Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

   Search:  
validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       



Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.

graph

graph

All subjects (including unvalidated):
subject book bibliographic info
hyrcanus Bremmer (2008), Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, 47
Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 65
Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 17, 18
Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 148
hyrcanus, about embassy, josephus, citing letters, from antony to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 110
hyrcanus, alexander, son of aristobulus ii, and Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 24, 25, 130
hyrcanus, and jews, jerusalem, granted to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 43, 46
hyrcanus, and jews, joppa, granted to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 23, 43, 46, 47
hyrcanus, and sons as allies and friends, julius caesar, and jews, caesar referring to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 132
hyrcanus, and sons, julius caesar, and jews, caesar requiring jews to pay tithes to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 57, 58, 267, 269
hyrcanus, as high priest and ethnarch, julius caesar, and jews, caesar confirming Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 130
hyrcanus, asmonean king, john Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 117
hyrcanus, babylonian talmud, bt, on john Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 62, 63
hyrcanus, death of john Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 520
hyrcanus, eliezer b. Sigal (2007), The Halakhah of Jesus of Nazareth According to the Gospel of Matthew, 75, 99
hyrcanus, eliezer ben Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 20, 145, 167, 170, 190
hyrcanus, great plain villages of restored to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 285
hyrcanus, hasmoneans, john Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 225, 226, 349
hyrcanus, i Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 3, 30, 41, 42, 48, 100, 108, 109, 110, 119, 125, 133, 158
Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 73
Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 5, 10, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 114, 127, 137, 144, 145, 187, 189, 193, 197, 205, 206, 207, 209, 216
Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 46
Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 34, 68, 69
hyrcanus, i hyrcanus, , john Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 52, 61, 92, 217, 219, 221
hyrcanus, i statue, athens, john Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 613
hyrcanus, i, and money stolen from davids tomb Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 59
hyrcanus, i, john Feldman, Goldman and Dimant (2014), Scripture and Interpretation: Qumran Texts That Rework the Bible 304
van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 25, 110, 111, 114, 117, 123, 126, 177
hyrcanus, i, john, hasmonean king, coinage of Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 21
hyrcanus, i, josephan attitude to Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 61, 197
hyrcanus, i, josephus’ attitude toward, conversion of idumeans by Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 240
hyrcanus, i, rabbinic depiction Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 62, 71, 72, 205, 206
hyrcanus, i, senatus consulta, on embassy of Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 69
hyrcanus, ii Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 202, 288
Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 129
Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 3, 99, 100, 107, 109, 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 153, 158
Gera (2014), Judith, 179, 420
Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 21
Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 72, 73, 74
Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 20, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 172, 178, 198, 209
Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 265
Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 49, 50, 67
Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 38, 93, 125, 216
hyrcanus, ii as ethnarch and protector of jews, julius caesar, and jews, caesar recognizing john Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 88
hyrcanus, ii, alexandra, daughter of Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 127, 128, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153
hyrcanus, ii, and alexander Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 24, 25, 130
hyrcanus, ii, and caesar, attempting to reconfirm grants by c. Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 109
hyrcanus, ii, and caesar, concessions of c. to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 37
hyrcanus, ii, and caesar, h. confirmed by c. as high priest and ethnarch Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 130
hyrcanus, ii, and caesar, h. not made king by c. Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 135
hyrcanus, ii, and caesar, h. supporting c. against pompeians Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 100
hyrcanus, ii, and caesar, relationship of h. to c. Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 97
hyrcanus, ii, and cassius Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112
hyrcanus, ii, antipater father of herod, and Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 57
hyrcanus, ii, as high priest Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 24, 35, 130, 131
hyrcanus, ii, asking for exemption from military service Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 81, 82
hyrcanus, ii, civil war of with aristobulus Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 25
hyrcanus, ii, embassy of to antony in ephesus Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 110
hyrcanus, ii, entrusted with collection and payment of tribute to rome Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 46, 52, 56, 132, 135
hyrcanus, ii, john van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 169, 171, 177, 179
hyrcanus, ii, julius caesar, and jews, caesar and Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 97
hyrcanus, ii, julius caesar, and jews, caesar imposing tribute on Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 172
hyrcanus, ii, not ethnarch Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 127
hyrcanus, ii, supporting caesar in egypt Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 29
hyrcanus, ii, tithes paid to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 57, 58, 267, 269
hyrcanus, ii, tribute imposed on Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 43, 46, 172
hyrcanus, ii, tribute paid to scaurus Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 28
hyrcanus, ii, under pompey Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 127, 128
hyrcanus, john Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 187
Ben-Eliyahu (2019), Identity and Territory : Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. 28, 40, 44
DeJong (2022), A Prophet like Moses (Deut 18:15, 18): The Origin, History, and Influence of the Mosaic Prophetic Succession, 197, 210, 225
Gera (2014), Judith, 33, 41, 173, 420
Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 43
Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 132, 134, 136, 172, 199
Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 57
Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 14
Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 272
Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 15, 43, 309, 324, 383
hyrcanus, john i Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 207
hyrcanus, john i, athens statue Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 613
hyrcanus, john ii Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 214
hyrcanus, king Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 576, 577
hyrcanus, legend, temple motif, in the Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 63, 66
hyrcanus, r. dosa b. Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 28
hyrcanus, r. eliezer b. Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 348, 495
hyrcanus, r. eliezer ben Swartz (2018), The Mechanics of Providence: The Workings of Ancient Jewish Magic and Mysticism. 76, 77
hyrcanus, r., dosa b. Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 230, 231, 249
hyrcanus, r., eliezer ben Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 158
hyrcanus, rabbi, eliezer ben Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 22
hyrcanus, rabbi, eliezer, ben Fonrobert and Jaffee (2007), The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic Literature Cambridge Companions to Religion, 22, 41, 121, 281, 282, 287, 292
Kaplan (2015), My Perfect One: Typology and Early Rabbinic Interpretation of Song of Songs, 166, 167
hyrcanus, son of joseph Corley (2002), Ben Sira's Teaching on Friendship, 142, 143
hyrcanus, son of tobias Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 185, 429
hyrcanus, statue in athens, minor, john Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 613
hyrcanus, story as evidence of pharisaic-rabbinic connection, john Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 54
hyrcanus, tithe, paid to Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 57, 58, 267, 269, 270
hyrcanus, tobiad Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 9
Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 225
hyrcanus, tobiad, at ptolemaic court Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 103, 104, 105
hyrcanus, tobiad, birth of Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 80, 81, 82
hyrcanus, tobiad, death of Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 105, 106, 107
hyrcanus, tobiad, literary connections to joseph, genesis patriarch Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105
hyrcanus, tobiad, sibling rivalry motif Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101
hyrcanus, tobiad, supplanting father and brothers Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 97, 98, 101, 103, 104, 105
hyrcanus’, court, malichos, at Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128

List of validated texts:
22 validated results for "hyrcanus"
1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 18.18-18.19 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus I • John Hyrcanus • temple motif, in the Hyrcanus legend

 Found in books: DeJong (2022), A Prophet like Moses (Deut 18:15, 18): The Origin, History, and Influence of the Mosaic Prophetic Succession, 210; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 66

sup>
18.18 נָבִיא אָקִים לָהֶם מִקֶּרֶב אֲחֵיהֶם כָּמוֹךָ וְנָתַתִּי דְבָרַי בְּפִיו וְדִבֶּר אֲלֵיהֶם אֵת כָּל־אֲשֶׁר אֲצַוֶּנּוּ׃ 18.19 וְהָיָה הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יִשְׁמַע אֶל־דְּבָרַי אֲשֶׁר יְדַבֵּר בִּשְׁמִי אָנֹכִי אֶדְרֹשׁ מֵעִמּוֹ׃'' None		sup>
18.18 I will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren, like unto thee; and I will put My words in his mouth, and he shall speak unto them all that I shall command him. 18.19 And it shall come to pass, that whosoever will not hearken unto My words which he shall speak in My name, I will require it of him.'' None
2. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 8.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus I • Hyrcanus II • John Hyrcanus

 Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 109, 110; Gera (2014), Judith, 420

sup>
8.17 וּבְכָל־מְדִינָה וּמְדִינָה וּבְכָל־עִיר וָעִיר מְקוֹם אֲשֶׁר דְּבַר־הַמֶּלֶךְ וְדָתוֹ מַגִּיעַ שִׂמְחָה וְשָׂשׂוֹן לַיְּהוּדִים מִשְׁתֶּה וְיוֹם טוֹב וְרַבִּים מֵעַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ מִתְיַהֲדִים כִּי־נָפַל פַּחַד־הַיְּהוּדִים עֲלֵיהֶם׃'' None		sup>
8.17 And in every province, and in every city, whithersoever the king’s commandment and his decree came, the Jews had gladness and joy, a feast and a good day. And many from among the peoples of the land became Jews; for the fear of the Jews was fallen upon them.'' None
3. Hebrew Bible, Malachi, 2.7 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus I

 Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 41; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 97, 98

sup>
2.7 כִּי־שִׂפְתֵי כֹהֵן יִשְׁמְרוּ־דַעַת וְתוֹרָה יְבַקְשׁוּ מִפִּיהוּ כִּי מַלְאַךְ יְהוָה־צְבָאוֹת הוּא׃'' None		sup>
2.7 For the priest’s lips should keep knowledge, And they should seek the law at his mouth; For he is the messenger of the LORD of hosts.'' None
4. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus (Tobiad), literary connections to Joseph (Genesis patriarch) • Hyrcanus (Tobiad), sibling rivalry motif • Hyrcanus II

 Found in books: Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 87, 88; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 125
5. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.15, 2.46, 2.65, 3.13-3.24, 10.30, 10.38, 11.28, 11.34, 14.4-14.6, 14.12-14.14, 14.28, 14.37, 14.41, 16.23-16.24 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hasmoneans, John Hyrcanus • Hyrcanus I • Hyrcanus II • Hyrcanus, John • John Hyrcanus • John Hyrcanus I • John Hyrcanus, Death of • John Hyrcanus, conquests of • John Hyrcanus, constructs Baris • Joppa, granted to Hyrcanus and Jews • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar recognizing John Hyrcanus II as ethnarch and protector of Jews • Mount Gerizim, destroyed by John Hyrcanus • Samaria (region), conquest of by John Hyrcanus • great plain, villages of, restored to Hyrcanus

 Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 116, 134, 277, 283; Ben-Eliyahu (2019), Identity and Territory : Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. 44; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 30, 41, 42, 107, 108, 109; Gera (2014), Judith, 173, 179; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 132; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 90; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 43, 324, 520; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 23, 72, 73, 88; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 225; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 111

sup>
1.15 and removed the marks of circumcision, and abandoned the holy covet. They joined with the Gentiles and sold themselves to do evil.
2.46 they forcibly circumcised all the uncircumcised boys that they found within the borders of Israel.
2.65 Now behold, I know that Simeon your brother is wise in counsel; always listen to him; he shall be your father.
3.13 Now when Seron, the commander of the Syrian army, heard that Judas had gathered a large company, including a body of faithful men who stayed with him and went out to battle, 3.14 he said, "I will make a name for myself and win honor in the kingdom. I will make war on Judas and his companions, who scorn the kings command." 3.15 And again a strong army of ungodly men went up with him to help him, to take vengeance on the sons of Israel. 3.16 When he approached the ascent of Beth-horon, Judas went out to meet him with a small company. 3.17 But when they saw the army coming to meet them, they said to Judas, "How can we, few as we are, fight against so great and strong a multitude? And we are faint, for we have eaten nothing today." 3.18 Judas replied, "It is easy for many to be hemmed in by few, for in the sight of Heaven there is no difference between saving by many or by few. 3.19 It is not on the size of the army that victory in battle depends, but strength comes from Heaven. 3.20 They come against us in great pride and lawlessness to destroy us and our wives and our children, and to despoil us; 3.21 but we fight for our lives and our laws. 3.22 He himself will crush them before us; as for you, do not be afraid of them." 3.23 When he finished speaking, he rushed suddenly against Seron and his army, and they were crushed before him. 3.24 They pursued them down the descent of Beth-horon to the plain; eight hundred of them fell, and the rest fled into the land of the Philistines.
10.30 and instead of collecting the third of the grain and the half of the fruit of the trees that I should receive, I release them from this day and henceforth. I will not collect them from the land of Judah or from the three districts added to it from Samaria and Galilee, from this day and for all time.
10.38 As for the three districts that have been added to Judea from the country of Samaria, let them be so annexed to Judea that they are considered to be under one ruler and obey no other authority but the high priest.
11.28 Then Jonathan asked the king to free Judea and the three districts of Samaria from tribute, and promised him three hundred talents.
11.34 We have confirmed as their possession both the territory of Judea and the three districts of Aphairema and Lydda and Rathamin; the latter, with all the region bordering them, were added to Judea from Samaria. To all those who offer sacrifice in Jerusalem, we have granted release from the royal taxes which the king formerly received from them each year, from the crops of the land and the fruit of the trees.
14.4 The land had rest all the days of Simon. He sought the good of his nation;his rule was pleasing to them,as was the honor shown him, all his days. 14.5 To crown all his honors he took Joppa for a harbor,and opened a way to the isles of the sea.
14.12 Each man sat under his vine and his fig tree,and there was none to make them afraid. 14.13 No one was left in the land to fight them,and the kings were crushed in those days. 14.14 He strengthened all the humble of his people;he sought out the law,and did away with every lawless and wicked man.
14.28 in Asaramel, in the great assembly of the priests and the people and the rulers of the nation and the elders of the country, the following was proclaimed to us:
14.37 He settled Jews in it, and fortified it for the safety of the country and of the city, and built the walls of Jerusalem higher.

14.41 And the Jews and their priests decided that Simon should be their leader and high priest for ever, until a trustworthy prophet should arise,
16.23 The rest of the acts of John and his wars and the brave deeds which he did, and the building of the walls which he built, and his achievements, 16.24 behold, they are written in the chronicles of his high priesthood, from the time that he became high priest after his father.' ' None
6. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.1, 1.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus II • John Hyrcanus • John Hyrcanus I • John Hyrcanus, Death of

 Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 179; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 15, 520; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 110

sup>
1.1 The Jewish brethren in Jerusalem and those in the land of Judea, To their Jewish brethren in Egypt, Greeting, and good peace.'" "

1.10 Those in Jerusalem and those in Judea and the senate and Judas,To Aristobulus, who is of the family of the anointed priests, teacher of Ptolemy the king, and to the Jews in Egypt,Greeting, and good health.'"" None
7. Septuagint, Judith, 4.3, 4.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • John Hyrcanus

 Found in books: Ben-Eliyahu (2019), Identity and Territory : Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. 40; Gera (2014), Judith, 41

sup>
4.3 For they had only recently returned from the captivity, and all the people of Judea were newly gathered together, and the sacred vessels and the altar and the temple had been consecrated after their profanation. ' ' None
8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 281, 319-320 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Athens, John Hyrcanus I statue • Hyrcanus I • Hyrcanus, John I, Athens statue • John Hyrcanus • Minor, John Hyrcanus statue in Athens

 Found in books: Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 70; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 613; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 309

sup>
281 "Concerning the holy city I must now say what is necessary. It, as I have already stated, is my native country, and the metropolis, not only of the one country of Judaea, but also of many, by reason of the colonies which it has sent out from time to time into the bordering districts of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria in general, and especially that part of it which is called Coelo-Syria, and also with those more distant regions of Pamphylia, Cilicia, the greater part of Asia Minor as far as Bithynia, and the furthermost corners of Pontus. And in the same manner into Europe, into Thessaly, and Boeotia, and Macedonia, and Aetolia, and Attica, and Argos, and Corinth and all the most fertile and wealthiest districts of Peloponnesus. 319 "And your grandmother, Julia Augusta, following the example of so great a guide in the paths of piety, did also adorn the temple with some golden vials and censers, and with a great number of other offerings, of the most costly and magnificent description; and what was her object in doing this, when there is no statue erected within the temple? for the minds of women are, in some degree, weaker than those of men, and are not so well able to comprehend a thing which is appreciable only by the intellect, without any aid of objects addressed to the outward senses; 320 but she, as she surpassed all her sex in other particulars, so also was she superior to them in this, by reason of the pure learning and wisdom which had been implanted in her, both by nature and by study; so that, having a masculine intellect, she was so sharpsighted and profound, that she comprehended what is appreciable only by the intellect, even more than those things which are perceptible by the outward senses, and looked upon the latter as only shadows of the former. XLI. ' None
9. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 3.215-3.218, 11.203, 11.302-11.329, 11.331-11.339, 11.341-11.347, 12.271, 13.50, 13.54, 13.74-13.79, 13.213-13.218, 13.230-13.249, 13.251-13.266, 13.271-13.300, 13.307, 13.310-13.313, 13.318-13.319, 13.322, 13.324, 13.326, 13.334, 13.374, 13.376-13.378, 13.382, 13.395, 13.397, 13.408, 14.9-14.11, 14.14-14.28, 14.30, 14.36-14.37, 14.41, 14.72, 14.74-14.75, 14.87-14.88, 14.105-14.109, 14.113, 14.120, 14.123-14.124, 14.127-14.137, 14.143-14.149, 14.151, 14.190-14.196, 14.205, 14.213-14.216, 14.223-14.227, 14.241-14.243, 14.246, 14.248-14.250, 14.268, 14.271-14.276, 14.279-14.280, 14.289, 14.295-14.297, 14.302, 14.307, 14.327, 14.366, 14.381, 14.385, 14.490-14.491, 15.3, 15.23, 15.37, 15.185, 15.367, 15.370, 16.162-16.163, 18.15, 20.34-20.35, 20.38-20.48, 20.53, 20.179-20.181, 20.206-20.207, 20.219-20.221, 20.244 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander (son of Aristobulus II), and Hyrcanus • Alexandra, daughter of Hyrcanus II • Antipater father of Herod, and Hyrcanus II • Athens, John Hyrcanus I statue • Azotos (Ashdod), conquered by John Hyrcanus • Babylonian Talmud (BT), on John Hyrcanus • Hyrcanus • Hyrcanus (Tobiad), literary connections to Joseph (Genesis patriarch) • Hyrcanus (Tobiad), sibling rivalry motif • Hyrcanus I • Hyrcanus I (John Hyrcanus) • Hyrcanus I, • Hyrcanus I, Josephan attitude to • Hyrcanus I, and money stolen from Davids tomb • Hyrcanus I, rabbinic depiction • Hyrcanus II • Hyrcanus II, • Hyrcanus II, and Alexander • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. confirmed by C. as high priest and ethnarch • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. not made king by C. • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. supporting C. against Pompeians • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, attempting to reconfirm grants by C. • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, concessions of C. to • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, relationship of H. to C. • Hyrcanus II, and Cassius • Hyrcanus II, as high priest • Hyrcanus II, asking for exemption from military service • Hyrcanus II, civil war of, with Aristobulus • Hyrcanus II, embassy of, to Antony in Ephesus • Hyrcanus II, entrusted with collection and payment of tribute to Rome • Hyrcanus II, not ethnarch • Hyrcanus II, supporting Caesar in Egypt • Hyrcanus II, tithes paid to • Hyrcanus II, tribute imposed on • Hyrcanus II, tribute paid to Scaurus • Hyrcanus II, under Pompey • Hyrcanus, John • Hyrcanus, John I • Hyrcanus, John I, Athens statue • Hyrcanus, John II • Hyrcanus, king • Jerusalem, granted to Hyrcanus and Jews • John Hyrcanus • John Hyrcanus I • John Hyrcanus II • John Hyrcanus, • John Hyrcanus, Asmonean King • John Hyrcanus, conquests of • John Hyrcanus, constructs Baris • John Hyrcanus, destroys pagan cults • Joppa, granted to Hyrcanus and Jews • Josephus, citing letters, from Antony to Hyrcanus about embassy • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar and Hyrcanus II • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar confirming Hyrcanus as high priest and ethnarch • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar recognizing John Hyrcanus II as ethnarch and protector of Jews • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar referring to Hyrcanus and sons as allies and friends • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar requiring Jews to pay tithes to Hyrcanus and sons • Malichos, at Hyrcanus’ court • Minor, John Hyrcanus statue in Athens • Mount Gerizim, destroyed by John Hyrcanus • Pharisaic-rabbinic connection, John Hyrcanus story as evidence of • Samaria (region), conquest of by John Hyrcanus • great plain, villages of, restored to Hyrcanus • senatus consulta, on embassy of Hyrcanus I • temple motif, in the Hyrcanus legend • tithe, paid to Hyrcanus

 Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 116, 125, 127, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 242, 277, 278, 280, 291, 292, 294; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 187; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 129; Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 54; DeJong (2022), A Prophet like Moses (Deut 18:15, 18): The Origin, History, and Influence of the Mosaic Prophetic Succession, 197, 210, 225; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 30, 99, 100, 107, 119, 120, 123, 124, 125, 135, 136, 139, 140, 141, 142, 147, 148, 158; Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 121, 130; Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 92; Feldman, Goldman and Dimant (2014), Scripture and Interpretation: Qumran Texts That Rework the Bible 304; Gera (2014), Judith, 420; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 43; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 132, 136, 172, 199; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 72, 73; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 10, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 68, 69, 77, 78, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 96, 101, 102, 103, 107, 127, 144, 158, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 172, 187, 193, 198, 206, 209; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 613; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 207, 214; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 117; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 148; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 265; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 46, 50; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 38, 52, 61, 92, 93, 219; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 576, 577; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 23, 25, 28, 29, 34, 35, 37, 43, 46, 56, 57, 58, 59, 69, 70, 71, 73, 81, 82, 88, 97, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 135, 269, 270; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 25, 111, 117, 169, 171, 177, 179

