to their power and fame, that in the one case these were acquired for him by his father and inherited, since Antigonus became the strongest of Alexander's successors, and before Demetrius came of age had attacked and mastered the greater part of Asia; 2 Antony, on the contrary, was the son of a man who, though otherwise gifted, was yet no warrior, and could leave him no great legacy of reputation; and yet Antony had the courage to seek the power of Caesar, to which his birth gave him no claim, and to all that Caesar had wrought out before him he made himself the rightful successor. And so great strength did he attain, in reliance upon his own resources alone, that, after forcing a division of the empire into two parts, he chose one, and took the more splendid one of the two; and though absent himself, through his assistants and lieutet-generals he defeated the Parthians many times, and drove the barbarous tribes about the Caucasus as far as the Caspian Sea. 3 Moreover, even the things that brought him ill-repute bear witness to his greatness. For Antigonus was well pleased to have his son Demetrius marry Phila, the daughter of Antipater, in spite of her disparity in years, because he thought her a greater personage; whereas Antony's marriage to Cleopatra was a disgrace to him, although she was a woman who surpassed in power and splendour all the royalties of her time except Arsaces. But he made himself so great that men thought him worthy of greater things than he desired. 1.1. |
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21. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 4.4-4.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139| 4.4. Ἀλέξανδρον δὲ ἡ θερμότης τοῦ σώματος, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ ποτικὸν καὶ θυμοειδῆ παρεῖχεν. ἔτι δὲ ὄντος αὐτοῦ παιδὸς ἥ τε σωφροσύνη διεφαίνετο τῷ πρὸς τἆλλα ῥαγδαῖον ὄντα καὶ φερόμενον σφοδρῶς ἐν ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ταῖς περὶ τὸ σῶμα δυσκίνητον εἶναι καὶ μετά πολλῆς πρᾳότητος ἅπτεσθαι τῶν τοιούτων, 4.5. ἥ τε φιλοτιμία παρʼ ἡλικίαν ἐμβριθὲς εἶχε τὸ φρόνημα καὶ μεγαλόψυχον. οὔτε γὰρ ἀπὸ παντὸς οὔτε πᾶσαν ἠγάπα δόξαν, ὡς Φίλιππος λόγου τε δεινότητι σοφιστικῶς καλλωπιζόμενος καὶ τὰς ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ, νίκας τῶν ἁρμάτων ἐγχαράττων τοῖς νομίσμασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποπειρωμένων εἰ βούλοιτʼ ἂν Ὀλυμπίασιν ἀγωνίσασθαι στάδιον, ἦν γὰρ ποδώκης, εἴ γε, ἔφη, βασιλεῖς ἔμελλον ἕξειν ἀνταγωνιστάς. 4.6. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ καθόλου πρὸς τὸ τῶν ἀθλητῶν γένος ἀλλοτρίως ἔχων πλείστους γέ τοι θεὶς ἀγῶνας οὐ μόνον τραγῳδῶν καὶ αὐλητῶν καὶ κιθαρῳδῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥαψῳδῶν, θήρας τε παντοδαπῆς καὶ ῥαβδομαχίας, οὔτε πυγμῆς οὔτε παγκρατίου μετά τινος σπουδῆς ἔθηκεν ἆθλον. | 4.4. And in Alexander’s case, it was the heat of his body, as it would seem, which made him prone to drink, and choleric. But while he was still a boy his self-restraint showed itself in the fact that, although he was impetuous and violent in other matters, the pleasures of the body had little hold upon him, and he indulged in them with great moderation, while his ambition kept his spirit serious and lofty in advance of his years. 4.5. For it was neither every kind of fame nor fame from every source that he courted, as Philip did, who plumed himself like a sophist on the power of his oratory, and took care to have the victories of his chariots at Olympia engraved upon his coins; nay, when those about him inquired whether he would be willing to contend in the foot-race at the Olympic games, since he was swift of foot, Yes, said he, if I could have kings as my contestants. 4.6. And in general, too, Alexander appears to have been averse to the whole race of athletes; at any rate, though he instituted very many contests, not only for tragic poets and players on the flute and players on the lyre, but also for rhapsodists, as well as for hunting of every sort and for fighting with staves, he took no interest in offering prizes either for boxing or for the pancratium. |
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22. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23| 1.1. ἐπεὶ δοκοῦμεν οὐκ ἀτόπως τῷ Νικίᾳ τὸν Κράσσον παραβάλλειν, καὶ τὰ Παρθικὰ παθήματα τοῖς Σικελικοῖς, ὥρα παραιτεῖσθαι καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τοῖς συγγράμμασι τούτοις, ὅπως ἐπὶ ταῖς διηγήσεσιν αἷς Θουκυδίδης, αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ περὶ ταῦτα παθητικώτατος, ἐναργέστατος, ποικιλώτατος γενόμενος, ἀμιμήτως ἐξενήνοχε, μηδὲν ἡμᾶς ὑπολάβωσι πεπονθέναι Τιμαίῳ πάθος ὅμοιον, | 1.1. I think that Nicias is a suitable parallel to Crassus, and the Sicilian to the Parthian disaster. I must therefore at once, and in all modesty, entreat my readers not to imagine for an instant that, in my narration of what Thucydides has inimitably set forth, surpassing even himself in pathos, vividness, and variety, I am so disposed as was Timaeus. |
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| 23. Plutarch, Marius, 7.3-7.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 |
| 24. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.22, 1.28 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52 |
25. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23| 8.1. τὴν δὲ μάχην ἐκείνην πολλῶν μὲν ἀπηγγελκότων, Ξενοφῶντος δὲ μονονουχὶ δεικνύοντος ὄψει, καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς οὐ γεγενημένοις, ἀλλὰ γινομένοις, ἐφιστάντος ἀεὶ τὸν ἀκροατὴν ἐμπαθῆ καὶ συγκινδυνεύοντα διὰ Τὴν ἐνάργειαν, οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἐπεξηγεῖσθαι, πλὴν ὅσα τῶν ἀξίων λόγου παρῆλθεν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον. | 8.1. Now, since many writers have reported to us this battle, and since Xenophon brings it all before our eyes, and by the vigour of his description makes his reader always a participant in the emotions and perils of the struggle, as though it belonged, not to the past, but to the present, it would be folly to describe it again, except so far as he has passed over things worthy of mention. |
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| 26. Plutarch, Demetrius, 9.7, 44.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 238 |
| 27. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 56.7-56.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 157 |
| 28. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 9.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 |
| 29. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 30.2-30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 238 |
| 30. Longinus, On The Sublime, 25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23 |
31. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 4.2.63-4.2.64 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23 | 4.2.63. Theodectes asserts that the statement of facts should not merely be magnificent, but attractive in style. But this quality again though suitable enough to the statement of facts, is equally so in other portions of the speech. There are others who add palpability, which the Greeks call á¼Î½Î¬Ïγεια. 4.2.64. And I will not conceal the fact that Cicero himself holds that more qualities are required. For in addition to demanding that it should be plain, brief and credible, he would have it clear, characteristic and worthy of the occasion. But everything in a speech should be characteristic and worthy of the occasion as far as possible. Palpability, as far as I understand the term, is no doubt a great virtue, when a truth requires not merely to be told, but to some extent obtruded, still it may be included under lucidity. Some, however, regard this quality as actually being injurious at times, on the ground that in certain cases it is desirable to obscure truth. |
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| 32. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 4.5, 38.8-38.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 157 |
| 33. Suetonius, Augustus, 25.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52 |
| 34. Suetonius, Domitianus, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 206 |
| 35. Suetonius, Iulius, 57, 100 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 |
36. Suetonius, Nero, 48.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 238, 272 | 48.1. Changing his purpose again, he sought for some retired place, where he could hide and collect his thoughts; and when his freedman Phaon offered his villa in the suburbs between the Via Nomentana and the Via Salaria near the fourth milestone, just as he was, barefooted and in his tunic, he put on a faded cloak, covered his head, and holding a handkerchief before his eyes, mounted a horse with only four attendants, one of whom was Sporus. |
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37. Suetonius, Otho, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 238 | 12. Neither Otho's person nor his bearing suggested such great courage. He is said to have been of moderate height, splay-footed and bandy-legged, but almost feminine in his care of his person. He had the hair of his body plucked out, and because of the thinness of his locks wore a wig so carefully fashioned and fitted to his head, that no one suspected it. Moreover, they say that he used to shave every day and smear his face with moist bread, beginning the practice with the appearance of the first down, so as never to have a beard; also that he used to celebrate the rites of Isis publicly in the linen garment prescribed by the cult., I am inclined to think that it was because of these habits that a death so little in harmony with his life excited the greater marvel. Many of the soldiers who were present kissed his hands and feet as he lay dead, weeping bitterly and calling him the bravest of men and an incomparable emperor, and then at once slew themselves beside his bier. Many of those who were absent too, on receiving the news attacked and killed one another from sheer grief. In short the greater part of those who had hated him most bitterly while he lived lauded him to the skies when he was dead; and it was even commonly declared that he had put an end to Galba, not so much for the sake of ruling, as of restoring the republic and liberty. |
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38. Suetonius, Tiberius, 37.4, 50.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112, 170 | 37.4. He undertook no campaign after his accession, but quelled outbreaks of the enemy through his generals; and even this he did only reluctantly and of necessity. Such kings as were disaffected and objects of his suspicion he held in check rather by threats and remonstrances than by force; some he lured to Rome by flattering promises and detained there, such as Marobodus the German, Rhascuporis the Thracian, and Archelaus of Cappadocia, whose realm he also reduced to the form of a province. |
