1. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 10.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus, III • Artaxerxes III
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997) 144; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 363
| 10.10. And that ye may put difference between the holy and the common, and between the unclean and the clean;''. None |
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2. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander (III) the Great • Frederick III, emperor
Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022) 296; Salvesen et al (2020) 201
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3. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 7.10 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III the Great • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus III the Great
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022) 410; Schwartz (2008) 157
| 7.10. Moreover I have appointed a place for my people Yisra᾽el, and planted them, that they may dwell in a place of their own, and be troubled no more; neither shall the children of wickedness torment them any more, as at the beginning,''. None |
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4. Herodotus, Histories, 2.104, 2.111, 2.141, 3.5, 3.61-3.66 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Amenhotep III, in Chaeremons and Manethos versions of Exodus story • Antiochus III • Artaxerxes III • Athyrtis (daughter of pharaoh Senwosret/Sesostris III) • Dreams (in Egypt), Amenhotep III • Philip III Arrhidaeus • Psamtek III • Senusret III • Sheshonq III
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 331; Renberg (2017) 89, 91; Stephens and Winkler (1995) 400; Torok (2014) 65, 74, 94, 123; van Maaren (2022) 59
2.104. φαίνονται μὲν γὰρ ἐόντες οἱ Κόλχοι Αἰγύπτιοι, νοήσας δὲ πρότερον αὐτὸς ἢ ἀκούσας ἄλλων λέγω. ὡς δέ μοι ἐν φροντίδι ἐγένετο, εἰρόμην ἀμφοτέρους, καὶ μᾶλλον οἱ Κόλχοι ἐμεμνέατο τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἢ οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι τῶν Κόλχων· νομίζειν δʼ ἔφασαν οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι τῆς Σεσώστριος στρατιῆς εἶναι τοὺς Κόλχους. αὐτὸς δὲ εἴκασα τῇδε, καὶ ὅτι μελάγχροες εἰσὶ καὶ οὐλότριχες. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἐς οὐδὲν ἀνήκει· εἰσὶ γὰρ καὶ ἕτεροι τοιοῦτοι· ἀλλὰ τοῖσιδε καὶ μᾶλλον, ὅτι μοῦνοι πάντων ἀνθρώπων Κόλχοι καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ Αἰθίοπες περιτάμνονται ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς τὰ αἰδοῖα. Φοίνικες δὲ καὶ Σύροι οἱ ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ καὶ αὐτοὶ ὁμολογέουσι παρʼ Αἰγυπτίων μεμαθηκέναι, Σύριοι δὲ οἱ περὶ Θερμώδοντα καὶ Παρθένιον ποταμὸν καὶ Μάκρωνες οἱ τούτοισι ἀστυγείτονες ἐόντες ἀπὸ Κόλχων φασὶ νεωστὶ μεμαθηκέναι. οὗτοι γὰρ εἰσὶ οἱ περιταμνόμενοι ἀνθρώπων μοῦνοι, καὶ οὗτοι Αἰγυπτίοισι φαίνονται ποιεῦντες κατὰ ταὐτά. αὐτῶν δὲ Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Αἰθιόπων οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὁκότεροι παρὰ τῶν ἑτέρων ἐξέμαθον· ἀρχαῖον γὰρ δή τι φαίνεται ἐόν. ὡς δὲ ἐπιμισγόμενοι Αἰγύπτῳ ἐξέμαθον, μέγα μοι καὶ τόδε τεκμήριον γίνεται· Φοινίκων ὁκόσοι τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἐπιμίσγονται, οὐκέτι Αἰγυπτίους μιμέονται κατὰ τὰ αἰδοῖα. ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων οὐ περιτάμνουσι τὰ αἰδοῖα.
2.111. Σεσώστριος δὲ τελευτήσαντος ἐκδέξασθαι ἔλεγον τὴν βασιληίην τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ Φερῶν, τὸν ἀποδέξασθαι μὲν οὐδεμίαν στρατηίην, συνενειχθῆναι δέ οἱ τυφλὸν γενέσθαι διὰ τοιόνδε πρῆγμα. τοῦ ποταμοῦ κατελθόντος μέγιστα δὴ τότε ἐπʼ ὀκτωκαίδεκα πήχεας, ὡς ὑπερέβαλε τὰς ἀρούρας, πνεύματος ἐμπεσόντος κυματίης ὁ ποταμὸς ἐγένετο· τὸν δὲ βασιλέα λέγουσι τοῦτον ἀτασθαλίῃ χρησάμενον, λαβόντα αἰχμὴν βαλεῖν ἐς μέσας τὰς δίνας τοῦ ποταμοῦ, μετὰ δὲ αὐτίκα καμόντα αὐτὸν τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς τυφλωθῆναι. δέκα μὲν δὴ ἔτεα εἶναί μιν τυφλόν, ἑνδεκάτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ ἀπικέσθαι οἱ μαντήιον ἐκ Βουτοῦς πόλιος ὡς ἐξήκει τέ οἱ ὁ χρόνος τῆς ζημίης καὶ ἀναβλέψει γυναικὸς οὔρῳ νιψάμενος τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, ἥτις παρὰ τὸν ἑωυτῆς ἄνδρα μοῦνον πεφοίτηκε, ἄλλων ἀνδρῶν ἐοῦσα ἄπειρος. καὶ τὸν πρώτης τῆς ἑωυτοῦ γυναικὸς πειρᾶσθαι, μετὰ δέ, ὡς οὐκ ἀνέβλεπε, ἐπεξῆς πασέων πειρᾶσθαι· ἀναβλέψαντα δὲ συναγαγεῖν τὰς γυναῖκας τῶν ἐπειρήθη, πλὴν ἢ τῆς τῷ οὔρῳ νιψάμενος ἀνέβλεψε, ἐς μίαν πόλιν, ἣ νῦν καλέεται Ἐρυθρὴ βῶλος· ἐς ταύτην συναλίσαντα ὑποπρῆσαι πάσας σὺν αὐτῇ τῇ πόλι· τῆς δὲ νιψάμενος τῷ οὔρῳ ἀνέβλεψε, ταύτην δὲ ἔσχε αὐτὸς γυναῖκα. ἀναθήματα δὲ ἀποφυγὼν τὴν πάθην τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἄλλα τε ἀνὰ τὰ ἱρὰ πάντα τὰ λόγιμα ἀνέθηκε καὶ τοῦ γε λόγον μάλιστα ἄξιον ἐστὶ ἔχειν, ἐς τοῦ Ἡλίου τὸ ἱρὸν ἀξιοθέητα ἀνέθηκε ἔργα, ὀβελοὺς δύο λιθίνους, ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐόντα ἑκάτερον λίθου, μῆκος μὲν ἑκάτερον πηχέων ἑκατόν, εὖρος δὲ ὀκτὼ πηχέων.
2.141. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον βασιλεῦσαι τὸν ἱρέα τοῦ Ἡφαίστου, τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι Σεθῶν· τὸν ἐν ἀλογίῃσι ἔχειν παραχρησάμενον τῶν μαχίμων Αἰγυπτίων ὡς οὐδὲν δεησόμενον αὐτῶν, ἄλλα τε δὴ ἄτιμα ποιεῦντα ἐς αὐτούς, καί σφεας ἀπελέσθαι τὰς ἀρούρας· τοῖσι ἐπὶ τῶν προτέρων βασιλέων δεδόσθαι ἐξαιρέτους ἑκάστῳ δυώδεκα ἀρούρας. μετὰ δὲ ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον ἐλαύνειν στρατὸν μέγαν Σαναχάριβον βασιλέα Ἀραβίων τε καὶ Ἀσσυρίων· οὔκων δὴ ἐθέλειν τοὺς μαχίμους τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βοηθέειν. τὸν δʼ ἱρέα ἐς ἀπορίην ἀπειλημένον ἐσελθόντα ἐς τὸ μέγαρον πρὸς τὤγαλμα ἀποδύρεσθαι οἷα κινδυνεύει παθεῖν. ὀλοφυρόμενον δʼ ἄρα μιν ἐπελθεῖν ὕπνον, καί οἱ δόξαι ἐν τῇ ὄψι ἐπιστάντα τὸν θεὸν θαρσύνειν ὡς οὐδὲν πείσεται ἄχαρι ἀντιάζων τὸν Ἀραβίων στρατόν· αὐτὸς γάρ οἱ πέμψειν τιμωρούς. τούτοισι δή μιν πίσυνον τοῖσι ἐνυπνίοισι, παραλαβόντα Αἰγυπτίων τοὺς βουλομένους οἱ ἕπεσθαι, στρατοπεδεύσασθαι ἐν Πηλουσίῳ· ταύτῃ γὰρ εἰσὶ αἱ ἐσβολαί· ἕπεσθαι δέ οἱ τῶν μαχίμων μὲν οὐδένα ἀνδρῶν, καπήλους δὲ καὶ χειρώνακτας καὶ ἀγοραίους ἀνθρώπους. ἐνθαῦτα ἀπικομένοισι 1 τοῖσι ἐναντίοισι αὐτοῖσι ἐπιχυθέντας νυκτὸς μῦς ἀρουραίους κατὰ μὲν φαγεῖν τοὺς φαρετρεῶνας αὐτῶν κατὰ δὲ τὰ τόξα, πρὸς δὲ τῶν ἀσπίδων τὰ ὄχανα, ὥστε τῇ ὑστεραίῃ φευγόντων σφέων γυμνῶν πεσεῖν πολλούς. καὶ νῦν οὗτος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἕστηκε ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τοῦ Ἡφαίστου λίθινος, ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς χειρὸς μῦν, λέγων διὰ γραμμάτων τάδε· “ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρέων εὐσεβὴς ἔστω.”
3.5. μούνῃ δὲ ταύτῃ εἰσὶ φανεραὶ ἐσβολαὶ ἐς Αἴγυπτον. ἀπὸ γὰρ Φοινίκης μέχρι οὔρων τῶν Καδύτιος πόλιος ἐστὶ Σύρων τῶν Παλαιστίνων καλεομένων· ἀπὸ δὲ Καδύτιος ἐούσης πόλιος, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέει, Σαρδίων οὐ πολλῷ ἐλάσσονος, ἀπὸ ταύτης τὰ ἐμπόρια τὰ ἐπὶ θαλάσσης μέχρι Ἰηνύσου πόλιος ἐστὶ τοῦ Ἀραβίου, ἀπὸ δὲ Ἰηνύσου αὖτις Σύρων μέχρι Σερβωνίδος λίμνης, παρʼ ἣν δὴ τὸ Κάσιον ὄρος τείνει ἐς θάλασσαν· ἀπὸ δὲ Σερβωνίδος λίμνης, ἐν τῇ δὴ λόγος τὸν Τυφῶ κεκρύφθαι, ἀπὸ ταύτης ἤδη Αἴγυπτος. τὸ δὴ μεταξὺ Ἰηνύσου πόλιος καὶ Κασίου τε ὄρεος καὶ τῆς Σερβωνίδος λίμνης, ἐὸν τοῦτο οὐκ ὀλίγον χωρίον ἀλλὰ ὅσον τε ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ὁδόν, ἄνυδρον ἐστὶ δεινῶς.
3.61. Καμβύσῃ δὲ τῷ Κύρου χρονίζοντι περὶ Αἴγυπτον καὶ παραφρονήσαντι ἐπανιστέαται ἄνδρες Μάγοι δύο ἀδελφεοί, τῶν τὸν ἕτερον καταλελοίπεε τῶν οἰκίων μελεδωνὸν ὁ Καμβύσης. οὗτος δὴ ὦν οἱ ἐπανέστη μαθών τε τὸν Σμέρδιος θάνατον ὡς κρύπτοιτο γενόμενος, καὶ ὡς ὀλίγοι εἴησαν οἱ ἐπιστάμενοι αὐτὸν Περσέων, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ περιεόντα μιν εἰδείησαν. πρὸς ταῦτα βουλεύσας τάδε ἐπεχείρησε τοῖσι βασιληίοισι. ἦν οἱ ἀδελφεός, τὸν εἶπά οἱ συνεπαναστῆναι, οἰκὼς μάλιστα τὸ εἶδος Σμέρδι τῷ Κύρου, τὸν ὁ Καμβύσης ἐόντα ἑωυτοῦ ἀδελφεὸν ἀπέκτεινε· ἦν τε δὴ ὅμοιος εἶδος τῷ Σμέρδι καὶ δὴ καὶ οὔνομα τὠυτὸ εἶχε Σμέρδιν. τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα ἀναγνώσας ὁ Μάγος Πατιζείθης ὥς οἱ αὐτὸς πάντα διαπρήξει, εἷσε ἄγων ἐς τὸν βασιλήιον θρόνον. ποιήσας δὲ τοῦτο κήρυκας τῇ τε ἄλλῃ διέπεμπε καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Αἴγυπτον προερέοντα τῷ στρατῷ ὡς Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου ἀκουστέα εἴη τοῦ λοιποῦ ἀλλʼ οὐ Καμβύσεω. 3.62. οἵ τε δὴ ὦν ἄλλοι κήρυκες προηγόρευον ταῦτα καὶ δὴ καὶ ὁ ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον ταχθείς, εὕρισκε γὰρ Καμβύσεα καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐόντα τῆς Συρίης ἐν Ἀγβατάνοισι, προηγόρευε στὰς ἐς μέσον τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἐκ τοῦ Μάγου. Καμβύσης δὲ ἀκούσας ταῦτα ἐκ τοῦ κήρυκος καὶ ἐλπίσας μιν λέγειν ἀληθέα αὐτός τε προδεδόσθαι ἐκ Πρηξάσπεος ʽπεμφθέντα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὡς ἀποκτενέοντα Σμέρδιν οὐ ποιῆσαι ταῦτἀ, βλέψας ἐς τὸν Πρηξάσπεα εἶπε “Πρήξασπες, οὕτω μοι διεπρήξαο τό τοι προσέθηκα πρῆγμα;” ὁ δὲ εἶπε “ὦ δέσποτα, οὐκ ἔστι ταῦτα ἀληθέα, ὅκως κοτὲ σοὶ Σμέρδις ἀδελφεὸς σὸς ἐπανέστηκε, οὐδὲ ὅκως τι ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς νεῖκός τοι ἔσται ἢ μέγα ἢ σμικρόν· ἐγὼ γὰρ αὐτός, ποιήσας τὰ σύ με ἐκέλευες, ἔθαψά μιν χερσὶ τῇσι ἐμεωυτοῦ. εἰ μέν νυν οἱ τεθνεῶτες ἀνεστᾶσι, προσδέκεό τοι καὶ Ἀστυάγεα τὸν Μῆδον ἐπαναστήσεσθαι· εἰ δʼ ἔστι ὥσπερ πρὸ τοῦ, οὐ μή τί τοι ἔκ γε ἐκείνου νεώτερον ἀναβλάστῃ. νῦν ὦν μοι δοκέει μεταδιώξαντας τὸν κήρυκα ἐξετάζειν εἰρωτεῦντας παρʼ ὅτευ ἥκων προαγορεύει ἡμῖν Σμέρδιος βασιλέος ἀκούειν.” 3.63. ταῦτα εἴπαντος Πρηξάσπεος, ἤρεσε γὰρ Καμβύσῃ, αὐτίκα μεταδίωκτος γενόμενος ὁ κῆρυξ ἧκε· ἀπιγμένον δέ μιν εἴρετο ὁ Πρηξάσπης τάδε. “ὤνθρωπε, φὴς γὰρ ἥκειν παρὰ Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου ἄγγελος· νῦν ὦν εἴπας τὴν ἀληθείην ἄπιθι χαίρων, κότερα αὐτός τοι Σμέρδις φαινόμενος ἐς ὄψιν ἐνετέλλετο ταῦτα ἢ τῶν τις ἐκείνου ὑπηρετέων.” ὅδὲ εἶπε “ἐγὼ Σμέρδιν μὲν τὸν Κύρου, ἐξ ὅτευ βασιλεὺς Καμβύσης ἤλασε ἐς Αἴγυπτον, οὔκω ὄπωπα· ὁ δέ μοι Μάγος τὸν Καμβύσης ἐπίτροπον τῶν οἰκίων ἀπέδεξε, οὗτος ταῦτα ἐνετείλατο, φὰς Σμέρδιν τὸν Κύρου εἶναι τὸν ταῦτα ἐπιθέμενον εἶπαι πρὸς ὑμέας.” ὃ μὲν δή σφι ἔλεγε οὐδὲν ἐπικατεψευσμένος, Καμβύσης δὲ εἶπε “Πρήξασπες, σὺ μὲν οἷα ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ποιήσας τὸ κελευόμενον αἰτίην ἐκπέφευγας· ἐμοὶ δὲ τίς ἂν εἴη Περσέων ὁ ἐπανεστεὼς ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ Σμέρδιος οὐνόματος;” ὁ δὲ εἶπε “ἐγώ μοι δοκέω συνιέναι τὸ γεγονὸς τοῦτο, ὦ βασιλεῦ· οἱ Μάγοι εἰσί τοι οἱ ἐπανεστεῶτες, τόν τε ἔλιπες μελεδωνὸν τῶν οἰκίων, Πατιζείθης, καὶ ὁ τούτου ἀδελφεὸς Σμέρδις.” 3.64. ἐνθαῦτα ἀκούσαντα Καμβύσεα τὸ Σμέρδιος οὔνομα ἔτυψε ἡ ἀληθείη τῶν τε λόγων καὶ τοῦ ἐνυπνίου· ὃς ἐδόκεε ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ ἀπαγγεῖλαι τινά οἱ ὡς Σμέρδις ἱζόμενος ἐς τὸν βασιλήιον θρόνον ψαύσειε τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. μαθὼν δὲ ὡς μάτην ἀπολωλεκὼς εἴη τὸν ἀδελφεόν, ἀπέκλαιε Σμέρδιν· ἀποκλαύσας δὲ καὶ περιημεκτήσας τῇ ἁπάσῃ συμφορῇ ἀναθρώσκει ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον, ἐν νόῳ ἔχων τὴν ταχίστην ἐς Σοῦσα στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὸν Μάγον. καί οἱ ἀναθρώσκοντι ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον τοῦ κολεοῦ τοῦ ξίφεος ὁ μύκης ἀποπίπτει, γυμνωθὲν δὲ τὸ ξίφος παίει τὸν μηρόν· τρωματισθεὶς δὲ κατὰ τοῦτο τῇ αὐτὸς πρότερον τὸν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων θεὸν Ἆπιν ἔπληξε, ὥς οἱ καιρίῃ ἔδοξε τετύφθαι, εἴρετο ὁ Καμβύσης ὅ τι τῇ πόλι οὔνομα εἴη· οἳ δὲ εἶπαν ὅτι Ἀγβάτανα. τῷ δὲ ἔτι πρότερον ἐκέχρηστο ἐκ Βουτοῦς πόλιος ἐν Ἀγβατάνοισι τελευτήσειν τὸν βίον. ὃ μὲν δὴ ἐν τοῖσι Μηδικοῖσι Ἀγβατάνοισι ἐδόκεε τελευτήσειν γηραιός, ἐν τοῖσί οἱ ἦν τὰ πάντα πρήγματα· τὸ δὲ χρηστήριον ἐν τοῖσι ἐν Συρίῃ Ἀγβατάνοισι ἔλεγε ἄρα. καὶ δὴ ὡς τότε ἐπειρόμενος ἐπύθετο τῆς πόλιος τὸ οὔνομα, ὑπὸ τῆς συμφορῆς τῆς τε ἐκ τοῦ Μάγου ἐκπεπληγμένος καὶ τοῦ τρώματος ἐσωφρόνησε, συλλαβὼν δὲ τὸ θεοπρόπιον εἶπε “ἐνθαῦτα Καμβύσεα τὸν Κύρου ἐστὶ πεπρωμένον τελευτᾶν.” 3.65. τότε μὲν τοσαῦτα. ἡμέρῃσι δὲ ὕστερον ὡς εἴκοσι μεταπεμψάμενος Περσέων τῶν παρεόντων τοὺς λογιμωτάτους ἔλεγέ σφι τάδε. “ὦ Πέρσαι, καταλελάβηκέ με, τὸ πάντων μάλιστα ἔκρυπτον πρηγμάτων, τοῦτο ἐς ὑμέας ἐκφῆναι. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐὼν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ εἶδον ὄψιν ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ, τὴν μηδαμὰ ὄφελον ἰδεῖν· ἐδόκεον δέ μοι ἄγγελον ἐλθόντα ἐξ οἴκου ἀγγέλλειν ὡς Σμέρδις ἱζόμενος ἐς τὸν βασιλήιον θρόνον ψαύσειε τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. δείσας δὲ μὴ ἀπαιρεθέω τὴν ἀρχὴν πρὸς τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ, ἐποίησα ταχύτερα ἢ σοφώτερα· ἐν τῇ γὰρ ἀνθρωπηίῃ φύσι οὐκ ἐνῆν ἄρα τὸ μέλλον γίνεσθαι ἀποτρέπειν. ἐγὼ δὲ ὁ μάταιος Πρηξάσπεα ἀποπέμπω ἐς Σοῦσα ἀποκτενέοντα Σμέρδιν. ἐξεργασθέντος δὲ κακοῦ τοσούτου ἀδεῶς διαιτώμην, οὐδαμὰ ἐπιλεξάμενος μή κοτέ τίς μοι Σμέρδιος ὑπαραιρημένου ἄλλος ἐπανασταίη ἀνθρώπων. παντὸς δὲ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔσεσθαι ἁμαρτὼν ἀδελφεοκτόνος τε οὐδὲν δέον γέγονα καὶ τῆς βασιληίης οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐστέρημαι· Σμέρδις γὰρ δὴ ἦν ὁ Μάγος τόν μοι ὁ δαίμων προέφαινε ἐν τῇ ὄψι ἐπαναστήσεσθαι. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἔργον ἐξέργασταί μοι, καὶ Σμέρδιν τὸν Κύρου μηκέτι ὑμῖν ἐόντα λογίζεσθε· οἱ δὲ ὑμῖν Μάγοι κρατέουσι τῶν βασιληίων, τόν τε ἔλιπον ἐπίτροπον τῶν οἰκίων καὶ ὁ ἐκείνου ἀδελφεὸς Σμέρδις. τὸν μέν νυν μάλιστα χρῆν ἐμεῦ αἰσχρὰ πρὸς τῶν Μάγων πεπονθότος τιμωρέειν ἐμοί, οὗτος μὲν ἀνοσίῳ μόρῳ τετελεύτηκε ὑπὸ τῶν ἑωυτοῦ οἰκηιοτάτων· τούτου δὲ μηκέτι ἐόντος, δεύτερα τῶν λοιπῶν ὑμῖν ὦ Πέρσαι γίνεταί μοι ἀναγκαιότατον ἐντέλλεσθαι τὰ θέλω μοι γενέσθαι τελευτῶν τὸν βίον· καὶ δὴ ὑμῖν τάδε ἐπισκήπτω θεοὺς τοὺς βασιληίους ἐπικαλέων καὶ πᾶσι ὑμῖν καὶ μάλιστα Ἀχαιμενιδέων τοῖσι παρεοῦσι, μὴ περιιδεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίην αὖτις ἐς Μήδους περιελθοῦσαν, ἀλλʼ εἴτε δόλῳ ἔχουσι αὐτὴν κτησάμενοι, δόλῳ ἀπαιρεθῆναι ὑπὸ ὑμέων, εἴτε καὶ σθένεϊ τεῷ κατεργασάμενοι, σθένεϊ κατὰ τὸ καρτερὸν ἀνασώσασθαι. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ποιεῦσι ὑμῖν γῆ τε καρπὸν ἐκφέροι καὶ γυναῖκές τε καὶ ποῖμναι τίκτοιεν, ἐοῦσι ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ἐλευθέροισι· μὴ δὲ ἀνασωσαμένοισι τὴν ἀρχὴν μηδʼ ἐπιχειρήσασι ἀνασώζειν τὰ ἐναντία τούτοισι ἀρῶμαι ὑμῖν γενέσθαι, καὶ πρὸς ἔτι τούτοισι τὸ τέλος Περσέων ἑκάστῳ ἐπιγενέσθαι οἷον ἐμοὶ ἐπιγέγονε.” ἅμα τε εἴπας ταῦτα ὁ Καμβύσης ἀπέκλαιε πᾶσαν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ πρῆξιν. 3.66. πέρσαι δὲ ὡς τὸν βασιλέα εἶδον ἀνακλαύσαντα πάντες τά τε ἐσθῆτος ἐχόμενα εἶχον, ταῦτα κατηρείκοντο καὶ οἰμωγῇ ἀφθόνῳ διεχρέωντο. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὡς ἐσφακέλισέ τε τὸ ὀστέον καὶ ὁ μηρὸς τάχιστα ἐσάπη, ἀπήνεικε Καμβύσεα τὸν Κύρου, βασιλεύσαντα μὲν τὰ πάντα ἑπτὰ ἔτεα καὶ πέντε μῆνας, ἄπαιδα δὲ τὸ παράπαν ἐόντα ἔρσενος καὶ θήλεος γόνου. Περσέων δὲ τοῖσι παρεοῦσι ἀπιστίη πολλὴ ὑπεκέχυτο τοὺς Μάγους ἔχειν τὰ πρήγματα, ἀλλʼ ἠπιστέατο ἐπὶ διαβολῇ εἰπεῖν Καμβύσεα τὰ εἶπε περὶ τοῦ Σμέρδιος θανάτου, ἵνα οἱ ἐκπολεμωθῇ πᾶν τὸ Περσικόν.''. None | 2.104. For it is plain to see that the Colchians are Egyptians; and what I say, I myself noted before I heard it from others. When it occurred to me, I inquired of both peoples; and the Colchians remembered the Egyptians better than the Egyptians remembered the Colchians; ,the Egyptians said that they considered the Colchians part of Sesostris' army. I myself guessed it, partly because they are dark-skinned and woolly-haired; though that indeed counts for nothing, since other peoples are, too; but my better proof was that the Colchians and Egyptians and Ethiopians are the only nations that have from the first practised circumcision. ,The Phoenicians and the Syrians of Palestine acknowledge that they learned the custom from the Egyptians, and the Syrians of the valleys of the Thermodon and the Parthenius, as well as their neighbors the Macrones, say that they learned it lately from the Colchians. These are the only nations that circumcise, and it is seen that they do just as the Egyptians. ,But as to the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I cannot say which nation learned it from the other; for it is evidently a very ancient custom. That the others learned it through traffic with Egypt, I consider clearly proved by this: that Phoenicians who traffic with Hellas cease to imitate the Egyptians in this matter and do not circumcise their children. " '
2.111. When Sesostris died, he was succeeded in the kingship (the priests said) by his son Pheros . This king waged no wars, and chanced to become blind, for the following reason: the Nile came down in such a flood as there had never been, rising to a height of thirty feet, and the water that flowed over the fields was roughened by a strong wind; ,then, it is said, the king was so audacious as to seize a spear and hurl it into the midst of the river eddies. Right after this, he came down with a disease of the eyes, and became blind. When he had been blind for ten years, an oracle from the city of Buto declared to him that the term of his punishment was drawing to an end, and that he would regain his sight by washing his eyes with the urine of a woman who had never had intercourse with any man but her own husband. ,Pheros tried his own wife first; and, as he remained blind, all women, one after another. When he at last recovered his sight, he took all the women whom he had tried, except the one who had made him see again, and gathered them into one town, the one which is now called “Red Clay”; having concentrated them together there, he burnt them and the town; ,but the woman by whose means he had recovered his sight, he married. Most worthy of mention among the many offerings which he dedicated in all the noteworthy temples for his deliverance from blindness are the two marvellous stone obelisks which he set up in the temple of the Sun. Each of these is made of a single block, and is over one hundred and sixty-six feet high and thirteen feet thick. ' "
2.141. The next king was the priest of Hephaestus whose name was Sethos. He despised and had no regard for the warrior Egyptians, thinking he would never need them; besides otherwise dishonoring them, he took away the chosen lands which had been given to them, twelve fields to each man, in the reign of former kings. ,So when presently king Sanacharib came against Egypt, with a great force of Arabians and Assyrians, the warrior Egyptians would not march against him. ,The priest, in this quandary, went into the temple shrine and there before the god's image bitterly lamented over what he expected to suffer. Sleep came on him while he was lamenting, and it seemed to him the god stood over him and told him to take heart, that he would come to no harm encountering the power of Arabia : “I shall send you champions,” said the god. ,So he trusted the vision, and together with those Egyptians who would follow him camped at Pelusium, where the road comes into Egypt ; and none of the warriors would go with him, but only merchants and craftsmen and traders. ,Their enemies came there, too, and during the night were overrun by a horde of field mice that gnawed quivers and bows and the handles of shields, with the result that many were killed fleeing unarmed the next day. ,And to this day a stone statue of the Egyptian king stands in Hephaestus' temple, with a mouse in his hand, and an inscription to this effect: “Look at me, and believe.” " "
3.5. Now the only apparent way of entry into Egypt is this. The road runs from Phoenicia as far as the borders of the city of Cadytis, which belongs to the so-called Syrians of Palestine . ,From Cadytis (which, as I judge, is a city not much smaller than Sardis ) to the city of Ienysus the seaports belong to the Arabians; then they are Syrian again from Ienysus as far as the Serbonian marsh, beside which the Casian promontory stretches seawards; ,from this Serbonian marsh, where Typho is supposed to have been hidden, the country is Egypt . Now between Ienysus and the Casian mountain and the Serbonian marsh there lies a wide territory for as much as three days' journey, terribly arid. " "