sup>
3.215 τῶν γὰρ λίθων, οὓς ἐπὶ τοῖς ὤμοις φέρειν τὸν ἀρχιερέα προεῖπον, σαρδόνυχες δὲ ἦσαν καὶ σημαίνειν αὐτῶν τὴν φύσιν ἡγοῦμαι περισσὸν πᾶσιν εἰς γνῶσιν ἀφιγμένων, συνέβαινε λάμπειν, ὁπότε ταῖς ἱερουργίαις ὁ θεὸς παρείη, τὸν ἕτερον τὸν ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ τῶν ὤμων πεπορπημένον αὐγῆς ἀποπηδώσης καὶ τοῖς πορρωτάτω φαινομένης, οὐ πρότερον ταύτης ὑπαρχούσης τῷ λίθῳ.' "3.216 θαυμαστὸν μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς μὴ τὴν σοφίαν ἐπ' ἐκφαυλισμῷ τῶν θείων ἠσκηκόσιν, ὃ δ' ἐστὶ τούτου θαυμασιώτερον ἐρῶ: διὰ γὰρ τῶν δώδεκα λίθων, οὓς κατὰ στέρνον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐνερραμμένους τῷ ἐσσῆνι φορεῖ, νίκην μέλλουσι πολεμεῖν προεμήνυεν ὁ θεός:" "3.217 τοσαύτη γὰρ ἀπήστραπτεν ἀπ' αὐτῶν αὐγὴ μήπω τῆς στρατιᾶς κεκινημένης, ὡς τῷ πλήθει παντὶ γνώριμον εἶναι τὸ παρεῖναι τὸν θεὸν εἰς τὴν ἐπικουρίαν, ὅθεν ̔́Ελληνες οἱ τὰ ἡμέτερα τιμῶντες ἔθη διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἀντιλέγειν δύνασθαι τούτοις τὸν ἐσσῆνα λόγιον καλοῦσιν." '3.218 ἐπαύσατο μὲν οὖν ὅ τε ἐσσὴν καὶ ὁ σαρδόνυξ τοῦ λάμπειν ἔτεσι διακοσίοις πρότερον ἢ ταύτην ἐμὲ συνθεῖναι τὴν γραφὴν τοῦ θεοῦ δυσχεράναντος ἐπὶ τῇ παραβάσει τῶν νόμων, περὶ ὧν ἐροῦμεν εὐκαιρότερον. τρέψομαι δὲ νῦν ἐπὶ τὸν ἑξῆς λόγον.
11.203 διέπεμψε δὲ τοὺς ἀγγάρους λεγομένους εἰς πᾶν ἔθνος ἑορτάζειν τοὺς γάμους παραγγέλλων, αὐτὸς δὲ Πέρσας καὶ τοὺς Μήδους καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τῶν ἐθνῶν ἑστιᾷ ἐπὶ μῆνα ὅλον ὑπὲρ τῶν γάμων αὐτοῦ, εἰσελθούσῃ δὲ εἰς τὸ βασίλειον περιτίθησι τὸ διάδημα, καὶ συνῴκησεν οὕτως ̓Εσθήρα μὴ ποιήσασα φανερὸν αὐτῷ τὸ ἔθνος, ἐξ οὗπερ εἴη τυγχάνουσα.
11.302 Καταστρέψαντος δὲ τοῦ ̓Ιωάννου τὸν βίον διαδέχεται τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ̓Ιαδδοῦς. ἦν δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ἀδελφὸς Μανασσῆς ὄνομα, ᾧ Σαναβαλλέτης ὁ πεμφθεὶς εἰς Σαμάρειαν ὑπὸ Δαρείου τοῦ τελευταίου βασιλέως σατράπης Χουθαῖος τὸ γένος, ἐξ ὧν καὶ οἱ Σαμαρεῖς εἰσιν, 11.303 εἰδὼς λαμπρὰν οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ̓Ασσυρίοις καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ κατοικοῦσιν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ βασιλεῖς πράγματα παρασχόντας, ἀσμένως συνῴκισεν τὴν αὐτοῦ θυγατέρα Νικασὼ καλουμένην, οἰόμενος τὴν ἐπιγαμίαν ὅμηρον αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους παντὸς εὔνοιαν. 11.304 Κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν καιρὸν καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς ἐν Αἰγαῖς ὑπὸ Παυσανίου τοῦ Κεράστου ἐκ δὲ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ορεστῶν γένους δολοφονηθεὶς ἀπέθανεν.' "11.305 παραλαβὼν δ' ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ διαβὰς τὸν ̔Ελλήσποντον, νικᾷ μὲν τοὺς Δαρείου στρατηγοὺς ἐπὶ Γρανίκῳ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς, ἐπελθὼν δὲ τὴν Λυδίαν καὶ τὴν ̓Ιωνίαν δουλωσάμενος καὶ τὴν Καρίαν ἐπιδραμὼν τοῖς ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ τόποις ἐπέβαλεν, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται." '11.306 Οἱ δὲ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πρεσβύτεροι δεινοπαθοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν ̓Ιαδδοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφὸν ἀλλοφύλῳ συνοικοῦντα μετέχειν τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἐστασίαζον πρὸς αὐτόν: 11.307 ἡγοῦντο γὰρ τὸν τούτου γάμον ἐπιβάθραν τοῖς παρανομεῖν περὶ τὰς τῶν γυναικῶν συνοικήσεις βουλησομένοις γενέσθαι καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους αὐτοῖς κοινωνίας ἀρχὴν τοῦτο ἔσεσθαι. 11.308 ὑπάρξαι μέντοι καὶ τῆς προτέρας αἰχμαλωσίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν κακῶν αἴτιον τὸ περὶ τοὺς γάμους πλημμελῆσαί τινας καὶ ἀγαγέσθαι γυναῖκας οὐκ ἐπιχωρίας. ἐκέλευον οὖν τὸν Μανασσῆν διαζεύγνυσθαι τῆς γυναικὸς ἢ μὴ προσιέναι τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ.' "11.309 τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως τῷ λαῷ συναγανακτοῦντος καὶ εἴργοντος τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βωμοῦ, παραγενόμενος ὁ Μανασσῆς πρὸς τὸν πενθερὸν Σαναβαλλέτην στέργειν μὲν ἔλεγεν αὐτοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα Νικασώ, τῆς μέντοι γε ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς μεγίστης οὔσης ἐν τῷ ἔθνει καὶ τῷ γένει παραμενούσης οὐ βούλεσθαι δι' αὐτὴν στέρεσθαι." '11.311 καὶ ταῦτα ποιήσειν ἐπαγγελλομένου μετὰ τῆς Δαρείου γνώμης τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ὑποσχέσεσιν ὁ Μανασσῆς παρέμενεν τῷ Σαναβαλλέτῃ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην οἰόμενος ἕξειν Δαρείου δόντος: καὶ γὰρ συνέβαινεν τὸν Σαναβαλλέτην ἤδη πρεσβύτερον εἶναι. 11.312 πολλῶν δὲ ἱερέων καὶ ̓Ισραηλιτῶν τοιούτοις γάμοις ἐπιπεπλεγμένων κατεῖχεν οὐ μικρὰ ταραχὴ τοὺς ̔Ιεροσολυμίτας: ἀφίσταντο γὰρ ἅπαντες πρὸς τὸν Μανασσῆν τοῦ Σαναβαλλέτου χορηγοῦντος αὐτοῖς καὶ χρήματα καὶ χώραν εἰς γεωργίαν καὶ κατοίκησιν ἀπομερίζοντος καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ τῷ γαμβρῷ συμφιλοκαλοῦντος. 11.313 Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Δαρεῖος ἀκούσας, ὅτι τὸν ̔Ελλήσποντον διαβὰς ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ τοὺς σατράπας αὐτοῦ τῇ κατὰ Γράνικον μάχῃ κρατήσας προσωτέρω χωρεῖ, στρατιὰν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικὴν συνήθροιζεν ἀπαντῆσαι διαγνοὺς τοῖς Μακεδόσιν πρὶν ἢ πᾶσαν αὐτοὺς ἐπιόντας καταστρέψασθαι τὴν ̓Ασίαν. 11.314 περαιωσάμενος οὖν τὸν Εὐφράτην ποταμὸν καὶ τὸν Ταῦρον τὸ Κιλίκιον ὄρος ὑπερελθὼν ἐν ̓Ισσῷ τῆς Κιλικίας τοὺς πολεμίους ὡς ἐκεῖ μαχησόμενος αὐτοῖς ἐξεδέχετο.' "11.315 ἡσθεὶς δὲ τῇ Δαρείου καταβάσει ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης εὐθὺς ἔλεγεν τῷ Μανασσῇ τὰς ὑποσχέσεις τελέσειν, ὡς ἂν Δαρεῖος κρατήσας τῶν πολεμίων ὑποστρέψῃ: πέπειστο γὰρ οὐκ αὐτὸς μόνος ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ μηδ' εἰς χεῖρας τοῖς Πέρσαις ἥξειν τοὺς Μακεδόνας διὰ τὸ πλῆθος." "11.316 ἀπέβη δ' οὐχ ὡς προσεδόκων: συμβαλὼν γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἡττήθη καὶ πολλὴν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπολέσας ληφθέντων αἰχμαλώτων αὐτοῦ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων ἔφυγεν εἰς Πέρσας." "11.317 ̓Αλέξανδρος δ' εἰς Συρίαν παραγενόμενος Δαμασκὸν αἱρεῖ καὶ Σιδῶνος κρατήσας ἐπολιόρκει Τύρον, ἠξίου τε ἀποστείλας γράμματα πρὸς τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα συμμαχίαν τε αὐτῷ πέμπειν καὶ ἀγορὰν τῷ στρατεύματι παρασχεῖν καὶ ὅσα Δαρείῳ πρότερον ἐτέλουν δῶρα τούτῳ διδόναι τὴν Μακεδόνων φιλίαν ἑλομένους:" "11.318 οὐ γὰρ μετανοήσειν ἐπὶ τούτοις. τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως ἀποκριναμένου τοῖς γραμματοφόροις, ὡς ὅρκους εἴη δεδωκὼς Δαρείῳ μὴ βαστάζειν ὅπλα κατ' αὐτοῦ, καὶ τούτους ἕως ἂν ᾖ Δαρεῖος ἐν τοῖς ζῶσιν μὴ παραβήσεσθαι φήσαντος," '11.319 ἀκούσας ̓Αλέξανδρος παρωξύνθη, καὶ τὴν μὲν Τύρον οὐκ ἔκρινεν καταλιπεῖν ὅσον οὐδέπω μέλλουσαν αἱρεῖσθαι, παραστησάμενος δὲ ταύτην ἠπείλει στρατεύσειν ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα καὶ διδάξειν πάντας, πρὸς τίνας δὴ αὐτοῖς φυλακτέον τοὺς ὅρκους:' "11.321 Νομίσας δὲ καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἔχειν ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης τῆς ἐπιβολῆς Δαρείου μὲν ἀπέγνω, λαβὼν δὲ ὀκτακισχιλίους τῶν ἀρχομένων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς ̓Αλέξανδρον ἧκεν καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὸν ἀρχόμενον τῆς Τύρου πολιορκίας, ὧν τε αὐτὸς ἄρχει τόπων ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ παραδιδόναι τούτους καὶ δεσπότην αὐτὸν ἡδέως ἔχειν ἀντὶ Δαρείου τοῦ βασιλέως." "11.322 ἀσμένως δ' αὐτὸν προσδεξαμένου θαρρῶν ἤδη περὶ τῶν προκειμένων ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης αὐτῷ λόγους προσέφερεν δηλῶν, ὡς γαμβρὸν μὲν ἔχοι Μανασσῆ τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέως ̓Ιαδδοῦ ἀδελφόν, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ ἄλλους αὐτῷ συμπαρόντας τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν θέλειν ἱερὸν ἐν τοῖς ὑπ' ἐκείνῳ τόποις ἤδη κατασκευάσαι." "11.323 τοῦτο δ' εἶναι καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ συμφέρον εἰς δύο διῃρῆσθαι τὴν ̓Ιουδαίων δύναμιν, ἵνα μὴ ὁμογνωμονοῦν τὸ ἔθνος μηδὲ συνεστός, εἰ νεωτερίσειέν ποτε, χαλεπὸν ᾖ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, καθὼς καὶ πρότερον τοῖς ̓Ασσυρίων ἄρξασιν ἐγένετο." "11.324 συγχωρήσαντος δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου πᾶσαν εἰσενεγκάμενος σπουδὴν ᾠκοδόμησεν ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης τὸν ναὸν καὶ ἱερέα τὸν Μανασσῆ κατέστησεν, μέγιστον γέρας ἡγησάμενος τοῖς ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς γενησομένοις τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι." "11.325 μηνῶν δ' ἑπτὰ τῇ Τύρου πολιορκίᾳ διεληλυθότων καὶ δύο τῇ Γάζης ὁ μὲν Σαναβαλλέτης ἀπέθανεν. ̓Αλέξανδρος δ' ἐξελὼν τὴν Γάζαν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀναβαίνειν ἐσπουδάκει." "11.326 ὁ δ' ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιαδδοῦς τοῦτ' ἀκούσας ἦν ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ καὶ δέει, πῶς ἀπαντήσει τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἀμηχανῶν ὀργιζομένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῇ πρότερον ἀπειθείᾳ. παραγγείλας οὖν ἱκεσίαν τῷ λαῷ καὶ θυσίαν τῷ θεῷ μετ' αὐτοῦ προσφέρων ἐδεῖτο ὑπερασπίσαι τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῶν ἐπερχομένων κινδύνων ἀπαλλάξαι." '11.327 κατακοιμηθέντι δὲ μετὰ τὴν θυσίαν ἐχρημάτισεν αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ θεὸς θαρρεῖν καὶ στεφανοῦντας τὴν πόλιν ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων ταῖς νομίμοις στολαῖς ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ὑπάντησιν μηδὲν προσδοκῶντας πείσεσθαι δεινὸν προνοουμένου τοῦ θεοῦ. 11.328 διαναστὰς δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ὕπνου ἔχαιρέν τε μεγάλως αὐτὸς καὶ τὸ χρηματισθὲν αὐτῷ πᾶσι μηνύσας καὶ ποιήσας ὅσα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ παρηγγέλη τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν ἐξεδέχετο.' "11.329 Πυθόμενος δ' αὐτὸν οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως ὄντα πρόεισι μετὰ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ πλήθους, ἱεροπρεπῆ καὶ διαφέρουσαν τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ποιούμενος τὴν ὑπάντησιν εἰς τόπον τινὰ Σαφειν λεγόμενον. τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τοῦτο μεταφερόμενον εἰς τὴν ̔Ελληνικὴν γλῶτταν σκοπὸν σημαίνει: τά τε γὰρ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸν ναὸν συνέβαινεν ἐκεῖθεν ἀφορᾶσθαι." "
11.331 ὁ γὰρ ̓Αλέξανδρος ἔτι πόρρωθεν ἰδὼν τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἐν ταῖς λευκαῖς ἐσθῆσιν, τοὺς δὲ ἱερεῖς προεστῶτας ἐν ταῖς βυσσίναις αὐτῶν, τὸν δὲ ἀρχιερέα ἐν τῇ ὑακινθίνῳ καὶ διαχρύσῳ στολῇ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἔχοντα τὴν κίδαριν καὶ τὸ χρυσοῦν ἐπ' αὐτῆς ἔλασμα, ᾧ τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐγέγραπτο ὄνομα, προσελθὼν μόνος προσεκύνησεν τὸ ὄνομα καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα πρῶτος ἠσπάσατο." '11.332 τῶν δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων ὁμοῦ πάντων μιᾷ φωνῇ τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον ἀσπασαμένων καὶ κυκλωσαμένων αὐτόν, οἱ μὲν τῆς Συρίας βασιλεῖς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦτο ποιήσαντος κατεπλάγησαν καὶ διεφθάρθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν διάνοιαν ὑπελάμβανον, 11.333 Παρμενίωνος δὲ μόνου προσελθόντος αὐτῷ καὶ πυθομένου, τί δήποτε προσκυνούντων αὐτὸν ἁπάντων αὐτὸς προσκυνήσειεν τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα; “οὐ τοῦτον, εἶπεν, προσεκύνησα, τὸν δὲ θεόν, οὗ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην οὗτος τετίμηται: 11.334 τοῦτον γὰρ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἶδον ἐν τῷ νῦν σχήματι ἐν Δίῳ τῆς Μακεδονίας τυγχάνων, καὶ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν διασκεπτομένῳ μοι, πῶς ἂν κρατήσαιμι τῆς ̓Ασίας, παρεκελεύετο μὴ μέλλειν ἀλλὰ θαρσοῦντα διαβαίνειν: αὐτὸς γὰρ ἡγήσεσθαί μου τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ τὴν Περσῶν παραδώσειν ἀρχήν.' "11.335 ὅθεν ἄλλον μὲν οὐδένα θεασάμενος ἐν τοιαύτῃ στολῇ, τοῦτον δὲ νῦν ἰδὼν καὶ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἀναμνησθεὶς ὄψεώς τε καὶ παρακελεύσεως, νομίζω θείᾳ πομπῇ τὴν στρατείαν πεποιημένος Δαρεῖον νικήσειν καὶ τὴν Περσῶν καταλύσειν δύναμιν καὶ πάνθ' ὅσα κατὰ νοῦν ἐστί μοι προχωρήσειν.”" "11.336 ταῦτ' εἰπὼν πρὸς τὸν Παρμενίωνα καὶ δεξιωσάμενος τὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων παραθεόντων εἰς τὴν πόλιν παραγίνεται. καὶ ἀνελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν θύει μὲν τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὑφήγησιν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἀξιοπρεπῶς ἐτίμησεν." "11.337 δειχθείσης δ' αὐτῷ τῆς Δανιήλου βίβλου, ἐν ᾗ τινα τῶν ̔Ελλήνων καταλύσειν τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ἐδήλου, νομίσας αὐτὸς εἶναι ὁ σημαινόμενος τότε μὲν ἡσθεὶς ἀπέλυσε τὸ πλῆθος, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ προσκαλεσάμενος ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς αἰτεῖσθαι δωρεάς, ἃς ἂν αὐτοὶ θέλωσιν." "11.338 τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως αἰτησαμένου χρήσασθαι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις καὶ τὸ ἕβδομον ἔτος ἀνείσφορον εἶναι, συνεχώρησεν πάντα. παρακαλεσάντων δ' αὐτόν, ἵνα καὶ τοὺς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι καὶ Μηδίᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐπιτρέψῃ νόμοις χρῆσθαι, ἀσμένως ὑπέσχετο ποιήσειν ἅπερ ἀξιοῦσιν." "11.339 εἰπόντος δ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος, εἴ τινες αὐτῷ βούλονται συστρατεύειν τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν ἐμμένοντες καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῶντες, ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἐπάγεσθαι, πολλοὶ τὴν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατείαν ἠγάπησαν." 11.341 εἰσὶν γὰρ οἱ Σαμαρεῖς τοιοῦτοι τὴν φύσιν, ὡς ἤδη που καὶ πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν: ἐν μὲν ταῖς συμφοραῖς ὄντας τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀρνοῦνται συγγενεῖς ὁμολογοῦντες τότε τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ὅταν δέ τι λαμπρὸν περὶ αὐτοὺς ἴδωσιν ἐκ τύχης, ἐπιπηδῶσιν αὐτῶν τῇ κοινωνίᾳ προσήκειν αὐτοῖς λέγοντες καὶ ἐκ τῶν ̓Ιωσήπου γενεαλογοῦντες αὑτοὺς ἐκγόνων ̓Εφραίμου καὶ Μανασσοῦς.' "11.342 μετὰ λαμπρότητος οὖν καὶ πολλὴν ἐνδεικνύμενοι τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν προθυμίαν ἀπήντησαν τῷ βασιλεῖ μικροῦ δεῖν ἐγγὺς τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων. ἐπαινέσαντος δὲ αὐτοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου οἱ Σικιμῖται προσῆλθον αὐτῷ προσπαραλαβόντες καὶ οὓς Σαναβαλλέτης πρὸς αὐτὸν στρατιώτας ἀπέστειλεν καὶ παρεκάλουν παραγενόμενον εἰς τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν τιμῆσαι καὶ τὸ παρ' αὐτοῖς ἱερόν." "11.343 ὁ δ' ἐκεῖνο μὲν αὖθις ὑποστρέφων ἰδεῖν ὑπέσχετο πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀξιούντων δὲ ἀφεῖναι τὸν φόρον αὐτοῖς τοῦ ἑβδοματικοῦ ἔτους, οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐν αὐτῷ σπείρειν, τίνες ὄντες ταῦτα παρακαλοῦσιν ἐπυνθάνετο. τῶν δ' εἰπόντων ̔Εβραῖοι μὲν εἶναι," "11.344 χρηματίζειν δ' οἱ ἐν Σικίμοις Σιδώνιοι, πάλιν αὐτοὺς ἐπηρώτησεν, εἰ τυγχάνουσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι. τῶν δ' οὐκ εἶναι φαμένων “ἀλλ' ἔγωγε ταῦτ', εἶπεν, ̓Ιουδαίοις ἔδωκα, ὑποστρέψας μέντοι γε καὶ διδαχθεὶς ὑφ' ὑμῶν ἀκριβέστερον ποιήσω τὰ δόξαντα.” τοῖς μὲν οὖν Σικιμίταις οὕτως ἀπετάξατο." "11.345 τοὺς δὲ τοῦ Σαναβαλλέτου στρατιώτας ἐκέλευσεν ἕπεσθαι εἰς Αἴγυπτον: ἐκεῖ γὰρ αὐτοῖς δώσειν κλήρους γῆς: ὃ καὶ μετ' ὀλίγον ἐποίησεν ἐν τῇ Θηβαί̈δι φρουρεῖν τὴν χώραν αὐτοῖς προστάξας." '11.346 Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ εἰς τοὺς διαδόχους ἐμερίσθη, τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Γαριζεὶν ὄρους ἱερὸν ἔμεινεν. εἰ δέ τις αἰτίαν ἔσχεν παρὰ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις κοινοφαγίας ἢ τῆς ἐν σαββάτοις παρανομίας ἤ τινος ἄλλου τοιούτου ἁμαρτήματος, παρὰ τοὺς Σικιμίτας ἔφευγεν λέγων ἀδίκως ἐκβεβλῆσθαι.' "11.347 τετελευτήκει δὲ κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἤδη τὸν καιρὸν καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιαδδοῦς καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ονίας ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ παρειλήφει. τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τοὺς ̔Ιεροσολυμίτας ἐν τούτοις ἐτύγχανεν ὄντα." "
12.271 καὶ τὸν βωμὸν καθελὼν ἀνέκραγεν, “εἴ τις ζηλωτής ἐστιν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείας, ἑπέσθω, φησίν, ἐμοί,” καὶ ταῦτ' εἰπὼν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων εἰς τὴν ἔρημον ἐξώρμησεν καταλιπὼν ἅπασαν τὴν αὐτοῦ κτῆσιν ἐν τῇ κώμῃ." 13.54 ἐπιτρέπω δὲ καὶ τοῖς πατρῴοις χρῆσθαι νόμοις καὶ τούτους φυλάττειν, καὶ τοῖς τρισὶν τοῖς προσκειμένοις τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ νομοῖς ὑποτάσσεσθαι βούλομαι, καὶ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ δὲ ἐπιμελὲς εἶναι, ἵνα μηδὲ εἷς ̓Ιουδαῖος ἄλλο ἔχῃ ἱερὸν προσκυνεῖν ἢ μόνον τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις.' "
13.74 Τοὺς δ' ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ Σαμαρεῖς, οἳ τὸ ἐν Γαριζεὶν προσεκύνουν ἱερόν, κατὰ τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου χρόνους συνέβη στασιάσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαίου διεκρίνοντο, τῶν μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων λεγόντων κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους ᾠκοδομῆσθαι τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, τῶν δὲ Σαμαρέων τὸ ἐν Γαριζείν." "13.75 παρεκάλεσάν τε σὺν τοῖς φίλοις καθίσαντα τὸν βασιλέα τοὺς περὶ τούτων ἀκοῦσαι λόγους καὶ τοὺς ἡττηθέντας θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι. τὸν μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῶν Σαμαρέων λόγον Σαββαῖος ἐποιήσατο καὶ Θεοδόσιος, τοὺς δ' ὑπὲρ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων ̓Ανδρόνικος ὁ Μεσαλάμου." '13.76 ὤμοσαν δὲ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἦ μὴν ποιήσεσθαι τὰς ἀποδείξεις κατὰ τὸν νόμον, παρεκάλεσάν τε τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὅπως ὃν ἂν λάβῃ παραβαίνοντα τοὺς ὅρκους ἀποκτείνῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων εἰς συμβουλίαν παραλαβὼν ἐκάθισεν ἀκουσόμενος τῶν λεγόντων.' "13.77 οἱ δ' ἐν τῇ ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ τυγχάνοντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι σφόδρα ἠγωνίων περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἷς ἀγανακτεῖν περὶ τοῦ ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις συνέβαινεν ἱεροῦ: χαλεπῶς γὰρ ἔφερον, εἰ τοῦτό τινες καταλύσουσιν οὕτως ἀρχαῖον καὶ διασημότατον τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ὑπάρχον." "13.78 τοῦ δὲ Σαββαίου καὶ Θεοδοσίου συγχωρησάντων τῷ ̓Ανδρονίκῳ πρώτῳ ποιήσασθαι τοὺς λόγους, ἤρξατο τῶν ἀποδείξεων ἐκ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν διαδοχῶν τῶν ἀρχιερέων, ὡς ἕκαστος παρὰ πατρὸς τὴν τιμὴν ἐκδεξάμενος ἦρξε τοῦ ναοῦ, καὶ ὅτι πάντες οἱ τῆς ̓Ασίας βασιλεῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτίμησαν ἀναθήμασιν καὶ λαμπροτάταις δωρεαῖς, τοῦ δ' ἐν Γαριζεὶν ὡς οὐδὲ ὄντος οὐδεὶς λόγον οὐδ' ἐπιστροφὴν ἐποιήσατο." '13.79 ταῦτα λέγων ̓Ανδρόνικος καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια πείθει τὸν βασιλέα κρῖναι μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερόν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Σαββαῖον καὶ Θεοδόσιον. καὶ τὰ μὲν γενόμενα τοῖς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίοις κατὰ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φιλομήτορα ταῦτα ἦν.
13.213 Σίμων δὲ κατασταθεὶς ἀρχιερεὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἔτει τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσι δουλείας τὸν λαὸν ἠλευθέρωσεν ὡς μηκέτι φόρους αὐτοῖς τελεῖν: ἡ δὲ ἐλευθερία καὶ τὸ ἀνείσφορον τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις μετὰ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἔτη τῶν Συρίας βασιλέων ἐξ οὗ χρόνου Σέλευκος ὁ Νικάτωρ ἐπικληθεὶς κατέσχεν Συρίαν ὑπῆρξεν.' "13.214 τοσαύτη δ' ἦν ἡ τοῦ πλήθους περὶ τὸν Σίμωνα φιλοτιμία, ὥστ' ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους συμβολαίοις καὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις γράμμασιν ἐπὶ πρώτου ἔτους γράφειν Σίμωνος καὶ εὐεργέτου ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ἐθνάρχου: εὐτύχησαν γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτοῦ σφόδρα καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τῶν περιοίκων ἐκράτησαν." "1
3.215 κατεστρέψατο γὰρ Σίμων Γάζαρά τε πόλιν καὶ ̓Ιόππην καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν, ἐκπολιορκήσας δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἄκραν εἰς ἔδαφος αὐτὴν καθεῖλεν, ὡς ἂν μὴ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὁρμητήριον ᾖ καταλαμβανομένοις αὐτὴν τοῦ κακῶς ποιεῖν, ὡς καὶ τότε. καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας ἄριστον ἐδόκει καὶ συμφέρον καὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐφ' οὗ τὴν ἄκραν εἶναι συνέβαινεν καθελεῖν, ὅπως ὑψηλότερον ᾖ τὸ ἱερόν." "13.216 καὶ δὴ τοῦτ' ἔπειθεν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καλέσας τὸ πλῆθος ὑπ' αὐτοῦ γίνεσθαι, ὧν τε ἔπαθον ὑπὸ τῶν φρουρῶν καὶ τῶν φυγάδων ̓Ιουδαίων ὑπομιμνήσκων, ἅ τε πάθοιεν ἄν, εἰ πάλιν κατάσχοι τὴν βασιλείαν ἀλλόφυλος φρουρᾶς ἐν αὐτῇ κατασταθείσης." "13.217 ταῦτα λέγων πείθει τὸ πλῆθος παραινῶν αὐτῷ τὰ συμφέροντα. καὶ πάντες προσβαλόντες καθῄρουν τὸ ὄρος καὶ μήτε νυκτὸς μήθ' ἡμέρας ἀπολυόμενοι τοῦ ἔργου τρισὶν αὐτὸ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἔτεσιν κατήγαγον εἰς ἔδαφος καὶ πεδινὴν λειότητα. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐξεῖχεν ἁπάντων τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ἄκρας καὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἐφ' ᾧ ἦν καθῃρημένων. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ Σίμωνος πραχθέντα τοῦτον εἶχεν τὸν τρόπον." "13.218 Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας τῆς Δημητρίου τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ̓Αντίοχον, ὃς καὶ Θεὸς ἐπεκλήθη, Τρύφων διέφθειρεν ἐπιτροπεύων αὐτοῦ τέσσαρα βασιλεύσαντα ἔτη. καὶ τὸν μέν, ὡς χειριζόμενος ἀποθάνοι, διήγγειλεν:" "13.231 τούτους γὰρ Πτολεμαῖος ἀναγαγὼν ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐξ ἀπόπτου ᾐκίζετο καὶ κατακρημνίσειν οὐκ ἀφισταμένου τῆς πολιορκίας ἠπείλει. ὁ δ' ὅσον ἂν ἐνδοίη τῆς περὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ χωρίου σπουδῆς, τοσοῦτο χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἡγούμενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ κακῶς πάσχειν, ἐξέλυε τὸ πρόθυμον." "13.232 ἡ μέντοι μήτηρ ὀρέγουσα τὰς χεῖρας ἱκέτευε μὴ μαλακίζεσθαι δι' αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ πλέον ὀργῇ χρώμενον ἑλεῖν σπουδάσαι τὸ χωρίον καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν ὑπ' αὐτῷ ποιήσαντα τιμωρῆσαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις: ἡδὺν γὰρ αὐτῇ τὸν μετ' αἰκίας εἶναι θάνατον, εἰ δίκην ὑπόσχοι τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς παρανομίας ὁ ταῦτα ποιῶν πολέμιος." "13.233 τὸν δὲ ̔Υρκανὸν ταῦτα μὲν λεγούσης τῆς μητρὸς ὁρμή τις ἐλάμβανεν πρὸς τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ φρουρίου, ἡνίκα δ' αὐτὴν ἴδοι τυπτομένην καὶ σπαραττομένην, ἐξελύετο καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς τὴν μητέρα πραττομένοις συμπαθείας ἥττων ἐγίνετο." "13.234 ἑλκομένης δ' οὕτως εἰς χρόνον τῆς πολιορκίας ἐνίσταται τὸ ἔτος ἐκεῖνο, καθ' ὃ συμβαίνει τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀργεῖν: κατὰ δὲ ἑπτὰ ἔτη τοῦτο παρατηροῦσιν, ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἑβδομάσιν ἡμέραις." '13.235 καὶ Πτολεμαῖος, ὑπὸ ταύτης ἀνεθεὶς τοῦ πολέμου τῆς αἰτίας ἀποκτείνει τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς τοῦ ̔Υρκανοῦ καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοῦτο δράσας πρὸς Ζήνωνα φεύγει τὸν ἐπικληθέντα Κοτυλᾶν, τυραννεύοντα τῆς Φιλαδελφέων πόλεως.' "13.236 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ χαλεπῶς ἔχων ἐφ' οἷς ὑπὸ Σίμωνος ἔπαθεν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐνέβαλεν τετάρτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ, πρώτῳ δὲ τῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχῆς, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ ἑξηκοστῇ καὶ δευτέρᾳ." "13.237 δῃώσας δὲ τὴν χώραν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εἰς αὐτὴν ἐνέκλεισε τὴν πόλιν, ἣν ἑπτὰ στρατοπέδοις περιλαβὼν ἤνυσε μὲν οὐδὲν ὅλως τὸ πρῶτον διά τε τὴν τῶν τειχῶν ὀχυρότητα καὶ δι' ἀρετὴν τῶν ἐμπολιορκουμένων ἔτι γε μὴν ὕδατος ἀπορίαν, ἧς αὐτοὺς ἀπέλυσεν ὄμβρος κατενεχθεὶς πολὺς δυομένης πλειάδος." "13.238 κατὰ δὲ τὸ βόρειον μέρος τοῦ τείχους, καθ' ὃ συνέβαινεν αὐτὸ καὶ ἐπίπεδον εἶναι, πύργους ἀναστήσας ἑκατὸν τριωρόφους ἀνεβίβασεν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς στρατιωτικὰ τάγματα." '13.239 καὶ προσβολὰς ὁσημέραι ποιησάμενος τάφρον τε βαθεῖαν καὶ πολλὴν τὸ εὖρος καὶ διπλῆν τεμόμενος, ἀπετείχισεν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας. οἱ δὲ πολλὰς ἐκδρομὰς ἀντεπινοοῦντες, εἰ μὲν ἀφυλάκτοις που προσπέσοιεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, πολλὰ ἔδρων αὐτούς, αἰσθομένων δὲ ἀνεχώρουν εὐχερῶς.' "13.241 ̓Αντίοχος μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἀπολεχθέντας ἐξελθεῖν ἐκώλυεν, οἱ δ' ἐν τοῖς μεταξὺ τείχεσι κακούμενοι ταῖς βασάνοις ἀπέθνησκον οἰκτρῶς. ἐπιστάσης γε μὴν τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἑορτῆς ἐλεοῦντες αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐντὸς πάλιν εἰσεδέξαντο." "13.242 πέμψαντος δ' ̔Υρκανοῦ πρὸς ̓Αντίοχον καὶ σπονδὰς ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ διὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀξιώσαντος γενέσθαι, τῇ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ εἴκων σπένδεται καὶ προσέτι θυσίαν εἰσέπεμψε μεγαλοπρεπῆ, ταύρους χρυσοκέρωτας καὶ μεστὰ παντοίων ἀρωμάτων ἐκπώματα χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα." "13.243 καὶ τὴν μὲν θυσίαν δεξάμενοι παρὰ τῶν κομιζόντων οἱ πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ὄντες ἄγουσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ̓Αντίοχος δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν εἱστία, πλεῖστον ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ ̓Επιφανοῦς διενέγκας, ὃς τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ὗς μὲν κατέθυσεν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν, τὸν νεὼν δὲ τῷ ζωμῷ τούτων περιέρρανε συγχέας τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων νόμιμα καὶ τὴν πάτριον αὐτῶν εὐσέβειαν, ἐφ' οἷς ἐξεπολεμώθη τὸ ἔθνος καὶ ἀκαταλλάκτως εἶχεν." "13.244 τοῦτον μέντοι τὸν ̓Αντίοχον δι' ὑπερβολὴν τῆς θρησκείας Εὐσεβῆ πάντες ἐκάλεσαν." '13.245 ̓Αποδεξάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ μαθὼν τὴν περὶ τὸ θεῖον σπουδὴν ἐπρεσβεύσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀξιῶν τὴν πάτριον αὐτοῖς πολιτείαν ἀποδοῦναι. ὁ δὲ ἀπωσάμενος τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν μὲν παραινούντων ἐξελεῖν τὸ ἔθνος διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἄλλους αὐτῶν τῆς διαίτης ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν,' "13.246 πειθόμενος δὲ κατ' εὐσέβειαν πάντα ποιεῖν τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἀπεκρίνατο, παραδοῦναι μὲν τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ δασμὸν αὐτῷ τελεῖν ̓Ιόππης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων πάρεξ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας φρουράν τε δεξαμένους ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ πολέμου." '13.247 οἱ δὲ τἆλλα μὲν ὑπομένειν, τὴν δὲ φρουρὰν οὐχ ὡμολόγουν διὰ τὴν ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφικνούμενοι πρὸς ἄλλους. ἀντὶ μέντοι γε τῆς φρουρᾶς ὁμήρους ἐδίδοσαν καὶ τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πεντακόσια, ὧν εὐθὺς τὰ τριακόσια καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους προσδεξαμένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἔδοσαν, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀδελφός, καθεῖλεν δὲ καὶ τὴν στεφάνην τῆς πόλεως. 13.248 ἐπὶ τούτοις μὲν οὖν ̓Αντίοχος τὴν πολιορκίαν λύσας ἀνεχώρησεν.' "13.249 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς πλούτῳ τούς ποτε βασιλεῖς ὑπερέβαλεν, τρισχίλια μὲν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα ἐξεκόμισεν, ὁρμώμενος δ' ὑπὸ τούτων πρῶτος ̓Ιουδαίων ξενοτροφεῖν ἤρξατο." 13.251 “τρόπαιον δὲ στήσας ̓Αντίοχος ἐπὶ τῷ Λύκῳ ποταμῷ νικήσας ̓Ινδάτην τὸν Πάρθων στρατηγὸν αὐτόθι ἔμεινεν ἡμέρας δύο δεηθέντος ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίου διά τινα ἑορτὴν πάτριον, ἐν ᾗ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις οὐκ ἦν νόμιμον ἐξοδεύειν.” καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὐ ψεύδεται λέγων:' "13.252 ἐνέστη γὰρ ἡ πεντηκοστὴ ἑορτὴ μετὰ τὸ σάββατον, οὐκ ἔξεστι δ' ἡμῖν οὔτε τοῖς σαββάτοις οὔτ' ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ ὁδεύειν." "13.253 συμβαλὼν δ' ̓Αντίοχος ̓Αρσάκῃ τῷ Πάρθῳ πολλήν τε τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπέβαλεν καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπόλλυται, τὴν δὲ τῶν Σύρων βασιλείαν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ διαδέχεται Δημήτριος ̓Αρσάκου αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολύσαντος καθ' ὃν χρόνον ̓Αντίοχος εἰς τὴν Παρθυηνὴν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται." '13.254 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν ̓Αντιόχου θάνατον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν Συρίᾳ πόλεις ἐξεστράτευσεν οἰόμενος αὐτὰς εὑρήσειν, ὅπερ ἦν, ἐρήμους τῶν μαχίμων καὶ ῥύεσθαι δυναμένων. 13.255 Μήδαβαν μὲν οὖν πολλὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτῷ ταλαιπωρηθείσης ἕκτῳ μηνὶ εἷλεν, ἔπειτα καὶ Σαμόγαν καὶ τὰ πλησίον εὐθὺς αἱρεῖ Σίκιμά τε πρὸς τούτοις καὶ Γαριζεὶν τό τε Κουθαίων γένος, 13.256 ὃ περιοικεῖ τὸν εἰκασθέντα τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερῷ ναόν, ὃν ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐπέτρεψεν οἰκοδομῆσαι Σαναβαλλέτῃ τῷ στρατηγῷ διὰ τὸν γαμβρὸν Μανασσῆν τὸν ̓Ιαδδοῦς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφόν, ὡς πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν. συνέβη δὲ τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον ἔρημον γενέσθαι μετὰ ἔτη διακόσια. 13.257 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας αἱρεῖ πόλεις ̓́Αδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν, καὶ ἅπαντας τοὺς ̓Ιδουμαίους ὑπὸ χεῖρα ποιησάμενος ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, εἰ περιτέμνοιντο τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμοις χρήσασθαι θέλοιεν. 13.258 οἱ δὲ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου γῆς καὶ τὴν περιτομὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ βίου δίαιταν ὑπέμειναν τὴν αὐτὴν ̓Ιουδαίοις ποιήσασθαι. κἀκείνοις αὐτοῖς χρόνος ὑπῆρχεν ὥστε εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν ̓Ιουδαίους.' "13.259 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀνανεώσασθαι τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους φιλίαν βουλόμενος πέμπει πρὸς αὐτοὺς πρεσβείαν. καὶ ἡ σύγκλητος δεξαμένη τὰ παρ' αὐτοῦ γράμματα ποιεῖται πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ:" '13.261 οἳ καὶ διελέχθησαν περὶ φιλίας τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τούτοις καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων, ὅπως τε ̓Ιόππη καὶ λιμένες καὶ Γάζωρα καὶ πηγαὶ καὶ ὅσας πόλεις αὐτῶν ἄλλας καὶ χωρία πολεμῶν ἔλαβεν ̓Αντίοχος παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ταῦτα ἀποκατασταθῇ, 13.262 ἵνα τε τοῖς στρατιώταις τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μὴ ἐξῇ διὰ τῆς χώρας τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ὑπηκόων αὐτῶν διέρχεσθαι, καὶ ὅπως τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκεῖνον ψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ ̓Αντιόχου παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἄκυρα γένηται,' "13.263 ἵνα τε πρέσβεις πέμψαντες ἀποδοθῆναί τε αὐτοῖς ποιήσωσιν τὰ ὑπ' ̓Αντιόχου ἀφαιρεθέντα καὶ τὴν χώραν διατιμήσωνται τὴν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ διεφθαρμένην, ὅπως τε αὐτοῖς πρός τε βασιλεῖς καὶ δήμους ἐλευθέρους γράμματα δῶσιν εἰς ἀσφάλειαν τῆς εἰς οἶκον ἐπανόδου." '13.264 ἔδοξεν οὖν περὶ τούτων ταῦτα: ἀνανεώσασθαι φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ ὑπὸ δήμου πεμφθέντας ἀγαθοῦ καὶ φίλου. 13.265 περὶ μέντοι γραμμάτων ἀπεκρίναντο βουλεύσεσθαι, ὅταν ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ἡ σύγκλητος εὐσχολήσῃ, σπουδάσειν τε τοῦ λοιποῦ μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀδίκημα τοιοῦτο γενέσθαι, δοῦναί τε αὐτοῖς τὸν στρατηγὸν Φάννιον χρήματα ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου, ὅπως ἂν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανέλθοιεν. 13.266 Φάννιος μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀποπέμπει τοὺς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πρέσβεις χρήματά τε δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου καὶ δόγμα συγκλήτου πρὸς τοὺς διαπέμψοντας καὶ ἀσφαλῆ παρεξομένους τὴν οἴκαδε παρουσίαν.' "
13.271 μένων δὲ κατὰ χώραν ἔγνω παρασκευάζειν αὑτὸν πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον τὴν τἀδελφοῦ, ὃς Κυζικηνὸς μὲν ἐπεκλήθη διὰ τὸ τραφῆναι ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει, πατρὸς δ' ἦν ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπικληθέντος, ὃς ἐν Πάρθοις ἀπέθανεν: οὗτος δὲ ἀδελφὸς ἦν Δημητρίου τοῦ Γρυποῦ πατρός. συνέβη μέντοι μίαν τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς γῆμαι Κλεοπάτραν, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ἱστορήκαμεν." '13.272 ὁ δὲ Κυζικηνὸς ̓Αντίοχος παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Συρίαν πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν πολεμῶν διετέλει. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ πάντα ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐν εἰρήνῃ διῆγεν:' "13.273 καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς μετὰ τὴν ̓Αντιόχου τελευτὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀπέστη καὶ οὔτε ὡς ὑπήκοος οὔτε ὡς φίλος αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔτι παρεῖχεν, ἀλλ' ἦν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα ἐν ἐπιδόσει πολλῇ καὶ ἀκμῇ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Ζαβιναίου καιρούς, καὶ μάλιστ' ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς. ὁ γὰρ πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτοῖς πόλεμος σχολὴν ̔Υρκανῷ καρποῦσθαι τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπ' ἀδείας παρεῖχεν, ὡς ἄπειρόν τι χρημάτων πλῆθος συναγαγεῖν." "13.274 τοῦ μέντοι γε Κυζικηνοῦ τὴν γῆν κακοῦντος φανερῶς καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ προαίρεσιν ἐπεδείκνυτο, καὶ τῶν ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου συμμάχων ἔρημον ὁρῶν τὸν ̓Αντίοχον καὶ αὐτόν τε πράττοντα κακῶς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀγῶσιν, ἀμφοτέρων κατεφρόνησεν." "13.275 Καὶ στρατεύει μὲν ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν πόλιν ὀχυρωτάτην, περὶ ἧς, ὅτι καλεῖται νῦν Σεβαστὴ κτισθεῖσα ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου, κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν. προσβαλὼν δ' αὐτῇ φιλοπόνως ἐπολιόρκει μισοπονηρῶν τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ὑπὲρ ὧν Μαρισηνοὺς ἀποίκους ὄντας ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ συμμάχους ἠδίκησαν ὑπακούοντες τοῖς τῶν Σύρων βασιλεῦσιν." '13.276 περιβαλὼν οὖν τάφρον πανταχόθεν τῇ πόλει καὶ διπλοῦν τεῖχος ὡς ἀπὸ σταδίων ὀγδοήκοντα τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐφίστησιν ̓Αντίγονον καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον. ὧν ἐπικειμένων εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ὑπὸ λιμοῦ προαχθῆναι τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς συνέπεσεν, ὡς ἅψασθαι μὲν καὶ τῶν ἀήθων, ἐπικαλέσασθαι δὲ βοηθὸν ̓Αντίοχον τὸν Κυζικηνόν.' "13.277 ὃς ἑτοίμως ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀφικόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον ἡττᾶται, διωχθεὶς δ' ἄχρι Σκυθοπόλεως ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν διέφυγεν. οἱ δ' ἐπὶ τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς ὑποστρέψαντες συγκλείουσι πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ δεύτερον ἐπικαλέσασθαι σύμμαχον πέμψαντες τὸν αὐτὸν ̓Αντίοχον." '13.278 ὃς παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λαθούρου μεταπεμψάμενος ἄνδρας εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους, οὓς ἀκούσης τῆς μητρὸς ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν ἐκβεβληκυίας ἐξαπέστειλεν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπιὼν ἐπόρθει τὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ χώραν μετὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων λῃστρικῶς, μάχεσθαι μὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ πρόσωπον οὐ τολμῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀξιόχρεως ἡ δύναμις αὐτοῦ, νομίζων δὲ τῇ κακώσει τῆς γῆς ἀναγκάσειν ̔Υρκανὸν λῦσαι τὴν τῆς Σαμαρείας πολιορκίαν. 13.279 ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπώλλυεν ἐνέδραις περιπίπτων, ἀπῆρεν εἰς Τρίπολιν Καλλιμάνδρῳ καὶ ̓Επικράτει τὸν πρὸς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους πόλεμον ἐπιτρέψας.' "13.281 ̔Υρκανὸς μὲν οὖν τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας οὐκ ἠρκέσθη μόνῳ τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ἠφάνισεν ἐπίκλυστον τοῖς χειμάρροις ποιήσας: διασκάψας γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστ' εἰς χαράδρας μεταπεσεῖν τὰ σημεῖα τοῦ γενέσθαι ποτὲ πόλιν αὐτὴν ἀφείλετο." "13.282 παράδοξον δέ τι καὶ περὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ̔Υρκανοῦ λέγεται, τίνα τρόπον αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν: φασὶν γάρ, ὅτι κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, καθ' ἣν οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ τῷ Κυζικηνῷ συνέβαλον, αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ θυμιῶν μόνος ὢν ἀρχιερεὺς ἀκούσειε φωνῆς, ὡς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ νενικήκασιν ἀρτίως τὸν ̓Αντίοχον." '13.283 καὶ τοῦτο προελθὼν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ παντὶ τῷ πλήθει φανερὸν ἐποίησεν, καὶ συνέβη οὕτως γενέσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ ̔Υρκανὸν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. 13.284 Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἔτυχε τὸν καιρὸν μὴ μόνον τοὺς ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ ̓Ιουδαίους εὐπραγεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικοῦντας καὶ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Κύπρῳ: 13.285 Κλεοπάτρα γὰρ ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν στασιάζουσα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Λάθουρον ἐπιλεγόμενον κατέστησεν ἡγεμόνας Χελκίαν καὶ ̓Ανανίαν υἱοὺς ὄντας ̓Ονίου τοῦ οἰκοδομήσαντος τὸν ναὸν ἐν τῷ ̔Ηλιοπολίτῃ νομῷ πρὸς τὸν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν δεδηλώκαμεν. 13.286 παραδοῦσα δὲ τούτοις ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν στρατιὰν οὐδὲν δίχα τῆς τούτων γνώμης ἔπραττεν, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ καὶ Στράβων ἡμῖν ὁ Καππάδοξ λέγων οὕτως: 13.287 “οἱ γὰρ πλείους, οἵ τε συνελθόντες καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἐπιπεμπόμενοι παρὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας εἰς Κύπρον, μετεβάλοντο παραχρῆμα πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον: μόνοι δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ονίου γενόμενοι ̓Ιουδαῖοι συνέμενον διὰ τὸ τοὺς πολίτας αὐτῶν εὐδοκιμεῖν μάλιστα παρὰ τῇ βασιλίσσῃ Χελκίαν τε καὶ ̓Ανανίαν.” ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Στράβων φησίν.' "13.288 ̔Υρκανῷ δὲ φθόνον ἐκίνησεν παρὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἡ εὐπραγία, μάλιστα δ' οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κακῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶχον, αἵρεσις ὄντες μία τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω δεδηλώκαμεν. τοσαύτην δὲ ἔχουσι τὴν ἰσχὺν παρὰ τῷ πλήθει, ὡς καὶ κατὰ βασιλέως τι λέγοντες καὶ κατ' ἀρχιερέως εὐθὺς πιστεύεσθαι." "13.289 μαθητὴς δὲ αὐτῶν ἦν καὶ ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ σφόδρα ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἠγαπᾶτο. καὶ δὴ καλέσας αὐτοὺς ἐφ' ἑστίασιν καὶ φιλοφρόνως ὑποδεξάμενος, ἐπεὶ σφόδρα ἡδομένους ἑώρα, λέγειν ἤρξατο πρὸς αὐτούς, ὡς ἴσασιν μὲν αὐτὸν βουλόμενον εἶναι δίκαιον καὶ πάντα ποιοῦντα ἐξ ὧν ἀρέσειεν ἂν τῷ θεῷ καὶ αὐτοῖς:" "13.291 εἷς δέ τις τῶν κατακειμένων ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα, κακοήθης ὢν φύσει καὶ στάσει χαίρων “ἐπεί, φησίν, ἠξίωσας γνῶναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, θέλεις δὲ εἶναι δίκαιος, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπόθου, καὶ μόνον ἀρκείτω σοι τὸ ἄρχειν τοῦ λαοῦ.” τὴν δ' αἰτίαν αὐτοῦ πυθομένου," "13.292 δι' ἣν ἀποθοῖτο τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην “ὅτι, φησίν, ἀκούομεν παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αἰχμάλωτόν σου γεγονέναι τὴν μητέρα βασιλεύοντος ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ ̓Επιφανοῦς.” ψευδὴς λόγος ἦν: καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ̔Υρκανὸς παρωξύνθη καὶ πάντες δ' οἱ Φαρισαῖοι σφοδρῶς ἠγανάκτησαν." "13.293 Τῶν δ' ἐκ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων τῆς αἱρέσεως, οἳ τὴν ἐναντίαν τοῖς Φαρισαίοις προαίρεσιν ἔχουσιν, ̓Ιωνάθης τις ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ὢν ̔Υρκανῷ τῇ κοινῇ πάντων Φαρισαίων γνώμῃ ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον ἔλεγεν: καὶ τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι φανερὸν αὐτῷ πυθομένῳ παρ' ἐκείνων, τίνος ἄξιός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις κολάσεως." '13.294 τοῦ δὲ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοὺς Φαρισαίους ἐρομένου, τίνος αὐτὸν ἄξιον ἡγοῦνται τιμωρίας: πειραθήσεσθαι γὰρ οὐ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης γεγονέναι τὰς βλασφημίας τιμησαμένων αὐτὸν τῷ μέτρῳ τῆς δίκης, πληγῶν ἔφασαν καὶ δεσμῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει λοιδορίας ἕνεκα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ φύσει πρὸς τὰς κολάσεις ἐπιεικῶς ἔχουσιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι.' "13.295 πρὸς τοῦτο λίαν ἐχαλέπηνεν καὶ δοκοῦν ἐκείνοις ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐνόμισεν. μάλιστα δ' αὐτὸν ἐπιπαρώξυνεν ̓Ιωνάθης καὶ διέθηκεν οὕτως," "13.296 ὥστε τῇ Σαδδουκαίων ἐποίησεν προσθέσθαι μοίρᾳ τῶν Φαρισαίων ἀποστάντα καὶ τά τε ὑπ' αὐτῶν κατασταθέντα νόμιμα τῷ δήμῳ καταλῦσαι καὶ τοὺς φυλάττοντας αὐτὰ κολάσαι. μῖσος οὖν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἐγένετο." "13.297 περὶ μέντοι τούτων αὖθις ἐροῦμεν. νῦν δὲ δηλῶσαι βούλομαι, ὅτι νόμιμά τινα παρέδοσαν τῷ δήμῳ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἐκ πατέρων διαδοχῆς, ἅπερ οὐκ ἀναγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς Μωυσέως νόμοις, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ταῦτα τὸ Σαδδουκαίων γένος ἐκβάλλει, λέγον ἐκεῖνα δεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι νόμιμα τὰ γεγραμμένα, τὰ δ' ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων μὴ τηρεῖν." '13.298 καὶ περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινεν μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο καὶ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μου τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται.' "13.299 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ παύσας τὴν στάσιν καὶ μετ' αὐτὴν βιώσας εὐδαιμόνως καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν διοικησάμενος ἄριστον τρόπον ἔτεσιν ἑνὶ καὶ τριάκοντα τελευτᾷ καταλιπὼν υἱοὺς πέντε, τριῶν τῶν μεγίστων ἄξιος ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κριθείς, ἀρχῆς τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τιμῆς καὶ προφητείας:" 13.307 ̓Αριστόβουλος δὲ τούτοις ἄκων πειθόμενος καὶ τοῦ ἀνύποπτος εἶναι τἀδελφῷ προνοῶν καὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἅμα φροντίζων, διίστησι τοὺς σωματοφύλακας ἔν τινι τῶν ὑπογείων ἀφωτίστῳ, κατέκειτο δὲ ἐν τῇ βάρει μετονομασθείσῃ δὲ ̓Αντωνίᾳ, καὶ προσέταξεν ἀνόπλου μὲν ἅπτεσθαι μηδένα, κτείνειν δὲ τὸν ̓Αντίγονον, ἂν ὡπλισμένος πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰσίῃ.' "13.311 μάλιστα δ' ἄν τις θαυμάσειεν καὶ ̓Ιούδαν τινά, ̓Εσσηνὸν μὲν τὸ γένος, οὐδέποτε δ' ἐν οἷς προεῖπεν διαψευσάμενον τἀληθές: οὗτος γὰρ ἰδὼν τὸν ̓Αντίγονον παριόντα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεβόησεν ἐν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ καὶ γνωρίμοις, οἳ διδασκαλίας ἕνεκα τοῦ προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα παρέμενον," "13.312 ὡς ἀποθανεῖν αὐτῷ καλὸν διεψευσμένῳ ζῶντος ̓Αντιγόνου, ὃν σήμερον τεθνήξεσθαι προειπὼν ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ Στράτωνος πύργῳ περιόντα ὁρᾷ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν χωρίου περὶ σταδίους ἀπέχοντος νῦν ἑξακοσίους, ὅπου φονευθήσεσθαι προεῖπεν αὐτόν, τῆς δ' ἡμέρας ἤδη τὸ πλεῖστον ἠνυσμένον, ὥστ' αὐτῷ κινδυνεύειν τὸ μάντευμα ψεῦδος εἶναι." "13.313 ταῦτ' οὖν λέγοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κατηφοῦντος ἀγγέλλεται τεθνεὼς ̓Αντίγονος ἐν τῷ ὑπογείῳ, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, ὁμώνυμον τῇ παραλίῳ Καισαρείᾳ. τὸν μὲν οὖν μάντιν τοῦτο διετάραξεν." "