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| 39. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112 |
40. Tacitus, Annals, 2.44.1, 6.42, 12.25-12.26, 12.41-12.42, 12.64, 13.5-13.6, 13.13-13.15, 13.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 112, 139, 170, 205| 6.42. Plurimum adulationis Seleucenses induere, civitas potens, saepta muris neque in barbarum corrupta sed conditoris Seleuci retinens. trecenti opibus aut sapientia delecti ut senatus, sua populo vis. et quoties concordes agunt, spernitur Parthus: ubi dissensere, dum sibi quisque contra aemulos subsidium vocant, accitus in partem adversum omnis valescit. id nuper acciderat Artabano regte, qui plebem primoribus tradidit ex suo usu: nam populi imperium iuxta libertatem, paucorum dominatio regiae libidini propior est. tum adventantem Tiridaten extollunt veterum regum honoribus et quos recens aetas largius invenit; simul probra in Artabanum fundebant, materna origine Arsaciden, cetera degenerem. Tiridates rem Seleucensem populo permittit. mox consultans quonam die sollemnia regni capesseret, litteras Phraatis et Hieronis qui validissimas praefecturas obtinebant accipit, brevem moram precantium. placitumque opperiri viros praepollentis, atque interim Ctesiphon sedes imperii petita: sed ubi diem ex die prolatabant, multis coram et adprobantibus Surena patrio more Tiridaten insigni regio evinxit. 12.25. C. Antistio M. Suillio consulibus adoptio in Domitium auctoritate Pallantis festinatur, qui obstrictus Agrippinae ut conciliator nuptiarum et mox stupro eius inligatus, stimulabat Claudium consuleret rei publicae, Britannici pueritiam robore circumdaret: sic apud divum Augustum, quamquam nepotibus subnixum, viguisse privignos; a Tiberio super propriam stirpem Germanicum adsumptum: se quoque accingeret iuvene partem curarum capessituro. his evictus triennio maiorem natu Domitium filio anteponit, habita apud senatum oratione eundem in quem a liberto acceperat modum. adnotabant periti nullam antehac adoptionem inter patricios Claudios reperiri, eosque ab Atto Clauso continuos duravisse. 12.42. Nondum tamen summa moliri Agrippina audebat, ni praetoriarum cohortium cura exolverentur Lusius Geta et Rufrius Crispinus, quos Messalinae memores et liberis eius devinctos credebat. igitur distrahi cohortis ambitu duorum et, si ab uno regerentur, intentiorem fore disciplinam adseverante uxore, transfertur regimen cohortium ad Burrum Afranium, egregiae militaris famae, gnarum tamen cuius sponte praeficeretur. suum quoque fastigium Agrippina extollere altius: carpento Capitolium ingredi, qui honos sacerdotibus et sacris antiquitus concessus venerationem augebat feminae, quam imperatore genitam, sororem eius qui rerum potitus sit et coniugem et matrem fuisse, unicum ad hunc diem exemplum est. inter quae praecipuus propugnator eius Vitellius, validissima gratia, aetate extrema (adeo incertae sunt potentium res) accusatione corripitur, deferente Iunio Lupo senatore. is crimina maiestatis et cupidinem imperii obiectabat; praebuissetque auris Caesar, nisi Agrippinae minis magis quam precibus mutatus esset, ut accusatori aqua atque igni interdiceret. hactenus Vitellius voluerat. 12.64. M. Asinio M'. Acilio consulibus mutationem rerum in deterius portendi cognitum est crebris prodigiis. signa ac tentoria militum igne caelesti arsere; fastigio Capitolii examen apium insedit; biformis hominum partus et suis fetum editum cui accipitrum ungues inessent. numerabatur inter ostenta deminutus omnium magistratuum numerus, quaestore, aedili, tribuno ac praetore et consule paucos intra mensis defunctis. sed in praecipuo pavore Agrippina, vocem Claudii, quam temulentus iecerat, fatale sibi ut coniugum flagitia ferret, dein puniret, metuens, agere et celerare statuit, perdita prius Domitia Lepida muliebribus causis, quia Lepida minore Antonia genita, avunculo Augusto, Agrippinae sobrina prior ac Gnaei mariti eius soror, parem sibi claritudinem credebat. nec forma aetas opes multum distabant; et utraque impudica, infamis, violenta, haud minus vitiis aemulabantur quam si qua ex fortuna prospera acceperant. enimvero certamen acerrimum, amita potius an mater apud Neronem praevaleret: nam Lepida blandimentis ac largitionibus iuvenilem animum devinciebat, truci contra ac minaci Agrippina, quae filio dare imperium, tolerare imperitantem nequibat. 13.5. Nec defuit fides, multaque arbitrio senatus constituta sunt: ne quis ad causam orandam mercede aut donis emeretur, ne designatis quaestoribus edendi gladiatores necessitas esset. quod quidem adversante Agrippina, tamquam acta Claudii subverterentur, obtinuere patres, qui in Palatium ob id vocabantur ut adstaret additis a tergo foribus velo discreta, quod visum arceret, auditus non adimeret. quin et legatis Armeniorum causam gentis apud Neronem orantibus escendere suggestum imperatoris et praesidere simul parabat, nisi ceteris pavore defixis Seneca admonuisset venienti matri occurreret. ita specie pietatis obviam itum dedecori. 13.5. Eodem anno crebris populi flagitationibus immodestiam publicanorum arguentis dubitavit Nero an cuncta vectigalia omitti iuberet idque pulcherrimum donum generi mortalium daret. sed impetum eius, multum prius laudata magnitudine animi, attinuere senatores, dissolutionem imperii docendo, si fructus quibus res publica sustineretur deminuerentur: quippe sublatis portoriis sequens ut tributorum abolitio expostularetur. plerasque vectigalium societates a consulibus et tribunis plebei constitutas acri etiam tum populi Romani libertate; reliqua mox ita provisa ut ratio quaestuum et necessitas erogationum inter se congrueret. temperandas plane publicanorum cupidines, ne per tot annos sine querela tolerata novis acerbitatibus ad invidiam verterent. 