3.61. Now after Cambyses, son of Cyrus, had lost his mind, while he was still in Egypt, two Magus brothers rebelled against him. One of them had been left by Cambyses as steward of his house; this man now revolted from him, perceiving that the death of Smerdis was kept secret, and that few knew of it, most believing him to be still alive. ,Therefore he plotted to gain the royal power: he had a brother, his partner, as I said, in rebellion; this brother was in appearance very like Cyrus' son Smerdis, whom Cambyses, his brother, had killed; nor was he like him in appearance only, but he bore the same name too, Smerdis. ,Patizeithes the Magus persuaded this man that he would manage everything for him; he brought his brother and set him on the royal throne; then he sent heralds to all parts, one of whom was to go to Egypt and proclaim to the army that henceforth they must obey not Cambyses but Smerdis, the son of Cyrus. " '3.62. So this proclamation was made everywhere. The herald appointed to go to Egypt, finding Cambyses and his army at Ecbatana in Syria, came out before them all and proclaimed the message given him by the Magus. ,When Cambyses heard what the herald said, he supposed that it was the truth, and that Prexaspes, when sent to kill Smerdis, had not done it but had played Cambyses false; and he said, fixing his eyes on Prexaspes, “Is it thus, Prexaspes, that you carried out my instructions?” ,“No,” said Prexaspes, “this is not true, sire, that your brother Smerdis has rebelled against you; he cannot have any quarrel with you, small or great; I myself did as you instructed, and I buried him with my own hands. ,If then the dead can rise, you may expect to see Astyages the Mede rise up against you; but if things are as usual, assuredly no harm to you will arise from Smerdis. Now then this is my opinion, that we pursue this herald and interrogate him, to learn from whom he comes with his proclamation that we must obey Smerdis as our king.” ' "3.63. Cambyses liked Prexaspes' advice; the herald was pursued at once and brought; and when he came, Prexaspes put this question to him: “Fellow, you say that your message is from Cyrus' son Smerdis; tell me this now, and you may go away unpunished: was it Smerdis who appeared to you and gave you this charge, or was it one of his servants?” ,“Since King Cambyses marched to Egypt,” answered the herald, “I have never seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus; the Magus whom Cambyses made overseer of his house gave me the message, saying that it was the will of Smerdis, son of Cyrus, that I should make it known to you.” ,So spoke the herald, telling the whole truth; and Cambyses said, “Prexaspes, having done what you were told like a good man you are free of blame; but who can this Persian be who rebels against me and usurps the name of Smerdis?” ,Prexaspes replied, “I think, sire, that I understand what has been done here; the rebels are the Magi, Patizeithes whom you left steward of your house, and his brother Smerdis.” " '3.64. The truth of the words and of a dream struck Cambyses the moment he heard the name Smerdis; for he had dreamt that a message had come to him that Smerdis sitting on the royal throne touched heaven with his head; ,and perceiving that he had killed his brother without cause, he wept bitterly for Smerdis. Having wept, and grieved by all his misfortune, he sprang upon his horse, with intent to march at once to Susa against the Magus. ,As he sprang upon his horse, the cap fell off the sheath of his sword, and the naked blade pierced his thigh, wounding him in the same place where he had once wounded the Egyptian god Apis; and believing the wound to be mortal, Cambyses asked what was the name of the town where he was. ,They told him it was Ecbatana . Now a prophecy had before this come to him from Buto, that he would end his life at Ecbatana ; Cambyses supposed this to signify that he would die in old age at the Median Ecbatana, his capital city; but as the event proved, the oracle prophesied his death at Ecbatana of Syria . ,So when he now inquired and learned the name of the town, the shock of his wound, and of the misfortune that came to him from the Magus, brought him to his senses; he understood the prophecy and said: “Here Cambyses son of Cyrus is to die.” ' "3.65. At this time he said no more. But about twenty days later, he sent for the most prominent of the Persians that were about him, and thus addressed them: “Persians, I have to make known to you something which I kept most strictly concealed. ,When I was in Egypt I had a dream, which I wish I had not had; it seemed to me that a messenger came from home to tell me that Smerdis sitting on the royal throne touched heaven with his head. ,Then I feared that my brother would take away my sovereignty from me, and I acted with more haste than wisdom; for it is not in the power of human nature to run away from what is to be; but I, blind as I was, sent Prexaspes to Susa to kill Smerdis. When that great wrong was done I lived without fear, for I never thought that when Smerdis was removed another man might rise against me. ,But I mistook altogether what was to be; I have killed my brother when there was no need, and I have lost my kingdom none the less; for it was the Magus Smerdis that the divinity forewarned in the dream would revolt. ,Now he has been done for by me, and I would have you believe that Smerdis Cyrus' son no longer lives; the Magi rule the kingdom, the one that I left caretaker of my house, and his brother Smerdis. So then, the man is dead of an unholy destiny at the hands of his relations who ought to have been my avenger for the disgrace I have suffered from the Magi; ,and as he is no longer alive, necessity constrains me to charge you, men of Persia, in his place, with the last desire of my life. In the name of the gods of my royal house I charge all of you, but chiefly those Achaemenids that are here, not to let the sovereignty fall again into Median hands; if they have it after getting it by trickery, take it back through trickery of your own; if they have got it away by force, then by force all the stronger get it back. ,And if you do this, may your land bring forth fruit, and your women and your flocks and herds be blessed with offspring, remaining free for all time; but if you do not get the kingdom back or attempt to get it back, then I pray things turn out the opposite for you, and on top of this, that every Persian meet an end such as mine.” With that Cambyses wept bitterly for all that had happened to him. " "3.66. When the Persians saw their king weep, they all tore the clothing which they wore and wailed loud and long. ,But when after this the bone rotted and the thigh rapidly putrefied, it carried off Cambyses son of Cyrus, who had reigned in all seven years and five months, but was altogether childless, without male or female issue. ,To the Persians who were present it was quite incredible that the Magi were masters of the kingdom; they believed that Cambyses' intent was to deceive them with his story of Smerdis' death, so that all Persia might be embroiled in a war against him. "". None |
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5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 6.15.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon • Alexander III of Macedon vii,
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 416; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 317
6.15.4. φοβηθέντες γὰρ αὐτοῦ οἱ πολλοὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς τε κατὰ τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σῶμα παρανομίας ἐς τὴν δίαιταν καὶ τῆς διανοίας ὧν καθ’ ἓν ἕκαστον ἐν ὅτῳ γίγνοιτο ἔπρασσεν, ὡς τυραννίδος ἐπιθυμοῦντι πολέμιοι καθέστασαν, καὶ δημοσίᾳ κράτιστα διαθέντι τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστοι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν αὐτοῦ ἀχθεσθέντες, καὶ ἄλλοις ἐπιτρέψαντες, οὐ διὰ μακροῦ ἔσφηλαν τὴν πόλιν.''. None | 6.15.4. Alarmed at the greatness of his license in his own life and habits, and of the ambition which he showed in all things soever that he undertook, the mass of the people set him down as a pretender to the tyranny, and became his enemies; and although publicly his conduct of the war was as good as could be desired individually, his habits gave offence to every one, and caused them to commit affairs to other hands, and thus before long to ruin the city. ''. None |
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6. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III • Alexander III of Macedon vii, • Harpalos (Alexander III’s treasurer)
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 177; Henderson (2020) 57, 96
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7. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 11.14, 11.33-11.35 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III • Antiochus, III
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 339; Corley (2002) 13, 14; van Maaren (2022) 72
11.14. וּבָעִתִּים הָהֵם רַבִּים יַעַמְדוּ עַל־מֶלֶךְ הַנֶּגֶב וּבְנֵי פָּרִיצֵי עַמְּךָ יִנַּשְּׂאוּ לְהַעֲמִיד חָזוֹן וְנִכְשָׁלוּ׃
11.33. וּמַשְׂכִּילֵי עָם יָבִינוּ לָרַבִּים וְנִכְשְׁלוּ בְּחֶרֶב וּבְלֶהָבָה בִּשְׁבִי וּבְבִזָּה יָמִים׃ 11.34. וּבְהִכָּשְׁלָם יֵעָזְרוּ עֵזֶר מְעָט וְנִלְווּ עֲלֵיהֶם רַבִּים בַּחֲלַקְלַקּוֹת׃ 11.35. וּמִן־הַמַּשְׂכִּילִים יִכָּשְׁלוּ לִצְרוֹף בָּהֶם וּלְבָרֵר וְלַלְבֵּן עַד־עֵת קֵץ כִּי־עוֹד לַמּוֹעֵד׃''. None | 11.14. And in those times there shall many stand up against the king of the south; also the children of the violent among thy people shall lift themselves up to establish the vision; but they shall stumble.
11.33. And they that are wise among the people shall cause the many to understand; yet they shall stumble by the sword and by flame, by captivity and by spoil, many days. 11.34. Now when they shall stumble, they shall be helped with a little help; but many shall join themselves unto them with blandishments. 11.35. And some of them that are wise shall stumble, to refine among them, and to purify, and to make white, even to the time of the end; for it is yet for the time appointed.''. None |
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8. Polybius, Histories, 3.37.11, 4.65.6, 5.51-5.55, 5.57.5, 5.65.3, 5.101.10, 5.107.1-5.107.3, 11.34.5-11.34.6, 16.32.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antigonos III Doson, Macedonian king • Antiochos III • Antiochos III Megas • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III, • Antiochus, III • Arsinoe III • Lydia/Lydians, Antiochos III • Pergamon, Rome’s ally against Philip V and Antiochos III • Rhodes/Rhodians, alliance with Pergamon and Rome against Philip V and Antiochos III • Sidon, collective suicide in face of attack by Artaxerxes III Ochus
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 317, 322, 795; Cohen (2010) 136; Gruen (2020) 21, 64; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 148; Hau (2017) 57; Huttner (2013) 35; Konig and Wiater (2022) 62; König and Wiater (2022) 62; Marek (2019) 218; Schwartz (2008) 190, 547; Stavrianopoulou (2013) 344, 372
3.37.11. τὸ δὲ παρὰ τὴν ἔξω καὶ μεγάλην προσαγορευομένην κοινὴν μὲν ὀνομασίαν οὐκ ἔχει διὰ τὸ προσφάτως κατωπτεῦσθαι, κατοικεῖται δὲ πᾶν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἐθνῶν καὶ πολυανθρώπων, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν
4.65.6. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς παραλαβὼν καὶ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, ἐξ αὐτῆς προελθὼν κατεστρατοπέδευσε τῆς Καλυδωνίας πρός τι χωρίον ὀχυρόν, ὃ καλεῖται μὲν Ἔλαος, ἠσφάλισται δὲ τείχεσι καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς παρασκευαῖς διαφερόντως, Ἀττάλου τὴν περὶ αὐτὸ κατασκευὴν ἀναδεξαμένου τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.' '
5.57.5. παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς Λαοδίκειαν τὴν ἐν Φρυγίᾳ διάδημά τε περιέθετο καὶ βασιλεὺς τότε πρῶτον ἐτόλμησε χρηματίζειν καὶ γράφειν πρὸς τὰς πόλεις; Γαρσυήριδος αὐτὸν τοῦ φυγάδος εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος μάλιστα προτρεψαμένου. προάγοντος δὲ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς αὐτοῦ,
5.65.3. ὁ δʼ Ἀχαιὸς Φοξίδας καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Θρασέου, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀνδρόμαχος ὁ Ἀσπένδιος, συνεγύμναζον μὲν ἐπὶ ταὐτὸ τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ τοὺς μισθοφόρους Ἕλληνας,
5.101.10. τὴν δʼ Ἰταλίαν ἔφη καὶ τὴν ἐκεῖ διάβασιν ἀρχὴν εἶναι τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἐπιβολῆς, ἣν οὐδενὶ καθήκειν μᾶλλον ἢ ʼκείνῳ τὸν
5.107.1. εστώτων ἀκρισίαν. Πτολεμαίῳ γε μὴν εὐθέως ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους πόλεμον. 5.107.2. ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος βασιλεὺς καθοπλίσας τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πόλεμον πρὸς μὲν τὸ παρὸν ἐνδεχομένως ἐβουλεύσατο, τοῦ δὲ μέλλοντος ἠστόχησε· 5.107.3. φρονηματισθέντες γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ περὶ Ῥαφίαν προτερήματος, οὐκέτι τὸ προσταττόμενον οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ὑπομένειν, ἀλλʼ ἐζήτουν ἡγεμόνα καὶ πρόσωπον, ὡς ἱκανοὶ βοηθεῖν ὄντες αὑτοῖς. ὃ καὶ τέλος ἐποίησαν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον.
11.34.5. πλήθη γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγα παρεῖναι τῶν Νομάδων, διʼ ὧν κινδυνεύειν μὲν ἀμφοτέρους, ἐκβαρβαρωθήσεσθαι δὲ τὴν χώραν ὁμολογουμένως, ἐὰν ἐκείνους προσδέχωνται. 11.34.6. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἐξαπέστειλε τὸν Τηλέαν πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον.
16.32.5. διὸ καὶ μάλιστʼ ἄν τις ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀβυδηνῶν περιπετείας μέμψαιτο τῇ τύχῃ, διότι τὰς μὲν τῶν προειρημένων συμφορὰς οἷον ἐλεήσασα παραυτίκα διωρθώσατο, περιθεῖσα τὴν νίκην ἅμα καὶ τὴν σωτηρίαν τοῖς ἀπηλπισμένοις, περὶ δʼ Ἀβυδηνῶν τὴν ἐναντίαν εἶχε διάληψιν.''. None | 3.37.11. \xa0while that part which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, as it has only recently come under notice, but is all densely inhabited by barbarous tribes of whom I\xa0shall speak more particularly on a subsequent occasion. <
4.65.6. \xa0The king, taking possession of this town too, advanced from it and encamped before a strong place in the territory of Calydon called Elaus admirably fortified by walls and other defences, Attalus having undertaken for the Aetolians the expense of construction. <' "
5.51. 1. \xa0Antiochus, on reaching the Euphrates, gave his troops a rest and then resumed his march. Arriving at Antioch in Mygdonia at about the winter solstice, he remained there, wishing to wait until the extreme rigour of the winter should be over.,2. \xa0After passing forty days there he went off to Libba,,3. \xa0and at a council held to determine what was the best line of advance against Molon and whence supplies for the march should be obtained â\x80\x94 Molon being now in the neighbourhood of Babylon â\x80\x94,4. \xa0Hermeias advised marching along the Tigris, so that their flank should be covered by this river and by the Lycus and Caprus.,5. \xa0Zeuxis, having the fate of Epigenes before his eyes, was afraid of the consequences if he stated his own view, but nevertheless, as Hermeias was obviously wrong, he plucked up courage to advise crossing the Tigris,,6. \xa0giving as his reasons the general difficulty of the march along the river, and the fact that they would, after passing through a considerable extent of country, have to undertake a six days' march through the desert before reaching the king's canal.,7. \xa0As this was held by the enemy, it would be impossible to cross, and a subsequent retreat through the desert would obviously be attended with great risk, especially as they would be badly off for provisions.,8. \xa0If, on the contrary, they crossed the Tigris, he pointed out that the population of the Apolloniatis would evidently resume their allegiance and join the king, since it was not by their own choice but from necessity and fear that they now yielded obedience to Molon.,9. \xa0It was also evident, he said, that the army would be plenteously furnished with provisions owing to the fertility of the country.,10. \xa0But the most important consideration was that Molon's retreat to Media and his sources of supplies from that province would be cut off,,11. \xa0and that therefore he would be obliged to give battle, or if he refused, his troops would soon go over to the king." "5.52. 1. \xa0Zeuxis' advice was approved, and dividing the army into three parts they speedily crossed the river with their baggage at three different places,,2. \xa0and marching on Dura, which city was then besieged by one of Molon's generals,,3. \xa0forced the enemy at their first assault to raise the siege. Advancing hence and marching continuously for eight days they crossed the mountain called Oreicum and arrived at Apollonia.,4. Meanwhile Molon had heard of the king's arrival, and mistrusting the population of Susiana and Babylonia, as his conquest of these provinces was so recent and sudden, fearing also that his return to Media might be cut off, he decided to bridge the Tigris and cross it with his army,,5. \xa0being anxious if possible to gain the hilly part of the territory of Apollonia, as he relied on the numbers of his force of slingers known as Cyrtii.,6. \xa0Having crossed the river he advanced marching rapidly and uninterruptedly.,7. \xa0He was approaching the district in question at the very time that king had left Apollonia with the whole of his army, and the light infantry of both, which had been sent on in advance, came into contact in crossing a certain range of hills.,8. \xa0At first they engaged in a skirmish with each other, but on the main bodies coming up they separated. The armies now withdrew to their separate camps, which were distant from each other about forty stades,,9. \xa0but when evening set in Molon, reflecting that a direct attack by day on their king by the rebels would be hazardous and difficult, determined to attack Antiochus by night.,10. \xa0Choosing the most competent and vigorous men in his whole army, he took them round in a certain direction, with the design of falling on the enemy from higher ground.,11. \xa0But learning on his march that ten soldiers in a body had deserted to Antiochus,,12. \xa0he abandoned this plan and retiring hastily appeared about daybreak at his own camp, where his arrival threw the whole army into confusion and panic;,13. \xa0for the men there, started out of their sleep by the advancing force, were very nearly rushing out of the camp.,14. \xa0Molon, however, quieted the panic as far as he could," '5.53. 1. \xa0and at dawn the king, who was quite prepared for battle, moved his whole army out of camp.,2. \xa0On his right wing he posted first his lancers under the command of Ardys, an officer of proved ability in the field,,3. \xa0next them the Cretan allies and next them the Gallic Rhigosages. After these he placed the mercenaries from Greece and last of all the phalanx.,4. \xa0The left wing he assigned to the cavalry known as "Companions." His elephants, which were ten in number, he posted at certain intervals in front of the line.,5. \xa0He distributed his reserves of infantry and cavalry between the two wings with orders to outflank the enemy as soon as the battle had begun.,6. \xa0After this he passed along the line and addressed his troops in a\xa0few words suitable to the occasion. He entrusted the left wing to Hermeias and Zeuxis and took command of the right wing himself.,7. \xa0As for Molon, in consequence of the absurd panic that occurred during the night, it was with difficulty that he drew out his forces from camp, and there was much confusion in getting them into position.,8. \xa0However, he divided his cavalry between his two wings, taking into consideration the enemy\'s disposition, and between the two bodies of cavalry he placed the scutati, the Gauls, and in general all his heavy-armed troops.,9. \xa0His archers, slingers, and all such kind of troops he posted beyond the cavalry on either wing,,10. \xa0and his scythed chariots at intervals in front of his line.,11. \xa0He gave the command of his left wing to his brother Neolaus and took command of the right wing himself.' "5.54. 1. \xa0When the armies now advanced against each other, Molon's right wing remained faithful and vigorously engaged Zeuxis' force, but the left wing, as soon as they closed and came in sight of the king, went over to the enemy, upon which Molon's whole force lost heart, while the confidence of the king's army was redoubled.,3. \xa0Molon, aware of what had happened and already surrounded on every side, haunted by the tortures he would suffer if he were taken alive, put an end to his life, and all who had taken any part in the plot escaped each to his home and perished in like manner.,5. \xa0Neolaus, escaping from the battle to his brother Alexander in Persia, killed his mother and Molon's children and afterwards himself, persuading Alexander to follow his example.,6. \xa0The king after plundering the enemy's camp ordered Molon's body to be crucified in the most conspicuous place in Media.,7. \xa0This sentence was at once executed by the officials charged with it, who took the body to the Callonitis and crucified it at the foot of the ascent to Mount Zagrus.,8. \xa0After this Antiochus rebuked the rebel troops at some length, and then giving them his right hand in sign of pardon charged certain officers with the task of conducting them back to Media and setting affairs there in order.,9. \xa0He himself went down to Seleucia and restored order to the neighbouring satrapies, treating all offenders with mildness and wisdom.,10. \xa0But Hermeias, keeping up his character for harshness, brought accusations against the people of Seleucia and fined the city a\xa0thousand talents; sent the magistrates called Adeiganes into exile and destroyed many of the Seleucians by mutilation, the sword, or the rack.,11. \xa0It was with much difficulty that the king, by talking over Hermeias or by taking matters into his own hands, at length succeeded in quieting and pacifying the citizens, imposing a fine of only a\xa0hundred and fifty talents in punishment for their offense.,12. \xa0After arranging these matters he left Diogenes in command of Media and Apollodorus of Susiana, and sent Tychon, the chief secretary of the army, to take the command of the Persian gulf province.,13. Thus were the rebellion of Molon and the consequent rising in the upper satrapies suppressed and quieted." '5.55. 1. \xa0Elated by his success and wishing to overawe and intimidate the barbarous princes whose dominions bordered on and lay beyond his own provinces, so as to prevent their furnishing anyone who rebelled against him with supplies or armed assistance, the king decided to march against them and in the first place against Artabarzanes,,2. \xa0who was considered the most important and energetic of these potentates, being master of the soâ\x80\x91called satrapies and the tribes on their borders.,3. \xa0But Hermeias at that time was afraid of an expedition into the interior owing to its danger and continued to yearn for the campaign against Ptolemy which he had originally planned.,4. \xa0When, however, the news came that a son had been born to Antiochus, thinking that possibly in the interior Antiochus might meet with some misfortune at the hands of the barbarians and give him the opportunity of compassing his death, he gave his consent to the expedition, feeling sure,5. \xa0that if he could put Antiochus out of the way he would be himself the child\'s guardian and master of the kingdom.,6. \xa0The campaign once decided on, they crossed \')" onMouseOut="nd();"Mount Zagrus,7. \xa0into the territory of Artabarzanes which borders on Media, from which it is separated by the intervening chain of mountains. Above it lies that part of Pontus which descends to the river Phasis. It reaches as far as the Caspian Sea,8. \xa0and has a large and warlike population chiefly mounted, while its natural resources provide every kind of warlike material.,9. \xa0The principality still remains under Persian rule, having been overlooked in the time of Alexander.,10. \xa0Artabarzanes, terror-struck at the king\'s attack, chiefly owing to his years as he was quite an old man, yielded to circumstances and made terms which satisfied Antiochus.