13.318 ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἐπαποθνήσκει τοῖς λόγοις βασιλεύσας ἐνιαυτόν, χρηματίσας μὲν Φιλέλλην, πολλὰ δ' εὐεργετήσας τὴν πατρίδα, πολεμήσας ̓Ιτουραίους καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ προσκτησάμενος ἀναγκάσας τε τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, εἰ βούλονται μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, περιτέμνεσθαι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμους ζῆν." "13.319 φύσει δ' ἐπιεικεῖ κέχρητο καὶ σφόδρα ἦν αἰδοῦς ἥττων, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτῳ καὶ Στράβων ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαγένους ὀνόματος λέγων οὕτως: “ἐπιεικής τε ἐγένετο οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις χρήσιμος: χώραν τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς προσεκτήσατο καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιτουραίων ἔθνους ᾠκειώσατο δεσμῷ συνάψας τῇ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομῇ.”" 13.322 στέργων μάλιστα τῶν παίδων ̔Υρκανὸς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ̓Αντίγονον καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον φανέντα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ἐπηρώτα, τίς αὐτοῦ τῶν παίδων μέλλει ἔσεσθαι διάδοχος. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τοὺς τούτου χαρακτῆρας δείξαντος, λυπηθεὶς ὅτι τῶν ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῦ πάντων οὗτος ἔσται κληρονόμος, γενόμενον εἴασεν ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ τρέφεσθαι. ὁ μέντοι θεὸς οὐ διεψεύσατο τὸν ̔Υρκανόν.
13.324 Καταστησάμενος δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὃν ᾤετο συμφέρειν αὐτῷ τρόπον στρατεύει ἐπὶ Πτολεμαί̈δα, τῇ δὲ μάχῃ κρατήσας ἐνέκλεισε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ περικαθίσας αὐτοὺς ἐπολιόρκει. τῶν γὰρ ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ Πτολεμαὶ̈ς αὐτῷ καὶ Γάζα μόναι χειρωθῆναι ὑπελείποντο, καὶ Ζώιλος δὲ ὁ κατασχὼν τὸν Στράτωνος πύργον τύραννος καὶ Δῶρα.
13.326 ἀλλὰ πονουμένοις τῇ πολιορκίᾳ Ζώιλος ὁ τὸν Στράτωνος πύργον κατεσχηκὼς παρῆν καὶ τὰ Δῶρα σύνταγμα τρέφων στρατιωτικὸν καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιχειρῶν διὰ τὴν τῶν βασιλέων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἅμιλλαν μικρὰ τοῖς Πτολεμαιεῦσι παρεβοήθει:
13.334 ̓Ελθόντων δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν Ζωίλου τε καὶ τῶν Γαζαίων καὶ δεομένων συμμαχεῖν αὐτοῖς πορθουμένης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ̓Αλεξάνδρου, λύει μὲν τὴν πολιορκίαν δείσας τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὁ ̓Αλέξανδρος, ἀπαγαγὼν δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐστρατήγει τὸ λοιπὸν λάθρα μὲν τὴν Κλεοπάτραν ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον μεταπεμπόμενος, φανερῶς δὲ φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποκρινόμενος.
13.374 ἔτρεφεν δὲ καὶ ξένους Πισίδας καὶ Κίλικας: Σύροις γὰρ πολέμιος ὢν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο. καταστρεψάμενος δὲ τῶν ̓Αράβων Μωαβίτας καὶ Γαλααδίτας εἰς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, κατερείπει καὶ ̓Αμαθοῦντα Θεοδώρου μὴ τολμῶντος αὐτῷ συμβαλεῖν.' "
13.376 καὶ πρὸς τὴν κακοπραγίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιθεμένου τοῦ ἔθνους πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸ ἔτεσιν ἓξ ἀναιρεῖ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οὐκ ἔλαττον πέντε μυριάδας. παρακαλοῦντος δὲ παῦσαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν δυσμένειαν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν αὐτὸν διὰ τὰ συμβεβηκότα. πυνθανομένου δ' αὐτοῦ τί βούλονται, πάντες γενέσθαι ἐβόησαν ἀποθανεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ πρὸς Δημήτριον τὸν ̓́Ακαιρον ἔπεμψαν παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν." "13.377 ̔Ο δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐλθὼν καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους περὶ Σίκιμα πόλιν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν. ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ μετὰ μισθοφόρων ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ διακοσίων ̓Ιουδαίων τε περὶ δισμυρίους οἳ ἐφρόνουν τὰ ἐκείνου παραλαβὼν ἀντεπῄει τῷ Δημητρίῳ: τούτῳ δ' ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ τέσσαρες μυριάδες." "13.378 πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἑκατέροις ἐπράχθη, τοῦ μὲν ἀποστῆσαι τοὺς μισθοφόρους ὡς ὄντας ̔́Ελληνας πειρωμένου, τοῦ δὲ τοὺς σὺν Δημητρίῳ ̓Ιουδαίους. μηδετέρου δὲ πεῖσαι δυνηθέντος, ἀλλ' εἰς μάχην συμβαλόντων, νικᾷ Δημήτριος, καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι μὲν οἱ ̓Αλεξάνδρου μισθοφόροι πάντες πίστεως ἅμα καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπίδειξιν ποιησάμενοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν Δημητρίου στρατιωτῶν." "
13.382 ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαγόντων καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ἀγαγόντων, ὥστε ἣν κατεστρέψατο γῆν ἐν Γαλααδίτιδι καὶ Μωαβίτιδι καὶ τὰ χωρία τῶν ̓Αράβων τῷ βασιλεῖ παραδοῦναι, ὅπως ἂν μὴ ξυνάρηται σφίσι τὸν κατ' αὐτοῦ πόλεμον, ἄλλα τε μυρία ἐς ὕβριν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπήρειαν πραξάντων." 13.395 Κατὰ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἤδη τῶν Σύρων καὶ ̓Ιδουμαίων καὶ Φοινίκων πόλεις εἶχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πρὸς θαλάσσῃ μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον ̓Απολλωνίαν ̓Ιόππην ̓Ιάμνειαν ̓́Αζωτον Γάζαν ̓Ανθηδόνα ̔Ράφειαν ̔Ρινοκόρουρα,
13.397 Μωαβίτιδας ̓Ησεβὼν Μήδαβα Λεμβὰ Ορωναιμαγελεθων Ζόαρα Κιλίκων αὐλῶνα Πέλλαν, ταύτην κατέσκαψεν ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἐς πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαι, ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς Συρίας ἦσαν κατεστραμμένοι.
13.408 ̔Η δὲ ἀρχιερέα μὲν ἀπεδείκνυεν ̔Υρκανὸν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, πολὺ μέντοι πλέον διὰ τὸ ἄπραγμον αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάντα τοῖς Φαρισαίοις ἐπέτρεπεν ποιεῖν, οἷς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευσεν πειθαρχεῖν καὶ εἴ τι δὲ καὶ τῶν νομίμων ̔Υρκανὸς ὁ πενθερὸς αὐτῆς κατέλυσεν ὧν εἰσήνεγκαν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κατὰ τὴν πατρῴαν παράδοσιν, τοῦτο πάλιν ἀποκατέστησεν.
14.9 Νικόλαος μέντοι φησὶν ὁ Δαμασκηνὸς τοῦτον εἶναι γένος ἐκ τῶν πρώτων ̓Ιουδαίων τῶν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφικομένων. ταῦτα δὲ λέγει χαριζόμενος ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκ τύχης τινὸς γενομένῳ, περὶ οὗ κατὰ καιρὸν δηλώσομεν.' "
14.9 καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Γαβίνιος κατέσκαψεν. τῆς δ' ̓Αλεξάνδρου μητρὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθούσης, ἣ ἐφρόνει τὰ ̔Ρωμαίων τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ ἐχομένων, συνεχώρησεν αὐτῇ ταῦτα ἅπερ ἠξίου, καὶ διοικησάμενος τὰ πρὸς αὐτὴν ̔Υρκανὸν κατήγαγεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα σχήσοντα τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπιμέλειαν." "14.11 Θαυμάσῃ δὲ μηδείς, εἰ τοσοῦτος ἦν πλοῦτος ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ ἱερῷ πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ σεβομένων τὸν θεὸν ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Ασίας καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς αὐτὸ συμφερόντων ἐκ πολλῶν πάνυ χρόνων. 14.11 τὴν οὖν ̓Αριστοβούλου δυναστείαν ὁ νεώτερος ̓Αντίπατρος ὑφορώμενος καὶ δεδιώς, μή τι πάθῃ διὰ τὸ πρὸς αὐτὸν μῖσος, ἐπισυνιστᾷ κατ' αὐτοῦ κρύφα διαλεγόμενος τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τοὺς δυναστεύοντας, ἄδικον εἶναι λέγων περιορᾶν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἀδίκως ἔχοντα τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ τὸν μὲν ἀδελφὸν ταύτης ἐκβεβληκότα πρεσβύτερον ὄντα, κατέχοντα δ' αὐτὴν οὖσαν ἐκείνου διὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον." 14.14 ̓Ελθὼν δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίγονος ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πρὸς Καίσαρα τήν τε τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπωδύρετο τύχην καὶ ὡς δι' αὐτὸν ἀποθάνοι φαρμάκοις ἀναιρεθεὶς ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ κτείναντος πελέκει Σκιπίωνος, ἐδεῖτό τε λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκβεβλημένου, ̔Υρκανοῦ δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατηγόρει βιαίως ἐξηγουμένων τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ εἰς αὐτὸν παρανομησάντων." "
14.14 ̓Επειδὴ τοίνυν ὁ ̓Αντίπατρος οὐ προσέχοντα ἑώρα τοῖς λόγοις τὸν ̔Υρκανόν, οὐ διέλιπεν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας πλαττόμενος καὶ διαβάλλων πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι θέλοντα, καὶ μόλις ἐγκείμενος πείθει πρὸς ̓Αρέταν αὐτῷ συμβουλεύσας φυγεῖν τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα: πεισθέντι γὰρ ἔσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς σύμμαχος ὑπισχνεῖτο.' "14.15 ἐπὶ ̓Αγαθοκλέους ἄρχοντος Εὐκλῆς Μενάνδρου ̓Αλιμούσιος ἐγραμμάτευε Μουνυχιῶνος ἑνδεκάτῃ τῆς πρυτανείας ἐκκλησίας ἀγομένης ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ τῶν προέδρων ἐπεψήφισεν Δωρόθεος ̓Ερχιεὺς καὶ οἱ συμπρόεδροι * τῷ δήμῳ, Διονύσιος Διονυσίου εἶπεν:' "14.15 ὁ δὲ ταῦτ' ἀκούων συμφέρειν ἦν ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αρέταν ἀποδρᾶναι, ἔστιν δὲ ὅμορος τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ ̓Αραβία, καὶ δὴ πέμπει πρῶτον ̔Υρκανὸς πρὸς τὸν τῶν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ληψόμενον πίστεις, ὡς οὐκ ἐκδώσει τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἱκέτην αὐτοῦ γενόμενον." '14.16 λαβὼν δὲ τὰς πίστεις ὁ ̓Αντίπατρος ὑπέστρεψε πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα, καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξελθὼν νύκτωρ καὶ πολλὴν ἀνύσας ὁδὸν ἧκεν ἄγων εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν, ὅπου τὰ βασίλεια ἦν τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ." '14.16 σφόδρα δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἠγάπησαν οἱ Σύροι: ποθοῦσι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ λῃστηρίου τὴν χώραν ἐκαθάρευσεν. ὕμνουν γοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατά τε κώμας καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ὡς εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς παρεσχηκότα καὶ ἀσφαλῆ τῶν κτημάτων ἀπόλαυσιν. ἐγένετο δὲ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Σέξστῳ Καίσαρι γνώριμος ὄντι συγγενεῖ τοῦ μεγάλου Καίσαρος καὶ διέποντι τὴν Συρίαν.' "14.17 Σέξστος μέντοι ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἡγεμὼν γράφει παρακαλῶν ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπολῦσαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἐκ τῆς δίκης καὶ προσαπειλῶν παρακούσαντι. τῷ δ' ἦν ἀφορμὴ τὸ παρὰ τοῦ Σέξστου γράμμα πρὸς τὸ μηδὲν ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου παθόντα ἀπολῦσαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην: ἠγάπα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὡς υἱόν." "14.17 μάλιστα δὲ ὢν φίλος τῷ βασιλεῖ κατάγειν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν παρεκάλει: καὶ τοῦθ' ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ποιῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀνιείς, ἀλλὰ καὶ δωρεὰς προϊέμενος, πείθει τὸν ̓Αρέταν." "14.18 Σέξστου δὲ ποιήσαντος ̔Ηρώδην στρατηγὸν κοίλης Συρίας, χρημάτων γὰρ αὐτῷ τοῦτο ἀπέδοτο, ̔Υρκανὸς ἦν ἐν φόβῳ, μὴ στρατεύσηται ̔Ηρώδης ἐπ' αὐτόν. οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ δέους ἐβράδυνεν, ἀλλ' ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ' αὐτὸν ̔Ηρώδης στρατιὰν ὀργιζόμενος τῆς δίκης αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ λόγον ὑποσχεῖν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ." '14.18 οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ὑπέσχετο αὐτῷ καταχθεὶς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν κομισάμενος ἀποδώσειν τήν τε χώραν καὶ τὰς δώδεκα πόλεις, ἃς ̓Αλέξανδρος ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τῶν ̓Αράβων ἀφείλετο. ἦσαν δ' αὗται Μήδαβα, Λιββα, Ναβαλώθ, ̓Αραβαθα, Γαλανθώνη, Ζωϊρα, ̓Ωρωναιδιγωβασιλισσαρυδδα, Αλουσα, Ωρυβδα." "14.19 Γάιος ̓Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον Σιδωνίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσθε εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, κἀγὼ δὲ ἔρρωμαι σὺν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ. 14.19 Τούτων αὐτῷ τῶν ὑποσχέσεων γενομένων ὁ ̓Αρέτας ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον μετὰ πέντε μυριάδων ἱππέων ἅμα καὶ πεζῆς στρατιᾶς, καὶ νικᾷ τῇ μάχῃ. πολλῶν δὲ μετὰ τὴν νίκην πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν αὐτομολησάντων μονωθεὶς ὁ ̓Αριστόβουλος ἔφυγεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. 14.21 δεδόσθαι δὲ ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ πρεσβευταῖς τοῖς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ πεμφθεῖσιν ἔν τε πυγμῇ μονομάχων καὶ θηρίων καθεζομένοις μετὰ τῶν συγκλητικῶν θεωρεῖν * αἰτησαμένους παρὰ δικτάτορος ἢ παρὰ ἱππάρχου παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον εἰσάγωσιν καὶ τὰ ἀποκρίματα αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδῶσιν ἐν ἡμέραις δέκα ταῖς ἁπάσαις, ἀφ' ἧς ἂν τὸ δόγμα γένηται." "14.21 ὁ μὲν οὖν ̓Αρέτας ἑξῆς βαλόμενος στρατόπεδα τῶν ̓Αράβων καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἰσχυρῶς ἐνέκειτο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ. τούτων δὲ γινομένων κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτῆς, ἣν πάσχα λέγομεν, οἱ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκλιπόντες τὴν χώραν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἔφυγον.' "14.22 ̓Ονίαν δέ τινα ὄνομα δίκαιον ὄντα καὶ θεοφιλῆ, ὃς ἀνομβρίας ποτὲ οὔσης ηὔξατο τῷ θεῷ λῦσαι τὸν αὐχμὸν καὶ γενόμενος ἐπήκοος ὁ θεὸς ὗσεν, κρύψαντα ἑαυτὸν διὰ τὸ τὴν στάσιν ὁρᾶν ἰσχυρὰν ἐπιμένουσαν, ἀναχθέντα εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἠξίουν, ὡς ἔπαυσε τὴν ἀνομβρίαν εὐξάμενος, ἵν' οὕτως ἀρὰς θῇ κατὰ ̓Αριστοβούλου καὶ τῶν συστασιαστῶν αὐτοῦ." '14.22 Σερουίνιος Παπίνιος Λεμωνία Κούιντος, Γάιος Κανείνιος Τηρητίνα ̔Ρέβιλος, Πόπλιος Τηδήτιος Λευκίου υἱὸς Πολλία, Λεύκιος ̓Απούλιος Λευκίου υἱὸς Σεργία, Φλάβιος Λευκίου Λεμωνία, Πόπλιος Πλαύτιος Ποπλίου Παπειρία, Μᾶρκος Σέλλιος Μάρκου Μαικία, Λεύκιος ̓Ερούκιος Λουκίου Στηλητίνα, Μᾶρκος Κούιντος Μάρκου υἱὸς Πολλία Πλανκῖνος, 14.23 Τίτος ̓́Αμπιος Τίτου υἱὸς Βάλβος πρεσβευτὴς καὶ ἀντιστράτηγος ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ̓Ιουδαίους τοὺς ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ Λεύκιος Λέντλος ὁ ὕπατος ἐμοῦ ἐντυχόντος ἀπέλυσεν τῆς στρατείας. αἰτησάμενος δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ παρὰ Φαννίου τοῦ ἀντιστρατήγου καὶ παρὰ Λευκίου ̓Αντωνίου τοῦ ἀντιταμίου ἐπέτυχον ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι φροντίσαι, ἵνα μή τις αὐτοῖς διενοχλῇ.' "14.23 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀντιλέγων καὶ παραιτούμενος ἐβιάσθη ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους, στὰς μέσος αὐτῶν εἶπεν: 14.24 ἐπὶ τούτων ὁ Λέντλος δόγμα ἐξέθετο: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους, οἵτινες ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ποιεῖν εἰώθασιν, ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα.' "14.24 “ὦ θεὲ βασιλεῦ τῶν ὅλων, ἐπεὶ οἱ μετ' ἐμοῦ συνεστῶτες σὸς δῆμός ἐστιν καὶ οἱ πολιορκούμενοι δὲ ἱερεῖς σοί, δέομαι μήτε κατὰ τούτων ἐκείνοις ὑπακοῦσαι μήτε κατ' ἐκείνων ἃ οὗτοι παρακαλοῦσιν εἰς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν.” καὶ τὸν μὲν ταῦτ' εὐξάμενον περιστάντες οἱ πονηροὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων κατέλευσαν." '14.25 ̔Ο δὲ θεὸς ταύτης αὐτοὺς παραχρῆμα ἐτιμωρήσατο τῆς ὠμότητος καὶ δίκην εἰσεπράξατο τοῦ ̓Ονίου φόνου τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ: πολιορκουμένων τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ ̓Αριστοβούλου συνέβη τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐπιστῆναι τὴν καλουμένην φάσκα, καθ' ἣν ἔθος ἐστὶν ἡμῖν πολλὰ θύειν τῷ θεῷ." '14.25 ἵνα τε μηδεὶς ἀτελὴς ᾖ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων χώρας ἢ τῶν λιμένων αὐτῶν ἐξάγων βασιλεὺς ἢ δῆμος ἢ μόνος Πτολεμαῖος ὁ ̓Αλεξανδρέων βασιλεὺς διὰ τὸ εἶναι σύμμαχος ἡμέτερος καὶ φίλος, καὶ τὴν ἐν ̓Ιόππῃ φρουρὰν ἐκβαλεῖν, καθὼς ἐδεήθησαν: 14.26 ἀποκαθισταμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ ̔Ρωμαίων ἵνα κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ἔθη συνάγωνται καὶ πολιτεύωνται καὶ διαδικάζωνται πρὸς αὑτούς, δοθῇ τε καὶ τόπος αὐτοῖς, εἰς ὃν συλλεγόμενοι μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων ἐπιτελοῦσιν τὰς πατρίους εὐχὰς καὶ θυσίας τῷ θεῷ:' "14.26 ἀποροῦντες δὲ θυμάτων οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἠξίωσαν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους παρασχεῖν χρήματα λαβόντας ἀντὶ τῶν θυμάτων ὅσα θέλουσιν. τῶν δέ, εἰ βούλονται λαβεῖν, χιλίας δραχμὰς ὑπὲρ ἑκάστης κεφαλῆς καταβαλεῖν κελευόντων, προθύμως ὅ τε ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς ὑπέστησαν καὶ διὰ τῶν τειχῶν καθιμήσαντες ἔδωκαν αὐτοῖς τὰ χρήματα. 14.27 κἀκεῖνοι λαβόντες οὐκ ἀπέδωκαν τὰ θύματα, ἀλλ' εἰς τοῦτο πονηρίας ἦλθον, ὥστε παραβῆναι τὰς πίστεις καὶ ἀσεβῆσαι τὸν θεὸν τὰ πρὸς τὰς θυσίας μὴ παρασχόντες τοῖς δεομένοις." "14.27 χρονιζομένου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου Μοῦρκος μὲν ἦλθεν ἐκ ̔Ρώμης εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν Σέξστου, Καῖσαρ δ' ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ κτείνεται κατασχὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἕξ. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται." '14.28 ̓͂Ην δὲ ἄρα φονέα περισώσας ̓Αντίπατρος αὐτοῦ τὸν Μάλιχον: Κάσσιος μὲν γὰρ καὶ Μοῦρκος στρατὸν ἀθροίζοντες τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἅπασαν ἐνεχείρισαν ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτὸν κοίλης Συρίας ἐποίησαν πλοῖα δόντες καὶ δύναμιν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικήν, ὑποσχόμενοί τε καὶ βασιλέα τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἀναδείξειν μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον: συνειστήκει γὰρ τότε πρός τε ̓Αντώνιον καὶ τὸν νέον Καίσαρα. 14.28 παρασπονδηθέντες δὲ οἱ ἱερεῖς ηὔξαντο τὸν θεὸν δίκην αὐτῶν εἰσπράξασθαι παρὰ τῶν ὁμοφύλων, ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἀνεβάλετο τὴν τιμωρίαν, ἀλλὰ πνεῦμα πολὺ καὶ βίαιον ἐπιπέμψας τὸν καρπὸν ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας διέφθειρεν, ὡς τὸν μόδιον τοῦ σίτου τότε αὐτοὺς ἐξωνεῖσθαι δραχμῶν ἕνδεκα.
14.36 οὓς δὴ καὶ τρεψάμενος καὶ κρατήσας οὐχ ὡς ἐν ἀπορίᾳ καὶ ἀνάγκῃ τις τοιαύτῃ καθεστώς, ἀλλ' ὡς κάλλιστα καὶ μετὰ πολλοῦ τοῦ περιόντος πρὸς πόλεμον παρεσκευασμένος, ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ χωρίῳ, ἐν ᾧ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκράτησε, μετὰ χρόνον βασιλεύσας ἔκτισε καὶ βασίλειον κατεσκεύασεν ἀξιολογώτατον καὶ πόλιν περὶ αὐτὸ ̔Ηρωδίαν προσαγορεύσας." "
14.36 τοῦτο μέντοι τὸ δῶρον ἱστορήκαμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀνακείμενον ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Καπετωλίου ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχον ̓Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων βασιλέως. ἐτιμήθη δὲ εἶναι πεντακοσίων ταλάντων” ̓Αριστόβουλον μὲν οὖν τοῦτο λέγεται πέμψαι τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων δυνάστην.' "14.37 ̔Ηρώδην δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν περιεστηκότων αὐτὸν κακῶν οὐ κατέπληττεν, ἀλλ' ἐποίει δεινὸν εὑρίσκειν ἐπιβολὰς ἔργων παραβόλων. πρὸς γὰρ Μάλιχον τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα πολλὰ πρόσθεν εὐεργετημένον ἀπῄει τὴν ἀμοιβὴν κομιούμενος, ὅτε μάλιστα ἐδεῖτο, χρήματα ληψόμενος εἴτε δάνειον εἴτε δωρεὰν ὡς ἂν πολλῶν παρ' αὐτοῦ τετυχηκότος." "14.37 Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἧκον πάλιν πρέσβεις πρὸς αὐτὸν ̓Αντίπατρος μὲν ὑπὲρ ̔Υρκανοῦ, Νικόδημος δὲ ὑπὲρ ̓Αριστοβούλου, ὃς δὴ καὶ κατηγόρει τῶν λαβόντων χρήματα Γαβινίου μὲν πρότερον Σκαύρου δὲ ὕστερον, τοῦ μὲν τριακόσια τοῦ δὲ τετρακόσια τάλαντα, πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τούτους ἐχθροὺς αὐτῷ κατασκευάζων." "
14.41 ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διήκουσεν καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων αὐτῶν, οἳ πρός τε ἀλλήλους διεφέροντο ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ τὸ ἔθνος πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τὸ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦν βασιλεύεσθαι: πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τοῦ τιμωμένου παρ' αὐτοῖς θεοῦ πειθαρχεῖν, ὄντας δὲ τούτους ἀπογόνους τῶν ἱερέων εἰς ἄλλην μετάγειν ἀρχὴν τὸ ἔθνος ζητῆσαι, ὅπως καὶ δοῦλον γένοιτο." 14.41 οὐ μὴν ̔Ηρώδης τούτων πραττομένων ἠρέμει, δέκα δὲ σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ὧν πέντε μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων, πέντε δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, καὶ μισθοφόρους μιγάδας πρὸς οἷς ὀλίγους τῶν ἱππέων ἐπὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα παραγίνεται, καὶ τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐκλελειμμένην καταλαβών, πεντακοσίους δὲ τὰ ἄκρα κατειληφότας σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ γενεαῖς, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσεν λαβών, ̔Ρωμαῖοι δὲ εἰσπεσόντες διήρπασαν τὴν πόλιν μεσταῖς ἐπιτυγχάνοντες παντοίων κειμηλίων ταῖς οἰκίαις.' "
14.72 παρῆλθεν γὰρ εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς ὁ Πομπήιος καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ὀλίγοι καὶ εἶδον ὅσα μὴ θεμιτὸν ἦν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἢ μόνοις τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν. ὄντων δὲ τραπέζης τε χρυσῆς καὶ λυχνίας ἱερᾶς καὶ σπονδείων καὶ πλήθους ἀρωμάτων, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς δύο χιλιάδας ταλάντων, οὐδενὸς ἥψατο δι' εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ κἀν τούτῳ ἀξίως ἔπραξεν τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν ἀρετῆς." 14.74 καὶ τὰ μὲν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ὑποτελῆ φόρου ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ ἔνοικοι πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ τῷ σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξεν καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων ὅρων συνέστειλεν. 14.75 καὶ Γάδαρα μὲν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν καταστραφεῖσαν ἀνέκτισεν Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος τῷ Γαδαρεῖ ἀπελευθέρῳ αὐτοῦ: τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σκυθόπολιν καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Δῖον καὶ Σαμάρειαν ἔτι τε Μάρισαν καὶ ̓́Αζωτον καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν ἀπέδωκεν.
14.87 Γαβίνιος μὲν οὖν μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐνταυθοῖ καταλιπών, ἕως ἂν ἐκπολιορκηθῇ τὸ χωρίον, αὐτὸς ἐπῄει τὴν ἄλλην ̓Ιουδαίαν, καὶ ὅσαις ἐπετύγχανεν καθῃρημέναις τῶν πόλεων κτίζειν παρεκελεύετο. 14.88 καὶ ἀνεκτίσθησαν Σαμάρεια καὶ ̓́Αζωτος καὶ Σκυθόπολις καὶ ̓Ανθηδὼν καὶ ̔Ράφεια καὶ ̓́Αδωρα Μάρισά τε καὶ Γάζα καὶ ἄλλαι οὐκ ὀλίγαι. τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων πειθομένων οἷς ὁ Γαβίνιος προσέταττεν βεβαίως οἰκηθῆναι τότε συνέβαινε τὰς πόλεις πολὺν χρόνον ἐρήμους γενομένας.' "
14.105 Κράσσος δὲ ἐπὶ Πάρθους μέλλων στρατεύειν ἧκεν εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χρήματα, ἃ Πομπήιος καταλελοίπει, δισχίλια δ' ἦν τάλαντα, βαστάσας οἷός τε ἦν καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν ἅπαντα, τάλαντα δ' οὗτος ἦν ὀκτακισχίλια, περιδύειν τοῦ ναοῦ." "14.106 λαμβάνει δὲ καὶ δοκὸν ὁλοσφύρητον χρυσῆν ἐκ μνῶν τριακοσίων πεποιημένην: ἡ δὲ μνᾶ παρ' ἡμῖν ἰσχύει λίτρας δύο ἥμισυ. παρέδωκε δ' αὐτῷ ταύτην τὴν δοκὸν ὁ τῶν χρημάτων φύλαξ ἱερεὺς ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα, οὐ διὰ πονηρίαν," '14.107 ἀγαθὸς γὰρ ἦν καὶ δίκαιος, ἀλλὰ πεπιστευμένος τὴν τῶν καταπετασμάτων τοῦ ναοῦ φυλακὴν ὄντων θαυμασίων τὸ κάλλος καὶ πολυτελῶν τὴν κατασκευὴν ἐκ δὲ τῆς δοκοῦ ταύτης κρεμαμένων, ἐπεὶ τὸν Κράσσον ἑώρα περὶ τὴν τοῦ χρυσίου γινόμενον συλλογήν, δείσας περὶ τῷ παντὶ κόσμῳ καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν δοκὸν αὐτῷ τὴν χρυσῆν λύτρον ἀντὶ πάντων ἔδωκεν,' "14.108 ὅρκους παρ' αὐτοῦ λαβὼν μηδὲν ἄλλο κινήσειν τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ, μόνῳ δὲ ἀρκεσθήσεσθαι τῷ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ δοθησομένῳ πολλῶν ὄντι μυριάδων ἀξίῳ. ἡ δὲ δοκὸς αὕτη ἦν ἐν ξυλίνῃ δοκῷ κενῇ, καὶ τοῦτο τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐλάνθανεν ἅπαντας, ὁ δὲ ̓Ελεάζαρος μόνος ἠπίστατο." '14.109 ὁ μέντοι Κράσσος καὶ ταύτην ὡς οὐδενὸς ἁψόμενος ἄλλου τῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ λαμβάνει, καὶ παραβὰς τοὺς ὅρκους ἅπαντα τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ χρυσὸν ἐξεφόρησεν.' "
14.113 καὶ τὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὀκτακόσια τάλαντα.” ἡμῖν δὲ δημόσια χρήματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἢ μόνα τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ δῆλον, ὅτι ταῦτα μετήνεγκαν εἰς Κῶ τὰ χρήματα οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ ̓Ιουδαῖοι διὰ τὸν Μιθριδάτου φόβον: οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ πόλιν τε ὀχυρὰν ἔχοντας καὶ τὸν ναὸν πέμπειν χρήματα εἰς Κῶ, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικοῦντας ̓Ιουδαίους πιθανὸν τοῦτ' ἐστὶ ποιῆσαι μηδὲν Μιθριδάτην δεδιότας." "14.124 ̓Αριστόβουλος δ' οὐκ ὤνατο τῶν ἐλπίδων, ἐφ' αἷς ἔτυχε τῆς παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίας, ἀλλ' αὐτὸν φθάσαντες οἱ τὰ Πομπηίου φρονοῦντες φαρμάκῳ διαφθείρουσιν, θάπτουσι δ' αὐτὸν οἱ τὰ Καίσαρος θεραπεύοντες πράγματα, καὶ ὁ νεκρὸς ἔκειτο ἐν μέλιτι κεκηδευμένος ἐπὶ χρόνον πολὺν ἕως ̓Αντώνιος αὐτὸν ὕστερον ἀποπέμψας εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐν ταῖς βασιλικαῖς θήκαις ἐποίησεν τεθῆναι." "
14.127 Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Πομπηίου θάνατον καὶ τὴν νίκην τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ Καίσαρι πολεμοῦντι κατ' Αἴγυπτον πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ̓Αντίπατρος ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπιμελητὴς ἐξ ἐντολῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ." '14.128 Μιθριδάτῃ τε γὰρ τῷ Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ Πηλουσίου ποιήσασθαι τὴν πορείαν, περὶ δὲ ̓Ασκάλωνα διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ̓Αντίπατρος ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων ὁπλίτας τρισχιλίους ἐξ ̓Αραβίας τε συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ἐν τέλει:' "14.129 καὶ δι' αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπαντες ἐπεκούρουν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος προθυμίας οὐ θέλοντες, ̓Ιάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Σοαίμου Λίβανον ὄρος οἰκῶν αἵ τε πόλεις σχεδὸν ἅπασαι." '14.131 καὶ τὸ μὲν Πηλούσιον οὕτως εἶχεν. τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπιόντας πρὸς Καίσαρα διεκώλυον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου χώραν λεγομένην κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ μάλιστα ἐπιδείξας αὐτοῖς τὰς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς φίλους εἶναι Καίσαρος παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ. 14.132 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἑώρων ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα συνθέλοντας ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ Μέμφιν ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην πρὸς ἑαυτούς: κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει.' "14.133 ̓Επεὶ δὲ τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα ἤδη περιεληλύθει, συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὸ καλούμενον ̓Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας Μιθριδάτης, τὸ δ' εὐώνυμον ̓Αντίπατρος." "14.134 συμπεσόντων δὲ εἰς μάχην κλίνεται τὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου κέρας καὶ παθεῖν ἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν τὰ δεινότατα, εἰ μὴ παρὰ τὴν ᾐόνα τοῦ ποταμοῦ σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις στρατιώταις ̓Αντίπατρος παραθέων νενικηκὼς ἤδη τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ῥύεται, προτρέπει δ' εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς νενικηκότας Αἰγυπτίους." "14.135 αἱρεῖ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπιμείνας τῇ διώξει, τόν τε Μιθριδάτην ἐκάλει πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ διασχόντα. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν περὶ τοῦτον ὀκτακόσιοι, τῶν δ' ̓Αντιπάτρου πεντήκοντα." '14.136 Μιθριδάτης δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστέλλει Καίσαρι τῆς τε νίκης αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιον τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ἀποφαίνων, ὥστε τὸν Καίσαρα τότε μὲν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτόν, κεχρῆσθαι δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὰ κινδυνωδέστατα τῷ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ δὴ καὶ τρωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας αὐτῷ. 14.137 Καταλύσας μέντοι Καῖσαρ μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς Συρίαν ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησεν μεγάλως, ̔Υρκανῷ μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ δοὺς καὶ ἀτέλειαν πανταχοῦ.
14.145 “Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος Λευκίου υἱὸς στρατηγὸς συνεβουλεύσατο τῇ συγκλήτῳ εἴδοις Δεκεμβρίαις ἐν τῷ τῆς ̔Ομονοίας ναῷ. γραφομένῳ τῷ δόγματι παρῆσαν Λούκιος Κωπώνιος Λευκίου υἱὸς Κολλίνα καὶ Παπείριος Κυρίνα.
14.146 περὶ ὧν ̓Αλέξανδρος ̓Ιάσονος καὶ Νουμήνιος ̓Αντιόχου καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος Δωροθέου ̓Ιουδαίων πρεσβευταί, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ σύμμαχοι διελέχθησαν ἀνανεούμενοι τὰς προϋπηργμένας πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους χάριτας καὶ τὴν φιλίαν,' "
14.147 καὶ ἀσπίδα χρυσῆν σύμβολον τῆς συμμαχίας γενομένην ἀνήνεγκαν ἀπὸ χρυσῶν μυριάδων πέντε, καὶ γράμματ' αὐτοῖς ἠξίωσαν δοθῆναι πρός τε τὰς αὐτονομουμένας πόλεις καὶ πρὸς βασιλεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς λιμένας ἀδείας τυγχάνειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι," "
14.148 ἔδοξεν συνθέσθαι φιλίαν καὶ χάριτας πρὸς αὐτούς, καὶ ὅσων ἐδεήθησαν τυχεῖν ταῦτ' αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὴν κομισθεῖσαν ἀσπίδα προσδέξασθαι.” ταῦτα ἐγένετο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου ἔτους ἐνάτου μηνὸς Πανέμου." "14.191 τῆς γενομένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν υἱὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην ̓Ιουδαίων πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν' ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαϊστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο ἀνατεθῆναι." '14.192 ἔστιν δὴ τοῦτο: ̓Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ συμβουλίου γνώμης ἐπέκρινα. ἐπεὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ̓Αλεξάνδρου ̓Ιουδαῖος καὶ νῦν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἔν τε εἰρήνῃ καὶ πολέμῳ πίστιν τε καὶ σπουδὴν περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα πράγματα ἐπεδείξατο, ὡς αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μεμαρτυρήκασιν αὐτοκράτορες,' "14.193 καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔγγιστα ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ πολέμῳ μετὰ χιλίων πεντακοσίων στρατιωτῶν ἧκεν σύμμαχος καὶ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ πάντας ἀνδρείᾳ τοὺς ἐν τάξει ὑπερέβαλεν," "14.194 διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἐθνάρχας ̓Ιουδαίων εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ' ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι," "14.195 ὅσα τε κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους ἐστὶν ἀρχιερατικὰ φιλάνθρωπα, ταῦτα κελεύω κατέχειν αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ: ἄν τε μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς. παραχειμασίαν δὲ ἢ χρήματα πράσσεσθαι οὐ δοκιμάζω." '14.196 Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος αὐτοκράτορος ὑπάτου δεδομένα συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν οὕτως ἔχοντα. ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζωνται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων.' "
14.205 ὅσα τε μετὰ ταῦτα ἔσχον ἢ ἐπρίαντο καὶ διακατέσχον καὶ ἐνεμήθησαν, ταῦτα πάντα αὐτοὺς ἔχειν. ̓Ιόππην τε πόλιν, ἣν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ἔσχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ποιούμενοι τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους φιλίαν αὐτῶν εἶναι, καθὼς καὶ τὸ πρῶτον, ἡμῖν ἀρέσκει," 14.213 ̓Ιούλιος Γάιος ὑιοσο στρατηγὸς ὕπατος ̔Ρωμαίων Παριανῶν ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐνέτυχόν μοι οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ἐν Δήλῳ καί τινες τῶν παροίκων ̓Ιουδαίων παρόντων καὶ τῶν ὑμετέρων πρέσβεων καὶ ἐνεφάνισαν, ὡς ὑμεῖς ψηφίσματι κωλύετε αὐτοὺς τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσι καὶ ἱεροῖς χρῆσθαι.' "14.214 ἐμοὶ τοίνυν οὐκ ἀρέσκει κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι ψηφίσματα καὶ κωλύεσθαι αὐτοὺς ζῆν κατὰ τὰ αὐτῶν ἔθη καὶ χρήματα εἰς σύνδειπνα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ εἰσφέρειν, τοῦτο ποιεῖν αὐτῶν μηδ' ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ κεκωλυμένων." '14.215 καὶ γὰρ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὁ ἡμέτερος στρατηγὸς καὶ ὕπατος ἐν τῷ διατάγματι κωλύων θιάσους συνάγεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν μόνους τούτους οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν οὔτε χρήματα συνεισφέρειν οὔτε σύνδειπνα ποιεῖν. 14.216 ὁμοίως δὲ κἀγὼ τοὺς ἄλλους θιάσους κωλύων τούτοις μόνοις ἐπιτρέπω κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα συνάγεσθαί τε καὶ ἑστιᾶσθαι. καὶ ὑμᾶς οὖν καλῶς ἔχει, εἴ τι κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων ψήφισμα ἐποιήσατε, τοῦτο ἀκυρῶσαι διὰ τὴν περὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτῶν ἀρετὴν καὶ εὔνοιαν.
14.223 ̓́Επεμψεν δὲ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ̓Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν: 14.224 οὗ τυχεῖν αὐτῷ ῥᾳδίως ἐγένετο: λαβὼν γὰρ ὁ Δολοβέλλας τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ̔Υρκανοῦ γράμματα, μηδὲ βουλευσάμενος ἐπιστέλλει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἅπασιν γράψας τῇ ̓Εφεσίων πόλει πρωτευούσῃ τῆς ̓Ασίας περὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων. ἡ δὲ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦτον περιεῖχεν τὸν τρόπον: 14.225 ̓Επὶ πρυτάνεως ̓Αρτέμωνος μηνὸς Ληναιῶνος προτέρᾳ. Δολοβέλλας αὐτοκράτωρ ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. 14.226 ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν. 14.227 ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίοις συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις.' "
14.241 Λαοδικέων ἄρχοντες Γαί̈ῳ ̔Ραβελλίῳ Γαί̈ου υἱῷ ὑπάτῳ χαίρειν. Σώπατρος ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως πρεσβευτὴς ἀπέδωκεν ἡμῖν τὴν παρὰ σοῦ ἐπιστολήν, δι' ἧς ἐδήλου ἡμῖν παρὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέως ἐληλυθότας τινὰς γράμματα κομίσαι περὶ τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτῶν γεγραμμένα," '14.242 ἵνα τά τε σάββατα αὐτοῖς ἐξῇ ἄγειν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἱερὰ ἐπιτελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ὅπως τε μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάσσῃ διὰ τὸ φίλους αὐτοὺς ἡμετέρους εἶναι καὶ συμμάχους, ἀδικήσῃ τε μηδὲ εἷς αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἐπαρχίᾳ, ὡς Τραλλιανῶν τε ἀντειπόντων κατὰ πρόσωπον μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν δεδογμένοις ἐπέταξας ταῦτα οὕτως γίνεσθαι: παρακεκλῆσθαι δέ σε, ὥστε καὶ ἡμῖν γράψαι περὶ αὐτῶν. 14.243 ἡμεῖς οὖν κατακολουθοῦντες τοῖς ἐπεσταλμένοις ὑπὸ σοῦ τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν τὴν ἀποδοθεῖσαν ἐδεξάμεθα καὶ κατεχωρίσαμεν εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν γράμματα καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν ἐπέσταλκας προνοήσομεν, ὥστε μηδὲν μεμφθῆναι.
14.246 βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι διακούσας ἐγὼ λόγων ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως γενομένων ἐπέκρινα μὴ κωλύεσθαι ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι.
14.248 πέμψαντος πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἔθνους τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως αὐτῶν πρέσβεις Στράτωνα Θεοδότου ̓Απολλώνιον ̓Αλεξάνδρου Αἰνείαν ̓Αντιπάτρου ̓Αριστόβουλον ̓Αμύντου Σωσίπατρον Φιλίππου ἄνδρας καλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθούς,' "14.249 καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρη ἐμφανισάντων ἐδογμάτισεν ἡ σύγκλητος περὶ ὧν ἐποιήσαντο τοὺς λόγους, ὅπως μηδὲν ἀδικῇ ̓Αντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αντιόχου υἱὸς ̓Ιουδαίους συμμάχους ̔Ρωμαίων, ὅπως τε φρούρια καὶ λιμένας καὶ χώραν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀφείλετο αὐτῶν ἀποδοθῇ καὶ ἐξῇ αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν λιμένων μηδ' ἐξαγαγεῖν," "
14.268 Συνέβη δ' ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ταραχθῆναι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης: Βάσσος Καικίλιος εἷς τῶν τὰ Πομπηίου φρονούντων ἐπιβουλὴν συνθεὶς ἐπὶ Σέξστον Καίσαρα κτείνει μὲν ἐκεῖνον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ στράτευμα αὐτοῦ παραλαβὼν ἐκράτει τῶν πραγμάτων, πόλεμός τε μέγας περὶ τὴν ̓Απάμειαν συνέστη τῶν Καίσαρος στρατηγῶν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἐλθόντων μετά τε ἱππέων καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως." "
14.271 Τοῦ δ' ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρος θανάτῳ πολέμου συνερρωγότος καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει πάντων ἐπὶ στρατιᾶς συλλογὴν ἄλλου ἄλλῃ διεσπαρμένων, ἀφικνεῖται Κάσσιος εἰς Συρίαν παραληψόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν ̓Απάμειαν στρατόπεδα:" '14.272 καὶ λύσας τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀμφοτέρους προσάγεται τόν τε Βάσσον καὶ τὸν Μοῦρκον τάς τε πόλεις ἐπερχόμενος ὅπλα τε καὶ στρατιώτας συνήθροιζεν καὶ φόρους αὐταῖς μεγάλους ἐπετίθει: μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐκάκωσεν ἑπτακόσια τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πραττόμενος.' "14.273 ̓Αντίπατρος δ' ὁρῶν ἐν μεγάλῳ φόβῳ καὶ ταραχῇ τὰ πράγματα μερίζει τὴν τῶν χρημάτων εἴσπραξιν καὶ ἑκατέρῳ τῶν υἱῶν συνάγειν δίδωσιν τὰ μὲν Μαλίχῳ κακοήθως πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένῳ, τὰ δὲ ἄλλοις προσέταξεν εἰσπράττεσθαι." "14.274 καὶ πρῶτος ̔Ηρώδης ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας εἰσπραξάμενος ὅσα ἦν αὐτῷ προστεταγμένα φίλος ἦν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα Κασσίῳ: σῶφρον γὰρ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ̔Ρωμαίους ἤδη θεραπεύειν καὶ τὴν παρ' αὐτῶν κατασκευάζειν εὔνοιαν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων πόνων." "14.275 ἐπιπράσκοντο δ' αὔτανδροι οἱ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἐπιμεληταί, καὶ τέσσαρας πόλεις ἐξηνδραπόδισε τότε Κάσσιος, ὧν ἦσαν αἱ δυνατώταται Γόφνα τε καὶ ̓Αμμαοῦς, πρὸς ταύταις δὲ Λύδδα καὶ Θάμνα." "14.276 ἐπεξῆλθε δ' ἂν ὑπ' ὀργῆς Κάσσιος ὥστε καὶ Μάλιχον ἀνελεῖν, ὥρμητο γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ ̔Υρκανὸς δι' ̓Αντιπάτρου ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων αὐτῷ πέμψας ἐπέσχε τῆς ὁρμῆς." 14.279 καὶ συνέβησαν Μούρκου κατὰ Συρίαν στρατηγοῦντος, ὃς αἰσθόμενος νεωτεροποιοῦντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν τὸν Μάλιχον ἦλθε μὲν ὡς παρὰ μικρὸν αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν, ̓Αντιπάτρου δὲ παρακαλέσαντος περιέσωσεν.
14.289 ὡς δὲ Λαοδίκειαν ᾑρηκότος Κασσίου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπῄεσαν κοινῇ στεφάνους τε αὐτῷ καὶ χρήματα κομίζοντες, ̔Ηρώδης μὲν προσεδόκα δώσειν τὸν Μάλιχον τιμωρίαν ἐκεῖ γενόμενον,' "
14.295 ̔Ηρώδης δὲ παρὰ Φάβιον ἐπορεύετο ἐν Δαμασκῷ στρατηγοῦντα, καὶ βουλόμενος προσδραμεῖν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπὸ νόσου κωλύεται, ἕως οὗ Φασάηλος δι' αὐτοῦ κρείττων ̓́Ελικος γενόμενος κατακλείει μὲν αὐτὸν εἰς πύργον, εἶτα δὲ ὑπόσπονδον ἀφίησιν, τόν τε ̔Υρκανὸν ἐμέμφετο πολλὰ μὲν εὖ παθόντα ὑπ' αὐτῶν συμπράττοντα δὲ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς." '14.296 ὁ γὰρ ἀδελφὸς Μαλίχου τότε ἀποστήσας οὐκ ὀλίγα χωρία ἐφρούρει καὶ Μάσαδαν τὸ πάντων ἐρυμνότατον. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦτον ῥαί̈σας ̔Ηρώδης ἐκ τῆς νόσου παραγίνεται καὶ ἀφελόμενος αὐτοῦ πάντα ὅσα εἶχεν χωρία ὑπόσπονδον ἀπέλυσεν.' "14.297 ̓Αντίγονον δὲ τὸν ̓Αριστοβούλου στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντα καὶ Φάβιον τεθεραπευκότα χρήμασιν κατῆγεν Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Μενναίου διὰ τὸ κήδευμα. συνεμάχει δ' αὐτῷ καὶ Μαρίων, ὃν Τυρίων καταλελοίπει τύραννον Κάσσιος: τυραννίσι γὰρ διαλαβὼν τὴν Συρίαν οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐφρούρησεν."
14.302 παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ ἐν τέλει κατηγοροῦντες τῶν περὶ Φασάηλον καὶ ̔Ηρώδην, πρόσχημα μὲν εἶναι λέγοντες τῆς βασιλείας ̔Υρκανόν, τούτους δὲ τὴν πᾶσαν ἔχειν ἐξουσίαν.