13.15. Turbatus his Nero et propinquo die quo quartum decimum aetatis annum Britannicus explebat, volutare secum modo matris violentiam, modo ipsius indolem, levi quidem experimento nuper cognitam, quo tamen favorem late quaesivisset. festis Saturno diebus inter alia aequalium ludicra regnum lusu sortientium evenerat ea sors Neroni. igitur ceteris diversa nec ruborem adlatura: ubi Britannico iussit exsurgeret progressusque in medium cantum aliquem inciperet, inrisum ex eo sperans pueri sobrios quoque convictus, nedum temulentos ignorantis, ille constanter exorsus est carmen, quo evolutum eum sede patria rebusque summis significabatur. unde orta miseratio manifestior, quia dissimulationem nox et lascivia exemerat. Nero intellecta invidia odium intendit; urgentibusque Agrippinae minis, quia nullum crimen neque iubere caedem fratris palam audebat, occulta molitur pararique venenum iubet, ministro Pollione Iulio praetoriae cohortis tribuno, cuius cura attinebatur damnata veneficii nomine Locusta, multa scelerum fama. nam ut proximus quisque Britannico neque fas neque fidem pensi haberet olim provisum erat. primum venenum ab ipsis educatoribus accepit tramisitque exoluta alvo parum validum, sive temperamentum inerat ne statim saeviret. sed Nero lenti sceleris impatiens minitari tribuno, iubere supplicium veneficae, quod, dum rumorem respiciunt, dum parant defensiones, securitatem morarentur. promittentibus dein tam praecipitem necem quam si ferro urgeretur, cubiculum Caesaris iuxta decoquitur virus cognitis antea venenis rapidum. 13.35. Sed Corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam militum quam contra perfidiam hostium erat: quippe Syria transmotae legiones, pace longa segnes, munia castrorum aegerrime tolerabant. satis constitit fuisse in eo exercitu veteranos qui non stationem, non vigilias inissent, vallum fossamque quasi nova et mira viserent, sine galeis, sine loricis, nitidi et quaestuosi, militia per oppida expleta. igitur dimissis quibus senectus aut valetudo adversa erat supplementum petivit. et habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus, adiectaque ex Germania legio cum equitibus alariis et peditatu cohortium. retentusque omnis exercitus sub pellibus, quamvis hieme saeva adeo ut obducta glacie nisi effossa humus tentoriis locum non praeberet. ambusti multorum artus vi frigoris et quidam inter excubias exanimati sunt. adnotatusque miles qui fascem lignorum gestabat ita praeriguisse manus, ut oneri adhaerentes truncis brachiis deciderent. ipse cultu levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus frequens adesse, laudem strenuis, solacium invalidis, exemplum omnibus ostendere. dehinc quia duritia caeli militiaeque multi abnuebant deserebantque, remedium severitate quaesitum est. nec enim, ut in aliis exercitibus, primum alterumque delictum venia prosequebatur, sed qui signa reliquerat, statim capite poenas luebat. idque usu salubre et misericordia melius adparuit: quippe pauciores illa castra deseruere quam ea in quibus ignoscebatur. | 2.44.1. Shortly afterwards, Drusus was despatched to Illyricum, in order to serve his apprenticeship to war and acquire the favour of the army. At the same time, Tiberius believed that the young prince, who was running riot among the extravagances of the capital, was better in camp, and that he himself would be all the safer with both his sons at the head of legions. The pretext, however, was a Suebian request for help against the Cherusci: for, now that the Romans had withdrawn and the foreign menace was removed, the tribes â obedient to the national custom, and embittered in this case by their rivalry in prestige â had turned their weapons against each other. The power of the clans and the prowess of their leaders were upon a level; but while his kingly title rendered Maroboduus unpopular with his countrymen, Arminius aroused enthusiasm as the champion of liberty. 6.42. The extreme of adulation was shown by the powerful community of Seleucia, a walled town which, faithful to the memory of its founder Seleucus, has not degenerated into barbarism. Three hundred members, chosen for wealth or wisdom, form a senate: the people has its own prerogatives. So long as the two orders are in unison, the Parthian is ignored: if they clash, each calls in aid against its rival; and the alien, summoned to rescue a part, overpowers the whole. This had happened lately in the reign of Artabanus, who consulted his own ends by sacrificing the populace to the aristocrats: for supremacy of the people is akin to freedom; between the domination of a minority and the whim of a monarch the distance is small. They now celebrated the arrival of Tiridates with the honours paid to the ancient kings, along with the innovations of which a later age has been more lavish: at the same time, they poured abuse on Artabanus as an Arsacid on the mother's side, but otherwise of ignoble blood. â Tiridates handed over the government of Seleucia to the democracy; then, as he was debating what day to fix for his formal assumption of sovereignty, he received letters from Phraates and Hiero, holders of the two most important