5.57.5. \xa0On reaching Laodicea in Phrygia he assumed the diadem and for the first time ventured to take the title of king and use it in his letters to towns, taking this step chiefly at the instigation of the exile Garsyeris. <
5.65.3. \xa0Phoxidas the Achaean, Ptolemy the son of Thraseas, and Andromachus of Aspendus exercised together in one body the phalanx and the Greek mercenaries, <
5.101.10. \xa0An expedition, however, to Italy was the first step towards the conquest of the world, an enterprise which belonged to none more properly than to himself. And now was the time, after this disaster to the Roman arms. <
5.107.1. \xa0As for Ptolemy, his war against the Egyptians followed immediately on these events. < 5.107.2. \xa0This king, by arming the Egyptians for his war against Antiochus, took a step which was of great service for the time, but which was a mistake as regards the future. < 5.107.3. \xa0The soldiers, highly proud of their victory at Raphia, were no longer disposed to obey orders, but were on the look out for a leader and figure-head, thinking themselves well able to maintain themselves as an independent power, an attempt in which they finally succeeded not long afterwards. Antiochus, after making preparations on a large scale during the winter, crossed the Taurus at the beginning of summer and, coming to an understanding with King Attalus, arranged for a joint campaign against Achaeus. <
11.34.5. \xa0for considerable hordes of Nomads were approaching, and this was not only a grave danger to both of them, but if they consented to admit them, the country would certainly relapse into barbarism. < 11.34.6. \xa0After speaking thus he dispatched Teleas to Antiochus. <
16.32.5. \xa0Therefore one feels strongly inclined in the case of the Abydenes to find fault with Fortune for having, as if in pity, set right at once the misfortunes of those other peoples by granting them the victory and safety they despaired of, but for choosing to do the opposite to the Abydenes. <''. None |
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9. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 6.2-6.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III the Great • III Maccabees
Found in books: Gera (2014) 93; Schwartz (2008) 286
| 6.2. "King of great power, Almighty God Most High, governing all creation with mercy,
6.2. Even the king began to shudder bodily, and he forgot his sullen insolence. 6.3. look upon the descendants of Abraham, O Father, upon the children of the sainted Jacob, a people of your consecrated portion who are perishing as foreigners in a foreign land. 6.3. Then the king, when he had returned to the city, summoned the official in charge of the revenues and ordered him to provide to the Jews both wines and everything else needed for a festival of seven days, deciding that they should celebrate their rescue with all joyfulness in that same place in which they had expected to meet their destruction. 6.4. Pharaoh with his abundance of chariots, the former ruler of this Egypt, exalted with lawless insolence and boastful tongue, you destroyed together with his arrogant army by drowning them in the sea, manifesting the light of your mercy upon the nation of Israel. 6.4. Then they feasted, provided with everything by the king, until the fourteenth day, on which also they made the petition for their dismissal. 6.5. Sennacherib exulting in his countless forces, oppressive king of the Assyrians, who had already gained control of the whole world by the spear and was lifted up against your holy city, speaking grievous words with boasting and insolence, you, O Lord, broke in pieces, showing your power to many nations. 6.6. The three companions in Babylon who had voluntarily surrendered their lives to the flames so as not to serve vain things, you rescued unharmed, even to a hair, moistening the fiery furnace with dew and turning the flame against all their enemies. 6.7. Daniel, who through envious slanders was cast down into the ground to lions as food for wild beasts, you brought up to the light unharmed. 6.8. And Jonah, wasting away in the belly of a huge, sea-born monster, you, Father, watched over and restored unharmed to all his family. 6.9. And now, you who hate insolence, all-merciful and protector of all, reveal yourself quickly to those of the nation of Israel -- who are being outrageously treated by the abominable and lawless Gentiles.' "6.11. Let not the vain-minded praise their vanities at the destruction of your beloved people, saying, `Not even their god has rescued them.'" '6.12. But you, O Eternal One, who have all might and all power, watch over us now and have mercy upon us who by the senseless insolence of the lawless are being deprived of life in the manner of traitors. 6.13. And let the Gentiles cower today in fear of your invincible might, O honored One, who have power to save the nation of Jacob. 6.14. The whole throng of infants and their parents entreat you with tears. 6.15. Let it be shown to all the Gentiles that you are with us, O Lord, and have not turned your face from us; but just as you have said, `Not even when they were in the land of their enemies did I neglect them,\' so accomplish it, O Lord."' '. None |
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10. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.20-1.24, 1.29, 1.44-1.63, 3.37, 7.39, 8.17, 10.25-10.26, 10.29-10.31, 10.39-10.40, 10.43, 10.51-10.58, 11.18, 13.37, 13.41 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus, III • Artaxerxes III Ochus • Bagoas, and Artaxerxes III • Cleopatra III • Cleopatra III, Jewish army commanders of • Onias III • Ptolemy III Euergetes
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997) 243; Beyerle and Goff (2022) 212; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 281, 299, 327, 329, 330, 337, 341, 345, 353, 433, 1039; Corley (2002) 13, 105; Dignas (2002) 43; Gera (2014) 43, 173, 378; Gordon (2020) 140, 141; Levine (2005) 86; Schwartz (2008) 221, 367, 469, 542, 544; van Maaren (2022) 64
| 1.20. After subduing Egypt, Antiochus returned in the one hundred and forty-third year. He went up against Israel and came to Jerusalem with a strong force. 1.21. He arrogantly entered the sanctuary and took the golden altar, the lampstand for the light, and all its utensils. 1.22. He took also the table for the bread of the Presence, the cups for drink offerings, the bowls, the golden censers, the curtain, the crowns, and the gold decoration on the front of the temple; he stripped it all off. 1.23. He took the silver and the gold, and the costly vessels; he took also the hidden treasures which he found. 1.24. Taking them all, he departed to his own land. He committed deeds of murder,and spoke with great arrogance.
1.29. Two years later the king sent to the cities of Judah a chief collector of tribute, and he came to Jerusalem with a large force.
1.44. And the king sent letters by messengers to Jerusalem and the cities of Judah; he directed them to follow customs strange to the land, 1.45. to forbid burnt offerings and sacrifices and drink offerings in the sanctuary, to profane sabbaths and feasts, 1.46. to defile the sanctuary and the priests, 1.47. to build altars and sacred precincts and shrines for idols, to sacrifice swine and unclean animals, 1.48. and to leave their sons uncircumcised. They were to make themselves abominable by everything unclean and profane, 1.49. so that they should forget the law and change all the ordices. 1.50. "And whoever does not obey the command of the king shall die." 1.51. In such words he wrote to his whole kingdom. And he appointed inspectors over all the people and commanded the cities of Judah to offer sacrifice, city by city. 1.52. Many of the people, every one who forsook the law, joined them, and they did evil in the land; 1.53. they drove Israel into hiding in every place of refuge they had. 1.54. Now on the fifteenth day of Chislev, in the one hundred and forty-fifth year, they erected a desolating sacrilege upon the altar of burnt offering. They also built altars in the surrounding cities of Judah, 1.55. and burned incense at the doors of the houses and in the streets. 1.56. The books of the law which they found they tore to pieces and burned with fire. 1.57. Where the book of the covet was found in the possession of any one, or if any one adhered to the law, the decree of the king condemned him to death. 1.58. They kept using violence against Israel, against those found month after month in the cities. 1.59. And on the twenty-fifth day of the month they offered sacrifice on the altar which was upon the altar of burnt offering. 1.60. According to the decree, they put to death the women who had their children circumcised, 1.61. and their families and those who circumcised them; and they hung the infants from their mothers necks. 1.62. But many in Israel stood firm and were resolved in their hearts not to eat unclean food. 1.63. They chose to die rather than to be defiled by food or to profane the holy covet; and they did die.
3.37. Then the king took the remaining half of his troops and departed from Antioch his capital in the one hundred and forty-seventh year. He crossed the Euphrates river and went through the upper provinces.
7.39. Now Nicanor went out from Jerusalem and encamped in Beth-horon, and the Syrian army joined him.
8.17. So Judas chose Eupolemus the son of John, son of Accos, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and sent them to Rome to establish friendship and alliance,
10.25. So he sent a message to them in the following words:"King Demetrius to the nation of the Jews, greeting. 10.26. Since you have kept your agreement with us and have continued your friendship with us, and have not sided with our enemies, we have heard of it and rejoiced.
10.29. And now I free you and exempt all the Jews from payment of tribute and salt tax and crown levies, 10.30. and instead of collecting the third of the grain and the half of the fruit of the trees that I should receive, I release them from this day and henceforth. I will not collect them from the land of Judah or from the three districts added to it from Samaria and Galilee, from this day and for all time. 10.31. And let Jerusalem and her environs, her tithes and her revenues, be holy and free from tax.
10.39. Ptolemais and the land adjoining it I have given as a gift to the sanctuary in Jerusalem, to meet the necessary expenses of the sanctuary. 10.40. I also grant fifteen thousand shekels of silver yearly out of the kings revenues from appropriate places.
10.43. And whoever takes refuge at the temple in Jerusalem, or in any of its precincts, because he owes money to the king or has any debt, let him be released and receive back all his property in my kingdom.
10.51. Then Alexander sent ambassadors to Ptolemy king of Egypt with the following message: 10.52. "Since I have returned to my kingdom and have taken my seat on the throne of my fathers, and established my rule -- for I crushed Demetrius and gained control of our country; 10.53. I met him in battle, and he and his army were crushed by us, and we have taken our seat on the throne of his kingdom -- 10.54. now therefore let us establish friendship with one another; give me now your daughter as my wife, and I will become your son-in-law, and will make gifts to you and to her in keeping with your position." 10.55. Ptolemy the king replied and said, "Happy was the day on which you returned to the land of your fathers and took your seat on the throne of their kingdom. 10.56. And now I will do for you as you wrote, but meet me at Ptolemais, so that we may see one another, and I will become your father-in-law, as you have said." 10.57. So Ptolemy set out from Egypt, he and Cleopatra his daughter, and came to Ptolemais in the one hundred and sixty-second year. 10.58. Alexander the king met him, and Ptolemy gave him Cleopatra his daughter in marriage, and celebrated her wedding at Ptolemais with great pomp, as kings do.
11.18. But King Ptolemy died three days later, and his troops in the strongholds were killed by the inhabitants of the strongholds.
1
3.37. We have received the gold crown and the palm branch which you sent, and we are ready to make a general peace with you and to write to our officials to grant you release from tribute.
13.41. In the one hundred and seventieth year the yoke of the Gentiles was removed from Israel,''. None |
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11. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.1, 1.1-2.18, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.19, 1.20, 1.23, 1.35, 2.18, 2.19, 2.20, 2.22, 3, 3.1, 3.1-4.6, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, 3.18, 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25, 3.26, 3.27, 3.28, 3.29, 3.30, 3.31, 3.32, 3.33, 3.34, 3.35, 3.36, 3.37, 3.38, 3.39, 3.40, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.9, 4.10, 4.11, 4.13, 4.17, 4.21, 4.22, 4.24, 4.26, 4.30, 4.33, 4.34, 4.35, 5, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8, 5.10, 5.12, 5.15, 5.16, 5.18, 5.20, 5.22, 6, 6.1, 6.2, 6.4, 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10, 6.16, 7, 7.1, 7.2, 7.5, 7.9, 7.11, 7.23, 7.30, 7.33, 7.37, 7.42, 8, 8.34, 8.36, 9, 10, 10.3, 10.9, 10.10, 11.17, 11.30, 13.13, 14, 14.2, 14.3, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6, 14.7, 14.8, 14.9, 14.10, 14.27, 14.33, 14.37, 14.38, 14.45, 15, 15.12, 15.13, 15.14, 15.30, 15.31, 16, 17, 18, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus, III • Artaxerxes III • Artaxerxes III Ochus • Attalos III • Bagoas, and Artaxerxes III • Cleopatra III • Demetrius III Akairos(or Eukairos), • Hellenistic Kings/Rulers, Antiochus III the Great • Holophernes, and Artaxerxes III • III Maccabees • Onias III • Ptolemy III Euergetes
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997) 144, 301; Bay (2022) 165; Beyerle and Goff (2022) 212, 214, 216, 222, 228, 232, 409; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 319, 328, 343, 345, 353, 360, 433, 437, 514; Bremmer (2008) 219, 222; Collins (2016) 87, 136; Corley (2002) 13, 14, 105; Dignas (2002) 43; Gera (2014) 36, 43, 80, 93; Gordon (2020) 177; Henderson (2020) 275; Schwartz (2008) 4, 5, 6, 12, 18, 51, 141, 157, 185, 187, 193, 195, 211, 212, 220, 234, 254, 286, 360, 367, 397, 423, 442, 449, 469, 473, 531, 544; van Maaren (2022) 64
| 1.1. The Jewish brethren in Jerusalem and those in the land of Judea, To their Jewish brethren in Egypt, Greeting, and good peace.'" "
1.
5. May he hear your prayers and be reconciled to you, and may he not forsake you in time of evil.'" '
1.
6. We are now praying for you here."' "
1.
7. In the reign of Demetrius, in the one hundred and sixty-ninth year, we Jews wrote to you, in the critical distress which came upon us in those years after Jason and his company revolted from the holy land and the kingdom'" "
1.
8. and burned the gate and shed innocent blood. We besought the Lord and we were heard, and we offered sacrifice and cereal offering, and we lighted the lamps and we set out the loaves.'" "
1.
9. And now see that you keep the feast of booths in the month of Chislev, in the one hundred and eighty-eighth year.'" "
1.
10. Those in Jerusalem and those in Judea and the senate and Judas,To Aristobulus, who is of the family of the anointed priests, teacher of Ptolemy the king, and to the Jews in Egypt,Greeting, and good health.'" "
1.1
9. For when our fathers were being led captive to Persia, the pious priests of that time took some of the fire of the altar and secretly hid it in the hollow of a dry cistern, where they took such precautions that the place was unknown to any one.'" "
1.20. But after many years had passed, when it pleased God, Nehemiah, having been commissioned by the king of Persia, sent the descendants of the priests who had hidden the fire to get it. And when they reported to us that they had not found fire but thick liquid, he ordered them to dip it out and bring it.'" "
1.2
3. And while the sacrifice was being consumed, the priests offered prayer -- the priests and every one. Jonathan led, and the rest responded, as did Nehemiah.'" '
1.
3
5. And with those persons whom the king favored he exchanged many excellent gifts."' "
2.1
8. as he promised through the law. For we have hope in God that he will soon have mercy upon us and will gather us from everywhere under heaven into his holy place, for he has rescued us from great evils and has purified the place.'" "
2.1
9. The story of Judas Maccabeus and his brothers, and the purification of the great temple, and the dedication of the altar,'" "
2.20. and further the wars against Antiochus Epiphanes and his son Eupator,'" "
2.22. and recovered the temple famous throughout the world and freed the city and restored the laws that were about to be abolished, while the Lord with great kindness became gracious to them --'" "
3.1. While the holy city was inhabited in unbroken peace and the laws were very well observed because of the piety of the high priest Onias and his hatred of wickedness,'" "
3.2. it came about that the kings themselves honored the place and glorified the temple with the finest presents,'" "
3.
3. o that even Seleucus, the king of Asia, defrayed from his own revenues all the expenses connected with the service of the sacrifices.'" "
3.4. But a man named Simon, of the tribe of Benjamin, who had been made captain of the temple, had a disagreement with the high priest about the administration of the city market;'" '
3.
5. and when he could not prevail over Onias he went to Apollonius of Tarsus, who at that time was governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia.'" "
3.
6. He reported to him that the treasury in Jerusalem was full of untold sums of money, so that the amount of the funds could not be reckoned, and that they did not belong to the account of the sacrifices, but that it was possible for them to fall under the control of the king.'" "
3.
7. When Apollonius met the king, he told him of the money about which he had been informed. The king chose Heliodorus, who was in charge of his affairs, and sent him with commands to effect the removal of the aforesaid money.'" "
3.
8. Heliodorus at once set out on his journey, ostensibly to make a tour of inspection of the cities of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, but in fact to carry out the king's purpose.'" "
3.
9. When he had arrived at Jerusalem and had been kindly welcomed by the high priest of the city, he told about the disclosure that had been made and stated why he had come, and he inquired whether this really was the situation.'" "
3.
10. The high priest explained that there were some deposits belonging to widows and orphans,'" "
3.11. and also some money of Hyrcanus, son of Tobias, a man of very prominent position, and that it totaled in all four hundred talents of silver and two hundred of gold. To such an extent the impious Simon had misrepresented the facts.'" '
3.12. And he said that it was utterly impossible that wrong should be done to those people who had trusted in the holiness of the place and in the sanctity and inviolability of the temple which is honored throughout the whole world."' "
3.1
3. But Heliodorus, because of the king's commands which he had, said that this money must in any case be confiscated for the king's treasury.'" '
3.
14. So he set a day and went in to direct the inspection of these funds.There was no little distress throughout the whole city."' "
3.1
5. The priests prostrated themselves before the altar in their priestly garments and called toward heaven upon him who had given the law about deposits, that he should keep them safe for those who had deposited them.'" "
3.1
6. To see the appearance of the high priest was to be wounded at heart, for his face and the change in his color disclosed the anguish of his soul.'" "
3.1
7. For terror and bodily trembling had come over the man, which plainly showed to those who looked at him the pain lodged in his heart.'" '
3.1
8. People also hurried out of their houses in crowds to make a general supplication because the holy place was about to be brought into contempt."' "
3.1
9. Women, girded with sackcloth under their breasts, thronged the streets. Some of the maidens who were kept indoors ran together to the gates, and some to the walls, while others peered out of the windows.'" "
3.20. And holding up their hands to heaven, they all made entreaty.'" '
3.21. There was something pitiable in the prostration of the whole populace and the anxiety of the high priest in his great anguish."' "
3.22. While they were calling upon the Almighty Lord that he would keep what had been entrusted safe and secure for those who had entrusted it,'" '
3.2
3. Heliodorus went on with what had been decided."' "
3.24. But when he arrived at the treasury with his bodyguard, then and there the Sovereign of spirits and of all authority caused so great a manifestation that all who had been so bold as to accompany him were astounded by the power of God, and became faint with terror.'" "
3.2
5. For there appeared to them a magnificently caparisoned horse, with a rider of frightening mien, and it rushed furiously at Heliodorus and struck at him with its front hoofs. Its rider was seen to have armor and weapons of gold.'" "
3.2
6. Two young men also appeared to him, remarkably strong, gloriously beautiful and splendidly dressed, who stood on each side of him and scourged him continuously, inflicting many blows on him.'" "
3.2
7. When he suddenly fell to the ground and deep darkness came over him, his men took him up and put him on a stretcher'" "
3.2
8. and carried him away, this man who had just entered the aforesaid treasury with a great retinue and all his bodyguard but was now unable to help himself; and they recognized clearly the sovereign power of God.'" "
3.2
9. While he lay prostrate, speechless because of the divine intervention and deprived of any hope of recovery,'" "
3.
30. they praised the Lord who had acted marvelously for his own place. And the temple, which a little while before was full of fear and disturbance, was filled with joy and gladness, now that the Almighty Lord had appeared.'" '
3.
31. Quickly some of Heliodorus\' friends asked Onias to call upon the Most High and to grant life to one who was lying quite at his last breath."' "
3.
32. And the high priest, fearing that the king might get the notion that some foul play had been perpetrated by the Jews with regard to Heliodorus, offered sacrifice for the man's recovery.'" "
3.
3
3. While the high priest was making the offering of atonement, the same young men appeared again to Heliodorus dressed in the same clothing, and they stood and said, 'Be very grateful to Onias the high priest, since for his sake the Lord has granted you your life.'" "
3.
34. And see that you, who have been scourged by heaven, report to all men the majestic power of God.'Having said this they vanished.'" "
3.
3
5. Then Heliodorus offered sacrifice to the Lord and made very great vows to the Savior of his life, and having bidden Onias farewell, he marched off with his forces to the king.'" "
3.
3
6. And he bore testimony to all men of the deeds of the supreme God, which he had seen with his own eyes.'" "
3.
3
7. When the king asked Heliodorus what sort of person would be suitable to send on another mission to Jerusalem, he replied,'" "
3.
3
8. If you have any enemy or plotter against your government, send him there, for you will get him back thoroughly scourged, if he escapes at all, for there certainly is about the place some power of God.'" "
3.
3
9. For he who has his dwelling in heaven watches over that place himself and brings it aid, and he strikes and destroys those who come to do it injury.'" "
3.40. This was the outcome of the episode of Heliodorus and the protection of the treasury."' "
4.1. The previously mentioned Simon, who had informed about the money against his own country, slandered Onias, saying that it was he who had incited Heliodorus and had been the real cause of the misfortune.'" "
4.2. He dared to designate as a plotter against the government the man who was the benefactor of the city, the protector of his fellow countrymen, and a zealot for the laws.'" "4.
3. When his hatred progressed to such a degree that even murders were committed by one of Simon's approved agents,'" "
4.4. Onias recognized that the rivalry was serious and that Apollonius, the son of Menestheus and governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, was intensifying the malice of Simon.'" "
4.
5. So he betook himself to the king, not accusing his fellow citizens but having in view the welfare, both public and private, of all the people.'" "
4.
6. For he saw that without the king's attention public affairs could not again reach a peaceful settlement, and that Simon would not stop his folly.'" "
4.
7. When Seleucus died and Antiochus who was called Epiphanes succeeded to the kingdom, Jason the brother of Onias obtained the high priesthood by corruption,'" "
4.
9. In addition to this he promised to pay one hundred and fifty more if permission were given to establish by his authority a gymnasium and a body of youth for it, and to enrol the men of Jerusalem as citizens of Antioch.'" '
4.