14.307 Λυσίμαχος Παυσανίου καὶ ̓Ιώσηπος Μενναίου καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευταὶ ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ μοι συντυχόντες τήν τε ἔμπροσθεν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ τελεσθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς πρεσβείαν ἀνενεώσαντο καὶ τὴν νῦν ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους σπουδαίως διέθεντο, ἣν ἔχεις εὔνοιαν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐμφανίσαντες.' "

14.366 φοβούμενος δὲ τὸν ̔Υρκανόν, μὴ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποκαταστήσῃ, παραστάς, ἐτηρεῖτο δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν Πάρθων, ἐπιτέμνει αὐτοῦ τὰ ὦτα πραγματευόμενος μηκέτ' αὖθις εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διὰ τὸ λελωβῆσθαι, τοῦ νόμου τῶν ὁλοκλήρων εἶναι τὴν τιμὴν ἀξιοῦντος." 14.385 τῆς δὲ βουλῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις παρωξυμμένης παρελθὼν ̓Αντώνιος ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὸν κατὰ Πάρθων πόλεμον ̔Ηρώδην βασιλεύειν συμφέρει. καὶ δόξαν τοῦτο πᾶσι ψηφίζονται.' "14.491 ἀλλ' οὗτοι μὲν διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσιν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπέβαλον, μετέβη δ' εἰς ̔Ηρώδην τὸν ̓Αντιπάτρου οἰκίας ὄντα δημοτικῆς καὶ γένους ἰδιωτικοῦ καὶ ὑπακούοντος τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος τῆς ̓Ασσαμωναίων γενεᾶς παρειλήφαμεν." "
15.3 ἀντέγραψεν οὖν ὡς, εἰ μόνον ἐξέλθοι τῆς χώρας τὸ μειράκιον, ἅπαντα πολέμου καὶ ταραχῆς ἀναπλησθήσεται ̓Ιουδαίων ἐλπισάντων μεταβολὴν καὶ νεωτερισμὸν ἐπ' ἄλλῳ βασιλεῖ." "
15.3 ἐτιμῶντο δὲ μάλιστα παρ' αὐτῷ Πολλίων ὁ Φαρισαῖος καὶ Σαμαίας ὁ τούτου μαθητής: πολιορκουμένων γὰρ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων οὗτοι συνεβούλευον τοῖς πολίταις δέξασθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, ἀνθ' ὧν καὶ τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ἀπελάμβανον." "
15.3 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ αὐχμοὶ διηνεκεῖς ἐγένοντο, καὶ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἄκαρπος ἡ γῆ μηδ' ὅσα κατ' αὐτὴν ἀναβλαστάνειν, ἔπειτα καὶ τῆς διαίτης κατὰ τὴν ἔνδειαν τῶν σιτίων ἐξαλλαττομένης νόσοι τῶν σωμάτων καὶ πάθος ἤδη λοιμικὸν ἐκράτει, διηνεκῶς ἀντεφοδιαζομένων αὐτοῖς τῶν κακῶν." "