satrapies, asking for a short postponement. It was decided to wait for men of their high importance, and in the interval a move was made to the seat of government at Ctesiphon. However, as day after day found them still procrastinating, the Surena, before an applauding multitude, fastened, in the traditional style, the royal diadem upon the brows of Tiridates. < 12.25. In the consulate of Gaius Antistius and Marcus Suillius, the adoption of Domitius was hurried forward by the influence of Pallas, who, pledged to Agrippina as the agent in her marriage, then bound to her by lawless love, kept goading Claudius to consult the welfare of the country and to supply the boyish years of Britannicus with a stable protection:â "So, in the family of the divine Augustus, though he had grandsons to rely upon, yet his step-children rose to power; Tiberius had issue of his own, but he adopted Germanicus; let Claudius also gird to himself a young partner, who would undertake a share of his responsibilities!" The emperor yielded to the pressure, and gave Domitius, with his three years' seniority, precedence over his son, reproducing in his speech to the senate the arguments furnished by his freedman. It was noted by the expert that, prior to this, there was no trace of an adoption in the patrician branch of the Claudian house, which had lasted without interruption from Attus Clausus downward. < 12.25. In the consulate of Gaius Antistius and Marcus Suillius, the adoption of Domitius was hurried forward by the influence of Pallas, who, pledged to Agrippina as the agent in her marriage, then bound to her by lawless love, kept goading Claudius to consult the welfare of the country and to supply the boyish years of Britannicus with a stable protection:â "So, in the family of the divine Augustus, though he had grandsons to rely upon, yet his step-children rose to power; Tiberius had issue of his own, but he adopted Germanicus; let Claudius also gird to himself a young partner, who would undertake a share of his responsibilities!" The emperor yielded to the pressure, and gave Domitius, with his three years' seniority, precedence over his son, reproducing in his speech to the senate the arguments furnished by his freedman. It was noted by the expert that, prior to this, there was no trace of an adoption in the patrician branch of the Claudian house, which had lasted without interruption from Attus Clausus downward. 12.42. As yet, however, Agrippina lacked courage to make her supreme attempt, unless she could discharge from the command of the praetorian cohorts both Lusius Geta and Rufrius Crispinus, whom she believed faithful to the memory of Messalina and pledged to the cause of her children. Accordingly, through her assertions to her husband that the cohorts were being divided by the intriguing rivalry of the pair, and that discipline would be stricter if they were placed under a single head, the command was transferred to Afranius Burrus; who bore the highest character as a soldier but was well aware to whose pleasure he owed his appointment. The exaltation of her own dignity also occupied Agrippina: she began to enter the Capitol in a carriage; and that honour, reserved by antiquity for priests and holy objects, enhanced the veneration felt for a woman who to this day stands unparalleled as the daughter of an Imperator and the sister, the wife, and the mother of an emperor. Meanwhile, her principal champion, Vitellius, at the height of his influence and in the extremity of his age â so precarious are the fortunes of the mighty â was brought to trial upon an indictment laid by the senator Junius Lupus. The charges he preferred were treason and designs upon the empire and to these the Caesar would certainly have inclined his ear, had not the prayers, or rather the threats of Agrippina converted him to the course of formally outlawing the prosecutor: Vitellius had desired no more. < 12.42. As yet, however, Agrippina lacked courage to make her supreme attempt, unless she could discharge from the command of the praetorian cohorts both Lusius Geta and Rufrius Crispinus, whom she believed faithful to the memory of Messalina and pledged to the cause of her children. Accordingly, through her assertions to her husband that the cohorts were being divided by the intriguing rivalry of the pair, and that discipline would be stricter if they were placed under a single head, the command was transferred to Afranius Burrus; who bore the highest character as a soldier but was well aware to whose pleasure he owed his appointment. The exaltation of her own dignity also occupied Agrippina: she began to enter the Capitol in a carriage; and that honour, reserved by antiquity for priests and holy objects, enhanced the veneration felt for a woman who to this day stands unparalleled as the daughter of an Imperator and the sister, the wife, and the mother of an emperor. Meanwhile, her principal champion, Vitellius, at the height of his influence and in the extremity of his age â so precarious are the fortunes of the mighty â was brought to trial upon an indictment laid by the senator Junius Lupus. The charges he preferred were treason and designs upon the empire and to these the Caesar would certainly have inclined his ear, had not the prayers, or rather the threats of Agrippina converted him to the course of formally outlawing the prosecutor: Vitellius had desired no more. 12.64. In the consulate of Marcus Asinius and Manius Acilius, it was made