10. When the king assented and Jason came to office, he at once shifted his countrymen over to the Greek way of life.'" "
4.11. He set aside the existing royal concessions to the Jews, secured through John the father of Eupolemus, who went on the mission to establish friendship and alliance with the Romans; and he destroyed the lawful ways of living and introduced new customs contrary to the law.'" "
4.1
3. There was such an extreme of Hellenization and increase in the adoption of foreign ways because of the surpassing wickedness of Jason, who was ungodly and no high priest,'" '
4.1
7. For it is no light thing to show irreverence to the divine laws -- a fact which later events will make clear."' "
4.21. When Apollonius the son of Menestheus was sent to Egypt for the coronation of Philometor as king, Antiochus learned that Philometor had become hostile to his government, and he took measures for his own security. Therefore upon arriving at Joppa he proceeded to Jerusalem.'" "
4.22. He was welcomed magnificently by Jason and the city, and ushered in with a blaze of torches and with shouts. Then he marched into Phoenicia.'" "
4.24. But he, when presented to the king, extolled him with an air of authority, and secured the high priesthood for himself, outbidding Jason by three hundred talents of silver.'" "
4.2
6. So Jason, who after supplanting his own brother was supplanted by another man, was driven as a fugitive into the land of Ammon.'" "4.
30. While such was the state of affairs, it happened that the people of Tarsus and of Mallus revolted because their cities had been given as a present to Antiochis, the king's concubine.'" "4.
3
3. When Onias became fully aware of these acts he publicly exposed them, having first withdrawn to a place of sanctuary at Daphne near Antioch.'" "4.
34. Therefore Menelaus, taking Andronicus aside, urged him to kill Onias. Andronicus came to Onias, and resorting to treachery offered him sworn pledges and gave him his right hand, and in spite of his suspicion persuaded Onias to come out from the place of sanctuary; then, with no regard for justice, he immediately put him out of the way.'" "4.
3
5. For this reason not only Jews, but many also of other nations, were grieved and displeased at the unjust murder of the man.'" "
5.
5. When a false rumor arose that Antiochus was dead, Jason took no less than a thousand men and suddenly made an assault upon the city. When the troops upon the wall had been forced back and at last the city was being taken, Menelaus took refuge in the citadel.'" "
5.
6. But Jason kept relentlessly slaughtering his fellow citizens, not realizing that success at the cost of one's kindred is the greatest misfortune, but imagining that he was setting up trophies of victory over enemies and not over fellow countrymen.'" "
5.
7. He did not gain control of the government, however; and in the end got only disgrace from his conspiracy, and fled again into the country of the Ammonites.'" "
5.
8. Finally he met a miserable end. Accused before Aretas the ruler of the Arabs, fleeing from city to city, pursued by all men, hated as a rebel against the laws, and abhorred as the executioner of his country and his fellow citizens, he was cast ashore in Egypt;'" "
5.
10. He who had cast out many to lie unburied had no one to mourn for him; he had no funeral of any sort and no place in the tomb of his fathers."
5.12. And he commanded his soldiers to cut down relentlessly every one they met and to slay those who went into the houses."' "
5.1
5. Not content with this, Antiochus dared to enter the most holy temple in all the world, guided by Menelaus, who had become a traitor both to the laws and to his country.'" "
5.1
6. He took the holy vessels with his polluted hands, and swept away with profane hands the votive offerings which other kings had made to enhance the glory and honor of the place.'" "
5.1
8. But if it had not happened that they were involved in many sins, this man would have been scourged and turned back from his rash act as soon as he came forward, just as Heliodorus was, whom Seleucus the king sent to inspect the treasury.'" '
5.20. Therefore the place itself shared in the misfortunes that befell the nation and afterward participated in its benefits; and what was forsaken in the wrath of the Almighty was restored again in all its glory when the great Lord became reconciled."' "
5.22. And he left governors to afflict the people: at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian and in character more barbarous than the man who appointed him;'" "
6.1. Not long after this, the king sent an Athenian senator to compel the Jews to forsake the laws of their fathers and cease to live by the laws of God,'" "
6.2. and also to pollute the temple in Jerusalem and call it the temple of Olympian Zeus, and to call the one in Gerizim the temple of Zeus the Friend of Strangers, as did the people who dwelt in that place.'" "
6.4. For the temple was filled with debauchery and reveling by the Gentiles, who dallied with harlots and had intercourse with women within the sacred precincts, and besides brought in things for sacrifice that were unfit.'" "
6.
7. On the monthly celebration of the king's birthday, the Jews were taken, under bitter constraint, to partake of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Dionysus came, they were compelled to walk in the procession in honor of Dionysus, wearing wreaths of ivy.'" "
6.
8. At the suggestion of Ptolemy a decree was issued to the neighboring Greek cities, that they should adopt the same policy toward the Jews and make them partake of the sacrifices,'" "
6.
9. and should slay those who did not choose to change over to Greek customs. One could see, therefore, the misery that had come upon them.'" "
6.
10. For example, two women were brought in for having circumcised their children. These women they publicly paraded about the city, with their babies hung at their breasts, then hurled them down headlong from the wall.'" "
6.1
6. Therefore he never withdraws his mercy from us. Though he disciplines us with calamities, he does not forsake his own people.'" "
7.1. It happened also that seven brothers and their mother were arrested and were being compelled by the king, under torture with whips and cords, to partake of unlawful swine's flesh.'" "
7.2. One of them, acting as their spokesman, said, 'What do you intend to ask and learn from us? For we are ready to die rather than transgress the laws of our fathers.'" "
7.
5. When he was utterly helpless, the king ordered them to take him to the fire, still breathing, and to fry him in a pan. The smoke from the pan spread widely, but the brothers and their mother encouraged one another to die nobly, saying,'" "
7.
9. And when he was at his last breath, he said, 'You accursed wretch, you dismiss us from this present life, but the King of the universe will raise us up to an everlasting renewal of life, because we have died for his laws.'" "
7.11. and said nobly, 'I got these from Heaven, and because of his laws I disdain them, and from him I hope to get them back again.'" "
7.2
3. Therefore the Creator of the world, who shaped the beginning of man and devised the origin of all things, will in his mercy give life and breath back to you again, since you now forget yourselves for the sake of his laws.'" "
7.
30. While she was still speaking, the young man said, 'What are you waiting for? I will not obey the king's command, but I obey the command of the law that was given to our fathers through Moses.'" "
7.
3
3. And if our living Lord is angry for a little while, to rebuke and discipline us, he will again be reconciled with his own servants.'" "
7.
3
7. I, like my brothers, give up body and life for the laws of our fathers, appealing to God to show mercy soon to our nation and by afflictions and plagues to make you confess that he alone is God,'" "
7.42. Let this be enough, then, about the eating of sacrifices and the extreme tortures.'" "
8.
34. The thrice-accursed Nicanor, who had brought the thousand merchants to buy the Jews,'" "
8.
3
6. Thus he who had undertaken to secure tribute for the Romans by the capture of the people of Jerusalem proclaimed that the Jews had a Defender, and that therefore the Jews were invulnerable, because they followed the laws ordained by him.'"
10.
3. They purified the sanctuary, and made another altar of sacrifice; then, striking fire out of flint, they offered sacrifices, after a lapse of two years, and they burned incense and lighted lamps and set out the bread of the Presence.'" "
10.
9. Such then was the end of Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes.'" "
10.
10. Now we will tell what took place under Antiochus Eupator, who was the son of that ungodly man, and will give a brief summary of the principal calamities of the wars.'" "1
1.1
7. John and Absalom, who were sent by you, have delivered your signed communication and have asked about the matters indicated therein.'" '11.
30. Therefore those who go home by the thirtieth day of Xanthicus will have our pledge of friendship and full permission"' "1
3.1
3. After consulting privately with the elders, he determined to march out and decide the matter by the help of God before the king's army could enter Judea and get possession of the city.'" "1
4.2. and had taken possession of the country, having made away with Antiochus and his guardian Lysias.'" "
14.
3. Now a certain Alcimus, who had formerly been high priest but had wilfully defiled himself in the times of separation, realized that there was no way for him to be safe or to have access again to the holy altar,'" "1
4.4. and went to King Demetrius in about the one hundred and fifty-first year, presenting to him a crown of gold and a palm, and besides these some of the customary olive branches from the temple. During that day he kept quiet.'" "1
4.
5. But he found an opportunity that furthered his mad purpose when he was invited by Demetrius to a meeting of the council and was asked about the disposition and intentions of the Jews. He answered:"' "1
4.
6. Those of the Jews who are called Hasideans, whose leader is Judas Maccabeus, are keeping up war and stirring up sedition, and will not let the kingdom attain tranquillity.'" "1
4.
7. Therefore I have laid aside my ancestral glory -- I mean the high priesthood -- and have now come here,'" "
14.
8. first because I am genuinely concerned for the interests of the king, and second because I have regard also for my fellow citizens. For through the folly of those whom I have mentioned our whole nation is now in no small misfortune.'" "1
4.
9. Since you are acquainted, O king, with the details of this matter, deign to take thought for our country and our hard-pressed nation with the gracious kindness which you show to all.'" "1
4.
10. For as long as Judas lives, it is impossible for the government to find peace.'" "1
4.2
7. The king became excited and, provoked by the false accusations of that depraved man, wrote to Nicanor, stating that he was displeased with the covet and commanding him to send Maccabeus to Antioch as a prisoner without delay.'" "
14.
3
3. he stretched out his right hand toward the sanctuary, and swore this oath: 'If you do not hand Judas over to me as a prisoner, I will level this precinct of God to the ground and tear down the altar, and I will build here a splendid temple to Dionysus.'" "
14.
3
7. A certain Razis, one of the elders of Jerusalem, was denounced to Nicanor as a man who loved his fellow citizens and was very well thought of and for his good will was called father of the Jews.'" "
14.
3
8. For in former times, when there was no mingling with the Gentiles, he had been accused of Judaism, and for Judaism he had with all zeal risked body and life.'" "1
4.4
5. Still alive and aflame with anger, he rose, and though his blood gushed forth and his wounds were severe he ran through the crowd; and standing upon a steep rock,'" '1
5.12. What he saw was this: Onias, who had been high priest, a noble and good man, of modest bearing and gentle manner, one who spoke fittingly and had been trained from childhood in all that belongs to excellence, was praying with outstretched hands for the whole body of the Jews.'" "1
5.1
3. Then likewise a man appeared, distinguished by his gray hair and dignity, and of marvelous majesty and authority.'" "1
5.
14. And Onias spoke, saying, 'This is a man who loves the brethren and prays much for the people and the holy city, Jeremiah, the prophet of God.'" "1
5.
30. And the man who was ever in body and soul the defender of his fellow citizens, the man who maintained his youthful good will toward his countrymen, ordered them to cut off Nicanor's head and arm and carry them to Jerusalem.'" "1
5.
31. And when he arrived there and had called his countrymen together and stationed the priests before the altar, he sent for those who were in the citadel.'" "". None |
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12. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 38.24, 39.4, 50.1-50.9, 50.11-50.19, 50.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus, III • Onias III
Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 9; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 332, 335; Corley (2002) 105; Schwartz (2008) 187, 193, 220, 286; van Maaren (2022) 57, 69
| 38.24. The wisdom of the scribe depends on the opportunity of leisure;and he who has little business may become wise.
39.4. He will serve among great men and appear before rulers;he will travel through the lands of foreign nations,for he tests the good and the evil among men.
50.1. The leader of his brethren and the pride of his people was Simon the high priest, son of Onias,who in his life repaired the house,and in his time fortified the temple.
50.1. like an olive tree putting forth its fruit,and like a cypress towering in the clouds. 50.2. He laid the foundations for the high double walls,the high retaining walls for the temple enclosure. 50.2. Then Simon came down, and lifted up his hands over the whole congregation of the sons of Israel,to pronounce the blessing of the Lord with his lips,and to glory in his name; 50.3. In his days a cistern for water was quarried out,a reservoir like the sea in circumference. 50.4. He considered how to save his people from ruin,and fortified the city to withstand a seige. 50.5. How glorious he was when the people gathered round him as he came out of the inner sanctuary! 50.7. like the sun shining upon the temple of the Most High,and like the rainbow gleaming in glorious clouds; 50.8. like roses in the days of the first fruits,like lilies by a spring of water,like a green shoot on Lebanon on a summer day; 50.9. like fire and incense in the censer,like a vessel of hammered gold adorned with all kinds of precious stones;
50.11. When he put on his glorious robe and clothed himself with superb perfection and went up to the holy altar,he made the court of the sanctuary glorious.
50.12. And when he received the portions from the hands of the priests,as he stood by the hearth of the altar with a garland of brethren around him,he was like a young cedar on Lebanon;and they surrounded him like the trunks of palm trees,
50.13. all the sons of Aaron in their splendor with the Lords offering in their hands,before the whole congregation of Israel.
50.14. Finishing the service at the altars,and arranging the offering to the Most High, the Almighty,
50.15. he reached out his hand to the cup and poured a libation of the blood of the grape;he poured it out at the foot of the altar,a pleasing odor to the Most High, the King of all.
50.16. Then the sons of Aaron shouted,they sounded the trumpets of hammered work,they made a great noise to be heard for remembrance before the Most High.
50.17. Then all the people together made haste and fell to the ground upon their faces to worship their Lord,the Almighty, God Most High.
50.18. And the singers praised him with their voices in sweet and full-toned melody.
50.19. And the people besought the Lord Most High in prayer before him who is merciful,till the order of worship of the Lord was ended;so they completed his service.
50.21. and they bowed down in worship a second time,to receive the blessing from the Most High.' '. None |
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13. Septuagint, Judith, 6.16, 8.10, 11.14, 13.12, 15.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus, III • Artaxerxes III Ochus • Bagoas, and Artaxerxes III • Thutmose III
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 319; Gera (2014) 135, 139, 178, 378
| 6.16. They called together all the elders of the city, and all their young men and their women ran to the assembly; and they set Achior in the midst of all their people, and Uzziah asked him what had happened.
8.10. she sent her maid, who was in charge of all she possessed, to summon Chabris and Charmis, the elders of her city.
11.14. They have sent men to Jerusalem, because even the people living there have been doing this, to bring back to them permission from the senate.
13.12. When the men of her city heard her voice, they hurried down to the city gate and called together the elders of the city.
15.8. Then Joakim the high priest, and the senate of the people of Israel who lived at Jerusalem, came to witness the good things which the Lord had done for Israel, and to see Judith and to greet her. ''. None |
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14. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 17.16.4, 18.56.4, 18.56.6, 19.78.4, 20.46.2, 28.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III • Alexander III (the Great) of Macedon, royal banquets • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and musical contests • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and theatre festivals • Alexander III of Macedon vii, • Antiochus III, • Antiochus, III • Philip III Arrhidaeus
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 141, 173, 369, 399; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 342, 514; Cosgrove (2022) 161; Csapo (2022) 32; Hau (2017) 91, 109; Mikalson (2016) 141; Wilding (2022) 81, 150
| 17.16.4. \xa0He celebrated the festival for nine days, naming each day after one of the Muses. He erected a tent to hold a\xa0hundred couches and invited his Friends and officers, as well as the ambassadors from the cities, to the banquet. Employing great magnificence, he entertained great numbers in person besides distributing to his entire force sacrificial animals and all else suitable for the festive occasion, and put his army in a fine humour.
18.56.4. \xa0Moreover, we restore those who have been driven out or exiled from the cities by our generals from the time when Alexander crossed into Asia; and we decree that those who are restored by us, in full possession of their property, undisturbed by faction, and enjoying a complete amnesty, shall exercise their rights as citizens in their native states; and if any measures have been passed to their disadvantage, let such measures be void, except as concerning those who had been exiled for blood guilt or impiety in accordance with the law.
18.56.6. \xa0If in any case Philip or Alexander published regulations that are inconsistent with each other, let the cities concerned present themselves before us so that, after bringing the provisions into harmony, they may follow a course of action advantageous both to us and to themselves. The Athenians shall possess everything as at the time of Philip and Alexander, save that Oropus shall belong to its own people as at present.
19.78.4. \xa0At first the Athenians kept sending secretly to Antigonus, begging him to free the city; but then, taking courage when Ptolemaeus drew near the city, they forced Demetrius to make a truce and to send envoys to Antigonus about an alliance.
20.46.2. \xa0The Athenians, Stratocles writing the decree, voted to set up golden statues of Antigonus and Demetrius in a chariot near the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, to give them both honorary crowns at a cost of two hundred talents, to consecrate an altar to them and call it the altar of the Saviours, to add to the ten tribes two more, Demetrias and Antigonis, to hold annual games in their honour with a procession and a sacrifice, and to weave their portraits in the peplos of Athena.
28.3. 1. \xa0Quite apart from his aggressive ambition, Philip, the king of the Macedonians, was so arrogant in prosperity that he had his friends put to death without benefit of trial, destroyed the tombs of earlier generations, and razed many temples to the ground. As for Antiochus, his project of pillaging the sanctuary of Zeus at Elymaïs brought him to appropriate disaster, and he perished with all his host. Both men, though convinced that their armies were irresistible, found themselves compelled by the outcome of a single battle to do the bidding of others. In consequence they ascribed to their own shortcomings the misfortunes that befell them, while for the generous treatment that they were accorded they were duly grateful to those who in the hour of victory practised such moderation. So it was that, as if following a design sketched in their own acts, they beheld the decline into which heaven was leading their kingdoms. The Romans, however, who both on this occasion and thereafter engaged only in just wars and were scrupulous in the observance of oaths and treaties, enjoyed, not without reason, the active support of the gods in all their undertakings.''. None |
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15. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 74 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander (III) the Great • Antiochus, III
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 319; Salvesen et al (2020) 219
| 74. for he arrested thirty-eight members of our council of elders, which our saviour and benefactor, Augustus, elected to manage the affairs of the Jewish nation after the death of the king of our own nation, having sent written commands to that effect to Manius Maximus when he was about to take upon himself for the second time the government of Egypt and of the country, he arrested them, I say, in their own houses, and commanded them to be thrown into prison, and arranged a splendid procession to send through the middle of the market-place a body of old men prisoners, with their hands bound, some with thongs and others with iron chains, whom he led in this plight into the theatre, a most miserable spectacle, and one wholly unsuited to the times. ''. None |
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16. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.297, 11.327, 11.338, 12.3.3-12.3.4, 12.22-12.23, 12.62, 12.119, 12.138-12.146, 12.148, 12.150, 12.153, 12.237, 13.50, 13.58, 13.62-13.74, 13.76, 13.287, 13.318, 13.331-13.364, 13.374, 13.376-13.379, 13.382, 13.393-13.404, 13.408-13.410, 13.428, 14.8, 14.10, 14.14-14.18, 15.55, 20.216 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos III, Seleucid (“the Great”), settlement of Jews • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Antiochus III the Great, Privileges Granted by • Antiochus III, • Antiochus, III • Aretas III • Aretas III, friend of Antipater • Ariarathes III of Cappadocia • Aristobulus III • Bagoas, and Artaxerxes III • Cleopatra III • Cleopatra III, Jewish army commanders of • Darius III • Demetrius III • Jews/Judaism, settlement in Anatolia under Antiochos III • Lydia/Lydians, Antiochos III • Onias III • Onias III (High Priest) • Ptolemy III Euergetes • Wright, Benjamin G., III. • Zeuxis, governor of Antiochos III in Asia Minor • colonies/colonization, Jews in Lydia under Antiochos III
Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 22, 73; Bar Kochba (1997) 82, 136, 138, 139, 220, 241, 242, 243, 285, 286, 293; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 299, 300, 305, 308, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 433, 437, 494, 795; Corley (2002) 13; Gera (2014) 42, 379; Gordon (2020) 123, 129, 130, 135, 177; Grabbe (2010) 49; Hellholm et al. (2010) 266; Huttner (2013) 67, 68; Klawans (2019) 31, 32; Levine (2005) 83, 125; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020) 303; Marek (2019) 217; Noam (2018) 119, 120, 162; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 209; Schwartz (2008) 5, 157, 187, 211, 212, 220, 473; Taylor (2012) 233; Udoh (2006) 174; van Maaren (2022) 33, 60, 69, 78
11.297. ̓Αποθανόντος δὲ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ̓Ελεασίβου τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ιώδας ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ διεδέξατο. τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου τὴν τιμὴν ̓Ιωάννης υἱὸς ὢν αὐτοῦ παρέλαβεν, δι' ὃν καὶ Βαγώσης ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ ἄλλου ̓Αρταξέρξου τὸν ναὸν ἐμίανεν καὶ φόρους ἐπέταξε τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις, πρὶν τὰς καθημερινὰς ἐπιφέρειν θυσίας ὑπὲρ ἀρνὸς ἑκάστου τελεῖν αὐτοὺς δημοσίᾳ δραχμὰς πεντήκοντα." '
11.327. κατακοιμηθέντι δὲ μετὰ τὴν θυσίαν ἐχρημάτισεν αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ θεὸς θαρρεῖν καὶ στεφανοῦντας τὴν πόλιν ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων ταῖς νομίμοις στολαῖς ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ὑπάντησιν μηδὲν προσδοκῶντας πείσεσθαι δεινὸν προνοουμένου τοῦ θεοῦ.' "
11.338. τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως αἰτησαμένου χρήσασθαι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις καὶ τὸ ἕβδομον ἔτος ἀνείσφορον εἶναι, συνεχώρησεν πάντα. παρακαλεσάντων δ' αὐτόν, ἵνα καὶ τοὺς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι καὶ Μηδίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐπιτρέψῃ νόμοις χρῆσθαι, ἀσμένως ὑπέσχετο ποιήσειν ἅπερ ἀξιοῦσιν." '
12.22. τιμήσας οὖν αὐτὸν φιλοτιμότατα καὶ δωρεὰς δοὺς λαμπρὰς καὶ τῷ τε πατρὶ γράψας καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπιτρόποις ἐξέπεμψεν.