15.37 νῦν τε νενικημένη ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις δέχεσθαι μὲν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν τὴν τιμήν, ἔσεσθαι δὲ πρὸς πᾶν ὑπήκοος, παραιτεῖσθαι δὲ κἂν εἴ τι διὰ γένος καὶ τὴν οὖσαν αὐτῇ παρρησίαν προπετέστερον ὑπ' ἀναξιοπαθείας δράσειεν." "

15.37 συνέπειθεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Πολλίωνα τὸν Φαρισαῖον καὶ Σαμαίαν καὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις συνδιατριβόντων τοὺς πλείστους ὀμνύειν: οἱ δ' οὔτε συνεχώρησαν οὔθ' ὁμοίως τοῖς ἀρνησαμένοις ἐκολάσθησαν ἐντροπῆς διὰ τὸν Πολλίωνα τυχόντες." "
15.185 Μαριάμμην δὲ τὴν αὐτοῦ γυναῖκα, δυνατὸν γὰρ οὐκ ἦν ἐν διαφορᾷ τῇ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἐκείνου δίαιταν τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχειν, ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείῳ σὺν ̓Αλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ μητρὶ κατεστήσατο ̓Ιώσηπον τὸν ταμιαίαν καὶ τὸν ̓Ιτουραῖον Σόαιμον ἐπ' αὐτῶν καταλιπών, πιστοτάτους μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς γενομένους αὐτῷ, τότε δὲ προφάσει τιμῆς φρουρεῖν ἀπολειφθέντας τὰς γυναῖκας." "