apparent by a sequence of prodigies that a change of conditions for the worse was foreshadowed. Fire from heaven played round the standards and tents of the soldiers; a swarm of bees settled on the pediment of the Capitol; it was stated that hermaphrodites had been born, and that a pig had been produced with the talons of a hawk. It was counted among the portents that each of the magistracies found its numbers diminished, since a quaestor, an aedile, and a tribune, together with a praetor and a consul, had died within a few months. But especial terror was felt by Agrippina. Disquieted by a remark let fall by Claudius in his cups, that it was his destiny first to suffer and finally to punish the infamy of his wives, she determined to act â and speedily. First, however, she destroyed Domitia Lepida on a feminine quarrel. For, as the daughter of the younger Antonia, the grand-niece of Augustus, the first cousin once removed of Agrippina, and also the sister of her former husband Gnaeus Domitius, Lepida regarded her family distinctions as equal to those of the princess. In looks, age, and fortune there was little between the pair; and since each was as unchaste, as disreputable, and as violent as the other, their competition in the vices was not less keen than in such advantages as they had received from the kindness of fortune. But the fiercest struggle was on the question whether the domit influence with Nero was to be his aunt or his mother: for Lepida was endeavouring to captivate his youthful mind by a smooth tongue and an open hand, while on the other side Agrippina stood grim and menacing, capable of presenting her son with an empire but not of tolerating him as emperor. < 12.64. In the consulate of Marcus Asinius and Manius Acilius, it was made apparent by a sequence of prodigies that a change of conditions for the worse was foreshadowed. Fire from heaven played round the standards and tents of the soldiers; a swarm of bees settled on the pediment of the Capitol; it was stated that hermaphrodites had been born, and that a pig had been produced with the talons of a hawk. It was counted among the portents that each of the magistracies found its numbers diminished, since a quaestor, an aedile, and a tribune, together with a praetor and a consul, had died within a few months. But especial terror was felt by Agrippina. Disquieted by a remark let fall by Claudius in his cups, that it was his destiny first to suffer and finally to punish the infamy of his wives, she determined to act â and speedily. First, however, she destroyed Domitia Lepida on a feminine quarrel. For, as the daughter of the younger Antonia, the grand-niece of Augustus, the first cousin once removed of Agrippina, and also the sister of her former husband Gnaeus Domitius, Lepida regarded her family distinctions as equal to those of the princess. In looks, age, and fortune there was little between the pair; and since each was as unchaste, as disreputable, and as violent as the other, their competition in the vices was not less keen than in such advantages as they had received from the kindness of fortune. But the fiercest struggle was on the question whether the domit influence with Nero was to be his aunt or his mother: for Lepida was endeavouring to captivate his youthful mind by a smooth tongue and an open hand, while on the other side Agrippina stood grim and menacing, capable of presenting her son with an empire but not of tolerating him as emperor. 13.5. Nor was the pledge dishonoured, and many regulations were framed by the free decision of the senate. No advocate was to sell his services as a pleader for either fee or bounty; quaestors designate were to be under no obligation to produce a gladiatorial spectacle. The latter point, though opposed by Agrippina as a subversion of the acts of Claudius, was carried by the Fathers, whose meetings were specially convened in the Palatium, so that she could station herself at a newly-added door in their rear, shut off by a curtain thick enough to conceal her from view but not to debar her from hearing. In fact, when an Armenian deputation was pleading the national cause before Nero, she was preparing to ascend the emperor's tribunal and to share his presidency, had not Seneca, while others stood aghast, admonished the sovereign to step down and meet his mother: an assumption of filial piety which averted a scandal. < 13.5. Nor was the pledge dishonoured, and many regulations were framed by the free decision of the senate. No advocate was to sell his services as a pleader for either fee or bounty; quaestors designate were to be under no obligation to produce a gladiatorial spectacle. The latter point, though opposed by Agrippina as a subversion of the acts of Claudius, was carried by the Fathers, whose meetings were specially convened in the Palatium, so that she could station herself at a newly-added door in their rear, shut off by a curtain thick enough to conceal her from view but not to debar her from hearing. In fact, when an Armenian deputation was pleading the national cause before Nero, she was preparing to ascend the emperor's tribunal and to share his presidency, had not Seneca, while others stood aghast, admonished the sovereign to step down and meet his mother: an assumption of filial piety which averted a scandal. 