12.22. τὸν γὰρ ἅπαντα συστησάμενον θεὸν καὶ οὗτοι καὶ ἡμεῖς σεβόμεθα Ζῆνα καλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐτύμως ἀπὸ τοῦ πᾶσιν ἐμφύειν τὸ ζῆν τὴν ἐπίκλησιν αὐτοῦ θέντες. ὅθεν εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς ἐξαίρετον τὴν εἰς αὐτὸν θρησκείαν πεποιημένους ἀπόδος τοῖς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ βίον ἀπολελοιπόσιν. 12.23. ἴσθι μέντοι γε, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ὡς οὔτε γένει προσήκων αὐτοῖς οὔτε ὁμόφυλος ὢν ταῦτα περὶ αὐτῶν ἀξιῶ, πάντων δὲ ἀνθρώπων δημιούργημα ὄντων τοῦ θεοῦ: καὶ δὴ γιγνώσκων αὐτὸν ἡδόμενον τοῖς εὖ ποιοῦσιν ἐπὶ τοῦτο καὶ σὲ παρακαλῶ.”' "12.23. ᾠκοδόμησεν δὲ βᾶριν ἰσχυρὰν ἐκ λίθου λευκοῦ κατασκευάσας πᾶσαν μέχρι καὶ τῆς στέγης ἐγγλύψας ζῷα παμμεγεθέστατα, περιήγαγεν δ' αὐτῇ εὔριπον μέγαν καὶ βαθύν." "
12.62. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λογισάμενος σύμμετρον κατεσκευάσθαι τὴν προτέραν τράπεζαν, ἀλλ' οὐ διὰ σπάνιν χρυσοῦ, τῷ μεγέθει μὲν οὐκ ἔγνω τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ὑπερβαλεῖν, τῇ δὲ ποικιλίᾳ καὶ τῷ κάλλει τῆς ὕλης ἀξιολογωτέραν κατασκευάσαι." '
12.119. ̓́Ετυχον δὲ καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων τῆς ̓Ασίας τιμῆς, ἐπειδὴ συνεστράτευσαν αὐτοῖς: καὶ γὰρ Σέλευκος ὁ Νικάτωρ ἐν αἷς ἔκτισεν πόλεσιν ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ καὶ τῇ κάτω Συρίᾳ καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μητροπόλει ̓Αντιοχείᾳ πολιτείας αὐτοὺς ἠξίωσεν καὶ τοῖς ἐνοικισθεῖσιν ἰσοτίμους ἀπέφηνεν Μακεδόσιν καὶ ̔́Ελλησιν, ὡς τὴν πολιτείαν ταύτην ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαμένειν:' "
12.138. Βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος Πτολεμαίῳ χαίρειν.τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ παραυτίκα μέν, ἡνίκα τῆς χώρας ἐπέβημεν αὐτῶν, ἐπιδειξαμένων τὸ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλότιμον καὶ παραγενομένους δ' εἰς τὴν πόλιν λαμπρῶς ἐκδεξαμένων καὶ μετὰ τῆς γερουσίας ἀπαντησάντων, ἄφθονον δὲ τὴν χορηγίαν τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἐλέφασι παρεσχημένων, συνεξελόντων δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ φρουροὺς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων," '12.139. ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ αὐτοὶ τούτων αὐτοὺς ἀμείψασθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἀναλαβεῖν κατεφθαρμένην ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τοὺς πολέμους συμπεσόντων καὶ συνοικίσαι τῶν διεσπαρμένων εἰς αὐτὴν πάλιν συνελθόντων.' "12.141. τελεῖσθαι δ' αὐτοῖς ταῦτα βούλομαι, καθὼς ἐπέσταλκα, καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀπαρτισθῆναι ἔργον τάς τε στοὰς κἂν εἴ τι ἕτερον οἰκοδομῆσαι δέοι: ἡ δὲ τῶν ξύλων ὕλη κατακομιζέσθω ἐξ αὐτῆς τε τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Λιβάνου μηδενὸς πρασσομένου τέλος. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἐν οἷς ἂν ἐπιφανεστέραν γίγνεσθαι τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπισκευὴν δέῃ." "12.142. πολιτευέσθωσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἀπολυέσθω δ' ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ ἱεροψάλται ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς τελοῦσιν καὶ τοῦ στεφανιτικοῦ φόρου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων." '12.143. ἵνα δὲ θᾶττον ἡ πόλις κατοικισθῇ, δίδωμι τοῖς τε νῦν κατοικοῦσιν καὶ κατελευσομένοις ἕως τοῦ ̔Υπερβερεταίου μηνὸς ἀτελέσιν εἶναι μέχρι τριῶν ἐτῶν.' "12.144. ἀπολύομεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοὺς τοῦ τρίτου μέρους τῶν φόρων, ὥστε αὐτῶν ἐπανορθωθῆναι τὴν βλάβην. καὶ ὅσοι ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἁρπαγέντες δουλεύουσιν, αὐτούς τε τούτους καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῶν γεννηθέντας ἐλευθέρους ἀφίεμεν καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτοῖς ἀποδίδοσθαι κελεύομεν." '12.145. ̔Η μὲν οὖν ἐπιστολὴ ταῦτα περιεῖχεν. σεμνύνων δὲ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν πρόγραμμα κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλείαν ἐξέθηκεν περιέχον τάδε: “μηδενὶ ἐξεῖναι ἀλλοφύλῳ εἰς τὸν περίβολον εἰσιέναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν ἀπηγορευμένον τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις, εἰ μὴ οἷς ἁγνισθεῖσίν ἐστιν ἔθιμον κατὰ τὸν πάτριον νόμον.' "12.146. μηδ' εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσφερέσθω ἵππεια κρέα μηδὲ ἡμιόνεια μηδὲ ἀγρίων ὄνων καὶ ἡμέρων παρδάλεών τε καὶ ἀλωπέκων καὶ λαγῶν καὶ καθόλου δὲ πάντων τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων ζῴων τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις: μηδὲ τὰς δορὰς εἰσφέρειν ἐξεῖναι, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τρέφειν τι τούτων ἐν τῇ πόλει: μόνοις δὲ τοῖς προγονικοῖς θύμασιν, ἀφ' ὧν καὶ τῷ θεῷ δεῖ καλλιερεῖν, ἐπιτετράφθαι χρῆσθαι. ὁ δέ τι τούτων παραβὰς ἀποτινύτω τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τρισχιλίας.”" "
12.148. γράφει δ' οὕτως: “βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος Ζεύξιδι τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσαι, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, ὑγιαίνω δὲ καὶ αὐτός." '
12.153. πρόνοιαν δὲ ποιοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν, ὅπως ὑπὸ μηδενὸς ἐνοχλῆται.” περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς ̓Αντιόχου φιλίας τοῦ μεγάλου πρὸς ̓Ιουδαίους ταῦτα ἡμῖν ἀποχρώντως εἰρήσθω μαρτύρια.
12.237. ̔Υπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἀποθανόντος καὶ ̓Ονίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ ̓Ιησοῦ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Αντίοχος δίδωσιν: ὁ γὰρ παῖς, ὃν ̓Ονίας καταλελοίπει, ἔτι νήπιος ἦν. δηλώσομεν δὲ τὰ περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς τούτου κατὰ χώραν ἕκαστα.
13.58. Ταῦτα μὲν ὑπισχνούμενος καὶ χαριζόμενος ἔγραψεν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις Δημήτριος. ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς δύναμιν μεγάλην συναγαγὼν μισθοφόρων καὶ τῶν προσθεμένων ἐκ τῆς Συρίας αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Δημήτριον ἐστράτευσεν.
13.62. ̔Ο δὲ ̓Ονίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς ὁμώνυμος δὲ ὢν τῷ πατρί, ὃς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ φυγὼν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον Φιλομήτορα διῆγεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν, ἰδὼν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν κακουμένην ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτῶν,' "13.63. βουλόμενος αὑτῷ δόξαν καὶ μνήμην αἰώνιον κατασκευάσαι, διέγνω πέμψας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν βασίλισσαν Κλεοπάτραν αἰτήσασθαι παρ' αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν, ὅπως οἰκοδομήσειεν ναὸν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ παραπλήσιον τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις καὶ Λευίτας καὶ ἱερεῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου γένους καταστήσῃ." "13.64. τοῦτο δ' ἐβούλετο θαρρῶν μάλιστα τῷ προφήτῃ ̔Ησαί̈ᾳ, ὃς ἔμπροσθεν ἔτεσιν ἑξακοσίοις πλέον γεγονὼς προεῖπεν, ὡς δεῖ πάντως ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οἰκοδομηθῆναι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ ὑπ' ἀνδρὸς ̓Ιουδαίου. διὰ ταῦτα οὖν ἐπηρμένος ̓Ονίας γράφει Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν:" '13.65. “πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ὑμῖν χρείας τετελεκὼς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργοις μετὰ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθείας, καὶ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ καὶ Φοινίκῃ, καὶ εἰς Λεόντων δὲ πόλιν τοῦ ̔Ηλιοπολίτου σὺν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ εἰς ἄλλους τόπους ἀφικόμενος τοῦ ἔθνους, 13.66. καὶ πλείστους εὑρὼν παρὰ τὸ καθῆκον ἔχοντας ἱερὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δύσνους ἀλλήλοις, ὃ καὶ Αἰγυπτίοις συμβέβηκεν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θρησκείας οὐχ ὁμόδοξον, ἐπιτηδειότατον εὑρὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ τῆς ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως ὀχυρώματι βρύοντα ποικίλης ὕλης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ζῴων μεστόν,' "13.67. δέομαι συγχωρῆσαί μοι τὸ ἀδέσποτον ἀνακαθάραντι ἱερὸν καὶ συμπεπτωκὸς οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ καθ' ὁμοίωσιν τοῦ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις αὐτοῖς μέτροις ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων, ἵν' ἔχωσιν οἱ τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατοικοῦντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι εἰς αὐτὸ συνιόντες κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμόνοιαν ταῖς σαῖς ἐξυπηρετεῖν χρείαις:" '13.68. καὶ γὰρ ̔Ησαί̈ας ὁ προφήτης τοῦτο προεῖπεν: ἔσται θυσιαστήριον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κυρίῳ τῷ θεῷ: καὶ πολλὰ δὲ προεφήτευσεν ἄλλα τοιαῦτα διὰ τὸν τόπον.”' "13.69. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ̓Ονίας τῷ βασιλεῖ Πτολεμαίῳ γράφει. κατανοήσειε δ' ἄν τις αὐτοῦ τὴν εὐσέβειαν καὶ Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ γυναικὸς ἐξ ἧς ἀντέγραψαν ἐπιστολῆς: τὴν γὰρ ἁμαρτίαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ νόμου παράβασιν εἰς τὴν ̓Ονίου κεφαλὴν ἀνέθεσαν:" "13.71. ἐπεὶ δὲ σὺ φῂς ̔Ησαί̈αν τὸν προφήτην ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου τοῦτο προειρηκέναι, συγχωροῦμέν σοι, εἰ μέλλει τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον: ὥστε μηδὲν ἡμᾶς δοκεῖν εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἐξημαρτηκέναι.”" '13.72. Λαβὼν οὖν τὸν τόπον ὁ ̓Ονίας κατεσκεύασεν ἱερὸν καὶ βωμὸν τῷ θεῷ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, μικρότερον δὲ καὶ πενιχρότερον. τὰ δὲ μέτρα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ σκεύη νῦν οὐκ ἔδοξέ μοι δηλοῦν: ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἑβδόμῃ μου βίβλῳ τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀναγέγραπται. 13.73. εὗρεν δὲ ̓Ονίας καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους τινὰς ὁμοίους αὐτῷ ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευίτας τοὺς ἐκεῖ θρησκεύσοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τούτου ἀρκούντως ἡμῖν δεδήλωται.' "13.74. Τοὺς δ' ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ Σαμαρεῖς, οἳ τὸ ἐν Γαριζεὶν προσεκύνουν ἱερόν, κατὰ τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου χρόνους συνέβη στασιάσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαίου διεκρίνοντο, τῶν μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων λεγόντων κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους ᾠκοδομῆσθαι τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, τῶν δὲ Σαμαρέων τὸ ἐν Γαριζείν." '
13.76. ὤμοσαν δὲ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἦ μὴν ποιήσεσθαι τὰς ἀποδείξεις κατὰ τὸν νόμον, παρεκάλεσάν τε τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὅπως ὃν ἂν λάβῃ παραβαίνοντα τοὺς ὅρκους ἀποκτείνῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων εἰς συμβουλίαν παραλαβὼν ἐκάθισεν ἀκουσόμενος τῶν λεγόντων.
13.287. “οἱ γὰρ πλείους, οἵ τε συνελθόντες καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἐπιπεμπόμενοι παρὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας εἰς Κύπρον, μετεβάλοντο παραχρῆμα πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον: μόνοι δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ονίου γενόμενοι ̓Ιουδαῖοι συνέμενον διὰ τὸ τοὺς πολίτας αὐτῶν εὐδοκιμεῖν μάλιστα παρὰ τῇ βασιλίσσῃ Χελκίαν τε καὶ ̓Ανανίαν.” ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Στράβων φησίν.' "
13.318. ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἐπαποθνήσκει τοῖς λόγοις βασιλεύσας ἐνιαυτόν, χρηματίσας μὲν Φιλέλλην, πολλὰ δ' εὐεργετήσας τὴν πατρίδα, πολεμήσας ̓Ιτουραίους καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ προσκτησάμενος ἀναγκάσας τε τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, εἰ βούλονται μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, περιτέμνεσθαι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμους ζῆν." "
13.331. τὴν γὰρ Κλεοπάτραν οὐ περιόψεσθαι δύναμιν αὐτῷ κατασκευαζόμενον Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ γειτόνων, ἀλλ' ἥξειν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς: σπουδάσαι γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστε καὶ τῆς Κύπρου τὸν υἱὸν ἐκβαλεῖν: εἶναι δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ μὲν διαμαρτόντι τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀποφυγὴν πάλιν τὴν Κύπρον, αὐτοῖς δὲ κινδύνων τὸν ἔσχατον." '13.332. ὁ μὲν οὖν Πτολεμαῖος κατὰ τὸν πόρον μαθὼν τὴν τῶν Πτολεμαιῶν μεταβολὴν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἔπλευσεν καὶ καταχθεὶς εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Συκάμινον ἐνταυθοῖ τὴν δύναμιν ἐξεβίβασεν.' "13.333. ἦν δὲ ὁ πᾶς στρατὸς αὐτῷ πεζοί τε ἅμα καὶ ἱππεῦσιν περὶ τρισμυρίους, οὓς προαγαγὼν πλησίον τῆς Πτολεμαί̈δος καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος, ἐπεὶ μήτε τοὺς παρ' αὐτοῦ πρέσβεις ἐδέχοντο μήτε τῶν λόγων ἠκροῶντο, μεγάλως ἐφρόντιζεν." '13.334. ̓Ελθόντων δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν Ζωίλου τε καὶ τῶν Γαζαίων καὶ δεομένων συμμαχεῖν αὐτοῖς πορθουμένης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ̓Αλεξάνδρου, λύει μὲν τὴν πολιορκίαν δείσας τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὁ ̓Αλέξανδρος, ἀπαγαγὼν δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐστρατήγει τὸ λοιπὸν λάθρα μὲν τὴν Κλεοπάτραν ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον μεταπεμπόμενος, φανερῶς δὲ φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποκρινόμενος. 13.335. καὶ τετρακόσια δὲ ἀργυρίου τάλαντα δώσειν ὑπέσχετο χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων αἰτῶν Ζώιλον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν τύραννον καὶ τὴν χώραν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις προσνεῖμαι. τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἡδέως τὴν πρὸς ̓Αλέξανδρον ποιησάμενος φιλίαν χειροῦται τὸν Ζώιλον.' "13.336. ὕστερον δὲ ἀκούσας λάθρα διαπεμψάμενον αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτραν λύει τοὺς γεγενημένους πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅρκους καὶ προσβαλὼν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν Πτολεμαί̈δα μὴ δεξαμένην αὐτόν. καταλιπὼν δ' ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας στρατηγοὺς καὶ μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτὸς τῷ λοιπῷ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καταστρεψόμενος ὥρμησεν." "13.337. ὁ δὲ ̓Αλέξανδρος τὴν τοῦ Πτολεμαίου διάνοιαν μαθὼν συνήθροισεν καὶ αὐτὸς περὶ πέντε μυριάδας τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὡς δ' ἔνιοι συγγραφεῖς εἰρήκασιν ὀκτώ, καὶ ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἀπήντα τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ. Πτολεμαῖος δ' ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν ̓Ασωχειτω τῆς Γαλιλαίας πόλει σάββασιν αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος αὐτὴν καὶ περὶ μύρια σώματα καὶ πολλὴν ἑτέραν ἔλαβε λείαν." "13.338. Πειράσας δὲ καὶ Σέπφωριν μικρὸν ἄπωθεν τῆς πεπορθημένης πολλοὺς ἀποβαλὼν ᾔει πολεμήσων ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ. ὑπήντησε δ' αὐτῷ πρὸς τῷ ̓Ιορδάνῃ ποταμῷ ̓Αλέξανδρος περί τινα τόπον λεγόμενον ̓Ασωφὼν οὐ πόρρωθεν τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ καὶ βάλλεται στρατόπεδον πλησίον τῶν πολεμίων." '13.339. εἶχεν μέντοι τοὺς προμαχομένους ὀκτακισχιλίους, οὓς ἑκατονταμάχους προσηγόρευσεν, ἐπιχάλκοις χρωμένους τοῖς θυρεοῖς. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖς τοῦ Πτολεμαίου προμαχοῦσιν ἐπίχαλκοι αἱ ἀσπίδες. τοῖς μέντοι γε ἄλλοις ἔλαττον ἔχοντες οἱ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου εὐλαβέστερον συνῆψαν εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον.' "13.341. κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν παρ' ἀμφοτέρων ἦν ἔργα χειρῶν καὶ προθυμίας παραπλήσια καὶ πολὺς ἐγένετο φόνος ἐξ ἑκατέρων τῶν στρατευμάτων, ὑπερτέρων δὲ τῶν ̓Αλεξάνδρου γινομένων Φιλοστέφανος διελὼν τὴν δύναμιν δεξιῶς τοῖς ἐνδιδοῦσιν ἐπεκούρει." '13.342. μηδενὸς δὲ τῷ κλιθέντι μέρει τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προσβοηθοῦντος τούτους μὲν συνέβαινε φεύγειν μὴ βοηθούντων τῶν πλησίον ἀλλὰ κοινωνούντων τῆς φυγῆς, οἱ δὲ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου τὰ ἐναντία τούτων ἔπραττον: 13.343. ἑπόμενοι γὰρ ἔκτεινον τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον τραπέντας αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας ἐδίωκον φονεύοντες ἕως οὗ καὶ ὁ σίδηρος αὐτοῖς ἠμβλύνθη κτείνουσιν καὶ αἱ χεῖρες παρείθησαν.' "13.344. τρισμυρίους γοῦν ἔφασαν αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν, Τιμαγένης δὲ πεντακισμυρίους εἴρηκεν, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν αἰχμαλώτους ληφθῆναι, τοὺς δ' εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφεύγειν χωρία." '13.345. Πτολεμαῖος δὲ μετὰ τὴν νίκην προσκαταδραμὼν τὴν χώραν ὀψίας ἐπιγενομένης ἔν τισι κώμαις τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας κατέμεινεν, ἃς γυναικῶν εὑρὼν μεστὰς καὶ νηπίων ἐκέλευσεν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀποσφάττοντας αὐτοὺς καὶ κρεουργοῦντας ἔπειτα εἰς λέβητας ζέοντας ἐνιέντας τὰ μέλη ἀπάρχεσθαι.' "13.346. τοῦτο δὲ προσέταξεν, ἵν' οἱ διαφυγόντες ἐκ τῆς μάχης καὶ πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἐλθόντες σαρκοφάγους ὑπολάβωσιν εἶναι τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς καταπλαγῶσι ταῦτ' ἰδόντες." '13.347. λέγει δὲ καὶ Στράβων καὶ Νικόλαος, ὅτι τοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐχρήσαντο τὸν τρόπον, καθὼς κἀγὼ προείρηκα. ἔλαβον δὲ καὶ τὴν Πτολεμαί̈δα κατὰ κράτος, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις φανερὸν πεποιήκαμεν.' "13.348. Κλεοπάτρα δ' ὁρῶσα τὸν υἱὸν αὐξανόμενον καὶ τήν τε ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀδεῶς πορθοῦντα καὶ τὴν Γαζαίων πόλιν ὑπήκοον ἔχοντα, περιιδεῖν οὐκ ἔγνω τοῦτον ἐπὶ ταῖς πύλαις ὄντα καὶ ποθοῦντα τὴν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων μείζω γενόμενον," "13.349. ἀλλὰ παραχρῆμα μετὰ καὶ ναυτικῆς καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἐξώρμησεν ἡγεμόνας τῆς ὅλης στρατιᾶς ἀποδείξασα Χελκίαν καὶ ̓Ανανίαν τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ τοῦ πλούτου καὶ τοὺς υἱωνοὺς καὶ διαθήκας πέμψασα Κῴοις παρέθετο." "13.351. Πτολεμαῖος δ' ἐκ τῆς Συρίας ἀπελθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔσπευσεν, αἰφνιδίως αὐτὴν οἰόμενος κενὴν οὖσαν στρατιᾶς καθέξειν: ἀλλὰ διαμαρτάνει τῆς ἐλπίδος. κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν χρόνον συνέβη καὶ Χελκίαν τὸν ἕτερον τῶν τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἡγεμόνων ἀποθανεῖν περὶ κοίλην Συρίαν διώκοντα Πτολεμαῖον." "13.352. ̓Ακούσασα δ' ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν τὴν τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ ὅτι τὰ περὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον οὐχ ὃν προσεδόκα τρόπον προκεχώρηκεν αὐτῷ, πέμψασα μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐξέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου πάλιν ὑποστρέψας τὸν χειμῶνα διέτριψεν ἐν Γάζῃ." "13.353. Κλεοπάτρα δ' ἐν τούτῳ τὴν ἐν Πτολεμαί̈δι φρουρὰν ἐκ πολιορκίας λαμβάνει καὶ τὴν πόλιν. ̓Αλεξάνδρου δ' αὐτὴν μετὰ δώρων περιελθόντος καὶ θεραπείας ὁποίας ἄξιον ἦν πεπονθότα μὲν κακῶς ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου, καταφυγῆς δ' οὐκ ἄλλης ἢ ταύτης εὐποροῦντα, τινὲς μὲν τῶν φίλων καὶ ταῦτα συνεβούλευον αὐτῇ λαβεῖν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπελθούσῃ κατασχεῖν καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν ἐπ' ἀνδρὶ ἑνὶ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀγαθῶν ̓Ιουδαίων κείμενον." '13.354. ̓Ανανίας δὲ συνεβούλευσε τούτοις ἐναντία, λέγων ἄδικα ποιήσειν αὐτήν, εἰ σύμμαχον ἄνθρωπον ἀφαιρήσεται τῆς ἰδίας ἐξουσίας καὶ ταῦτα συγγενῆ ἡμέτερον: “οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν βούλομαί σε, φησίν, εἰ τὸ πρὸς τοῦτον ἄδικον ἐχθροὺς ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς σοι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους κατασκευάζει.” 13.355. ταῦτα δὲ ̓Ανανία παραινέσαντος ἡ Κλεοπάτρα πείθεται μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαι τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον, ἀλλὰ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐποιήσατο ἐν Σκυθοπόλει τῆς κοίλης Συρίας. 13.356. ̔Ο δὲ τῶν ἐκ Πτολεμαίου φόβων ἐλευθερωθεὶς στρατεύεται μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν κοίλην Συρίαν, αἱρεῖ δὲ Γάδαρα πολιορκήσας δέκα μησίν, αἱρεῖ δὲ καὶ ̓Αμαθοῦντα μέγιστον ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιορδάνην κατῳκημένων, ἔνθα καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ σπουδῆς ἄξια Θεόδωρος ὁ Ζήνωνος εἶχεν. ὃς οὐ προσδοκῶσιν ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις μυρίους αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνει καὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρου διαρπάζει.' "13.357. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐ καταπλήττει τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον, ἀλλ' ἐπιστρατεύει τοῖς θαλαττίοις μέρεσιν, ̔Ραφείᾳ καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνι, ἣν ὕστερον βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης ̓Αγριππιάδα προσηγόρευσεν, καὶ κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν καὶ ταύτην." '13.358. ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ τῆς Γάζης εἰς Κύπρον ἀνακεχωρηκότα, τὴν δὲ μητέρα αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτραν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ὀργιζόμενος δὲ τοῖς Γαζαίοις, ὅτι Πτολεμαῖον ἐπεκαλέσαντο βοηθόν, ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν προενόμευσεν.' "13.359. ̓Απολλοδότου δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν Γαζαίων μετὰ δισχιλίων ξένων καὶ μυρίων οἰκετῶν νύκτωρ ἐπιπεσόντος τῷ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐφ' ὅσον μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἡ νὺξ ἐνίκων οἱ Γαζαῖοι δόκησιν παρασχόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἐπεληλυθότος αὐτοῖς Πτολεμαίου, γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας καὶ τῆς δόξης ἐλεγχθείσης μαθόντες οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τἀληθὲς ἐπισυστρέφονται καὶ τοῖς Γαζαίοις προσβαλόντες ἀναιροῦσιν αὐτῶν περὶ χιλίους." '13.361. ἀλλὰ συνέβη πρῶτον τὸν ̓Απολλόδοτον διαφθαρῆναι: Λυσίμαχος γὰρ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ζηλοτυπῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις εὐδοκιμεῖν, κτείνας αὐτὸν καὶ στρατιωτικὸν συγκροτήσας ἐνδίδωσιν ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ τὴν πόλιν.' "13.362. ὁ δ' εὐθὺς μὲν εἰσελθὼν ἠρέμει, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν δύναμιν ἐπαφῆκε τοῖς Γαζαίοις ἐπιτρέψας τιμωρεῖν αὐτούς: οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἀλλαχῆ τρεπόμενοι τοὺς Γαζαίους ἀπέκτειναν. ἦσαν δ' οὐδ' ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς παραπίπτουσιν ἀμυνόμενοι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους οὐκ ἐλάττονας αὐτῶν διέφθειραν." '13.363. ἔνιοι δὲ μονούμενοι τὰς οἰκίας ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ὡς μηδὲν ἐξ αὐτῶν λάφυρον εἶναι τοῖς πολεμίοις λαβεῖν. οἱ δὲ καὶ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν αὐτόχειρες ἐγένοντο τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς αὐτὰ δουλείας οὕτως ἀπαλλάττειν ἠναγκασμένοι. 13.364. τῶν δὲ βουλευτῶν ἦσαν οἱ πάντες πεντακόσιοι συμφυγόντες εἰς τὸ τοῦ ̓Απόλλωνος ἱερόν: συνεδρευόντων γὰρ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν συνέβη γενέσθαι: ὁ δὲ ̓Αλέξανδρος τούτους τε ἀναιρεῖ καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῖς ἐπικατασκάψας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας.