15.367 ἤδη δέ φασιν οὐδ' αὐτὸν ἀμελεῖν τοῦ τοιούτου μέρους, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἰδιώτου σχῆμα λαμβάνοντα καταμίγνυσθαι νύκτωρ εἰς τοὺς ὄχλους, καὶ πεῖραν αὐτῶν, ἣν ἔχουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς, λαμβάνειν." 16.162 “Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας λέγει. ἐπειδὴ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων εὐχάριστον εὑρέθη οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ προγεγενημένῳ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐμοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τὸν ̔Ρωμαίων ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτῶν ̔Υρκανός, 16.163 ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον, καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου, τά τε ἱερὰ * εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν ̔Ιεροσολύμων, ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης.' "
18.15 καὶ δι' αὐτὰ τοῖς τε δήμοις πιθανώτατοι τυγχάνουσιν καὶ ὁπόσα θεῖα εὐχῶν τε ἔχεται καὶ ἱερῶν ποιήσεως ἐξηγήσει τῇ ἐκείνων τυγχάνουσιν πρασσόμενα. εἰς τοσόνδε ἀρετῆς αὐτοῖς αἱ πόλεις ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐπιτηδεύσει τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσι κρείσσονος ἔν τε τῇ διαίτῃ τοῦ βίου καὶ λόγοις." "
18.15 οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖόν γε ̔Ηρώδης ἐνέμεινε τοῖς δεδογμένοις, καίτοι γε οὐδ' ὣς ἀρκοῦντα ἦν: ἐν γὰρ Τύρῳ παρὰ συνουσίαν ὑπὸ οἴνου γενομένων αὐτοῖς λοιδοριῶν, ἀνεκτὸν οὐχ ἡγησάμενος ̓Αγρίππας τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου τε ἐπονειδίσαντος εἰς ἀπορίαν καὶ τροφῆς ἀναγκαίας μετάδοσιν, ὡς Φλάκκον τὸν ὑπατικὸν εἴσεισιν φίλον ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης τὰ μάλιστα αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρότερον: Συρίαν δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε διεῖπεν." "
20.34 Καθ' ὃν δὲ χρόνον ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ἐν τῷ Σπασίνου χάρακι διέτριβεν ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἔμπορος ̓Ανανίας ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιὼν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐδίδασκεν αὐτὰς τὸν θεὸν σέβειν, ὡς ̓Ιουδαίοις πάτριον ἦν," "20.35 καὶ δὴ δι' αὐτῶν εἰς γνῶσιν ἀφικόμενος τῷ ̓Ιζάτῃ κἀκεῖνον ὁμοίως συνανέπεισεν μετακληθέντι τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν συνεξῆλθεν κατὰ πολλὴν ὑπακούσας δέησιν: συνεβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὴν ̔Ελένην ὁμοίως ὑφ' ἑτέρου τινὸς ̓Ιουδαίου διδαχθεῖσαν εἰς τοὺς ἐκείνων μετακεκομίσθαι νόμους." 20.38 Πυθόμενος δὲ πάνυ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθεσιν χαίρειν τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἔσπευσε καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνα μεταθέσθαι, νομίζων τε μὴ ἂν εἶναι βεβαίως ̓Ιουδαῖος, εἰ μὴ περιτέμνοιτο, πράττειν ἦν ἕτοιμος.' "20.39 μαθοῦσα δ' ἡ μήτηρ κωλύειν ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπιφέρειν αὐτῷ κίνδυνον λέγουσα: βασιλέα γὰρ εἶναι, καὶ καταστήσειν εἰς πολλὴν δυσμένειαν τοὺς ὑπηκόους μαθόντας, ὅτι ξένων ἐπιθυμήσειεν καὶ ἀλλοτρίων αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν, οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαί τε βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν ̓Ιουδαίου." "20.41 δεδοικέναι γὰρ ἔλεγεν, μὴ τοῦ πράγματος ἐκδήλου πᾶσιν γενομένου κινδυνεύσειε τιμωρίαν ὑποσχεῖν ὡς αὐτὸς αἴτιος τούτων καὶ διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀπρεπῶν ἔργων γενόμενος, δυνάμενον δ' αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ χωρὶς τῆς περιτομῆς τὸ θεῖον σέβειν, εἴγε πάντως κέκρικε ζηλοῦν τὰ πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων: τοῦτ' εἶναι κυριώτερον τοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι:" "20.42 συγγνώμην δ' ἕξειν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θεὸν φήσαντος μὴ πράξαντι τὸ ἔργον δι' ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων φόβον, ἐπείσθη μὲν τότε τοῖς λόγοις ὁ βασιλεύς." '20.43 μετὰ ταῦτα δέ, τὴν γὰρ ἐπιθυμίαν οὐκ ἐξεβεβλήκει παντάπασιν, ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἕτερος ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀφικόμενος ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα πάνυ περὶ τὰ πάτρια δοκῶν ἀκριβὴς εἶναι προετρέψατο πρᾶξαι τοὖργον.' "20.44 ἐπεὶ γὰρ εἰσῆλθεν ἀσπασόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ κατέλαβε τὸν Μωυσέος νόμον ἀναγινώσκοντα, “λανθάνεις, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ μέγιστα τοὺς νόμους καὶ δι' αὐτῶν τὸν θεὸν ἀδικῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἀναγινώσκειν σε δεῖ μόνον αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον τὰ προστασσόμενα ποιεῖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν." "20.45 μέχρι τίνος ἀπερίτμητος μενεῖς; ἀλλ' εἰ μήπω τὸν περὶ τούτου νόμον ἀνέγνως, ἵν' εἰδῇς τίς ἐστιν ἡ ἀσέβεια, νῦν ἀνάγνωθι.”" "20.46 ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐχ ὑπερεβάλετο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μεταστὰς δ' εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα καὶ τὸν ἰατρὸν εἰσκαλεσάμενος τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐτέλει καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν διδάσκαλον ̓Ανανίαν ἐσήμαινεν αὐτὸν πεπραχέναι τοὖργον." "20.47 τοὺς δ' ἔκπληξις εὐθὺς ἔλαβεν καὶ φόβος οὔτι μέτριος, μὴ τῆς πράξεως εἰς ἔλεγχον ἐλθούσης κινδυνεύσειεν μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλεῖν οὐκ ἀνασχομένων τῶν ὑπηκόων ἄρχειν αὐτῶν ἄνδρα τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις ζηλωτὴν ἐθῶν, κινδυνεύσειαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς αἰτίας ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἐνεχθείσης." "20.48 θεὸς δ' ἦν ὁ κωλύσων ἄρα τοὺς ἐκείνων φόβους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τέλος: πολλοῖς γὰρ αὐτόν τε τὸν ̓Ιζάτην περιπεσόντα κινδύνοις καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐκείνου διέσωσεν ἐξ ἀμηχάνων πόρον εἰς σωτηρίαν παρασχών, ἐπιδεικνὺς ὅτι τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπουσιν καὶ μόνῳ πεπιστευκόσιν ὁ καρπὸς οὐκ ἀπόλλυται ὁ τῆς εὐσεβείας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν." 20.53 πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης τὰ περὶ τὸν λιμὸν ἔπεμψε πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ πέπρακται μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσομεν.
20.179 Κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας δίδωσιν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ισμαήλῳ: Φαβεῖ παῖς οὗτος ἦν.' "20.181 τοσαύτη δὲ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς κατέλαβεν ἀναίδεια καὶ τόλμα, ὥστε καὶ πέμπειν δούλους ἐτόλμων ἐπὶ τὰς ἅλωνας τοὺς ληψομένους τὰς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὀφειλομένας δεκάτας, καὶ συνέβαινεν τοὺς ἀπορουμένους τῶν ἱερέων ὑπ' ἐνδείας τελευτᾶν. οὕτως ἐκράτει τοῦ δικαίου παντὸς ἡ τῶν στασιαζόντων βία." "
20.206 εἶχεν δ' οἰκέτας πάνυ μοχθηρούς, οἳ συναναστρεφόμενοι τοῖς θρασυτάτοις ἐπὶ τὰς ἅλωνας πορευόμενοι τὰς τῶν ἱερέων δεκάτας ἐλάμβανον βιαζόμενοι καὶ τοὺς μὴ διδόντας οὐκ ἀπείχοντο τύπτειν," '20.207 οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς ὅμοια τοῖς ἐκείνου δούλοις ἔπρασσον μηδενὸς κωλύειν δυναμένου. καὶ τῶν ἱερέων τοὺς πάλαι ταῖς δεκάταις τρεφομένους τότε συνέβαινε θνήσκειν τροφῆς ἀπορίᾳ.
20.219 ̓́Ηδη δὲ τότε καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτετέλεστο. βλέπων οὖν ὁ δῆμος ἀργήσαντας τοὺς τεχνίτας ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους ὄντας καὶ μισθοφορίας ἐνδεεῖς ἐσομένους διὰ τὸ τὴν τροφὴν ἐκ τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐργασίας πορίζεσθαι,' "20.221 ἦν δὲ ἡ στοὰ τοῦ μὲν ἔξωθεν ἱεροῦ, κειμένη δ' ἐν φάραγγι βαθείᾳ τετρακοσίων πηχῶν τοὺς τοίχους ἔχουσα ἐκ λίθου τετραγώνου κατεσκεύαστο καὶ λευκοῦ πάνυ, τὸ μὲν μῆκος ἑκάστου λίθου πήχεις εἴκοσι, τὸ δὲ ὕψος ἕξ, ἔργον Σολόμωνος τοῦ βασιλέως πρώτου δειμαμένου τὸ σύμπαν ἱερόν." "
20.244 ἔτει δὲ τρίτῳ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ πρὸς μησὶν τοῖς ἴσοις Πομπήιος ἐλθὼν καὶ τὴν τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν αὐτὸν μὲν εἰς ̔Ρώμην μετὰ τῶν τέκνων δήσας ἔπεμψεν, τῷ δ' ̔Υρκανῷ πάλιν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀποδοὺς τὴν μὲν τοῦ ἔθνους προστασίαν ἐπέτρεψεν, διάδημα δὲ φορεῖν ἐκώλυσεν." ' None		sup>
3.215 For as to those stones, which we told you before, the high priest bare on his shoulders, which were sardonyxes, (and I think it needless to describe their nature, they being known to every body,) the one of them shined out when God was present at their sacrifices; I mean that which was in the nature of a button on his right shoulder, bright rays darting out thence, and being seen even by those that were most remote; which splendor yet was not before natural to the stone. 3.216 This has appeared a wonderful thing to such as have not so far indulged themselves in philosophy, as to despise Divine revelation. Yet will I mention what is still more wonderful than this: for God declared beforehand, by those twelve stones which the high priest bare on his breast, and which were inserted into his breastplate, when they should be victorious in battle; 3.217 for so great a splendor shone forth from them before the army began to march, that all the people were sensible of God’s being present for their assistance. Whence it came to pass that those Greeks, who had a veneration for our laws, because they could not possibly contradict this, called that breastplate the Oracle. 3.218 Now this breastplate, and this sardonyx, left off shining two hundred years before I composed this book, God having been displeased at the transgressions of his laws. of which things we shall further discourse on a fitter opportunity; but I will now go on with my proposed narration.
11.203 He also sent angari, as they are called, or messengers, unto every nation, and gave orders that they should keep a feast for his marriage, while he himself treated the Persians and the Medes, and the principal men of the nations, for a whole month, on account of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther came to his royal palace, and he set a diadem on her head. And thus was Esther married, without making known to the king what nation she was derived from.
11.302 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king of Persia, into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. 11.303 This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him. 11.304 1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste, 11.305 and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius’s army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere. 11.306 2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; 11.307 for they esteemed this man’s marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of strange wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners, 11.308 although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, 11.309 the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. 11.311 and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years. 11.312 But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law. 11.313 3. About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutets in the battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia. 11.314 So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. 11.315 Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude. 11.316 But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia. 11.317 So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. 11.318 But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; 11.319 and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. 11.321 4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius. 11.322 So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him; 11.323 that it would be for the king’s advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. 11.324 Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter’s children should have that dignity; 11.325 but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; 11.326 and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; 11.327 whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 11.328 Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. 11.329 5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple.
11.331 for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. 11.332 The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. 11.333 However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; 11.334 for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 11.335 whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” 11.336 And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. 11.337 And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; 11.338 whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. 11.339 And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars.
11.341 for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. 11.342 Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to their temple also; 11.343 to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did not sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; 11.344 and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, “It was to the Jews,” said he, “that I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper.” And in this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites; 11.345 but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them to guard that country. 11.346 7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, 11.347 he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time.
12.271 “If,” said he, “any one be zealous for the laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him follow me.” And when he had said this, he made haste into the desert with his sons, and left all his substance in the village.
13.54 I give them leave also to use the laws of their forefathers, and to observe them; and I will that they have power over the three toparchies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the power of the high priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any other temple for worship but only that at Jerusalem.
13.74 4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. 13.75 They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters, and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem; 13.76 and they took an oath by God and the king to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said. 13.77 Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem; for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. 13.78 Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. 13.79 By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses, and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.
13.213 7. But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the very first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to them no longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute they obtained after a hundred and seventy years of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the dominion over Syria. 13.214 Now the affection of the multitude towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts one with another, and in their public records, they wrote, “in the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;” for under him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that were round about them; 1
3.215 for Simon overthrew the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any more a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought it their best way, and most for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it. 13.216 And indeed, when he had called the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind what miseries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters, and what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel. 13.217 This speech induced the multitude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to do nothing but what was for their own good: so they all set themselves to the work, and leveled the mountain, and in that work spent both day and night without any intermission, which cost them three whole years before it was removed, and brought to an entire level with the plain of the rest of the city. After which the temple was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel, as well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished. And these actions were thus performed under Simon. 13.218 1. Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus, the son of Alexander, who was also called The God, and this when he had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he died under the hands of the surgeons. 13.231 for Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the place, so much favor did he show to those that were dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal about it was cooled. 13.232 However, his mother spread out her hands, and begged of him that he would not grow remiss on her account, but indulge his indignation so much the more, and that he would do his utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy under his power, and then to avenge upon him what he had done to those that were dearest to himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to them. 13.233 Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the fortress immediately; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, and he could not but sympathize with what his mother suffered, and was thereby overcome. 13.234 And as the siege was drawn out into length by this means, that year on which the Jews used to rest came on; for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day; 13.235 o that Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war, he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother; and when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant of the city Philadelphia. 13.236 2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon had brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years’ of his reign, and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second olympiad. 13.237 And when he had burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he encompassed round with seven encampments; but did just nothing at the first, because of the strength of the walls, and because of the valor of the besieged, although they were once in want of water, which yet they were delivered from by a large shower of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleiades. 13.238 However, about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers of three stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them; 13.239 and as he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inhabitants within it as within a wall; but the besieged contrived to make frequent sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon their guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of mischief; and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city with ease. 13.241 However, Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away, who therefore wandering about between the walls, and consuming away by famine, died miserably; but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and received them in again. 13.242 And when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce for seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to this piety towards God, and made that truce accordingly. And besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. 13.243 So those that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those that brought them, and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean while feasting his army, which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from their forefathers; for which reason our nation made war with him, and would never be reconciled to him; 13.244 but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion. 13.245 3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and when he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the nation, by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable, and did not regard what they said. 13.246 But being persuaded that all they did was out of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged would deliver up their arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which bordered upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his, on these terms he would make war against them no longer. 13.247 But the Jews, although they were content with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison, because they could not associate with other people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him hostages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostages immediately, which king Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus’s brother. But still he broke down the fortifications that encompassed the city. 13.248 And upon these conditions Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed. 13.249 4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity,
13.251 “When Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the general of the Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire of Lyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a festival derived to them from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did not allow them to travel.” 13.252 And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so; for that festival, which we call Pentecost, did then fall out to be the next day to the Sabbath. Nor is it lawful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day, or on a festival day. 13.253 But when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces, the king of Parthin, he lost a great part of his army, and was himself slain; and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthin, as we have formerly related elsewhere. 13.254 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. 13.255 However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, 13.256 who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. 13.257 Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; 13.258 and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. 13.259 2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league of friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an embassage to them; and when the senate had received their epistle, they made a league of friendship with them, after the manner following: 13.261 had somewhat to propose about that league of friendship and mutual assistance which subsisted between them and the Romans, and about other public affairs, who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs of Jordan, and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might be restored to them; 13.262 and that it might not be lawful for the king’s troops to pass through their country, and the countries of those that are subject to them; and that what attempts Antiochus had made during that war, without the decree of the senate, might be made void; 13.263 and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made them of what Antiochus had taken from them, and that they should make an estimate of the country that had been laid waste in the war; and that they would grant them letters of protection to the kings and free people, in order to their quiet return home. 13.264 It was therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew their league of friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, and who were sent by a good and a friendly people.” 13.265 But as to the letters desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult about that matter when their own affairs would give them leave; and that they would endeavor, for the time to come, that no like injury should be done to them; and that their praetor Fanius should give them money out of the public treasury to bear their expenses home. 13.266 And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree of the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take care that they should return home in safety.
13.271 o he staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare himself for the attack he expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter, who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus; for it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married to two who were brethren, as we have related elsewhere. 13.272 But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace; 13.273 for after the death of Antlochus, he revolted from the Macedonians, nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either as their subject or their friend; but his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing condition in the times of Alexander Zebina, and especially under these brethren, for the war which they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly, insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money. 13.274 However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land, he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother were in an ill condition in the struggles they had one with another, he despised them both. 13.275 2. So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very strong city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall speak at a proper time; but he made his attack against it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the injuries they had done to the people of Merissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate with them, and this in compliance to the kings of Syria. 13.276 When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus and Arisrobulna over the siege; which brought the Samaritans to that great distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them, 13.277 who came readily to their assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria, and shut them again within the wall, till they were forced to send for the same Antiochus a second time to help them, 13.278 who procured about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother’s consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With these Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to fight with him, as not having an army sufficient for that purpose, but only from this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria; 13.279 but because he fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates. 13.281 And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till after a year’s siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. 13.282 Now a very surprising thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came to discourse with him; for they say that on the very same day on which his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high priest, offering incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus. 13.283 And this he openly declared before all the multitude upon his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly proved true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus. 13.284 4. Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus; 13.285 for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Aias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere related. 13.286 Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army, and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus, 13.287 “Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias’s party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Aias were in chief favor with the queen.” These are the words of Strabo. 13.288 5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently believed. 13.289 Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also. 13.291 a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices. This man said, “Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the people,” 13.292 And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, “We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. “ This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him. 13.293 6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus’s, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved? 13.294 for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. 13.295 At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far, 13.296 that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: 13.297 but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 13.298 And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs. 13.299 7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after that lived happily, and administered the government in the best manner for thirty-one years, and then died, leaving behind him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of the three privileges,—the government of his nation, the dignity of the high priesthood, and prophecy;
13.307 2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but took care both that his brother should not suspect him, and that he himself might not run the hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his guards to lie in a certain place that was under ground, and dark; (he himself then lying sick in the tower which was called Antonia;) and he commanded them, that in case Antigonus came in to him unarmed, they should not touch any body, but if armed, they should kill him; 13.311 But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come? 13.312 “That it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had foretold that he should die at the place called Strato’s Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great part of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet.” 13.313 As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato’s Tower, or of the same name with that Caesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet into a great disorder.
13.318 He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. 13.319 He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: “This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.”
13.322 when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God’s representing to him the countece of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus;
13.324 2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner that he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato’s Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus.
13.326 but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato’s Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais;
13.334 4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him;
13.374 He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus durst not fight with him;
13.376 where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them. 13.377 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. 13.378 Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also.
13.382 nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him.
13.395 4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura;
13.397 in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.
13.408 2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder, but much more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, according to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated.
14.9 It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter.
14.9 which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander’s mother, who was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; 14.11 2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times. 14.11 But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth.
14.14 4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father’s fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater’s means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself.
14.14 4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist himand go with him. 14.15 When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies. 14.15 when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Meder of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellowpresidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. 14.16 So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was; 14.16 for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria. 14.17 However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. 14.17 and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. 14.18 But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; 14.18 Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba. 14.19 1. After these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; 14.19 2. “Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well. 14.21 It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the senate is made about their affairs.” 14.21 So Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into Egypt. 14.22 Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man he was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought, so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his faction. 14.22 There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. 14.23 And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them, and said, 14.23 of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutet and vice-praetor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance.” 14.24 In the presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under.” 14.24 “O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those.” Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death. 14.25 2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; 14.25 and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected. 14.26 and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 14.26 but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. 14.27 And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus’s government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere. 14.27 But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. 14.28 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar: 14.28 And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.
14.36 However, we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, ‘The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.’ It was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews, sent it.”
14.36 whom he also put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace, and a city round about it, and called it Herodium. 14.37 1. As for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage him, but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings; for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired he would let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as his free gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him; 14.37 2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus,—the one three hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies, besides those he had before.
14.41 However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things.
14.41 and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and they complained, that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them.
14.72 for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue.
14.74 and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.75 Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants:
14.87 So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order to take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met with that had been demolished; 14.88 at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according to Gabinius’s command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.
14.105 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. 14.106 He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, 14.107 for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, 14.108 but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand shekels. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; 14.109 yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple.
14.113 Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates. 14.124 But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power that was given him by Caesar; for those of Pompey’s party prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar’s party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher.
14.127 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128 for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129 and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131 But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132 and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.133 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; 14.134 and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. 14.135 He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s fifty. 14.136 So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements. 14.137 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where;
14.145 “Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe,
14.146 concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before.
14.147 They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury.
14.148 It therefore pleased the senate to make a league of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus.” 14.191 I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192 It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 14.193 and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194 for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195 I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured;
14.205 and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did;
14.213 8. “Julius Caius, praetor consul of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. 14.214 Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215 for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216 Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.”
14.223 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224 And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226 Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227 I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.”
14.241 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, 14.242 wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.243 We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.”
14.246 I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.”
14.248 and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, 14.249 and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens;
14.268 1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen;
14.271 2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the army that lay in the camp at Apamia; 14.272 and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: 14.273 but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. 14.274 And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; 14.275 whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. 14.276 Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him.
14.279 and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him.
14.289 Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there;
14.295 but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother’s assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies; 14.296 for Malichus’s brother had made many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also. 14.297 1. Now Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cassius was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant.

14.302 The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power:

14.307 Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us.

14.366 but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the high priesthood should never come to him any more, because he was maimed, while the law required that this dignity should belong to none but such as had all their members entire.
14.385 Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly. 14.491 but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.
15.3 But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited.
15.3 He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have another king over them.
15.3 for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another;

15.37 He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio.

15.37 that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter.
15.185 But as to Mariamne his wife, because of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and his sister’s mother, which made it impossible for them to live together, he placed her at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress. These two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now left as a guard to the women.

15.367 nay, it is reported that he did not himself neglect this part of caution, but that he would oftentimes himself take the habit of a private man, and mix among the multitude, in the night time, and make trial what opinion they had of his government:
16.162 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, 16.163 it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour.
18.15 Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.
18.15 on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.
20.34 3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Aias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. 20.35 He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them.
20.38 4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. 20.39 But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. 20.41 and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. 20.42 He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias. 20.43 But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; 20.44 for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, “Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, by omitting to be circumcised; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. 20.45 How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.” 20.46 When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Aias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; 20.47 upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. 20.48 But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter.
20.53 And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter.
20.179 8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. 20.181 And such was the impudence and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice.
20.206 he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them. 20.207 So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that some of the priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food.
20.219 7. And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple; 20.221 These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits in length, and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built the entire temple.
20.244 But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of the nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem.' ' None
10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.50, 1.59, 1.61, 1.68-1.69, 1.76, 1.78-1.80, 1.86-1.87, 1.89, 1.107-1.129, 1.131-1.149, 1.151-1.158, 1.166, 1.168, 1.174, 1.179-1.180, 1.183-1.186, 1.199-1.200, 1.218-1.222, 1.225, 1.231, 1.236-1.240, 1.282 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alexander (son of Aristobulus II), and Hyrcanus • Alexandra, daughter of Hyrcanus II • Azotos (Ashdod), conquered by John Hyrcanus • Hyrcanus (Tobiad), death of • Hyrcanus I • Hyrcanus I (John Hyrcanus) • Hyrcanus I, and money stolen from Davids tomb • Hyrcanus II • Hyrcanus II, • Hyrcanus II, and Alexander • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. confirmed by C. as high priest and ethnarch • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. not made king by C. • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. supporting C. against Pompeians • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, attempting to reconfirm grants by C. • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, concessions of C. to • Hyrcanus II, and Cassius • Hyrcanus II, as high priest • Hyrcanus II, asking for exemption from military service • Hyrcanus II, civil war of, with Aristobulus • Hyrcanus II, embassy of, to Antony in Ephesus • Hyrcanus II, entrusted with collection and payment of tribute to Rome • Hyrcanus II, supporting Caesar in Egypt • Hyrcanus II, tribute imposed on • Hyrcanus II, under Pompey • Hyrcanus, John • Jerusalem, granted to Hyrcanus and Jews • John Hyrcanus • John Hyrcanus I • John Hyrcanus II • John Hyrcanus, • John Hyrcanus, conquests of • John Hyrcanus, destroys pagan cults • Joppa, granted to Hyrcanus and Jews • Josephus, citing letters, from Antony to Hyrcanus about embassy • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar confirming Hyrcanus as high priest and ethnarch • Malichos, at Hyrcanus’ court • Mount Gerizim, destroyed by John Hyrcanus • Samaria (region), conquest of by John Hyrcanus • senatus consulta, on embassy of Hyrcanus I

 Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 125, 127, 132, 138, 280, 294; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 187, 202; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 129; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 119, 120, 123, 124, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 142; Edwards (2023), In the Court of the Gentiles: Narrative, Exemplarity, and Scriptural Adaptation in the Court-Tales of Flavius Josephus, 107; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 132, 172; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 60, 64, 86, 87, 89, 103, 162, 163, 167, 198, 207; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 309; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 38, 61, 92, 93; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 24, 25, 29, 34, 35, 37, 43, 56, 59, 68, 69, 81, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 128, 130, 135; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 111, 169, 171