13.15. Perturbed by her attitude, and faced with the approach of the day on which Britannicus completed his fourteenth year, Nero began to revolve, now his mother's proclivity to violence, now the character of his rival, â lately revealed by a test which, trivial as it was, had gained him wide sympathy. During the festivities of the Saturnalia, while his peers in age were varying their diversions by throwing dice for a king, the lot had fallen upon Nero. On the others he imposed various orders, not likely to put them to the blush: but, when he commanded Britannicus to rise, advance into the centre, and strike up a song â this, in the hope of turning into derision a boy who knew little of sober, much less of drunken, society â his victim firmly began a poem hinting at his expulsion from his father's house and throne. His bearing awoke a pity the more obvious that night and revelry had banished dissimulation. Nero, once aware of the feeling aroused, redoubled his hatred; and with Agrippina's threats becoming instant, as he had no grounds for a criminal charge against his brother and dared not openly order his execution, he tried secrecy and gave orders for poison to be prepared, his agent being Julius Pollio, tribune of a praetorian cohort, and responsible for the detention of the condemned poisoner Locusta, whose fame as a criminal stood high. For that no one about the person of Britannicus should regard either right or loyalty was a point long since provided for. The first dose the boy received from his own tutors, but his bowels were opened, and he passed the drug, which either lacked potency or contained a dilution to prevent immediate action. Nero, however, impatient of so much leisure in crime, threatened the tribune and ordered the execution of the poisoner, on the ground that, with their apprehensions of scandal and their preparations for defence, they were delaying his release from anxiety. They now promised that death should be as abrupt as if it were the summary work of steel; and a potion â its rapidity guaranteed by a private test of the ingredients â was concocted hard by the Caesar's bedroom. < 13.15. Perturbed by her attitude, and faced with the approach of the day on which Britannicus completed his fourteenth year, Nero began to revolve, now his mother's proclivity to violence, now the character of his rival, â lately revealed by a test which, trivial as it was, had gained him wide sympathy. During the festivities of the Saturnalia, while his peers in age were varying their diversions by throwing dice for a king, the lot had fallen upon Nero. On the others he imposed various orders, not likely to put them to the blush: but, when he commanded Britannicus to rise, advance into the centre, and strike up a song â this, in the hope of turning into derision a boy who knew little of sober, much less of drunken, society â his victim firmly began a poem hinting at his expulsion from his father's house and throne. His bearing awoke a pity the more obvious that night and revelry had banished dissimulation. Nero, once aware of the feeling aroused, redoubled his hatred; and with Agrippina's threats becoming instant, as he had no grounds for a criminal charge against his brother and dared not openly order his execution, he tried secrecy and gave orders for poison to be prepared, his agent being Julius Pollio, tribune of a praetorian cohort, and responsible for the detention of the condemned poisoner Locusta, whose fame as a criminal stood high. For that no one about the person of Britannicus should regard either right or loyalty was a point long since provided for. The first dose the boy received from his own tutors, but his bowels were opened, and he passed the drug, which either lacked potency or contained a dilution to prevent immediate action. Nero, however, impatient of so much leisure in crime, threatened the tribune and ordered the execution of the poisoner, on the ground that, with their apprehensions of scandal and their preparations for defence, they were delaying his release from anxiety. They now promised that death should be as abrupt as if it were the summary work of steel; and a potion â its rapidity guaranteed by a private test of the ingredients â was concocted hard by the Caesar's bedroom. |
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41. Tacitus, Histories, 1.23, 2.5, 2.49.3, 3.84.4, 4.52.1, 4.86.1, 5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139, 206, 272 | 2.5. Vespasian was energetic in war. He used to march at the head of his troops, select a place for camp, oppose the enemy night and day with wise strategy and, if occasion demanded, with his own hands. His food was whatever chance offered; in his dress and bearing he hardly differed from the common soldier. He would have been quite equal to the generals of old if he had not been avaricious. Mucianus, on the other hand, was eminent for his magnificence and wealth and by the complete superiority of his scale of life to that of a private citizen. He was the readier speaker, experienced in civil administration and in statesmanship. It would have been a rare combination for an emperor if the faults of the two could have been done away with and their virtues only combined in one man. But Mucianus was governor of Syria, Vespasian of Judea. They had quarrelled through jealousy because they governed neighbouring provinces. Finally at Nero's death they had laid aside their hostilities and consulted together, at first through friends as go-betweens; and then Titus, the chief bond of their concord, had ended their dangerous feud by pointing out their common interests; both by his nature and skill he was well calculated to win over even a person of the character of Mucianus. Tribunes, centurions, and the common soldiers were secured for the cause by industry or by licence, by virtues or by pleasures, according to the individual's character. |