13.374. ἔτρεφεν δὲ καὶ ξένους Πισίδας καὶ Κίλικας: Σύροις γὰρ πολέμιος ὢν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο. καταστρεψάμενος δὲ τῶν ̓Αράβων Μωαβίτας καὶ Γαλααδίτας εἰς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, κατερείπει καὶ ̓Αμαθοῦντα Θεοδώρου μὴ τολμῶντος αὐτῷ συμβαλεῖν.' "
13.376. καὶ πρὸς τὴν κακοπραγίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιθεμένου τοῦ ἔθνους πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸ ἔτεσιν ἓξ ἀναιρεῖ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οὐκ ἔλαττον πέντε μυριάδας. παρακαλοῦντος δὲ παῦσαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν δυσμένειαν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν αὐτὸν διὰ τὰ συμβεβηκότα. πυνθανομένου δ' αὐτοῦ τί βούλονται, πάντες γενέσθαι ἐβόησαν ἀποθανεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ πρὸς Δημήτριον τὸν ̓́Ακαιρον ἔπεμψαν παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν." "13.377. ̔Ο δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐλθὼν καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους περὶ Σίκιμα πόλιν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν. ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ μετὰ μισθοφόρων ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ διακοσίων ̓Ιουδαίων τε περὶ δισμυρίους οἳ ἐφρόνουν τὰ ἐκείνου παραλαβὼν ἀντεπῄει τῷ Δημητρίῳ: τούτῳ δ' ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ τέσσαρες μυριάδες." "13.378. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἑκατέροις ἐπράχθη, τοῦ μὲν ἀποστῆσαι τοὺς μισθοφόρους ὡς ὄντας ̔́Ελληνας πειρωμένου, τοῦ δὲ τοὺς σὺν Δημητρίῳ ̓Ιουδαίους. μηδετέρου δὲ πεῖσαι δυνηθέντος, ἀλλ' εἰς μάχην συμβαλόντων, νικᾷ Δημήτριος, καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι μὲν οἱ ̓Αλεξάνδρου μισθοφόροι πάντες πίστεως ἅμα καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπίδειξιν ποιησάμενοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν Δημητρίου στρατιωτῶν." "13.379. Φεύγοντος δ' ̓Αλεξάνδρου εἰς τὰ ὄρη κατὰ οἶκτον τῆς μεταβολῆς συλλέγονται παρ' αὐτὸν ̓Ιουδαίων ἑξακισχίλιοι. καὶ τότε μὲν δείσας ὑποχωρεῖ Δημήτριος. μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ἐπολέμουν ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ καὶ νικώμενοι πολλοὶ ἀπέθνησκον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις." "
13.382. ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαγόντων καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ἀγαγόντων, ὥστε ἣν κατεστρέψατο γῆν ἐν Γαλααδίτιδι καὶ Μωαβίτιδι καὶ τὰ χωρία τῶν ̓Αράβων τῷ βασιλεῖ παραδοῦναι, ὅπως ἂν μὴ ξυνάρηται σφίσι τὸν κατ' αὐτοῦ πόλεμον, ἄλλα τε μυρία ἐς ὕβριν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπήρειαν πραξάντων." "
13.393. ̓Αλέξανδρος δ' ἐλάσας αὖθις ἐπὶ Δίαν πόλιν αἱρεῖ ταύτην, καὶ στρατεύσας ἐπὶ ̓́Εσσαν, οὗ τὰ πλείστου ἄξια Ζήνωνι συνέβαινεν εἶναι, τρισὶν μὲν περιβάλλει τείχεσιν τὸ χωρίον, ἀμαχὶ δὲ λαβὼν τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ Γαύλαναν καὶ Σελεύκειαν ἐξώρμησεν." '13.394. παραλαβὼν δὲ καὶ ταύτας προσεξεῖλεν καὶ τὴν ̓Αντιόχου λεγομένην φάραγγα καὶ Γάμαλα τὸ φρούριον. ἐγκαλῶν δὲ πολλὰ Δημητρίῳ τῷ τῶν τόπων ἄρχοντι περιέδυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ τρίτον ἤδη πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος τῆς στρατείας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ὑπέστρεψεν προθύμως αὐτὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν δεχομένων. 13.395. Κατὰ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἤδη τῶν Σύρων καὶ ̓Ιδουμαίων καὶ Φοινίκων πόλεις εἶχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πρὸς θαλάσσῃ μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον ̓Απολλωνίαν ̓Ιόππην ̓Ιάμνειαν ̓́Αζωτον Γάζαν ̓Ανθηδόνα ̔Ράφειαν ̔Ρινοκόρουρα, 13.396. ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσογαίᾳ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιδουμαίαν ̓́Αδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν καὶ ὅλην ̓Ιδουμαίαν, Σαμάρειαν Καρμήλιον ὄρος καὶ τὸ ̓Ιταβύριον ὄρος Σκυθόπολιν Γάδαρα, Γαυλανίτιδας Σελεύκειαν Γάβαλα, 13.397. Μωαβίτιδας ̓Ησεβὼν Μήδαβα Λεμβὰ Ορωναιμαγελεθων Ζόαρα Κιλίκων αὐλῶνα Πέλλαν, ταύτην κατέσκαψεν ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἐς πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαι, ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς Συρίας ἦσαν κατεστραμμένοι. 13.398. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐκ μέθης εἰς νόσον καταπεσὼν καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν τεταρταίῳ πυρετῷ συσχεθεὶς οὐκ ἀπέστη τῶν στρατειῶν, ἕως οὗ τοῖς πόνοις ἐξαναλωθεὶς ἀπέθανεν ἐν τοῖς Γερασηνῶν ὅροις πολιορκῶν ̔Ράγαβα φρούριον πέραν τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου.' "13.399. ὁρῶσα δ' αὐτὸν ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τῷ τελευτᾶν ὄντα καὶ μηδεμίαν ὑπογράφοντα μηκέτι σωτηρίας ἐλπίδα, κλαίουσα καὶ κοπτομένη τῆς μελλούσης ἐρημίας αὐτήν τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἀπωδύρετο καί “τίνι καταλείπεις οὕτως ἐμέ τε καὶ τὰ τέκνα τῆς παρ' ἄλλων βοηθείας δεόμενα” πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν “καὶ ταῦτ' εἰδώς, πῶς διάκειται πρὸς σὲ δυσμενῶς τὸ ἔθνος.”" '13.401. ἔπειτα ὡς ἀπὸ νίκης λαμπρῶς εἰς τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα παραγινομένην τοῖς Φαρισαίοις ἐξουσίαν τινὰ παρασχεῖν: τούτους γὰρ ἐπαινοῦντας αὐτὴν ἀντὶ τῆς τιμῆς εὔνουν καταστήσειν αὐτῇ τὸ ἔθνος, δύνασθαι δὲ πολὺ παρὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις τούτους ἔφασκε βλάψαι τε μισοῦντας καὶ φίλους διακειμένους ὠφελῆσαι:' "13.402. μάλιστα γὰρ πιστεύεσθαι παρὰ τῷ πλήθει περὶ ὧν ἂν κἂν φθονῶσίν τι χαλεπὸν λέγωσιν, αὐτόν τε προσκροῦσαι τῷ ἔθνει διὰ τούτους ἔλεγεν ὑβρισθέντας ὑπ' αὐτοῦ." "13.403. “σὺ τοίνυν, εἶπεν, ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις γενομένη μετάπεμψαι μὲν τοὺς στασιώτας αὐτῶν, ἐπιδείξασα δὲ τὸ σῶμα τοὐμὸν ἐκείνοις ὅπως μοι βούλονται χρῆσθαι μετὰ πολλῆς ἀξιοπιστίας ἐπίτρεπε, εἴτε καθυβρίζειν ἀταφίᾳ μου θελήσουσι τὸν νεκρὸν ὡς πολλὰ πεπονθότες ἐξ ἐμοῦ, εἴτ' ἄλλην τινὰ κατ' ὀργὴν αἰκίαν τῷ σώματι προσφέρειν. ὑπόσχου τε καὶ μηδὲν δίχα τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ διαπράξεσθαι." "13.404. ταῦτά σου πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰπούσης ἐγώ τε λαμπροτέρας ἀξιωθήσομαι πρὸς αὐτῶν κηδείας ἧς ἂν ἔτυχον ἐκ σοῦ, μηδὲν διὰ τὸ ἐξεῖναι ποιεῖν μου κακῶς τὸν νεκρὸν διαθεῖναι θελησάντων, σύ τε βεβαίως ἄρξεις.” ταῦτα παραινέσας τῇ γυναικὶ τελευτᾷ βασιλεύσας ἔτη ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι, βιώσας δ' ἓν καὶ πεντήκοντα." '
13.408. ̔Η δὲ ἀρχιερέα μὲν ἀπεδείκνυεν ̔Υρκανὸν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, πολὺ μέντοι πλέον διὰ τὸ ἄπραγμον αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάντα τοῖς Φαρισαίοις ἐπέτρεπεν ποιεῖν, οἷς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευσεν πειθαρχεῖν καὶ εἴ τι δὲ καὶ τῶν νομίμων ̔Υρκανὸς ὁ πενθερὸς αὐτῆς κατέλυσεν ὧν εἰσήνεγκαν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κατὰ τὴν πατρῴαν παράδοσιν, τοῦτο πάλιν ἀποκατέστησεν. 13.409. τὸ μὲν οὖν ὄνομα τῆς βασιλείας εἶχεν αὐτή, τὴν δὲ δύναμιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι: καὶ γὰρ φυγάδας οὗτοι κατῆγον καὶ δεσμώτας ἔλυον καὶ καθάπαξ οὐδὲν δεσποτῶν διέφερον. ἐποιεῖτο μέντοι καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τῆς βασιλείας πρόνοιαν, καὶ πολὺ μισθοφορικὸν συνίστησιν, καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν δύναμιν ἀπέδειξεν διπλασίονα, ὡς καταπλῆξαι τοὺς πέριξ τυράννους καὶ λαβεῖν ὅμηρα αὐτῶν.
13.428. τῶν δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ἐσῄεσαν ὡς τὴν βασίλισσαν καὶ ἐδέοντο ὑποθέσθαι γνώμην περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων: τὸν γὰρ ̓Αριστόβουλον τῶν πάντων σχεδὸν ἤδη κυριεύειν, ὁπότε χωρίων τοσούτων κρατήσειεν: ἄτοπον δέ, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα κάμνοι, περιούσης αὐτῆς κατὰ σφᾶς βουλεύεσθαι: περιεστάναι δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον οὐ διὰ μακροῦ σφίσιν.
14.8. Σκαύρου δ' ἐπὶ Πέτραν τῆς ̓Αραβίας στρατεύσαντος καὶ διὰ τὸ δυσάλωτον εἶναι τὰ ἐν κύκλῳ δῃοῦντος αὐτῆς καὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος λιμήναντος ̓Αντίπατρος κατ' ἐντολὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ σῖτον ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας καὶ τὰ ἄλλα, ὅσων ἐνέδει, παρεῖχεν." '
14.8. Φίλος δέ τις ̔Υρκανοῦ ̓Ιδουμαῖος ̓Αντίπατρος λεγόμενος, πολλῶν μὲν εὐπόρει χρημάτων, δραστήριος δὲ ὢν τὴν φύσιν καὶ στασιαστὴς ἀλλοτρίως εἶχεν πρὸς τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον καὶ διαφόρως διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εὔνοιαν.' "
14.14. ̓Ελθὼν δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίγονος ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πρὸς Καίσαρα τήν τε τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπωδύρετο τύχην καὶ ὡς δι' αὐτὸν ἀποθάνοι φαρμάκοις ἀναιρεθεὶς ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ κτείναντος πελέκει Σκιπίωνος, ἐδεῖτό τε λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκβεβλημένου, ̔Υρκανοῦ δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατηγόρει βιαίως ἐξηγουμένων τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ εἰς αὐτὸν παρανομησάντων." "
14.14. ̓Επειδὴ τοίνυν ὁ ̓Αντίπατρος οὐ προσέχοντα ἑώρα τοῖς λόγοις τὸν ̔Υρκανόν, οὐ διέλιπεν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας πλαττόμενος καὶ διαβάλλων πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι θέλοντα, καὶ μόλις ἐγκείμενος πείθει πρὸς ̓Αρέταν αὐτῷ συμβουλεύσας φυγεῖν τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα: πεισθέντι γὰρ ἔσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς σύμμαχος ὑπισχνεῖτο.' "14.15. ἐπὶ ̓Αγαθοκλέους ἄρχοντος Εὐκλῆς Μενάνδρου ̓Αλιμούσιος ἐγραμμάτευε Μουνυχιῶνος ἑνδεκάτῃ τῆς πρυτανείας ἐκκλησίας ἀγομένης ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ τῶν προέδρων ἐπεψήφισεν Δωρόθεος ̓Ερχιεὺς καὶ οἱ συμπρόεδροι * τῷ δήμῳ, Διονύσιος Διονυσίου εἶπεν:' "14.15. ὁ δὲ ταῦτ' ἀκούων συμφέρειν ἦν ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αρέταν ἀποδρᾶναι, ἔστιν δὲ ὅμορος τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ ̓Αραβία, καὶ δὴ πέμπει πρῶτον ̔Υρκανὸς πρὸς τὸν τῶν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ληψόμενον πίστεις, ὡς οὐκ ἐκδώσει τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἱκέτην αὐτοῦ γενόμενον." '14.16. λαβὼν δὲ τὰς πίστεις ὁ ̓Αντίπατρος ὑπέστρεψε πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξελθὼν νύκτωρ καὶ πολλὴν ἀνύσας ὁδὸν ἧκεν ἄγων εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν, ὅπου τὰ βασίλεια ἦν τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ." '14.16. σφόδρα δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἠγάπησαν οἱ Σύροι: ποθοῦσι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ λῃστηρίου τὴν χώραν ἐκαθάρευσεν. ὕμνουν γοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατά τε κώμας καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ὡς εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς παρεσχηκότα καὶ ἀσφαλῆ τῶν κτημάτων ἀπόλαυσιν. ἐγένετο δὲ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Σέξστῳ Καίσαρι γνώριμος ὄντι συγγενεῖ τοῦ μεγάλου Καίσαρος καὶ διέποντι τὴν Συρίαν.' "14.17. Σέξστος μέντοι ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἡγεμὼν γράφει παρακαλῶν ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπολῦσαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἐκ τῆς δίκης καὶ προσαπειλῶν παρακούσαντι. τῷ δ' ἦν ἀφορμὴ τὸ παρὰ τοῦ Σέξστου γράμμα πρὸς τὸ μηδὲν ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου παθόντα ἀπολῦσαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην: ἠγάπα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὡς υἱόν." "14.17. μάλιστα δὲ ὢν φίλος τῷ βασιλεῖ κατάγειν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν παρεκάλει: καὶ τοῦθ' ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ποιῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀνιείς, ἀλλὰ καὶ δωρεὰς προϊέμενος, πείθει τὸν ̓Αρέταν." "14.18. Σέξστου δὲ ποιήσαντος ̔Ηρώδην στρατηγὸν κοίλης Συρίας, χρημάτων γὰρ αὐτῷ τοῦτο ἀπέδοτο, ̔Υρκανὸς ἦν ἐν φόβῳ, μὴ στρατεύσηται ̔Ηρώδης ἐπ' αὐτόν. οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ δέους ἐβράδυνεν, ἀλλ' ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ' αὐτὸν ̔Ηρώδης στρατιὰν ὀργιζόμενος τῆς δίκης αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ λόγον ὑποσχεῖν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ." '14.18. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ὑπέσχετο αὐτῷ καταχθεὶς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν κομισάμενος ἀποδώσειν τήν τε χώραν καὶ τὰς δώδεκα πόλεις, ἃς ̓Αλέξανδρος ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τῶν ̓Αράβων ἀφείλετο. ἦσαν δ' αὗται Μήδαβα, Λιββα, Ναβαλώθ, ̓Αραβαθα, Γαλανθώνη, Ζωϊρα, ̓Ωρωναιδιγωβασιλισσαρυδδα, Αλουσα, Ωρυβδα." "
15.55. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἑώρων τοὺς νέοντας τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ φίλων, ἔπειτα προαχθέντος καὶ τοῦ μειρακίου τῷ καὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην παροξῦναι, τῶν φίλων οἷς ταῦτα ἐπιτέτακτο σκότους ἐπέχοντος βαροῦντες ἀεὶ καὶ βαπτίζοντες ὡς ἐν παιδιᾷ νηχόμενον οὐκ ἀνῆκαν, ἕως καὶ παντάπασιν ἀποπνῖξαι.' "
20.216. Τῶν δὲ Λευιτῶν, φυλὴ δ' ἐστὶν αὕτη, ὅσοιπερ ἦσαν ὑμνῳδοὶ πείθουσι τὸν βασιλέα καθίσαντα συνέδριον φορεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐπίσης τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐπιτρέψαι λινῆν στολήν: πρέπειν γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς χρόνοις ἔφασκον ἀφ' ὧν μνημονευθήσεται καινοποιεῖν."". None | 11.297. 1. When Eliashib the high priest was dead, his son Judas succeeded in the high priesthood; and when he was dead, his son John took that dignity; on whose account it was also that Bagoses, the general of another Artaxerxes’s army, polluted the temple, and imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the public stock, before they offered the daily sacrifices, they should pay for every lamb fifty shekels.
11.327. whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent.
11.338. whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired.
12.3.3. And when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies.
12.3.3. And while these princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality, it came to pass that there were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination of Savior, which he then had.
12.3.3. Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded.
12.22. So when the king had paid him very great respects, and had given him very large gifts, and had written to his father and his brethren, and all his commanders and officers, about him, he sent him away.
12.22. as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of Ζηνα, or life, or Jupiter, because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and this do to the honor of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent worship to him. 12.23. And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them.” 12.23. He also erected a strong castle, and built it entirely of white stone to the very roof, and had animals of a prodigious magnitude engraven upon it. He also drew round it a great and deep canal of water.
12.62. According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its materials.
12.119. 1. The Jews also obtained honors from the kings of Asia when they became their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens in those cities which he built in Asia, and in the lower Syria, and in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks, who were the inhabitants, insomuch that these privileges continue to this very day:
12.138. “King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting.12.148. “King Antiochus To Zeuxis His Father, Sendeth Greeting.12.153. Take care likewise of that nation, as far as thou art able, that they may not have any disturbance given them by any one.” Now these testimonials which I have produced are sufficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great bare to the Jews.
12.237. 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left or Onias IV. was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child.
13.58. 4. This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by this letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made an expedition against Demetrius.
13.62. 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 13.63. out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65. “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, 13.66. where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67. I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69. 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.71. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72. 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 13.73. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple. 13.74. 4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim.
13.76. and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said.
13.287. “Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias’s party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Aias were in chief favor with the queen.” These are the words of Strabo.
13.318. He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws.
13.331. for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible. 13.332. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. 13.333. This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great concern. 13.334. 4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; 13.335. and promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; 13.336. but when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; 13.337. and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy’s intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty thousand He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the Sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey. 13.338. 5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, not far from the river Jordan, and pitched his camp near to the enemy. 13.339. He had however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy’s soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But Ptolemy’s soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards; 13.341. in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were giving way; 13.342. but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and those near them did no assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy’s soldiers acted quite otherwise; 13.343. for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that slew them pursued after them when they had made them all run away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter; 13.344. for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own country. 13.345. 6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when he found full of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to devour their limbs as sacrifices. 13.346. This commandment was given, that such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies were cannibals, and eat men’s flesh, and might on that account be still more terrified at them upon such a sight. 13.347. And both Strabo and Nicholaus of Damascus affirm, that they used these people after this manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere. 13.348. 1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; 13.349. but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Aias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos. 13.351. but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, supposing that he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra’s generals, happened to die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy. 13.352. 2. When Cleopatra heard of her son’s attempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him out of that country; so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza, 13.353. in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. 13.354. But Aias’s counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that “she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; for,” said he, “I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies.” 13.355. This desire of Aias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria. 13.356. 3. So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Celesyria. He also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also Amathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alexander’s baggage. 13.357. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. 13.358. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. 13.359. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. 13.361. but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander, 13.362. who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews; 13.363. and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; 13.364. but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo’s temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege.
13.374. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus durst not fight with him;
13.376. where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them. 13.377. 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. 13.378. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also. 13.379. 2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together from Demetrius to him out of pity at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had;
13.382. nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him.
13.393. 3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it; and then made an expedition against Essa, where was the best part of Zeno’s treasures, and there he encompassed the place with three walls; and when he had taken the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and Seleucia; 13.394. and when he had taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley which is called The Valley of Antiochus, as also the fortress of Gamala. He also accused Demetrius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, and turned him out; and after he had spent three years in this war, he returned to his own country, when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his good success. 13.395. 4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; 13.396. in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala; 13.397. in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed. 13.398. 5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three years, yet would not leave off going out with his army, till he was quite spent with the labors he had undergone, and died in the bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. 13.399. But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be left in; and said to him, “To whom dost thou thus leave me and my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?” 13.401. after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly disposed; 13.402. for that they are then believed best of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had injured. 13.403. “Do thou, therefore,” said he, “when thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom. 13.404. If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.” So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one.
13.408. 2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder, but much more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, according to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated. 13.409. So she had indeed the name of the regent, but the Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who restored such as had been banished, and set such as were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once, they differed in nothing from lords. However, the queen also took care of the affairs of the kingdom, and got together a great body of mercenary soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree, that she became terrible to the neighboring tyrants, and took hostages of them:
13.428. Now the eiders of the Jews, and Hyrcanus with them, went in unto the queen, and desired that she would give them her sentiments about the present posture of affairs, for that Aristobulus was in effect lord of almost all the kingdom, by possessing of so many strong holds, and that it was absurd for them to take any counsel by themselves, how ill soever she were, whilst she was alive, and that the danger would be upon them in no long time.
14.8. 1. Scaurus made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty of access to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus.
14.8. 3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus.
14.14. 4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father’s fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater’s means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself.
14.14. 4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist himand go with him. 14.15. When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies. 14.15. when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Meder of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellowpresidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. 14.16. So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was; 14.16. for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria. 14.17. However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. 14.17. and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. 14.18. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; 14.18. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.
15.55. At first they were only spectators of Herod’s servants and acquaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of Herod’s acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swimming, and plunged him under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only; nor did they desist till he was entirely suffocated.