sup>
1.59 Ταῦτ' ἔλεγον αἱ βασανιζόμεναι, καὶ ὅτι Φερώρας βουλεύσαιτο φυγεῖν μετ' αὐτῶν εἰς Πέτραν. ἐπίστευσεν δ' ̔Ηρώδης πᾶσιν τοῖς λεγομένοις ἐκ τῶν ἑκατὸν ταλάντων: μόνῳ γὰρ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ διείλεκτο περὶ αὐτῶν. ἀποσκήπτει δ' εἰς πρώτην ὁ θυμὸς Δωρίδα τὴν ̓Αντιπάτρου μητέρα: καὶ γυμνώσας αὐτὴν παντὸς οὗ δεδώρητο κόσμου, πολλῶν δ' ἦν ταλάντων, ἐκβάλλει δεύτερον." "
1.59 ὁ δὲ ̓Ιωάννης ὁπότε μὲν ἐνθυμηθείη τὸ παράστημα τῆς μητρὸς καὶ κατακούσειε τῆς ἱκεσίας, ὥρμητο προσβάλλειν, ἐπειδὰν δὲ κατίδοι τυπτομένην τε καὶ σπαραττομένην, ἐθηλύνετο καὶ τοῦ πάθους ὅλος ἦν.' "
1.61 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ κατ' ὀργὴν ὧν ὑπὸ Σίμωνος ἔπαθεν, στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν προσκαθεζόμενος τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις. ὁ δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς δὴ πλουσιώτατος βασιλέων ἐγένετο, καὶ ὑφελόμενος ὑπὲρ τρισχίλια τάλαντα χρημάτων τόν τε ̓Αντίοχον ἀνίστησι τῆς πολιορκίας πείσας τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις καὶ δὴ καὶ ξενοτροφεῖν πρῶτος ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκ τῆς περιουσίας ἤρξατο." "
1.61 τότε δ' ἐν Κιλικίᾳ λαβὼν ἣν προειρήκαμεν παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιστολὴν παραχρῆμα μὲν ἔσπευδεν, ὡς δὲ εἰς Κελένδεριν κατέπλει, λαμβάνει τις αὐτὸν ἔννοια τῶν περὶ τὴν μητέρα κακῶν προμαντευομένης ἤδη καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὴν τῆς ψυχῆς." "
1.68 τὸ λοιπὸν δ' ἐπιβιοὺς ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ ̓Ιωάννης καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν κάλλιστα διοικήσας ἐν τρισὶν ὅλοις καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτεσιν ἐπὶ πέντε υἱοῖς τελευτᾷ, μακαριστὸς ὄντως καὶ κατὰ μηδὲν ἐάσας ἐφ' ἑαυτῷ μεμφθῆναι τὴν τύχην. τρία γοῦν τὰ κρατιστεύοντα μόνος εἶχεν, τήν τε ἀρχὴν τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην καὶ προφητείαν:" "1.69 ὡμίλει γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ δαιμόνιον ὡς μηδὲν τῶν μελλόντων ἀγνοεῖν, ὅς γε καὶ περὶ δύο τῶν πρεσβυτέρων υἱῶν ὅτι μὴ διαμενοῦσι κύριοι τῶν πραγμάτων προεῖδέν τε καὶ προεφήτευσεν: ὧν τὴν καταστροφὴν ἄξιον ἀφηγήσασθαι, παρ' ὅσον τῆς πατρῴας εὐδαιμονίας ἀπέκλιναν." "
1.76 πρὸς τοῦτο πάνυ πανούργως ἡ βασίλισσα συντάσσεται μετὰ τῶν ἐπιβούλων: τοὺς γὰρ πεμφθέντας πείθουσιν τὰ μὲν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως σιωπῆσαι, λέγειν δὲ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αντίγονον ὡς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἀκούσας ὅπλα τε αὐτῷ παρεσκευακέναι κάλλιστα καὶ πολεμικὸν κόσμον ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ διὰ μὲν τὴν ἀσθένειαν αὐτὸς ἐπιδεῖν ἕκαστα κωλυθείη, νῦν δ' ἐπεὶ καὶ χωρίζεσθαι μέλλοις, θεάσαιτ' ἂν ἥδιστά σε ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις." "
1.78 Θαυμάσαι δ' ἄν τις ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ̓Ιούδαν, ̓Εσσαῖος ἦν γένος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε πταίσας ἢ ψευσθεὶς ἐν τοῖς προαπαγγέλμασιν, ὃς ἐπειδὴ καὶ τότε τὸν ̓Αντίγονον ἐθεάσατο παριόντα διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνέκραγεν, ἦσαν δ' οὐκ ὀλίγοι παρεδρεύοντες αὐτῷ τῶν μανθανόντων," "1.79 “παπαί, νῦν ἐμοὶ καλόν, ἔφη, τὸ θανεῖν, ὅτε μου προτέθνηκεν ἡ ἀλήθεια καί τι τῶν ὑπ' ἐμοῦ προρρηθέντων διέψευσται: ζῇ γὰρ ̓Αντίγονος οὑτοσὶ σήμερον ὀφείλων ἀνῃρῆσθαι. χωρίον δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς σφαγὴν Στράτωνος πύργος εἵμαρτο: καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀπὸ ἑξακοσίων ἐντεῦθεν σταδίων ἐστίν, ὧραι δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἤδη τέσσαρες:" "
1.86 Γίνεται δ' αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Λάθουρον ἐπικληθέντα Πτολεμαῖον συμβολὴ πόλιν ̓Ασωχὶν ᾑρηκότα, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν τῶν πολεμίων, ἡ δὲ νίκη πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἔρρεψεν. ἐπεὶ δ' ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Κλεοπάτρας διωχθεὶς εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀνεχώρησεν, ̓Αλέξανδρος Γαδάρων τε πολιορκίᾳ κρατεῖ καὶ ̓Αμαθοῦντος, ὃ δὴ μέγιστον μὲν ἦν ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ ̓Ιορδάνην, τὰ τιμιώτατα δὲ τῶν Θεοδώρου τοῦ Ζήνωνος κτημάτων ἦν ἐν αὐτῷ." "1.87 ἐπελθὼν δ' ἐξαίφνης ὁ Θεόδωρος τά τε σφέτερα καὶ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποσκευὴν αἱρεῖ, τῶν δ' ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς μυρίους κτείνει. γίνεται δ' ἐπάνω τῆς πληγῆς ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ τραπόμενος εἰς τὴν παράλιον αἱρεῖ Γάζαν τε καὶ ̔Ράφειαν καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα τὴν αὖθις ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ̓Αγριππιάδα ἐπικληθεῖσαν." 1.89 κτείνας δὲ τῶν ἐπαναστάντων ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους ̓Αραβίας ἥπτετο καὶ ταύτης ἑλὼν Γαλααδίτας καὶ Μωαβίτας φόρον τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξας ἀνέστρεψεν ἐπὶ ̓Αμαθοῦν. Θεοδώρου δὲ πρὸς τὰς εὐπραγίας αὐτὸν καταπλαγέντος ἔρημον λαβὼν τὸ φρούριον κατέσκαψεν.' "
1.107 Καταλείπει δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ̓Αλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ γυναικὶ πεπεισμένος ταύτῃ μάλιστ' ἂν ὑπακοῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους, ἐπειδὴ τῆς ὠμότητος αὐτοῦ μακρὰν ἀποδέουσα καὶ ταῖς παρανομίαις ἀνθισταμένη τὸν δῆμον εἰς εὔνοιαν προσηγάγετο." '1.108 καὶ οὐ διήμαρτεν τῆς ἐλπίδος: ἐκράτησεν γὰρ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ γύναιον διὰ δόξαν εὐσεβείας: ἠκρίβου γὰρ δὴ μάλιστα τοῦ νόμου τὰ πάτρια καὶ τοὺς πλημμελοῦντας εἰς τοὺς ἱεροὺς νόμους ἐξ ἀρχῆς προεβάλλετο.' "1.109 δύο δ' αὐτῇ παίδων ὄντων ἐξ ̓Αλεξάνδρου τὸν μὲν πρεσβύτερον ̔Υρκανὸν διά τε τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἄλλως ὄντα νωθέστερον ἢ ὥστε ἐνοχλεῖν περὶ τῶν ὅλων, τὸν δὲ νεώτερον ̓Αριστόβουλον διὰ θερμότητα κατεῖχεν ἰδιώτην." "1.111 τούτοις περισσὸν δή τι προσεῖχεν ἡ ̓Αλεξάνδρα σεσοβημένη περὶ τὸ θεῖον. οἱ δὲ τὴν ἁπλότητα τῆς ἀνθρώπου κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπιόντες ἤδη καὶ διοικηταὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐγίνοντο διώκειν τε καὶ κατάγειν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν, λύειν τε καὶ δεσμεῖν. καθόλου δὲ αἱ μὲν ἀπολαύσεις τῶν βασιλείων ἐκείνων ἦσαν, τὰ δ' ἀναλώματα καὶ αἱ δυσχέρειαι τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρας." "1.112 δεινὴ δ' ἦν τὰ μείζω διοικεῖν, δύναμίν τε ἀεὶ συγκροτοῦσα διπλασίονα κατέστησεν καὶ ξενικὴν συνήγαγεν οὐκ ὀλίγην, ὡς μὴ μόνον κρατύνεσθαι τὸ οἰκεῖον ἔθνος, φοβερὰν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν εἶναι δυνάσταις. ἐκράτει δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων αὐτή, Φαρισαῖοι δ' αὐτῆς." "1.113 Διογένην γοῦν τινα τῶν ἐπισήμων φίλον ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ γεγενημένον κτείνουσιν αὐτοὶ σύμβουλον ἐγκαλοῦντες γεγονέναι περὶ τῶν ἀνασταυρωθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀκτακοσίων. ἐνῆγον δὲ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν εἰς τὸ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους διαχειρίσασθαι τῶν παροξυνάντων ἐπ' ἐκείνους τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον: ἐνδιδούσης δ' ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἀνῄρουν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν αὐτοί." "1.114 προσφεύγουσι δὲ ̓Αριστοβούλῳ τῶν κινδυνευόντων οἱ προύχειν δοκοῦντες, κἀκεῖνος πείθει τὴν μητέρα φείσασθαι μὲν διὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἐκπέμψαι δ' αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ καθαροὺς ὑπείληφεν, ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. οἱ μὲν οὖν δοθείσης ἀδείας ἐσκεδάσθησαν ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν:" "1.115 ̓Αλεξάνδρα δὲ ἐκπέμψασα ἐπὶ Δαμασκὸν στρατιάν, πρόφασις δ' ἦν Πτολεμαῖος ἀεὶ θλίβων τὴν πόλιν, ταύτην μὲν ὑπεδέξατο μηθὲν ἀξιόλογον ἐργασαμένην." "1.116 Τιγράνην δὲ τὸν ̓Αρμενίων βασιλέα προσκαθεζόμενον Πτολεμαί̈δι καὶ πολιορκοῦντα Κλεοπάτραν συνθήκαις καὶ δώροις ὑπηγάγετο. φθάνει δ' ἐκεῖνος ἀπαναστὰς διὰ τὰς οἴκοι ταραχὰς ἐμβεβληκότος εἰς τὴν ̓Αρμενίαν Λευκόλλου." "1.117 Κἀν τούτῳ νοσούσης ̓Αλεξάνδρας ὁ νεώτερος τῶν παίδων ̓Αριστόβουλος τὸν καιρὸν ἁρπάσας μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν, εἶχεν δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ πάντας εὔνους διὰ τὴν θερμότητα, κρατεῖ μὲν τῶν ἐρυμάτων ἁπάντων, τοῖς δ' ἐκ τούτων χρήμασιν μισθοφόρους ἀθροίσας ἑαυτὸν ἀποδείκνυσι βασιλέα." "1.118 πρὸς ταῦτα ὀδυρόμενον τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἡ μήτηρ οἰκτείρασα τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ̓Αριστοβούλου καθείργνυσιν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν: φρούριον δ' ἦν τῷ βορείῳ κλίματι τοῦ ἱεροῦ προσκείμενον, πάλαι μέν, ὡς ἔφην, βᾶρις ὀνομαζόμενον, αὖθις δὲ ταύτης τυχὸν τῆς προσηγορίας ἐπικρατήσαντος ̓Αντωνίου, καθάπερ ἀπό τε τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ ̓Αγρίππα Σεβαστὴ καὶ ̓Αγριππιὰς πόλεις ἐπωνομάσθησαν." '1.119 πρὶν δὲ ἐπεξελθεῖν ̓Αλεξάνδρα τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον τῆς τἀδελφοῦ καταλύσεως τελευτᾷ διοικήσασα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔτεσιν ἐννέα.' "1.121 ὁ δὲ μετὰ τῶν συμμεινάντων φθάνει συμφυγὼν ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν καὶ κυριεύσας τῶν πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὁμήρων: ταῦτα δ' ἦν ἡ ̓Αριστοβούλου γυνὴ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων. ἀμέλει πρὶν ἀνηκέστου πάθους διελύθησαν, ὥστε βασιλεύειν μὲν ̓Αριστόβουλον, ̔Υρκανὸν δὲ ἐκστάντα τῆς ἄλλης ἀπολαύειν τιμῆς ὥσπερ ἀδελφὸν βασιλέως." '1.122 ἐπὶ τούτοις διαλλαγέντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ περιεστῶτος φιλοφρόνως ἀλλήλους ἀσπασάμενοι διήμειψαν τὰς οἰκίας: ̓Αριστόβουλος μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὰ βασίλεια, ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου οἰκίαν.' "1.123 Δέος δὲ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις τῶν ̓Αριστοβούλου διαφόρων ἐμπίπτει παρ' ἐλπίδα κρατήσαντος καὶ μάλιστα ̓Αντιπάτρῳ πάλαι διαμισουμένῳ. γένος δ' ἦν ̓Ιδουμαῖος προγόνων τε ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἰσχύος πρωτεύων τοῦ ἔθνους." "1.124 οὗτος ἅμα καὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αρέτᾳ προσφυγόντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἔπειθεν καὶ τὸν ̓Αρέταν δέξασθαί τε τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ καταγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, πολλὰ μὲν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον εἰς τὸ ἦθος διαβάλλων, πολλὰ δ' ἐπαινῶν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν παρῄνει δέξασθαι, καὶ ὡς πρέπον εἴη τὸν οὕτω λαμπρᾶς προεστῶτα βασιλείας ὑπερέχειν χεῖρα τῷ ἀδικουμένῳ: ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν στερηθέντα τῆς κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον αὐτῷ προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς." '1.125 προκατασκευάσας δὲ ἀμφοτέρους, νύκτωρ ἀναλαβὼν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀποδιδράσκει καὶ συντόνῳ φυγῇ χρώμενος εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν διασώζεται: βασίλειον αὕτη τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἐστίν.' "1.126 ἔνθα τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἐγχειρίσας καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καθομιλήσας, πολλοῖς δὲ δώροις ὑπελθὼν δοῦναι δύναμιν αὐτῷ πείθει τὴν κατάξουσαν αὐτόν: ἦν δ' αὕτη πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων πέντε μυριάδες, πρὸς ἣν οὐκ ἀντέσχεν ̓Αριστόβουλος, ἀλλ' ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμβολῇ λειφθεὶς εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συνελαύνεται." "1.127 κἂν ἔφθη κατὰ κράτος ληφθείς, εἰ μὴ Σκαῦρος ὁ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸς ἐπαναστὰς αὐτῶν τοῖς καιροῖς ἔλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν: ὃς ἐπέμφθη μὲν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπὸ ̓Αρμενίας ὑπὸ Πομπηίου Μάγνου πολεμοῦντος πρὸς Τιγράνην, παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἑαλωκυῖαν προσφάτως ὑπὸ Μετέλλου καὶ Λολλίου καὶ τούτους μεταστήσας, ἐπειδὴ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπύθετο, καθάπερ ἐφ' ἕρμαιον ἠπείχθη." "1.128 Παρελθόντος γοῦν εἰς τὴν χώραν πρέσβεις εὐθέως ἧκον παρὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἑκατέρου δεομένου βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ. γίνεται δ' ἐπίπροσθεν τοῦ δικαίου τὰ παρὰ ̓Αριστοβούλου τριακόσια τάλαντα: τοσοῦτον γὰρ λαβὼν Σκαῦρος ἐπικηρυκεύεται πρός τε ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ τοὺς ̓́Αραβας ἀπειλῶν ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον, εἰ μὴ λύσειαν τὴν πολιορκίαν." '1.129 ἀνεχώρει δὲ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας εἰς Φιλαδέλφειαν ̓Αρέτας καταπλαγείς, καὶ πάλιν εἰς Δαμασκὸν Σκαῦρος.' "
1.131 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίπατρος τῶν ̓Αράβων ἀφαιρεθέντες μετέφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους τὴν ἐλπίδα, καὶ ἐπειδὴ Πομπήιος ἐπιὼν τὴν Συρίαν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἧκεν, ἐπ' αὐτὸν καταφεύγουσιν καὶ δίχα δωρεῶν αἷς καὶ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αρέταν δικαιολογίαις χρώμενοι κατηντιβόλουν μισῆσαι μὲν τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου βίαν, κατάγειν δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν τὸν καὶ τρόπῳ καὶ καθ' ἡλικίαν προσήκοντα." "1.132 οὐ μὴν οὐδ' ̓Αριστόβουλος ὑστέρει πεποιθὼς τῇ Σκαύρου δωροδοκίᾳ παρῆν τε καὶ αὐτὸς ὡς οἷόν τε βασιλικώτατα κεκοσμηκὼς ἑαυτόν. ἀδοξήσας δὲ πρὸς τὰς θεραπείας καὶ μὴ φέρων δουλεύειν ταῖς χρείαις ταπεινότερον τοῦ σχήματος ἀπὸ διὸς ἡλίου πόλεως χωρίζεται." "1.133 Πρὸς ταῦτ' ἀγανακτήσας Πομπήιος πολλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ ̔Υρκανὸν ἱκετευόντων ὥρμησεν ἐπ' ̓Αριστόβουλον, ἀναλαβὼν τήν τε ̔Ρωμαϊκὴν δύναμιν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς Συρίας συμμάχους." "1.134 ἐπεὶ δὲ παρελαύνων Πέλλαν καὶ Σκυθόπολιν ἧκεν εἰς Κορέας. ὅθεν ἡ ̓Ιουδαίων ἄρχεται χώρα κατὰ τὴν μεσόγειον ἀνιόντων, ἀκούσας συμπεφευγέναι τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον εἰς ̓Αλεξάνδρειον, τοῦτο δ' ἐστὶν φρούριον τῶν πάνυ φιλοτίμως ἐξησκημένων ὑπὲρ ὄρους ὑψηλοῦ κείμενον, πέμψας καταβαίνειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν." "1.135 τῷ δ' ἦν μὲν ὁρμὴ καλουμένῳ δεσποτικώτερον διακινδυνεύειν μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπακοῦσαι, καθεώρα δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὀρρωδοῦν, καὶ παρῄνουν οἱ φίλοι σκέπτεσθαι τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἰσχὺν οὖσαν ἀνυπόστατον. οἷς πεισθεὶς κάτεισιν πρὸς Πομπήιον καὶ πολλὰ περὶ τοῦ δικαίως ἄρχειν ἀπολογηθεὶς ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα." "1.136 πάλιν τε τἀδελφοῦ προκαλουμένου καταβὰς καὶ διαλεχθεὶς περὶ τῶν δικαίων ἄπεισιν μὴ κωλύοντος τοῦ Πομπηί̈ου. μέσος δ' ἦν ἐλπίδος καὶ δέους, καὶ κατῄει μὲν ὡς δυσωπήσων Πομπήιον πάντ' ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ, πάλιν δὲ ἀνέβαινεν εἰς τὴν ἄκραν, ὡς μὴ προκαταλύειν δόξειεν αὑτόν." '1.137 ἐπεὶ μέντοι Πομπήιος ἐξίστασθαί τε τῶν φρουρίων ἐκέλευεν αὐτῷ καὶ παράγγελμα τῶν φρουράρχων ἐχόντων μόναις πειθαρχεῖν ταῖς αὐτογράφοις ἐπιστολαῖς, ἠνάγκαζεν αὐτὸν ἑκάστοις γράφειν ἐκχωρεῖν, ποιεῖ μὲν τὰ προσταχθέντα, ἀγανακτήσας δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ παρεσκευάζετο πολεμεῖν πρὸς Πομπήιον. 1.138 ̔Ο δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐδίδου χρόνον ταῖς παρασκευαῖς, εὐθέως εἵπετο, καὶ προσεπέρρωσεν τὴν ὁρμὴν ὁ Μιθριδάτου θάνατος ἀγγελθεὶς αὐτῷ περὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα, ἔνθα τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας τὸ πιότατον φοίνικά τε πάμπολυν καὶ βάλσαμον τρέφει. τοῦτο λίθοις ὀξέσιν ἐπιτέμνοντες τὰ πρέμνα συνάγουσιν κατὰ τὰς τομὰς ἐκδακρῦον. 1.139 καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ μίαν ἑσπέραν ἕωθεν ἠπείγετο πρὸς τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα. καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τὴν ἔφοδον ̓Αριστόβουλος ἱκέτης ἀπαντᾷ χρημάτων τε ὑποσχέσει καὶ τῷ μετὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐπιτρέπειν καὶ ἑαυτὸν χαλεπαίνοντα καταστέλλει τὸν Πομπήιον. 1.141 Πρὸς ταῦτα ἀγανακτήσας Πομπήιος ̓Αριστόβουλον μὲν ἐφρούρει, πρὸς δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἐλθὼν περιεσκόπει ὅπως δεῖ προσβαλεῖν, τήν τε ὀχυρότητα τῶν τειχῶν δυσμεταχείριστον ὁρῶν καὶ τὴν πρὸ τούτων φάραγγα φοβερὰν τό τε ἱερὸν ἐντὸς τῆς φάραγγος ὀχυρώτατα τετειχισμένον, ὥστε τοῦ ἄστεος ἁλισκομένου δευτέραν εἶναι καταφυγὴν τοῦτο τοῖς πολεμίοις.' "1.142 Διαποροῦντος δ' ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον στάσις τοῖς ἔνδον ἐμπίπτει, τῶν μὲν ̓Αριστοβούλου πολεμεῖν ἀξιούντων καὶ ῥύεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα, τῶν δὲ τὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ φρονούντων ἀνοίγειν Πομπηίῳ τὰς πύλας: πολλοὺς δὲ τούτους ἐποίει τὸ δέος ἀφορῶντας εἰς τὴν τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων εὐταξίαν." "1.143 ἡττώμενον δὲ τὸ ̓Αριστοβούλου μέρος εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεχώρησεν καὶ τὴν συνάπτουσαν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τῇ πόλει γέφυραν ἀποκόψαντες ἀντισχεῖν εἰς ἔσχατον παρεσκευάζοντο. τῶν δὲ ἑτέρων δεχομένων ̔Ρωμαίους τῇ πόλει καὶ τὰ βασίλεια παραδιδόντων ἐπὶ μὲν ταῦτα Πομπήιος ἕνα τῶν ὑφ' ἑαυτῷ στρατηγῶν Πείσωνα εἰσπέμπει μετὰ στρατιᾶς:" '1.144 ὃς διαλαβὼν φρουραῖς τὴν πόλιν, ἐπειδὴ τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καταφυγόντων οὐδένα λόγοις ἔπειθεν συμβῆναι, τὰ πέριξ εἰς προσβολὰς εὐτρέπιζεν ἔχων τοὺς περὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν εἴς τε τὰς ἐπινοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπηρεσίας προθύμους.' "1.145 Αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ τὸ προσάρκτιον κλίμα τήν τε τάφρον ἔχου καὶ τὴν φάραγγα πᾶσαν ὕλην συμφορούσης τῆς δυνάμεως. χαλεπὸν δ' ἦν τὸ ἀναπληροῦν διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων πάντα τρόπον εἰργόντων ἄνωθεν," '1.146 κἂν ἀτέλεστος ἔμεινεν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις ὁ πόνος, εἰ μὴ τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἐπιτηρῶν ὁ Πομπήιος, ἐν αἷς παντὸς ἔργου διὰ τὴν θρησκείαν χεῖρας ἀπίσχουσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι, τὸ χῶμα ὕψου τῆς κατὰ χεῖρα συμβολῆς εἴργων τοὺς στρατιώτας: ὑπὲρ μόνου γὰρ τοῦ σώματος ἀμύνονται τοῖς σαββάτοις.' "1.147 ἤδη δὲ ἀναπεπληρωμένης τῆς φάραγγος πύργους ὑψηλοὺς ἐπιστήσας τῷ χώματι καὶ προσαγαγὼν τὰς ἐκ Τύρου κομισθείσας μηχανὰς ἐπειρᾶτο τοῦ τείχους: ἀνέστελλον δὲ αἱ πετροβόλοι τοὺς καθύπερθεν κωλύοντας. ἀντεῖχον δ' ἐπὶ πλεῖον οἱ κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος πύργοι μεγέθει τε καὶ κάλλει διαφέροντες." "1.148 ̓́Ενθα δὴ πολλὰ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων κακοπαθούντων ὁ Πομπήιος τά τε ἄλλα τῆς καρτερίας τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀπεθαύμαζεν καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ μηδὲν παραλῦσαι: τῆς θρησκείας ἐν μέσοις τοῖς βέλεσιν ἀνειλημένους: ὥσπερ γὰρ εἰρήνης βαθείας κατεχούσης τὴν πόλιν αἵ τε θυσίαι καθ' ἡμέραν καὶ οἱ ἐναγισμοὶ καὶ πᾶσα θεραπεία κατὰ τἀκριβὲς ἐξετελεῖτο τῷ θεῷ, καὶ οὐδὲ κατ' αὐτὴν τὴν ἅλωσιν περὶ τῷ βωμῷ φονευόμενοι τῶν καθ' ἡμέραν νομίμων εἰς τὴν θρησκείαν ἀπέστησαν." "1.149 τρίτῳ γὰρ μηνὶ τῆς πολιορκίας μόλις ἕνα τῶν πύργων καταρρίψαντες εἰσέπιπτον εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. ὁ δὲ πρῶτος ὑπερβῆναι τολμήσας τὸ τεῖχος Σύλλα παῖς ἦν Φαῦστος Κορνήλιος καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν ἑκατοντάρχαι δύο Φούριος καὶ Φάβιος. εἵπετο δὲ ἑκάστῳ τὸ ἴδιον στῖφος, καὶ περισχόντες πανταχοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν ἔκτεινον οὓς μὲν τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντας, οὓς δὲ ἀμυνομένους πρὸς ὀλίγον." "
1.151 ̓Ιουδαίων μὲν οὖν ἀνῃρέθησαν μύριοι καὶ δισχίλιοι, ̔Ρωμαίων δὲ ὀλίγοι μὲν πάνυ νεκροί, τραυματίαι δ' ἐγένοντο πλείους." '1.152 Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως ἐν ταῖς τότε συμφοραῖς καθήψατο τοῦ ἔθνους ὡς τὸ τέως ἀόρατον ἅγιον ἐκκαλυφθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων: παρελθὼν γοῦν σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Πομπήιος εἰς τὸν ναόν, ἔνθα μόνῳ θεμιτὸν ἦν παριέναι τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, τὰ ἔνδον ἐθεάσατο, λυχνίαν τε καὶ λύχνους καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ θυμιατήρια, ὁλόχρυσα πάντα, πλῆθός τε ἀρωμάτων σεσωρευμένον καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς τάλαντα δισχίλια.' "1.153 οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶραι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ' ἀποδείξας ̔Υρκανὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίᾳ πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο." "1.154 ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἐλήφθη καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πενθερός, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἦν καὶ θεῖος αὐτῷ. καὶ τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους μὲν τοῦ πολέμου πελέκει κολάζει, Φαῦστον δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένους λαμπροῖς ἀριστείοις δωρησάμενος τῇ τε χώρᾳ καὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπιτάσσει φόρον." "1.155 ̓Αφελόμενος δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὰς ἐν κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πόλεις, ἃς εἷλον, ὑπέταξεν τῷ κατ' ἐκεῖνο ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγῷ κατατεταγμένῳ καὶ μόνοις αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὅροις περιέκλεισεν. ἀνακτίζει δὲ καὶ Γάδαρα ὑπὸ ̓Ιουδαίων κατεστραμμένην Γαδαρεῖ τινὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπελευθέρων Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος." "1.156 ἠλευθέρωσεν δὲ ἀπ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ μεσογείᾳ πόλεις, ὅσας μὴ φθάσαντες κατέσκαψαν, ̔́Ιππον Σκυθόπολίν τε καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Σαμάρειαν καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ Μάρισαν ̓́Αζωτόν τε καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς παραλίους Γάζαν ̓Ιόππην Δῶρα καὶ τὴν πάλαι μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον καλουμένην, ὕστερον δὲ μετακτισθεῖσάν τε ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου βασιλέως λαμπροτάτοις κατασκευάσμασιν καὶ μετονομασθεῖσαν Καισάρειαν." '1.157 ἃς πάσας τοῖς γνησίοις ἀποδοὺς πολίταις κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν Συριακὴν ἐπαρχίαν. παραδοὺς δὲ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ μέχρις Αἰγύπτου καὶ Εὐφράτου Σκαύρῳ διέπειν καὶ δύο τῶν ταγμάτων, αὐτὸς διὰ Κιλικίας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἠπείγετο τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἄγων μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς αἰχμάλωτον.' "1.158 δύο δ' ἦσαν αὐτῷ θυγατέρες καὶ δύο υἱεῖς, ὧν ὁ ἕτερος μὲν ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ διαδιδράσκει, σὺν δὲ ταῖς ἀδελφαῖς ὁ νεώτερος ̓Αντίγονος εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἐκομίζετο." "
1.166 συνεπολίσθησαν γοῦν τούτου κελεύσαντος Σκυθόπολίς τε καὶ Σαμάρεια καὶ ̓Ανθηδὼν καὶ ̓Απολλωνία καὶ ̓Ιάμνεια καὶ ̔Ράφεια Μάρισά τε καὶ ̓Αδώρεος καὶ Γάβαλα καὶ ̓́Αζωτος καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαί, τῶν οἰκητόρων ἀσμένως ἐφ' ἑκάστην συνθεόντων." 1.168 ἃ πάντα Γαβίνιος ἐναγούσης τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρου μητρὸς κατέστρεψεν, ὡς μὴ πάλιν ὁρμητήριον γένοιτο δευτέρου πολέμου: παρῆν δὲ μειλισσομένη τὸν Γαβίνιον κατὰ δέος τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης αἰχμαλώτων, τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων.' "
1.174 τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος εἷρξεν, τὰ τέκνα δ' αὐτοῦ διῆγεν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν Γαβινίου δι' ἐπιστολῶν δηλώσαντος τῇ ̓Αριστοβούλου γυναικὶ τοῦτο ἀντὶ τῆς παραδόσεως τῶν ἐρυμάτων ὡμολογηκέναι." 1.179 Κἀν τούτῳ Κράσσος αὐτῷ διάδοχος ἐλθὼν παραλαμβάνει Συρίαν. οὗτος εἰς τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν τόν τε ἄλλον τοῦ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ναοῦ χρυσὸν πάντα περιεῖλεν καὶ τὰ δισχίλια τάλαντα ἦρεν, ὧν ἀπέσχετο Πομπήιος. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Εὐφράτην αὐτός τε ἀπώλετο καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, περὶ ὧν οὐ νῦν καιρὸς λέγειν.' "
1.183 Καῖσαρ δὲ Πομπηίου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου φυγόντων ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιόνιον ̔Ρώμης καὶ τῶν ὅλων κρατήσας ἀνίησι μὲν τῶν δεσμῶν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον, παραδοὺς δ' αὐτῷ δύο τάγματα κατὰ τάχος ἔπεμψεν εἰς Συρίαν, ταύτην τε ῥᾳδίως ἐλπίσας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν δι' αὐτοῦ προσάξεσθαι." "1.184 φθάνει δ' ὁ φθόνος καὶ τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου προθυμίαν καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος ἐλπίδας: φαρμάκῳ γοῦν ἀναιρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν τὰ Πομπηίου φρονούντων μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν οὐδὲ ταφῆς ἐν τῇ πατρῴᾳ χώρᾳ μετεῖχεν, ἔκειτο δὲ μέλιτι συντηρούμενος ὁ νεκρὸς αὐτοῦ, ἕως ὑπ' ̓Αντωνίου ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέμφθη τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μνημείοις ἐνταφησόμενος." "1.185 ̓Αναιρεῖται δὲ καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ̓Αλέξανδρος πελέκει ὑπὸ Σκιπίωνος ἐν ̓Αντιοχείᾳ Πομπηίου τοῦτ' ἐπιστείλαντος καὶ γενομένης κατηγορίας πρὸ τοῦ βήματος ὧν ̔Ρωμαίους ἔβλαψεν. τοὺς δ' ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Μενναίου παραλαβών, ὃς ἐκράτει τῆς ὑπὸ τῷ Λιβάνῳ Χαλκίδος, Φιλιππίωνα τὸν υἱὸν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς εἰς ̓Ασκάλωνα πέμπει." "1.186 κἀκεῖνος ἀποσπάσας τῆς ̓Αριστοβούλου γυναικὸς ̓Αντίγονον καὶ τὰς ἀδελφὰς αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀνήγαγεν. ἁλοὺς δ' ἔρωτι γαμεῖ τὴν ἑτέραν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς δι' αὐτὴν κτείνεται: γαμεῖ γὰρ Πτολεμαῖος τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν ἀνελὼν τὸν υἱὸν καὶ διὰ τὸν γάμον κηδεμονικώτερος αὐτὸς ἦν πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφούς." "
1.199 Τούτων Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ̔Υρκανὸν μὲν ἀξιώτερον τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἀπεφήνατο, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ δυναστείας αἵρεσιν ἔδωκεν. ὁ δ' ἐπὶ τῷ τιμήσαντι τὸ μέτρον τῆς τιμῆς θέμενος πάσης ἐπίτροπος ̓Ιουδαίας ἀποδείκνυται καὶ προσεπιτυγχάνει τὰ τείχη τῆς πατρίδος ἀνακτίσαι κατεστραμμένα." "
1.218 συνίσταται δὲ ̔Ρωμαίοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μέγας πόλεμος Κασσίου καὶ Βρούτου κτεινάντων δόλῳ Καίσαρα κατασχόντα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπ' ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά. μεγίστου δ' ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ γενομένου κινήματος καὶ διαστασιασθέντων τῶν δυνατῶν ἕκαστος ἐλπίσιν οἰκείαις ἐχώρει πρὸς ὃ συμφέρειν ὑπελάμβανεν, καὶ δὴ καὶ Κάσσιος εἰς Συρίαν καταληψόμενος τὰς περὶ ̓Απάμειαν δυνάμεις." "1.219 ἔνθα Βάσσῳ τε Μοῦρκον καὶ τὰ διεστῶτα τάγματα διαλλάξας ἐλευθεροῖ μὲν ̓Απάμειαν τῆς πολιορκίας, ἡγούμενος δ' αὐτὸς τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπῄει φορολογῶν τὰς πόλεις καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν τὰς εἰσπράξεις ποιούμενος." "1.221 πρῶτος δ' ἀπεμειλίξατο Κάσσιον ̔Ηρώδης τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μοῖραν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας κομίσας ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ἦν. τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς βραδυτῆτα κακίσας αὐταῖς ἐθυμοῦτο ταῖς πόλεσιν." '1.222 Γόφνα γοῦν καὶ ̓Αμμαοῦν καὶ δύο ἑτέρας τῶν ταπεινοτέρων ἐξανδραποδισάμενος ἐχώρει μὲν ὡς καὶ Μάλιχον ἀναιρήσων, ὅτι μὴ σπεύσας εἰσέπραξεν, ἐπέσχεν δὲ τὴν τούτου καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἀπώλειαν ̓Αντίπατρος ταχέως ἑκατὸν ταλάντοις θεραπεύσας Κάσσιον.
1.225 Συστάντος δὲ τοῦ πρὸς Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον πολέμου Καίσαρί τε τῷ νέῳ καὶ ̓Αντωνίῳ Κάσσιος καὶ Μοῦρκος στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντες ἐκ τῆς Συρίας, ἐπειδὴ μέγα μέρος εἰς τὰς χρείας ̔Ηρώδης ἔδοξε, τότε μὲν αὐτὸν Συρίας ἁπάσης ἐπιμελητὴν καθιστᾶσιν δύναμιν πεζήν τε καὶ ἱππικὴν δόντες, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσιν ἀποδείξειν Κάσσιος ὑπέσχετο καὶ ̓Ιουδαίας βασιλέα.
1.236 Κασσίου δὲ ἀναχωρήσαντος ἐκ Συρίας πάλιν στάσις ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις γίνεται ̔́Ελικος μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπαναστάντος Φασαήλῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὑπὲρ Μαλίχου τιμωρίαν ἀμύνεσθαι θέλοντος ̔Ηρώδην εἰς τὸν ἀδελφόν. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ ἔτυχεν μὲν ὢν παρὰ Φαβίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ κατὰ Δαμασκόν, ὡρμημένος δὲ βοηθεῖν ὑπὸ νόσου κατείχετο.' "1.237 κἀν τούτῳ Φασάηλος καθ' ἑαυτὸν ̔́Ελικος περιγενόμενος ̔Υρκανὸν ὠνείδιζεν εἰς ἀχαριστίαν ὧν τε ̔́Ελικι συμπράξειεν, καὶ ὅτι περιορῴη τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν Μαλίχου τὰ φρούρια καταλαμβάνοντα: πολλὰ γὰρ δὴ κατείληπτο, καὶ τὸ πάντων ὀχυρώτατον Μασάδαν." "1.238 Οὐ μὴν αὐτῷ τι πρὸς τὴν ̔Ηρώδου βίαν ἤρκεσεν, ὃς ἀναρρωσθεὶς τά τε ἄλλα παραλαμβάνει κἀκεῖνον ἐκ τῆς Μασάδας ἱκέτην ἀφῆκεν. ἐξήλασεν δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας Μαρίωνα τὸν Τυρίων τύραννον ἤδη τρία κατεσχηκότα τῶν ἐρυμάτων, τοὺς δὲ ληφθέντας Τυρίους ἔσωσεν μὲν πάντας, ἦσαν δ' οὓς καὶ δωρησάμενος ἀπέπεμψεν εὔνοιαν ἑαυτῷ παρὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῷ τυράννῳ μῖσος παρασκευαζόμενος." "1.239 ὁ δὲ Μαρίων ἠξίωτο μὲν τῆς τυραννίδος ὑπὸ Κασσίου τυραννίσιν πᾶσαν διαλαβόντος τὴν Συρίαν, κατὰ δὲ τὸ πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἔχθος συγκατήγαγεν ̓Αντίγονον τὸν ̓Αριστοβούλου, καὶ τὸ πλέον διὰ Φάβιον, ὃν ̓Αντίγονος χρήμασιν προσποιησάμενος βοηθὸν εἶχεν τῆς καθόδου: χορηγὸς δ' ἦν ἁπάντων ὁ κηδεστὴς Πτολεμαῖος ̓Αντιγόνῳ." 1.282 ̓Αντωνίου δὲ ἥπτετο πρὸς τὴν μεταβολὴν οἶκτος, καὶ κατὰ μνήμην μὲν τῆς ̓Αντιπάτρου ξενίας, τὸ δὲ ὅλον καὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ παρόντος ἀρετὴν ἔγνω καὶ τότε βασιλέα καθιστᾶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὃν πρότερον αὐτὸς ἐποίησεν τετράρχην. ἐνῆγεν δὲ οὐκ ἔλαττον τῆς εἰς ̔Ηρώδην φιλοτιμίας ἡ πρὸς ̓Αντίγονον διαφορά: τοῦτον γὰρ δὴ στασιώδη τε καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐχθρὸν ὑπελάμβανεν.' ' None		sup>
1.59 4. These things were said by the women upon the torture; as also that Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave credit to all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred talents; for he had no discourse with any body about them, but only with Antipater. So he vented his anger first of all against Antipater’s mother, and took away from her all the ornaments which he had given her, which cost a great many talents, and cast her out of the palace a second time.
1.59 Now, John’s case was this: When he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his affections.
1.61 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.
1.61 However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother’s misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself.
1.68 So John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world,—the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy. 1.69 For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not ignorant of anything that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity.
1.76 But, upon this occasion, the queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king’s message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a little time thou art going away from me.
1.78 5. And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars), 1.79 “O strange!” said he, “it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.”
1.86 2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. 1.87 Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king’s baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.
1.89 And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.
1.107 1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the goodwill of the people. 1.108 Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. 1.109 And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper. 1.111 Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed men at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. 1.112 She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her. 1.113 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men before mentioned. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. 1.114 But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. 1.115 But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. 1.116 She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus’s expedition into Armenia. 1.117 4. In the meantime, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; 1.118 and besides this, upon Hyrcanus’s complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus’s wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was lord of the East, just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. 1.119 But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years. 1.121 but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation (which were Aristobulus’s wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king’s brother. 1.122 Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus. 1.123 2. Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: 1.124 he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. 1.125 And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, 1.126 where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; 1.127 he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty. 1.128 3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus’s three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. 1.129 So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again;
1.131 4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. 1.132 However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis. 1.133 5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. 1.134 But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a stronghold, fortified with the utmost magnificence and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. 1.135 Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. 1.136 And when his brother invited him again to plead his cause, he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. 1.137 However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own handwriting. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey. 1.138 6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations for a siege, but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. 1.139 So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. 1.141 1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, the temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to. 1.142 2. Now, as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus’s party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. 1.143 So Aristobulus’s party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army, 1.144 who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade anyone of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus’s party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance. 1.145 3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior station; 1.146 nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on Sabbath days. 1.147 But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence. 1.148 4. Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; 1.149 for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense.
1.151 Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded. 1.152 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153 Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154 Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself. 1.155 7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, 1.156 and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod. 1.157 All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. 1.158 They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome.
1.166 Accordingly, upon his injunction, the following cities were restored;—Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Adoreus, Gamala, Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.
1.168 all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander’s mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children.
1.174 Wherefore the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had promised Aristobulus’s mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him.
1.179 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak more largely.
1.183 1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. 1.184 But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus’s alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey’s party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay above ground, preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchres. 1.185 2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon, 1.186 who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus’s wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister.
1.199 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down.
1.218 1. There was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months. Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and everyone betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, 1.219 where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear. 1.221 Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves; 1.222 o he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius’s favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.
1.225 4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar Augustus and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea.
1.236 1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother’s assistance, he was detained by sickness; 1.237 in the meantime, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus’s brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada. 1.238 2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured goodwill to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. 1.239 Marion had, indeed, obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius’s account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.
1.282 4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans;' ' None
11. Mishnah, Avot, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Eliezer (ben Hyrcanus), Rabbi • Hyrcanus I