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| 42. Appian, Civil Wars, 4.20.81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 272 |
| 43. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 47.8.2-47.8.4, 48.34.3, 52.34.1-52.34.3, 52.39.1-52.39.5, 57.3.3, 57.12, 59.26.7, 60.2, 63.27.3, 66.26, 67.11.3, 68.4.1-68.4.2, 68.23, 69.9, 6160.32.3-6160.32.6, 6160.33.9-6160.33.10, 6161.3.2-6161.3.4, 6161.7.1-6161.7.3, 6161.8.4, 6161.13.18, 6161.13.21, 6161.14.1-6161.14.13, 6261.21.1, 6263.9.1-6263.9.2, 6364.6.4, 6465.20.1, 6465.21.2, 7271.6, 7271.27.2-7271.27.31, 7271.28.1-7271.28.2, 7271.35, 7574.8.3-7574.8.5, 7574.9.4, 7675.7.3-7675.7.4, 7776.7.2-7776.7.3, 7776.15.2, 7877.10.4, 7877.11.2-7877.11.4, 7877.18.2-7877.18.3, 7877.20.1, 7978.4.2-7978.4.3, 7978.16.2, 7978.19.1-7978.19.2, 7978.26.6-7978.26.7, 7978.27.1, 7978.27.3, 7978.28.3, 7978.30-7978.33, 7978.30.2, 7978.31.2-7978.31.4, 7978.32.2-7978.32.4, 7978.33.2, 7978.34.4, 7978.34.11-7978.34.14, 7978.35.1-7978.35.3, 7978.36.1-7978.36.5, 7978.37.4, 7978.38.4, 7978.39.2, 8079.2.2-8079.2.3, 8079.2.6, 8079.11-8079.12, 8079.11.2, 8079.14.4, 8079.17-8079.19, 8079.17.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 237 |
| 44. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 12.529a (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 238 |
45. Lucian, How To Write History, 51 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 23 | 51. true of surface; then he will reflect events as they presented themselves to him, neither distorted, discoloured, nor variable. Historians are not writing fancy school essays; what they have to say is before them, and will get itself said somehow, being solid fact; their task is to arrange and put it into words; they have not to consider what to say, but how to say it. The historian, we may say, should be like Phidias, Praxiteles, Alcamenes, or any great sculptor. They similarly did not create the gold, silver, ivory, or other material they used; it was ready to their hands, provided by Athens, Elis, or Argos; they only made the model, sawed, polished, cemented, proportioned the ivory, and plated it with gold; that was what their art consisted in — the right arrangement of their material. The historian's business is similar — to superinduce upon events the charm of order, and set them forth in the most lucid fashion he can manage. When subsequently a hearer feels as though he were looking at what is being told him, and expresses his approval, then our historical Phidias's work has reached perfection, and received its appropriate reward. When all is ready, a writer will sometimes start without |
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| 46. Lucian, The Sky-Man, 29 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 237 |
| 47. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.2.4, 1.3-1.4, 1.3.1-1.3.5, 1.4.4-1.4.6, 1.5.1-1.5.3, 1.5.5, 1.5.8, 1.7.3-1.7.6, 1.14.7-1.14.8, 1.17.3, 1.17.5, 2.1.3-2.1.4, 2.1.8-2.1.9, 2.3.5, 2.3.7, 2.3.10-2.3.11, 2.4.2, 2.5.1, 2.5.4, 2.5.8, 2.6.6-2.6.11, 2.6.13, 2.7.2-2.7.6, 2.7.8-2.7.9, 2.8.1-2.8.10, 2.9.1, 2.9.8-2.9.10, 2.9.12-2.9.13, 2.10.1-2.10.9, 2.11.1-2.11.2, 2.11.8-2.11.9, 2.12.2, 2.14.3, 2.14.6, 2.15.4, 3.1.1, 3.4.6-3.4.7, 3.5.2, 3.6.6-3.6.7, 3.6.10, 3.7.1, 3.7.3, 3.7.7-3.7.8, 3.8.1-3.8.2, 3.8.8-3.8.9, 3.9.1, 3.10.1-3.10.5, 3.13.1-3.13.6, 3.14.1-3.14.8, 3.15.1-3.15.5, 4.1.1-4.1.2, 4.1.4-4.1.5, 4.3.1-4.3.9, 4.4.1-4.4.3, 4.4.7-4.4.8, 4.5.1, 4.5.5-4.5.6, 4.6.2, 4.7.4-4.7.7, 4.8.1, 4.8.5, 4.9.3, 4.12.1-4.12.2, 4.13.7, 4.14.2-4.14.3, 4.14.5, 5.1.1-5.1.8, 5.2.1-5.2.6, 5.3.3-5.3.12, 5.4.1-5.4.12, 5.5.1, 5.5.3-5.5.4, 5.5.7-5.5.10, 5.6.6-5.6.10, 5.7, 5.7.1-5.7.4, 5.7.6, 5.8.1, 6.1.1, 6.2.3, 6.4.2, 6.5.3-6.5.4, 6.7.4, 6.8.1-6.8.4, 7.1.1-7.1.3, 7.3.2, 7.4.2-7.4.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 52, 112, 139, 152, 193, 218 |
| 48. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 1.4-1.7, 2.1-2.4, 3.1, 3.3, 4.1-4.4, 12.2-12.4, 15.6, 17.4, 18.2-18.3, 31.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 50, 107 |
| 49. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Macrinus, 2.1, 5.6-5.7, 7.5, 7.7-7.8, 11.2, 12.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 45, 104 |
| 50. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 3.1, 5.2, 13.1, 14.5, 20.3, 26.9, 26.10, 51.4, 59.8-60.2, 63.4, 63.5, 63.6, 66.1, 66.2, 66.3, 66.4, 67, 68 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 50 |
| 51. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 4.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 237 |
| 52. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Severus, 15.1-15.2, 21.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 157, 206 |
| 53. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 24.5.11 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 |
| 54. Victor, De Caesaribus, 16.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 237 |
| 55. Plutarch, De Prof. Virt., 84c, 84b Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 |
| 56. Julian, Orations, 2.88a Tagged with subjects: •imitation (of emperors) Found in books: Chrysanthou, Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire (2022) 139 |