20.216. 6. Now as many of the Levites, which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing.' '. None |
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17. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.31-1.33, 1.86-1.97, 1.104-1.105, 1.108-1.112, 1.117, 1.123-1.126, 1.437, 2.592, 3.368 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon vii, • Antiochus III • Antiochus, III • Aretas III • Aretas III, friend of Antipater • Aristobulus III • Cleopatra III • Demetrius III • Demetrius III Akairos(or Eukairos), • Onias III
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 374; Bacchi (2022) 73; Bar Kochba (1997) 138, 139, 293; Bay (2022) 77; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 347, 514; Gera (2014) 42; Goodman (2006) 189; Hellholm et al. (2010) 266; Noam (2018) 119, 120, 162, 163; Schwartz (2008) 12, 187, 211, 212; Taylor (2012) 233; Udoh (2006) 174
1.31. Στάσεως τοῖς δυνατοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἐμπεσούσης καθ' ὃν καιρὸν ̓Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Επιφανὴς διεφέρετο περὶ ὅλης Συρίας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ἕκτον, ἡ φιλοτιμία δ' ἦν αὐτοῖς περὶ δυναστείας ἑκάστου τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι μὴ φέροντος τοῖς ὁμοίοις ὑποτετάχθαι, ̓Ονίας μὲν εἷς τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἐπικρατήσας ἐξέβαλε τῆς πόλεως τοὺς Τωβία υἱούς." "
1.31. τὰ δὲ σπήλαια ταῦτα πρὸς ἀποκρήμνοις ὄρεσιν ἦν οὐδαμόθεν προσιτά, πλαγίας δὲ ἀνόδους μόνον ἔχοντα στενοτάτας. ἡ δὲ κατὰ μέτωπον αὐτῶν πέτρα κατέτεινεν εἰς βαθυτάτας φάραγγας ὄρθιος ἐπιρρέπουσα ταῖς χαράδραις, ὥστε τὸν βασιλέα μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν ἀπορεῖν πρὸς τὸ ἀμήχανον τοῦ τόπου, τελευταῖον δ' ἐπινοίᾳ χρήσασθαι σφαλερωτάτῃ." "1.32. ̓Εφ' οἷς χαλεπήνας ̔Ηρώδης ὥρμησεν μὲν ἀμύνασθαι Μαχαιρᾶν ὡς πολέμιον, κρατήσας δὲ τῆς ὀργῆς ἤλαυνεν πρὸς ̓Αντώνιον κατηγορήσων τῆς Μαχαιρᾶ παρανομίας. ὁ δ' ἐν διαλογισμῷ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων γενόμενος ταχέως μεταδιώκει τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πολλὰ δεηθεὶς ἑαυτῷ διαλλάττει." "1.32. οἱ δὲ καταφυγόντες πρὸς ̓Αντίοχον ἱκέτευσαν αὐτοῖς ἡγεμόσι χρώμενον εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐμβαλεῖν. πείθεται δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς ὡρμημένος πάλαι, καὶ μετὰ πλείστης δυνάμεως αὐτὸς ὁρμήσας τήν τε πόλιν αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος τῶν Πτολεμαίῳ προσεχόντων ἀναιρεῖ, ταῖς τε ἁρπαγαῖς ἀνέδην ἐπαφιεὶς τοὺς στρατιώτας αὐτὸς καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐσύλησε καὶ τὸν ἐνδελεχισμὸν τῶν καθ' ἡμέραν ἐναγισμῶν ἔπαυσεν ἐπ' ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἕξ." "1.33. καὶ προσέβαλλεν μὲν συνεχῶς τῷ φρουρίῳ, πρὶν δὲ ἑλεῖν χειμῶνι βιασθεὶς χαλεπωτάτῳ ταῖς πλησίον ἐνστρατοπεδεύεται κώμαις. ἐπεὶ δ' αὐτῷ μετ' ὀλίγας ἡμέρας καὶ τὸ δεύτερον παρὰ ̓Αντωνίου τάγμα συνέμιξεν, δείσαντες τὴν ἰσχὺν οἱ πολέμιοι διὰ νυκτὸς ἐξέλιπον τὸ ἔρυμα." "1.33. ὁ δ' ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ονίας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον διαφυγὼν καὶ παρ' αὐτοῦ λαβὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ ̔Ηλιοπολίτῃ νομῷ πολίχνην τε τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀπεικασμένην καὶ ναὸν ἔκτισεν ὅμοιον: περὶ ὧν αὖθις κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν." "
1.86. Γίνεται δ' αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Λάθουρον ἐπικληθέντα Πτολεμαῖον συμβολὴ πόλιν ̓Ασωχὶν ᾑρηκότα, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν τῶν πολεμίων, ἡ δὲ νίκη πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἔρρεψεν. ἐπεὶ δ' ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Κλεοπάτρας διωχθεὶς εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀνεχώρησεν, ̓Αλέξανδρος Γαδάρων τε πολιορκίᾳ κρατεῖ καὶ ̓Αμαθοῦντος, ὃ δὴ μέγιστον μὲν ἦν ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ ̓Ιορδάνην, τὰ τιμιώτατα δὲ τῶν Θεοδώρου τοῦ Ζήνωνος κτημάτων ἦν ἐν αὐτῷ." "1.87. ἐπελθὼν δ' ἐξαίφνης ὁ Θεόδωρος τά τε σφέτερα καὶ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποσκευὴν αἱρεῖ, τῶν δ' ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς μυρίους κτείνει. γίνεται δ' ἐπάνω τῆς πληγῆς ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ τραπόμενος εἰς τὴν παράλιον αἱρεῖ Γάζαν τε καὶ ̔Ράφειαν καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα τὴν αὖθις ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ̓Αγριππιάδα ἐπικληθεῖσαν." '1.88. ̓Εξανδραποδισαμένῳ δὲ ταύτας ἐπανίσταται τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἐν ἑορτῇ: μάλιστα γὰρ ἐν ταῖς εὐωχίαις αὐτῶν στάσις ἅπτεται. καὶ δοκεῖ μὴ ἂν κρείττων γενέσθαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, εἰ μὴ τὸ ξενικὸν αὐτῷ παρεβοήθει: Πισίδαι καὶ Κίλικες ἦσαν: Σύρους γὰρ οὐκ ἐδέχετο μισθοφόρους διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ἀπέχθειαν. 1.89. κτείνας δὲ τῶν ἐπαναστάντων ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους ̓Αραβίας ἥπτετο καὶ ταύτης ἑλὼν Γαλααδίτας καὶ Μωαβίτας φόρον τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξας ἀνέστρεψεν ἐπὶ ̓Αμαθοῦν. Θεοδώρου δὲ πρὸς τὰς εὐπραγίας αὐτὸν καταπλαγέντος ἔρημον λαβὼν τὸ φρούριον κατέσκαψεν. 1.91. γίνεται δὲ καὶ τότε κρείττων καὶ μάχαις ἐπαλλήλοις οὐκ ἔλαττον πεντακισμυρίων ̓Ιουδαίων ἀνεῖλεν ἐν ἓξ ἔτεσιν: οὐ μὴν εὐφραίνετό γε ταῖς νίκαις τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείαν ἀναλίσκων: ὅθεν παυσάμενος τῶν ὅπλων λόγοις ἐπεχείρει διαλύεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους.' "1.92. οἱ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν τὴν μετάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ τρόπου τὸ ἀνώμαλον, πυνθανομένῳ τε τὸ αἴτιον, τί ἂν ποιήσας καταστείλειεν αὐτούς, ἀποθανών, ἔλεγον: νεκρῷ γὰρ ἂν διαλλαγῆναι μόλις τῷ τοσαῦτα δράσαντι. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν ̓́Ακαιρον ἐπικληθέντα Δημήτριον ἐπεκαλοῦντο. ῥᾳδίως δὲ ὑπακούσαντος κατ' ἐλπίδα μειζόνων καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἥκοντος συνέμισγον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοῖς συμμάχοις περὶ Σίκιμα." "1.93. Δέχεται δ' ἑκατέρους ̓Αλέξανδρος ἱππεῦσι μὲν χιλίοις, μισθοφόροις δὲ πεζοῖς ὀκτακισχιλίοις: παρῆν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ εὐνοοῦν ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν εἰς μυρίους. τῶν δ' ἐναντίων ἱππεῖς μὲν ἦσαν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ μύριοι τετρακισχίλιοι. καὶ πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν διακηρύσσοντες οἱ βασιλεῖς ἐπειρῶντο τῶν παρ' ἀλλήλοις ἀποστάσεων, Δημήτριος μὲν τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου μισθοφόρους, ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ τοὺς ἅμα Δημητρίῳ ̓Ιουδαίους μεταπείσειν ἐλπίσας." "1.94. ὡς δ' οὔτε ̓Ιουδαῖοι θυμῶν οὔτε οἱ ̔́Ελληνες ἐπαύσαντο πίστεως, διεκρίνοντο ἤδη τοῖς ὅπλοις συμπεσόντες." "1.95. κρατεῖ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ Δημήτριος καίτοι πολλὰ τῶν ̓Αλεξάνδρου μισθοφόρων καὶ ψυχῆς ἔργα καὶ χειρὸς ἐπιδειξαμένων. χωρεῖ δὲ τὸ τέλος τῆς παρατάξεως παρὰ δόξαν ἀμφοτέροις: οὔτε γὰρ Δημητρίῳ παρέμειναν νικῶντι οἱ καλέσαντες, καὶ κατὰ οἶκτον τῆς μεταβολῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ προσεχώρησαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη καταφυγόντι ̓Ιουδαίων ἑξακισχίλιοι. ταύτην τὴν ῥοπὴν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν Δημήτριος, ἀλλ' ὑπολαβὼν ἤδη μὲν ἀξιόμαχον εἶναι πάλιν ̓Αλέξανδρον, μεταρρεῖν δὲ καὶ πᾶν τὸ ἔθνος εἰς αὐτόν, ἀνεχώρησεν." '1.96. Οὐ μὴν τό γε λοιπὸν πλῆθος ὑποχωρησάντων τῶν συμμάχων κατέθεντο τὰς διαφοράς, συνεχὴς δὲ πρὸς ̓Αλέξανδρον ἦν αὐτοῖς ὁ πόλεμος, μέχρι πλείστους ἀποκτείνας τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀπήλασεν εἰς Βεμέσελιν πόλιν καὶ ταύτην καταστρεψάμενος αἰχμαλώτους ἀνήγαγεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα.' "1.97. προύκοψεν δὲ αὐτῷ δι' ὑπερβολὴν ὀργῆς εἰς ἀσέβειαν τὸ τῆς ὠμότητος: τῶν γὰρ ληφθέντων ὀκτακοσίους ἀνασταυρώσας ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει γυναῖκάς τε καὶ τέκνα αὐτῶν ἀπέσφαξεν ταῖς ὄψεσι: καὶ ταῦτα πίνων καὶ συγκατακείμενος ταῖς παλλακίσιν ἀφεώρα." '
1.104. ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ Πέλλαν ἑλὼν ἐπὶ Γέρασαν ᾔει πάλιν τῶν Θεοδώρου κτημάτων γλιχόμενος, καὶ τρισὶ τοὺς φρουροὺς περιβόλοις ἀποτειχίσας διὰ μάχης τὸ χωρίον παραλαμβάνει.' "1.105. καταστρέφεται δὲ καὶ Γαυλάνην καὶ Σελεύκειαν καὶ τὴν ̓Αντιόχου φάραγγα καλουμένην, πρὸς οἷς Γάμαλα φρούριον καρτερὸν ἑλών, τὸν ἄρχοντα Δημήτριον ἐν αὐτῷ παραλύσας ἐκ πολλῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἐπάνεισιν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν, τρία πληρώσας ἔτη τῆς στρατείας. ἀσμένως δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐδέχθη διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν, καὶ λαμβάνει τὴν ἀνάπαυσιν τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἀρχὴν νόσου." '
1.108. καὶ οὐ διήμαρτεν τῆς ἐλπίδος: ἐκράτησεν γὰρ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ γύναιον διὰ δόξαν εὐσεβείας: ἠκρίβου γὰρ δὴ μάλιστα τοῦ νόμου τὰ πάτρια καὶ τοὺς πλημμελοῦντας εἰς τοὺς ἱεροὺς νόμους ἐξ ἀρχῆς προεβάλλετο.' "1.109. δύο δ' αὐτῇ παίδων ὄντων ἐξ ̓Αλεξάνδρου τὸν μὲν πρεσβύτερον ̔Υρκανὸν διά τε τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἄλλως ὄντα νωθέστερον ἢ ὥστε ἐνοχλεῖν περὶ τῶν ὅλων, τὸν δὲ νεώτερον ̓Αριστόβουλον διὰ θερμότητα κατεῖχεν ἰδιώτην." "1.111. τούτοις περισσὸν δή τι προσεῖχεν ἡ ̓Αλεξάνδρα σεσοβημένη περὶ τὸ θεῖον. οἱ δὲ τὴν ἁπλότητα τῆς ἀνθρώπου κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπιόντες ἤδη καὶ διοικηταὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐγίνοντο διώκειν τε καὶ κατάγειν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν, λύειν τε καὶ δεσμεῖν. καθόλου δὲ αἱ μὲν ἀπολαύσεις τῶν βασιλείων ἐκείνων ἦσαν, τὰ δ' ἀναλώματα καὶ αἱ δυσχέρειαι τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρας." "1.112. δεινὴ δ' ἦν τὰ μείζω διοικεῖν, δύναμίν τε ἀεὶ συγκροτοῦσα διπλασίονα κατέστησεν καὶ ξενικὴν συνήγαγεν οὐκ ὀλίγην, ὡς μὴ μόνον κρατύνεσθαι τὸ οἰκεῖον ἔθνος, φοβερὰν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν εἶναι δυνάσταις. ἐκράτει δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων αὐτή, Φαρισαῖοι δ' αὐτῆς." "
1.117. Κἀν τούτῳ νοσούσης ̓Αλεξάνδρας ὁ νεώτερος τῶν παίδων ̓Αριστόβουλος τὸν καιρὸν ἁρπάσας μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν, εἶχεν δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ πάντας εὔνους διὰ τὴν θερμότητα, κρατεῖ μὲν τῶν ἐρυμάτων ἁπάντων, τοῖς δ' ἐκ τούτων χρήμασιν μισθοφόρους ἀθροίσας ἑαυτὸν ἀποδείκνυσι βασιλέα." "
1.123. Δέος δὲ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις τῶν ̓Αριστοβούλου διαφόρων ἐμπίπτει παρ' ἐλπίδα κρατήσαντος καὶ μάλιστα ̓Αντιπάτρῳ πάλαι διαμισουμένῳ. γένος δ' ἦν ̓Ιδουμαῖος προγόνων τε ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἰσχύος πρωτεύων τοῦ ἔθνους." "1.124. οὗτος ἅμα καὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αρέτᾳ προσφυγόντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἔπειθεν καὶ τὸν ̓Αρέταν δέξασθαί τε τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ καταγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, πολλὰ μὲν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον εἰς τὸ ἦθος διαβάλλων, πολλὰ δ' ἐπαινῶν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν παρῄνει δέξασθαι, καὶ ὡς πρέπον εἴη τὸν οὕτω λαμπρᾶς προεστῶτα βασιλείας ὑπερέχειν χεῖρα τῷ ἀδικουμένῳ: ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν στερηθέντα τῆς κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον αὐτῷ προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς." '1.125. προκατασκευάσας δὲ ἀμφοτέρους, νύκτωρ ἀναλαβὼν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀποδιδράσκει καὶ συντόνῳ φυγῇ χρώμενος εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν διασώζεται: βασίλειον αὕτη τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἐστίν.' "1.126. ἔνθα τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἐγχειρίσας καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καθομιλήσας, πολλοῖς δὲ δώροις ὑπελθὼν δοῦναι δύναμιν αὐτῷ πείθει τὴν κατάξουσαν αὐτόν: ἦν δ' αὕτη πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων πέντε μυριάδες, πρὸς ἣν οὐκ ἀντέσχεν ̓Αριστόβουλος, ἀλλ' ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμβολῇ λειφθεὶς εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συνελαύνεται." "
1.437. ἔχουσα δὲ τὴν μὲν ἀπέχθειαν ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων εὔλογον, τὴν δὲ παρρησίαν ἐκ τοῦ φιλεῖσθαι, φανερῶς ὠνείδιζεν αὐτῷ τὰ κατὰ τὸν πάππον ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ̓Ιωνάθην: οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτου καίπερ ὄντος παιδὸς ἐφείσατο, δοὺς μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἑπτακαιδεκαέτει, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τιμὴν κτείνας εὐθέως, ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἱερὰν ἐσθῆτα λαβόντι καὶ τῷ βωμῷ προσελθόντι καθ' ἑορτὴν ἄθρουν ἐπεδάκρυσεν τὸ πλῆθος. πέμπεται μὲν οὖν ὁ παῖς διὰ νυκτὸς εἰς ̔Ιεριχοῦντα, ἐκεῖ δὲ κατ' ἐντολὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Γαλατῶν βαπτιζόμενος ἐν κολυμβήθρᾳ τελευτᾷ." '
2.592. συνωνούμενος δὲ τοῦ Τυρίου νομίσματος, ὃ τέσσαρας ̓Αττικὰς δύναται, τέσσαρας ἀμφορεῖς, τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπίπρασκεν τιμῆς ἡμιαμφόριον. οὔσης δὲ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἐλαιοφόρου μάλιστα καὶ τότε εὐφορηκυίας, εἰς σπανίζοντας εἰσπέμπων πολὺ καὶ μόνος ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος συνῆγεν χρημάτων, οἷς εὐθέως ἐχρῆτο κατὰ τοῦ τὴν ἐργασίαν παρασχόντος.' "
3.368. γενναῖον γὰρ ἀνελεῖν ἑαυτόν, φήσει τις. οὐ μὲν οὖν, ἀλλ' ἀγενέστατον, ὡς ἔγωγε καὶ κυβερνήτην ἡγοῦμαι δειλότατον, ὅστις χειμῶνα δεδοικὼς πρὸ τῆς θυέλλης ἐβάπτισεν ἑκὼν τὸ σκάφος." ". None | 1.31. 1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city;
1.31. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; 1.32. 7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Macheras as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Macheras of mal-administration. But Macheras was made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him. 1.32. who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. 1.33. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple, concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter. 1.33. He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced, by a most terrible storm, to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days’ time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were affrighted at his power, and left their fortifications in the nighttime.
1.86. 2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. 1.87. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king’s baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod. 1.88. 3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. 1.89. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it. 1.91. However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. 1.92. But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their request, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem. 1.93. 5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other’s soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander’s mercenaries to leave him,—and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him. 1.94. But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. 1.95. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander’s mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander’s condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would at length run to him, he left the country, and went his way. 1.96. 6. However, the rest of the Jewish multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the foreign auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. 1.97. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines.
1.104. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus’s possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. 1.105. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper;
1.108. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. 1.109. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper. 1.111. Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed men at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. 1.112. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her.
1.117. 4. In the meantime, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king;
1.123. 2. Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: 1.124. he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. 1.125. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, 1.126. where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem;
1.437. She had indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod’s command, in a pool till he was drowned.
2.592. o he bought four amphorae with such Tyrian money as was of the value of four Attic drachmae, and sold every half-amphora at the same price. And as Galilee was very fruitful in oil, and was peculiarly so at that time, by sending away great quantities, and having the sole privilege so to do, he gathered an immense sum of money together, which money he immediately used to the disadvantage of him who gave him that privilege;
3.368. And are we then in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said that it is a manly act for one to kill himself. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward, who, out of fear of a storm, should sink his ship of his own accord.' '. None |
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18. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.187-1.189, 2.49-2.55 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander (III) the Great • Antiochus III • Cleopatra III • Cleopatra III, Jewish army commanders of • Onias III (High Priest)
Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 22; Bar Kochba (1997) 82, 220, 241, 285; Salvesen et al (2020) 166
1.187. ὧν εἷς ἦν, φησίν, ̓Εζεκίας ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, ἄνθρωπος τὴν μὲν ἡλικίαν ὡς ἑξηκονταὲξ ἐτῶν, τῷ δ' ἀξιώματι τῷ παρὰ τοῖς ὁμοέθνοις μέγας καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν οὐκ ἀνόητος, ἔτι δὲ καὶ λέγειν δυνατὸς καὶ τοῖς περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος, ἔμπειρος." '1.188. καίτοι, φησίν, οἱ πάντες ἱερεῖς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ τὴν δεκάτην τῶν γινομένων λαμβάνοντες καὶ τὰ κοινὰ διοικοῦντες' "1.189. περὶ χιλίους μάλιστα καὶ πεντακοσίους εἰσίν.” πάλιν δὲ τοῦ προειρημένου μνημονεύων ἀνδρός “οὗτος, φησίν, ὁ ἄνθρωπος τετευχὼς τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης καὶ συνήθης ἡμῖν γενόμενος, παραλαβών τινας τῶν μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ τήν τε διαφορὰν ἀνέγνω πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς: εἶχεν γὰρ" '
2.49. ὁ δὲ Φιλομήτωρ Πτολεμαῖος καὶ ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν βασιλείαν ὅλην τὴν ἑαυτῶν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπίστευσαν, καὶ στρατηγοὶ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως ἦσαν ̓Ονίας καὶ Δοσίθεος ̓Ιουδαῖοι, ὧν ̓Απίων σκώπτει τὰ ὀνόματα, δέον τὰ ἔργα θαυμάζειν καὶ μὴ λοιδορεῖν, ἀλλὰ χάριν αὐτοῖς ἔχειν, ὅτι διέσωσαν τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἧς ὡς πολίτης ἀντιποιεῖται. 2.51. τοῦ παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίων πρεσβευτοῦ καὶ παρόντος.” ὀρθῶς δὲ ποιῶν φαίην ἂν καὶ μάλα δικαίως: ὁ γὰρ Φύσκων ἐπικληθεὶς Πτολεμαῖος ἀποθανόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Φιλομήτορος ἀπὸ Κυρήνης ἐξῆλθε Κλεοπάτραν ἐκβαλεῖν βουλόμενος τῆς βασιλείας 2.52. ετ φιλιος ρεγις, υτ ιπσε ρεγνυμ ινιυστε σιβιμετ αππλιξαρετ; προπτερ ηαεξ εργο ονιας αδυερσυς ευμ βελλυμ προ ξλεοπατρα συσξεπιτ ετ φιδεμ, θυαμ ηαβυιτ ξιρξα ρεγες, νεθυαθυαμ ιν νεξεσσιτατε δεσερυιτ. 2.53. τεστις αυτεμ δευς ιυστιτιαε ειυς μανιφεστυς αππαρυιτ; ναμ φψσξον πτολομαευς ξυμ αδυερσυμ εχερξιτυμ θυιδεμ ονιαε πυγναρε πραεσυμερετ, ομνες υερο ιυδαεος ιν ξιυιτατε ποσιτος ξυμ φιλιις ετ υχοριβυς ξαπιενς νυδος ατθυε υινξτος ελεπηαντις συβιεξισσετ, υτ αβ εις ξονξυλξατι δεφιξερεντ, ετ αδ ηοξ ετιαμ βεστιας ιπσας δεβριασσετ, ιν ξοντραριυμ θυαε πραεπαραυερατ ευενερυντ. 2.54. ελεπηαντι ενιμ ρελινθυεντες σιβι απποσιτος ιυδαεος ιμπετυ φαξτο συπερ αμιξος ειυς μυλτος εχ ιπσις ιντερεμερυντ. ετ ποστ ηαεξ πτολομαευς θυιδεμ ασπεξτυμ τερριβιλεμ ξοντεμπλατυς εστ προηιβεντεμ σε, υτ ιλλις νοξερετ 2.55. ηομινιβυς, ξονξυβινα υερο συα ξαρισσιμα, θυαμ αλιι θυιδεμ ιτηαξαμ, αλιι υερο ηιρενεν δενομιναντ, συππλιξαντε νε τανταμ ιμπιετατεμ περαγερετ, ει ξονξεσσιτ ετ εχ ηις θυαε ιαμ εγερατ υελ αξτυρυς ερατ παενιτεντιαμ εγιτ. υνδε ρεξτε ηανξ διεμ ιυδαει αλεχανδρια ξονστιτυτι εο θυοδ απερτε α δεο σαλυτεμ προμερυερυντ ξελεβραρε νοσξυντυρ.' ". None | 1.187. one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 1.189. Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that “as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people: for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.”
2.49. and as for Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, they committed their whole kingdom to Jews, when Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the generals of their whole army; but certainly instead of reproaching them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pretends to be; 2.51. Yes, do I venture to say, and that he did rightly and very justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy who was called Physco, upon the death of his brother Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out of their kingdom, 2.52. that he might obtain it for himself unjustly. For this cause then it was that Onias undertook a war against him on Cleopatra’s account; nor would he desert that trust the royal family had reposed in him in their distress. 2.53. Accordingly, God gave a remarkable attestation to his righteous procedure; for when Ptolemy Physco had the presumption to fight against Onias’s army, and had caught all the Jews that were in the city Alexandria, with their children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when he had made those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved contrary to his preparations; 2.54. for these elephants left the Jews who were exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physco’s friends, and slew a great number of them; nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost, which prohibited his hurting those men; 2.55. his very concubine, whom he loved so well (some call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making supplication to him, that he would not perpetrate so great a wickedness. So he complied with her request, and repented of what he either had already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the Alexandrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from God. ' '. None |
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19. Mishnah, Shekalim, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III • Antiochus, III
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 350; Gordon (2020) 177
4.1. הַתְּרוּמָה מֶה הָיוּ עוֹשִׂין בָּהּ, לוֹקְחִין בָּהּ תְּמִידִין וּמוּסָפִין וְנִסְכֵּיהֶם, הָעֹמֶר וּשְׁתֵּי הַלֶּחֶם וְלֶחֶם הַפָּנִים, וְכָל קָרְבְּנוֹת הַצִּבּוּר. שׁוֹמְרֵי סְפִיחִים בַּשְּׁבִיעִית, נוֹטְלִין שְׂכָרָן מִתְּרוּמַת הַלִּשְׁכָּה. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, (אַף הָרוֹצֶה) מִתְנַדֵּב שׁוֹמֵר חִנָּם. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אַף אַתָּה אוֹמֵר, שֶׁאֵינָן בָּאִין אֶלָּא מִשֶּׁל צִבּוּר:''. None | 4.1. What did they do with the appropriation? They bring with it the daily burnt-offerings (tamidim) and the additional burnt-offerings (musafim) and their libations, the omer and the two loaves and the showbread and all the other public offerings. Those who guard the aftergrowths of the seventh year take their wages out of the appropriation from the chamber. Rabbi Yose says: if a man wished he could volunteer to watch without payment. But they said to him: you too admit that they can only be offered out of public funds.''. None |
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20. New Testament, Acts, 1.10, 5.21, 6.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus, III • Epiphany III • Maximus III (bishop of Jerusalem) • Onias III
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 319, 732; Bremmer (2008) 222; Mendez (2022) 66, 117
1.10. καὶ ὡς ἀτενίζοντες ἦσαν εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν πορευομένου αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄνδρες δύο παριστήκεισαν αὐτοῖς ἐν 5.21. ἀκούσαντες δὲ εἰσῆλθον ὑπὸ τὸν ὄρθρον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ ἐδίδασκον. Παραγενόμενος δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ συνεκάλεσαν τὸ συνέδριον καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν γερουσίαν τῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραήλ, καὶ ἀπέστειλαν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἀχθῆναι αὐτούς.
6.11. τότε ὑπέβαλον ἄνδρας λέγοντας ὅτι Ἀκηκόαμεν αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος ῥήματα βλάσφημα εἰς Μωυσῆν καὶ τὸν θεόν·''. None | 1.10. While they were looking steadfastly into the sky as he went, behold, two men stood by them in white clothing,
5.21. When they heard this, they entered into the temple about daybreak, and taught. But the high priest came, and those who were with him, and called the council together, and all the senate of the children of Israel, and sent to the prison to have them brought.
6.11. Then they secretly induced men who said, "We have heard him speak blasphemous words against Moses and God."''. None |
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21. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 33.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon • Alexander III of Makedon
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 116; Stanton (2021) 73, 81
33.4. πρότερον μὲν γὰρ οὕτω σύνηθες ἡγοῦντο καὶ προσῆκον ἔργον αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὸ νικᾶν τοὺς πολεμίους, ὥστε μήτε θύειν τοῖς θεοῖς πλὴν ἀλεκτρυόνα νικητήριον ἐν τῇ πόλει, μήτε μεγαληγορεῖν τοὺς ἀγωνισαμένους, μήτε ὑπερχαίρειν τοὺς πυνθανομένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἐν Μαντινείᾳ μάχης γενομένης, ἣν Θουκυδίδης γέγραφε, τῷ πρώτῳ φράσαντι τήν νίκην οἱ ἄρχοντες ἐκ φιδιτίου κρέας ἔπεμψαν εὐαγγέλιον, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδέν·''. None | 33.4. ''. None |
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22. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 48.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon • Ariobarzanes III of Cappadocia
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 224; Marek (2019) 300
48.1. Καῖσαρ δὲ τῷ Θετταλῶν ἔθνει τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀναθεὶς νικητήριον ἐδίωκε Πομπήϊον· ἁψάμενος δὲ τῆς · Ἀσίας Κνιδίους τε Θεοπόμπῳ τῷ συναγαγόντι τοὺς μύθους χαριζόμενος ἠλευθέρωσε, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦσι τὸ τρίτον τῶν φόρων ἀνῆκεν.''. None | 48.1. ''. None |
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23. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos (Antiochus) III • Attalos III • Ptolemy III Euergetes
Found in books: Henderson (2020) 275; Konig (2022) 361
13.1. ἐπεὶ δʼ Ἀντίοχος ἐμφράξας τὰ περὶ Θερμοπύλας στενὰ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, καὶ τοῖς αὐτοφυέσι τῶν τόπων ἐρύμασι προσβαλὼν χαρακώματα καὶ διατειχίσματα, καθῆστο τὸν πόλεμον ἐκκεκλεικέναι νομίζων, τὸ μὲν κατὰ στόμα βιάζεσθαι παντάπασιν ἀπεγίνωσκον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, τὴν δὲ Περσικὴν ἐκείνην περιήλυσιν καὶ κύκλωσιν ὁ Κάτων εἰς νοῦν βαλόμενος ἐξώδευσε νύκτωρ, ἀναλαβὼν μέρος τι τῆς στρατιᾶς.''. None | 13.1. ''. None |
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24. Plutarch, Demetrius, 12.1, 23.2, 23.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III • Alexander III of Macedon vii, • Attalos III • Ptolemy III • Ptolemy III Euergetes
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 136, 142, 206; Henderson (2020) 38, 274; Mikalson (2016) 142
12.1. ἦν δὲ ἄρα καὶ πυρὸς ἕτερα θερμότερα κατὰ τὸν Ἀριστοφάνη. γράφει γάρ τις ἄλλος ὑπερβαλλόμενος ἀνελευθερίᾳ τὸν Στρατοκλέα, δέχεσθαι Δημήτριον, ὁσάκις ἂν ἀφίκηται, τοῖς Δήμητρος καὶ Διονύσου ξενισμοῖς, τῷ δʼ ὑπερβαλλομένῳ λαμπρότητι καὶ πολυτελείᾳ τὴν ὑποδοχὴν ἀργύριον εἰς ἀνάθημα δημοσίᾳ δίδοσθαι.
23.2. ἐπανιὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐντὸς Πυλῶν Ἕλληνας ἠλευθέρου, καὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συμμάχους, When Strabo wrote, during the reign of Augustus, the painting was still at Rhodes, where it had been seen and admired by Cicero ( Orat. 2, 5); when the elder Pliny wrote, καὶ Κεγχρέας εἷλε· καὶ Φυλὴν καὶ Πάνακτον, ἐπιτειχίς ματα τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου φρουρούμενα, καταστρεψάμενος ἀπέδωκε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. οἱ δὲ καίπερ ἐκκεχυμένοι πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ κατακεχρημένοι πᾶσαν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξεῦρον ὅμως καὶ τότε πρόσφατοι καὶ καινοὶ ταῖς κολακείαις φανῆναι.
23.4. καίτοι τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Φίλιππον αἰσθόμενός ποτε ὁ πατὴρ ἐν οἰκίᾳ καταλύοντα τρεῖς ἐχούσῃ νέας γυναῖκας, πρὸς ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὐδὲν ἐφθέγξατο, παρόντος δὲ ἐκείνου, τὸν σταθμοδότην μεταπεμψάμενος, οὗτος, εἶπεν, οὐκ ἐξάξεις μου τὸν υἱὸν ἐκ τῆς στενοχωρίας;''. None | 12.1.
23.4. ''. None |
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25. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 23.2, 23.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III • Alexander III of Macedon • Alexander III of Macedon vii,
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 136, 142, 206; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 201; Henderson (2020) 38
23.2. καὶ τὸ βῆμα κατεῖχεν ὁ Δημοσθένης, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ στρατηγοὺς τοῦ βασιλέως ἔγραφε τὸν ἐκεῖθεν ἐπεγείρων πόλεμον Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, παῖδα καὶ Μαργίτην ἀποκαλῶν αὐτόν, ἐπεὶ μέντοι τὰ περὶ τὴν χώραν θέμενος παρῆν αὐτὸς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, ἐξεκέκοπτο μὲν ἡ θρασύτης τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ὁ Δημοσθένης ἀπεσβήκει, Θηβαῖοι δὲ προδοθέντες ὑπʼ ἐκείνων ἠγωνίσαντο καθʼ αὑτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀπέβαλον.
23.4. ὅτε καὶ τὸν περὶ τῶν προβάτων λόγον ὁ Δημοσθένης προσῆψε τῷ δήμῳ, ἃ προσῆψε ἃ Graux with M a : ὡς . τοῖς λύκοις τοὺς κύνας ἐξέδωκε, διηγησάμενος αὑτὸν μὲν εἴκασε καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ κυσὶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ δήμου μαχομένοις, Ἀλέξανδρον δὲ τὸν Μακεδόνα μονόλυκον προσηγόρευσεν. ἔτι δʼ, ὥσπερ, ἔφη, τοὺς ἐμπόρους ὁρῶμεν, ὅταν ἐν τρυβλίῳ δεῖγμα περιφέρωσι, διʼ ὀλίγων πυρῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς πιπράσκοντας, οὕτως ἐν ἡμῖν λανθάνετε πάντας αὑτοὺς συνεκδιδόντες.''. None | 23.2.
23.4. ''. None |
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26. Plutarch, Phocion, 17.2, 26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III • Alexander III of Macedon • Alexander III of Macedon vii,
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 106, 392; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 212; Henderson (2020) 38
17.2. ὡς δὲ ἀπωλώλεισαν αἱ Θῆβαι καὶ ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξῃτεῖτο τοὺς περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Λυκοῦργον καὶ Ὑπερείδην καὶ Χαρίδημον, ἡ δὲ ἐκκλησία πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπέβλεπεν, ὀνομαστὶ πολλάκις καλούμενος ἀνέστη καὶ τῶν φίλων ἕνα παραστησάμενος, ᾧ μάλιστα χρώμενος διετέλει καὶ πιστεύων καὶ ἀγαπῶν, εἰς τοιαῦτα, ἔφη, τὴν πόλιν οὗτοι παραγηόχασιν ὥστʼ ἔγωγε, κἂν Νικοκλέα τις τοῦτον ἐξαιτῇ, διδόναι κελεύσω.
26.2. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄγοντος τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τὴν δύναμιν οἱ μὲν περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Ὑπερείδην ἀπηλλάγησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, Δημάδης δέ, μηθὲν μέρος ὧν ὤφειλε χρημάτων ἐπὶ ταῖς καταδίκαις ἐκτῖσαι τῇ πόλει· δυνάμενος ἡλώκει γὰρ ἑπτὰ γραφὰς παρανόμων καὶ γεγονὼς ἄτιμος ἐξείργετο τοῦ λέγειν, ἄδειαν εὑρόμενος τότε, γράφει ψήφισμα ἐκπέμπειν ἐκπέμπειν with Doehner; the MSS. have καὶ πέυπει, which Bekker retains: πέμπειν, after Coraës. πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης πρέσβεις αὐτοκράτορας.''. None | 17.2.
26.2. ''. None |
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27. Plutarch, Pompey, 46.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon • Alexander III, the Great, Pompey the Great and
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 226; Marek (2019) 292
46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας.''. None | 46.1. ''. None |
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28. Tacitus, Histories, 4.83-4.84, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agrippa III • Antiochos III (the Great) (Seleucid king) • Antiochus, III • Ptolemaios III • Ptolemy III Euergetes
Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 53; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 362; Bloch (2022) 327; Renberg (2017) 92; Stavrianopoulou (2013) 118
| 4.83. \xa0The origin of this god has not yet been generally treated by our authors: the Egyptian priests tell the following story, that when King Ptolemy, the first of the Macedonians to put the power of Egypt on a firm foundation, was giving the new city of Alexandria walls, temples, and religious rites, there appeared to him in his sleep a vision of a young man of extraordinary beauty and of more than human stature, who warned him to send his most faithful friends to Pontus and bring his statue hither; the vision said that this act would be a happy thing for the kingdom and that the city that received the god would be great and famous: after these words the youth seemed to be carried to heaven in a blaze of fire. Ptolemy, moved by this miraculous omen, disclosed this nocturnal vision to the Egyptian priests, whose business it is to interpret such things. When they proved to know little of Pontus and foreign countries, he questioned Timotheus, an Athenian of the clan of the Eumolpidae, whom he had called from Eleusis to preside over the sacred rites, and asked him what this religion was and what the divinity meant. Timotheus learned by questioning men who had travelled to Pontus that there was a city there called Sinope, and that not far from it there was a temple of Jupiter Dis, long famous among the natives: for there sits beside the god a female figure which most call Proserpina. But Ptolemy, although prone to superstitious fears after the nature of kings, when he once more felt secure, being more eager for pleasures than religious rites, began gradually to neglect the matter and to turn his attention to other things, until the same vision, now more terrible and insistent, threatened ruin upon the king himself and his kingdom unless his orders were carried out. Then Ptolemy directed that ambassadors and gifts should be despatched to King Scydrothemis â\x80\x94 he ruled over the people of Sinope at that time â\x80\x94 and when the embassy was about to sail he instructed them to visit Pythian Apollo. The ambassadors found the sea favourable; and the answer of the oracle was not uncertain: Apollo bade them go on and bring back the image of his father, but leave that of his sister.' "4.84. \xa0When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A\xa0temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I\xa0am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy\xa0III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis." "
5.5. \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean."'. None |
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29. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III (the Great) of Macedon, royal banquets • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and theatre festivals • Alexander III of Macedon • Alexander III of Macedon vii,
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 208; Cosgrove (2022) 161; Csapo (2022) 22; Mikalson (2003) 215
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30. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III (the Great) of Macedon, and professional musicians • Alexander III of Makedon
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 159; Stanton (2021) 73
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31. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon • Alexander III of Macedon vii,
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 208; Mikalson (2003) 215
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32. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon • Alexander III the Great • Antiochos III Megas
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 201; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 154
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33. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon • Kallias III, embassy
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 199; Humphreys (2018) 505
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34. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 52.43.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos III of Commagene • Mithridates III, king of Commagene
Found in books: Marek (2019) 320; Merz and Tieleman (2012) 17
| 52.43.1. \xa0So much for these matters. Caesar also settled Carthage anew, because Lepidus had laid waste a part of it and by this act, it was held, had abrogated the rights of the earlier colonists. And he sent a summons to Antiochus of Commagene, because he had treacherously murdered an envoy who had been despatched to Rome by his brother, who was at variance with him. Caesar brought him before the senate, and when judgment had been passed against him, put him to death.''. None |
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35. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.9.1, 9.1.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III • Alexander III of Macedon • Cleopatra III • Ptolemaic queens, Cleopatra III
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 184; Bacchi (2022) 24, 73; Henderson (2020) 58; Jim (2022) 191
1.9.1. ὁ δὲ Φιλομήτωρ καλούμενος ὄγδοος μέν ἐστιν ἀπόγονος Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου, τὴν δὲ ἐπίκλησιν ἔσχεν ἐπὶ χλευασμῷ. οὐ γάρ τινα τῶν βασιλέων μισηθέντα ἴσμεν ἐς τοσόνδε ὑπὸ μητρός, ὃν πρεσβύτατον ὄντα τῶν παίδων ἡ μήτηρ οὐκ εἴα καλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, πρότερον δὲ ἐς Κύπρον ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς πεμφθῆναι πράξασα· τῆς δὲ ἐς τὸν παῖδα τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ δυσνοίας λέγουσιν ἄλλας τε αἰτίας καὶ ὅτι Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν νεώτερον τῶν παίδων κατήκοον ἔσεσθαι μᾶλλον ἤλπιζε. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἑλέσθαι βασιλέα Ἀλέξανδρον ἔπειθεν Αἰγυπτίους·
9.1.8. ἐγένετο δὲ ἡ ἅλωσις Πλαταίας ἡ δευτέρα μάχης μὲν τρίτῳ τῆς ἐν Λεύκτροις ἔτει πρότερον, Ἀστείου δὲ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄρχοντος. καὶ ἡ μὲν πόλις ὑπὸ τῶν Θηβαίων καθῃρέθη πλὴν τὰ ἱερά, τοῖς δὲ Πλαταιεῦσιν ὁ τρόπος τῆς ἁλώσεως σωτηρίαν παρέσχεν ἐν ἴσῳ πᾶσιν· ἐκπεσόντας δὲ σφᾶς ἐδέξαντο αὖθις οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. Φιλίππου δέ, ὡς ἐκράτησεν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ, φρουράν τε ἐσαγαγόντος ἐς Θήβας καὶ ἄλλα ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῶν Θηβαίων πράσσοντος, οὕτω καὶ οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ κατήχθησαν.''. None | 1.9.1. The one called Philometor is eighth in descent from Ptolemy son of Lagus, and his surname was given him in sarcastic mockery, for we know of none of the kings who was so hated by his mother. Although he was the eldest of her children she would not allow him to be called to the throne, but prevailed on his father before the call came to send him to Cyprus . Among the reasons assigned for Cleopatra's enmity towards her son is her expectation that Alexander the younger of her sons would prove more subservient, and this consideration induced her to urge the Egyptians to choose Alexander as king." '
9.1.8. The second capture of Plataea occurred two years before the battle of Leuctra, 373 B.C when Asteius was Archon at Athens . The Thebans destroyed all the city except the sanctuaries, but the method of its capture saved the lives of all the Plataeans alike, and on their expulsion they were again received by the Athenians. When Philip after his victory at Chaeroneia introduced a garrison into Thebes, one of the means he employed to bring the Thebans low was to restore the Plataeans to their homes. '". None |
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36. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constantine III • Valentinian III
Found in books: Hanghan (2019) 4, 38, 39; Hitch (2017) 4, 38, 39
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37. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constantine III • Valentinian III
Found in books: Hanghan (2019) 2, 39, 112, 114, 121; Hitch (2017) 2, 39, 112, 114, 121
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38. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Theodosios III • Valentinian III • Valentinian III (Emperor)
Found in books: Humfress (2007) 103; Kraemer (2020) 249, 251; Tabbernee (2007) 318
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39. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constantine III
Found in books: Hanghan (2019) 2, 38; Hitch (2017) 2, 38
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40. None, None, nan (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Valentinian III
Found in books: Hanghan (2019) 4; Hitch (2017) 4
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41. Demosthenes, Orations, 19.192-19.193, 40.11
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III (the Great) of Macedon, and professional musicians • Alexander III (the Great) of Macedon, royal banquets • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and musical contests • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and theatre festivals • Kallias III, disputed children • Milyas (Against Aphobus III)
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 161, 168; Csapo (2022) 27, 32; Humphreys (2018) 603; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 42
| 19.192. To show you, then, that these men are the basest and most depraved of all Philip’s visitors, private as well as official,—yes, of all of them,—let me tell you a trifling story that has nothing to do with the embassy. After Philip had taken Olynthus, he was holding Olympian games, Not the great Olympian Games of Elis, but a Macedonian festival held at Dium. The date is probably the spring of 347 B.C. and had invited all sorts of artists to the religious celebration and the festival. 19.193. At the entertainment at which he crowned the successful competitors, he asked Satyrus, the comedian of our city, why he was the only guest who had not asked any favor; had he observed in him any illiberality or discourtesy towards himself? Satyrus, as the story goes, replied that he did not want any such gift as the others were asking; what he would like to ask was a favor which Philip could grant quite easily, and yet he feared that his request would be unsuccessful.
40.11. When these terms had been accepted—for why should I make my story a long one?—he went to meet her before the arbitrator, and Plangon, contrary to all that she had agreed to do, accepted the challenge, and swore in the Delphinium The temple of Apollo Delphinius, situated somewhere near the ancient entrance to the Acropolis. an oath which was the very opposite of her former one, as most of you know well; for the transaction became a notorious one. Thus, my father was compelled on account of his own challenge to abide by the arbitrator’s award, but he was indigt at what had been done, and took the matter heavily to heart, and did not even so consent to admit these men into his house; but he was compelled to introduce them to the clansmen. The defendant he enrolled as Boeotus, and the other as Pamphilus.''. None |
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42. Strabo, Geography, 16.2.3, 17.1.8
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander (III) the Great • Alexander III, the Great, Pompey the Great and • Antiochus III • Philip III Arrhidaeus
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 331; Marek (2019) 286; Salvesen et al (2020) 219; van Maaren (2022) 59
| 16.2.3. This is the general description of Syria.In describing it in detail, we say that Commagene is rather a small district. It contains a strong city, Samosata, in which was the seat of the kings. At present it is a (Roman) province. A very fertile but small territory lies around it. Here is now the Zeugma, or bridge, of the Euphrates, and near it is situated Seleuceia, a fortress of Mesopotamia, assigned by Pompey to the Commageneans. Here Tigranes confined in prison for some time and put to death Selene, surnamed Cleopatra, after she was dispossessed of Syria.' "
17.1.8. The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or military cloak. The sides, which determine the length, are surrounded by water, and are about thirty stadia in extent; but the isthmuses, which determine the breadth of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia, bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The whole city is intersected by roads for the passage of horsemen and chariots. Two of these are very broad, exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut one another at right angles. It contains also very beautiful public grounds and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even a third part of its whole extent. For as each of the kings was desirous of adding some embellishment to the places dedicated to the public use, so, besides the buildings already existing, each of them erected a building at his own expense; hence the expression of the poet may be here applied, one after the other springs. All the buildings are connected with one another and with the harbour, and those also which are beyond it.The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public walk and a place furnished with seats, and a large hall, in which the men of learning, who belong to the Museum, take their common meal. This community possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by the kings, but at present by Caesar, presides over the Museum.A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings and that of Alexander (the Great). For Ptolemy the son of Lagus took away the body of Alexander from Perdiccas, as he was conveying it down from Babylon; for Perdiccas had turned out of his road towards Egypt, incited by ambition and a desire of making himself master of the country. When Ptolemy had attacked and made him prisoner, he intended to spare his life and confine him in a desert island, but he met with a miserable end at the hand of his own soldiers, who rushed upon and despatched him by transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with him, Aridaeus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife, departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body of Alexander, and deposited it at Alexandreia in the place where it now lies; not indeed in the same coffin, for the present one is of hyalus (alabaster ?) whereas Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold: it was plundered by Ptolemy surnamed Cocce's son and Pareisactus, who came from Syria and was quickly deposed, so that his plunder was of no service to him."'. None |
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43. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.3.3
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III • Antiochus, III
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 604; Santangelo (2013) 254
| 1.3.3. C. Cornelius Hispallus, a praetor of foreigners, in the time when M. Popilius Laenas and L. Calpurnius were consuls, by edict commanded the Chaldeans to depart out of Italy, who by their false interpretations of the stars cast a profitable mist before the eyes of shallow and foolish characters. The same person banished those who with a counterfeit worship of Jupiter Sabazius sought to corrupt Roman customs.''. None |
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44. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Kallias III, marriages • Ptolemy III
Found in books: Humphreys (2018) 682; Mikalson (2016) 143
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45. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon vii, • Philip III Arrhidaeus • Philip III of Macedon
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 165; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 209
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46. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III the Great • Antiochos III Megas • Ptolemy III • sacrifices, in honor of Ptolemy III and Berenice II • statues, of Ptolemy III and Berenice II
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 47; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 154
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47. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Philippos III Arrhidaios, Macedonian king • Seleukids, Antiochos III
Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2013) 247; Williamson (2021) 162
|
48. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and Dionysus • Alexander III the Great • Antiochos III Megas • Antiochus III • Antiochus III the Great • Ptolemaios III Euergetes • Ptolemy III • Ptolemy III Euergetes • sacrifices, in honor of Ptolemy III and Berenice II • statues, of Ptolemy III and Berenice II
Found in books: Csapo (2022) 47, 77; Gygax (2016) 47; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 154; Jim (2022) 197; Marek (2019) 212, 213; Schwartz (2008) 542
|
49. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III, the Great • Philip III of Macedon
Found in books: Marek (2019) 175; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 209
|
50. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochus III • Ptolemy III • Ptolemy III Euergetes
Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 155; Jim (2022) 197; Mikalson (2016) 295
|
51. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III of Macedon vii, • Philip III Arrhidaeus • Philippos III Arrhidaios, Macedonian king • Ptolemy III • Seleukids, Antiochos III
Found in books: Amendola (2022) 165; Mikalson (2016) 295; Stavrianopoulou (2013) 247; Williamson (2021) 334
|
52. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Antiochos III (the Great) (Seleucid king) • Ptolemaios III
Found in books: Renberg (2017) 92; Stavrianopoulou (2013) 126
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