 Found in books: Fonrobert and Jaffee (2007), The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic Literature Cambridge Companions to Religion, 41; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 99

sup>
1.1 משֶׁה קִבֵּל תּוֹרָה מִסִּינַי, וּמְסָרָהּ לִיהוֹשֻׁעַ, וִיהוֹשֻׁעַ לִזְקֵנִים, וּזְקֵנִים לִנְבִיאִים, וּנְבִיאִים מְסָרוּהָ לְאַנְשֵׁי כְנֶסֶת הַגְּדוֹלָה. הֵם אָמְרוּ שְׁלשָׁה דְבָרִים, הֱווּ מְתוּנִים בַּדִּין, וְהַעֲמִידוּ תַלְמִידִים הַרְבֵּה, וַעֲשׂוּ סְיָג לַתּוֹרָה:
1.1 שְׁמַעְיָה וְאַבְטַלְיוֹן קִבְּלוּ מֵהֶם. שְׁמַעְיָה אוֹמֵר, אֱהֹב אֶת הַמְּלָאכָה, וּשְׂנָא אֶת הָרַבָּנוּת, וְאַל תִּתְוַדַּע לָרָשׁוּת:'' None		sup>
1.1 Moses received the torah at Sinai and transmitted it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the prophets, and the prophets to the Men of the Great Assembly. They said three things: Be patient in the administration of justice, raise many disciples and make a fence round the Torah.'' None
12. Mishnah, Maaser Sheni, 5.15 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus I • Hyrcanus I, rabbinic depiction • Hyrcanus II, tithes paid to • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar requiring Jews to pay tithes to Hyrcanus and sons • tithe, paid to Hyrcanus

 Found in books: Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 205; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 267

sup>
5.15 יוֹחָנָן כֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל הֶעֱבִיר הוֹדָיוֹת הַמַּעֲשֵׂר. אַף הוּא בִּטֵּל אֶת הַמְעוֹרְרִים, וְאֶת הַנּוֹקְפִים. וְעַד יָמָיו הָיָה פַטִּישׁ מַכֶּה בִירוּשָׁלָיִם, וּבְיָמָיו אֵין אָדָם צָרִיךְ לִשְׁאוֹל עַל הַדְּמָאי:'' None		sup>
5.15 Yoha the high priest stopped the recitation of the confession of the tithes. He also abolished the “wakers” and the “strikers.” Until his days the hammer used to beat in Jerusalem. And in his days one did not have to ask about demai.'' None
13. Mishnah, Yoma, 3.10 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, R. • Hyrcanus, king

 Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 158; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 576

sup>
3.10 Ben Katin made twelve spigots for the laver, for there had been before only two. He also made a mechanism for the laver, in order that its water should not become unfit by remaining overnight. King Monbaz had all the handles of all the vessels used on Yom HaKippurim made of gold. His mother Helena made a golden candelabrum over the opening of the Hekhal. She also made a golden tablet, on which the portion concerning the suspected adulteress was inscribed. For Nicanor miracles happened to his doors. And they were all mentioned for praise.'' None
14. New Testament, Matthew, 23.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Eliezer (ben Hyrcanus), Rabbi • Hyrcanus I

 Found in books: Fonrobert and Jaffee (2007), The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic Literature Cambridge Companions to Religion, 121; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 99

sup>
23.2 Ἐπὶ τῆς Μωυσέως καθέδρας ἐκάθισαν οἱ γραμματεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι.'' None		sup>
23.2 saying, "The scribes and the Pharisees sat on Moses\' seat. '' None
15. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus II • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, relationship of H. to C. • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar and Hyrcanus II

 Found in books: Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 121; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 97
16. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus I (John Hyrcanus) • John Hyrcanus • Pharisaic-rabbinic connection, John Hyrcanus story as evidence of

 Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 54; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 43; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 52, 92
17. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Eliezer b. Hyrcanus • Eliezer ben Hyrcanus

 Found in books: Rubin (2008) Time and the Life Cycle in Talmud and Midrash: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives. 145; Sigal (2007), The Halakhah of Jesus of Nazareth According to the Gospel of Matthew, 99
18. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus I • Hyrcanus, John

 Found in books: Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 199; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 100

65a And this is as we learned in a mishna (Shekalim 13b): Petaḥya was responsible for the nests of birds, i.e., the doves or pigeons brought by a zav, a zava, a woman after childbirth, and a leper. These individuals would place the appropriate sum of money into the horn designated for this purpose, and each day Petaḥya oversaw the purchase of birds from that money and their sacrifice in the proper manner. This Sage is Mordekhai; and why was he called Petaḥya, which resembles the word for opening petaḥ? The reason is that he would open, i.e., elucidate, difficult topics and interpret them to the people, and because he knew all seventy languages known in that region at the time.,The Gemara asks: What was unique about Petaḥya? All of the members of the Sanhedrin also know all seventy languages. As Rabbi Yoḥa says: They place on the Great Sanhedrin only men of wisdom, and of pleasant appearance, and of high stature, and of suitable age so that they will be respected. And they must also be masters of sorcery, i.e., they know the nature of sorcery, so that they can judge sorcerers, and they must know all seventy languages in order that the Sanhedrin will not need to hear testimony from the mouth of a translator in a case where a witness speaks a different language.,The Gemara answers: Rather, Petaḥya was unique as he not only knew all seventy languages, but also had the ability to combine various languages and interpret them. This is the meaning of that which is written with regard to Mordekhai: “Bilshan” (Nehemiah 7:7). Bilshan is interpreted as another name for Mordekhai, as he would combine balil languages lashon.,How would they perform the rite of the harvest of the omer? Emissaries of the court would emerge on the eve of the festival of Passover and fashion the stalks of barley into sheaves while the stalks were still attached to the ground, so that it would be convenient to reap them. The residents of all the towns adjacent to the site of the harvest would assemble there, so that it would be harvested with great fanfare.,Once it grew dark, the court emissary says to those assembled: Did the sun set? The assembly says in response: Yes. The emissary repeats: Did the sun set? They again say: Yes. The court emissary next says to those assembled: Shall I reap the sheaves with this sickle? The assembly says in response: Yes. The emissary repeats: With this sickle? The assembly says: Yes. The court emissary then says to those assembled: Shall I place the gathered sheaves in this basket? The assembly says in response: Yes. The emissary repeats: In this basket? The assembly says: Yes.,If the sixteenth of Nisan occurs on Shabbat, the court emissary says to the assembled: Shall I cut the sheaves on this Shabbat? The assembly says in response: Yes. The emissary repeats: On this Shabbat? The assembly says: Yes. The court emissary says to those assembled: Shall I cut the sheaves? And they say to him in response: Cut. The emissary repeats: Shall I cut the sheaves? And they say to him: Cut.,The emissary asks three times with regard to each and every matter, and the assembly says to him: Yes, yes, yes. The mishna asks: Why do I need those involved to publicize each stage of the rite to that extent? The mishna answers: It is due to the Boethusians, as they deny the validity of the Oral Law and would say: There is no harvest of the omer at the conclusion of the first Festival day of Passover unless it occurs at the conclusion of Shabbat. The publicity was to underscore that the sixteenth of Nisan was the proper time for the omer harvest.,The Sages taught in a baraita: These are the days on which fasting is prohibited, and on some of them eulogizing is prohibited as well: From the New Moon of Nisan until the eighth of the month, the proper sacrifice of the daily offering was established, and therefore it was decreed not to eulogize on these dates. And furthermore, from the eighth of Nisan until the end of the festival of Passover, the correct date for the festival of Shavuot was restored, and it was similarly decreed not to eulogize during this period.,The Gemara discusses the baraita: From the New Moon of Nisan until the eighth of the month the proper sacrifice of the daily offering was established, and therefore it was decreed not to eulogize on these dates. The Gemara explains that the Sadducees would say: An individual may donate and bring the daily offering, in opposition to the accepted tradition that the daily offering must be brought from communal funds. What verse did the Sadducees expound? “The one lamb shall you offer ta’aseh in the morning, and the other lamb shall you offer in the afternoon” (Numbers 28:4). Since the verse is in the singular form, the Sadducees maintained that even an individual may donate the daily offering.,The Gemara asks: What did the Sages reply to refute the argument of the Sadducees? They cited the verse: “Command the children of Israel, and say to them: My food that is presented to Me for offerings made by fire, of a pleasing aroma unto Me, you shall observe tishmeru to offer to Me in its due season” (Numbers 28:2). The term: “You shall observe” is in the plural form, which indicates that all of the daily offerings should come from collection of the Temple treasury chamber. Since during that period, between the New Moon of Nisan and the eighth of Nisan, the Sages overruled the Sadducees, it was established as a period of rejoicing, and it was prohibited to eulogize on those dates.,The Gemara discusses the next period listed in the baraita: From the eighth of Nisan until the end of the festival of Passover, the correct date for the festival of Shavuot was restored, and it was similarly decreed not to eulogize during this period. As the Boethusians would say that the festival of Shavuot always occurs after Shabbat, on a Sunday. Their reasoning was that the verse states, with regard to the omer offering and the festival of Shavuot that follows seven weeks later: “And you shall count for you from the morrow after the day of rest hashabbat, from the day that you brought the sheaf omer of the waving; seven weeks shall there be complete” (Leviticus 23:15). Disregarding the oral tradition, the Boethusians interpreted the phrase “from the morrow after the day of rest hashabbat” literally, as referring to Shabbat, not the Festival day.,At the time, Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai joined the discussion with the Boethusians and said to them: Fools! From where have you derived this? And there was no man who answered him, except for one elderly man who was prattling mefatpet at him, and he said: Moses, our teacher, was a lover of the Jewish people and he knew that Shavuot is only one day. Therefore, he arose and established it after Shabbat, in order that the Jewish people would enjoy themselves for two days. Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai recited this verse in response to that old man: “It is eleven days’ journey from Horeb to Kadesh Barnea by the way of Mount Seir” (Deuteronomy 1:2).'' None
19. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus I • Pharisaic-rabbinic connection, John Hyrcanus story as evidence of

 Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 54; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 10, 77, 78, 97, 127

66a שורך נרבע והלה שותק נאמן ותנא תונא ושנעבדה בו עבירה ושהמית על פי עד אחד או ע"פ הבעלים נאמן האי ע"פ עד אחד היכי דמי אי דקא מודו בעלים היינו ע"פ הבעלים אלא לאו דשתיק,וצריכא דאי אשמעינן הך קמייתא אי לאו דקים ליה בנפשיה דעבד חולין בעזרה לא הוה מייתי,אבל נטמאו טהרותיך מימר אמרינן האי דשתיק דסבר חזי ליה בימי טומאתו,ואי אשמעינן הא משום דקא מפסיד ליה בימי טהרתו אבל שורו נרבע מימר אמר כל השוורים לאו לגבי מזבח קיימי צריכא,איבעיא להו אשתו זינתה בעד אחד ושותק מהו אמר אביי נאמן רבא אמר אינו נאמן הוי דבר שבערוה ואין דבר שבערוה פחות משנים,אמר אביי מנא אמינא לה דההוא סמיא דהוה מסדר מתנייתא קמיה דמר שמואל יומא חד נגה ליה ולא הוה קאתי שדר שליחא אבתריה אדאזיל שליח בחדא אורחא אתא איהו בחדא כי אתא שליח אמר אשתו זינתה אתא לקמיה דמר שמואל א"ל אי מהימן לך זיל אפקה ואי לא לא תפיק,מאי לאו אי מהימן עלך דלאו גזלנא הוא ורבא אי מהימן לך כבי תרי זיל אפקה ואי לא לא תפקה,ואמר אביי מנא אמינא לה דתניא מעשה בינאי המלך שהלך לכוחלית שבמדבר וכיבש שם ששים כרכים ובחזרתו היה שמח שמחה גדולה וקרא לכל חכמי ישראל אמר להם אבותינו היו אוכלים מלוחים בזמן שהיו עסוקים בבנין בית המקדש אף אנו נאכל מלוחים זכר לאבותינו והעלו מלוחים על שולחנות של זהב ואכלו,והיה שם אחד איש לץ לב רע ובליעל ואלעזר בן פועירה שמו ויאמר אלעזר בן פועירה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך לבם של פרושים עליך ומה אעשה הקם להם בציץ שבין עיניך הקים להם בציץ שבין עיניו,היה שם זקן אחד ויהודה בן גדידיה שמו ויאמר יהודה בן גדידיה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך רב לך כתר מלכות הנח כתר כהונה לזרעו של אהרן שהיו אומרים אמו נשבית במודיעים ויבוקש הדבר ולא נמצא ויבדלו חכמי ישראל בזעם,ויאמר אלעזר בן פועירה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך הדיוט שבישראל כך הוא דינו ואתה מלך וכהן גדול כך הוא דינך ומה אעשה אם אתה שומע לעצתי רומסם ותורה מה תהא עליה הרי כרוכה ומונחת בקרן זוית כל הרוצה ללמוד יבוא וילמוד,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מיד נזרקה בו אפיקורסות דהוה ליה למימר תינח תורה שבכתב תורה שבעל פה מאי מיד ותוצץ הרעה על ידי אלעזר בן פועירה ויהרגו כל חכמי ישראל והיה העולם משתומם עד שבא שמעון בן שטח והחזיר את התורה ליושנה,היכי דמי אילימא דבי תרי אמרי אישתבאי ובי תרי אמרי לא אישתבאי מאי חזית דסמכת אהני סמוך אהני,אלא בעד אחד וטעמא דקא מכחשי ליה בי תרי הא לאו הכי מהימן,ורבא לעולם תרי ותרי וכדאמר רב אחא בר רב מניומי בעדי הזמה הכא נמי בעדי הזמה,ואיבעית אימא כדרבי יצחק דאמר רבי יצחק שפחה הכניסו תחתיה,אמר רבא'' None66a Your ox was used by a man for an act of bestiality and is therefore unfit for an offering, and the other, the owner of the ox, is silent, the witness is deemed credible. And the tanna of the mishna also taught (Bekhorot 41a): And with regard to an animal that was used for a transgression or that killed, if this is attested to by one witness or by the owner, he is deemed credible. The Gemara clarifies this case: What are the circumstances of this case of the mishna, where the knowledge is established by one witness? If the owner admits to the claim, this is the same as: By the owner. Rather, is it not referring to a case where the owner remains silent?,The Gemara comments: And each of these statements of Abaye is necessary. As, had he taught us only that first case, where the witness said someone ate forbidden fat, one might have said that he is deemed credible for the following reason: Were it not for the fact that he himself was convinced that he had committed a transgression, he would not commit the transgression of bringing a non-sacred animal to the Temple courtyard on the basis of the testimony of one witness. Consequently, his silence is evidently an admission.,But if the witness said: Your ritually pure foods were rendered ritually impure, and the accused was silent, we would say: The reason that he is silent and refrains from denying the claim is that he thinks he is not suffering any significant loss, as the food is fit for him to eat on his days of ritual impurity, because he is not required to destroy ritually impure foods.,And had Abaye taught us only the case of: Your ritually pure food was rendered ritually impure, one might have said that the reason this witness is deemed credible is that he causes him a loss on his days of ritual impurity, and therefore his silence is tantamount to a confession. But in the case of: His ox was used by a man for an act of bestiality, the owner of the ox can say with regard to his animal: Not all the oxen stand ready to be sacrificed as an offering on the altar. Perhaps one would think that the owner does not bother denying the claim because he merely forfeits the possibility of sacrificing his ox as an offering, which he considers an inconsequential matter. It is only if there were two witnesses to the act that the animal is put to death, whereas here there was only one witness. It is therefore necessary for Abaye to specify all these cases.,§ A dilemma was raised before the Sages: If a husband is told by one witness that his wife committed adultery, and the husband remains silent, what is the halakha? Abaye said: The witness is deemed credible. Rava said: He is not deemed credible. Why not? Because it is a matter involving forbidden relations, and there is no matter of testimony for forbidden sexual relations that can be attested to by fewer than two witnesses.,Abaye said: From where do I say this claim of mine? It happened that there was a certain blind man who would review mishnayot before Mar Shmuel. One day the blind man was late for him and was not arriving. Mar Shmuel sent a messenger after him to assist him. While the messenger was going to the blind man’s house by one way, the blind man arrived at the house of study by a different route, and therefore the messenger missed him and reached his house. When the messenger came back, he said that he had been to the blind man’s house and saw that his wife committed adultery. The blind man came before Mar Shmuel to inquire whether he must pay heed to this testimony. Mar Shmuel said to him: If this messenger is trusted by you, go and divorce her, but if not, do not divorce her.,Abaye comments: What, is it not correct to say that this means that if he is trusted by you that he is not a thief but is a valid witness, you must rely on him? This would prove that a single witness can testify in a case of this kind. And Rava explains that Mar Shmuel meant: If he is trusted by you like two witnesses, go and divorce her, but if not, do not divorce her. Consequently, Rava maintains that this episode affords no proof.,And Abaye said: From where do I say this claim of mine? As it is taught in a baraita: An incident occurred with King Yannai, who went to the region of Koḥalit in the desert and conquered sixty cities there. And upon his return he rejoiced with a great happiness over his victory. And he subsequently summoned all the Sages of the Jewish people and said to them: Our ancestors in their poverty would eat salty foods when they were busy with the building of the Temple; we too shall eat salty foods in memory of our ancestors. And they brought salty food on tables of gold, and ate.,And there was one person present, a scoffer, a man of an evil heart and a scoundrel called Elazar ben Po’ira. And Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the hearts of the Pharisees, the Sages, are against you. In other words, they harbor secret resentment against you and do not like you. The king replied: And what shall I do to clarify this matter? Elazar responded: Have them stand by wearing the frontplate between your eyes. Since the frontplate bears the Divine Name, they should stand in its honor. Yannai, who was a member of the priestly Hasmonean family, also served as High Priest, who wears the frontplate. He had the Pharisees stand by wearing the frontplate between his eyes.,Now there was a certain elder present called Yehuda ben Gedidya, and Yehuda ben Gedidya said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the crown of the monarchy suffices for you, i.e., you should be satisfied that you are king. Leave the crown of the priesthood for the descendants of Aaron. The Gemara explains this last comment: As they would say that Yannai’s mother was taken captive in Modi’in, and she was therefore disqualified from marrying into the priesthood, which meant that Yannai was a ḥalal. And the matter was investigated and was not discovered, i.e., they sought witnesses for that event but none were found. And the Sages of Israel were expelled in the king’s rage, due to this rumor.,And Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, such is the judgment of a common person in Israel. In other words, merely expelling a slanderer is appropriate if the subject of the slander is a commoner. But you are a king and a High Priest. Is this your judgment as well? Yannai replied: And what should I do? Elazar responded: If you listen to my advice, crush them. Yannai countered: But what will become of the Torah? He retorted: Behold, it is wrapped and placed in the corner. Anyone who wishes to study can come and study. We have no need for the Sages.,The Gemara interjects: Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: Immediately, heresy was injected into Yannai, as he should have said to Elazar ben Po’ira: This works out well with regard to the Written Torah, as it can be studied by all on their own, but what will become of the Oral Torah? The Oral Torah is transmitted only by the Sages. The baraita continues: Immediately, the evil arose and caught fire through Elazar ben Po’ira, and all the Sages of the Jewish people were killed. And the world was desolate of Torah until Shimon ben Shataḥ came and restored the Torah to its former glory. This completes the baraita.,Abaye asks: What are the circumstances of this case? How did those who conducted the investigation refute the rumor that Yannai’s mother had been taken captive? If we say that two witnesses said that she was taken captive, and two others said that she was not taken captive, what did you see that you rely on these who said that she was not taken captive? Instead, rely on these who said that she was taken captive. In such a scenario, one cannot say definitively that the matter was investigated and found to be false.,Rather, it must be referring to one witness who testified she was taken captive, and two testified that she was not taken captive. And the reason that the lone witness is not deemed credible is only that he is contradicted by the other two, from which it may be inferred that if not for that fact, he would be deemed credible. This supports Abaye’s claim that an uncontested lone witness is deemed credible in a case of this kind.,And Rava could reply that this incident affords no proof, for the following reason: Actually, one can say that there were two witnesses who testified that she was captured and two who testified that she was not, and the case was decided in accordance with that which Rav Aḥa bar Rav Minyumi says in a different context, that it is referring to conspiring witnesses. The second pair of witnesses did not contradict the testimony of the first pair but established them as liars by stating that the first pair were not there to witness the event. This serves to disqualify the testimony of the first pair altogether. Here too, it is referring to witnesses who rendered the first set conspiring witnesses.,And if you wish, say that this is in accordance with the version of the story stated by Rabbi Yitzḥak, as Rabbi Yitzḥak says: They replaced Yannai’s mother with a maidservant. The first witnesses saw that Yannai’s mother was about to be taken captive, but the second pair revealed that she had actually been replaced with a maidservant, thereby negating the testimony of the first set.,Rava says:'' None
20. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 107-108, 110-111, 122
 Tagged with subjects: • Hasmoneans, John Hyrcanus • John Hyrcanus, conquests of • John Hyrcanus, constructs Baris • Mount Gerizim, destroyed by John Hyrcanus • Samaria (region), conquest of by John Hyrcanus

 Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 108, 277, 278, 279, 280; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 225, 226

sup>
107 are bound by the rules of purity, lest they should touch anything which is unlawful. It was not without reason that the original founders of the city built it in due proportions, for they possessed clear insight with regard to what was required. For the country is extensive and beautiful. Some parts of it are level, especially the districts which belong to Samaria, as it is called, and which border on the land of the Idumeans, other parts are mountainous, especially (those which are contiguous to the land of Judea). The people therefore are bound to devote themselves to agriculture and the cultivation of the soil that by this means they may have a plentiful supply of crops. In this way'108 cultivation of every kind is carried on and an abundant harvest reaped in the whole of the aforesaid land. The cities which are large and enjoy a corresponding prosperity are well-populated, but they neglect the country districts, since all men are inclined to a life of enjoyment, for every one has a natural tendency towards the pursuit of pleasure.
110 in the city brought agriculture into disrepute: and so to prevent them from settling in the city, the king issued orders that they should not stay in it for more than twenty days. And in the same way he gave the judges written instructions, that if it was necessary to issue a summons against any one 111 who lived in the country, the case must be settled within five days. And since he considered the matter one of great importance, he appointed also legal officers for every district with their assistants, that the farmers and their advocates might not in the interests of business empty the granaries of the
122 carefully that of the Greeks as well. They were specially qualified therefore for serving on embassies and they undertook this duty whenever it was necessary. They possessed a great facility for conferences and the discussion of problems connected with the law. They espoused the middle course - and this is always the best course to pursue. They abjured the rough and uncouth manner, but they were altogether above pride and never assumed an air of superiority over others, and in conversation they were ready to listen and give an appropriate answer to every question. And all of them carefully observed this rule and were anxious above everything else to excel each other in ' None
21. Strabo, Geography, 16.2.28, 16.2.34, 16.2.37
 Tagged with subjects: • Hyrcanus I • Hyrcanus II • Hyrcanus, John I • John Hyrcanus, conquests of

 Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 127; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 109; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 207; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 216

sup>
16.2.28 Then Joppa, where the coast of Egypt, which at first stretches towards the east, makes a remarkable bend towards the north. In this place, according to some writers, Andromeda was exposed to the sea-monster. It is sufficiently elevated; it is said to command a view of Jerusalem, the capital of the Jews, who, when they descended to the sea, used this place as a naval arsenal. But the arsenals of robbers are the haunts of robbers. Carmel, and the forest, belonged to the Jews. The district was so populous that the neighbouring village Iamneia, and the settlements around, could furnish forty thousand soldiers.Thence to Casium, near Pelusium, are little more than 1000 stadia, and 1300 to Pelusium itself.
16.2.34 The western extremities of Judaea towards Casius are occupied by Idumaeans, and by the lake Sirbonis. The Idumaeans are Nabataeans. When driven from their country by sedition, they passed over to the Jews, and adopted their customs. The greater part of the country along the coast to Jerusalem is occupied by the Lake Sirbonis, and by the tract contiguous to it; for Jerusalem is near the sea, which, as we have said, may be seen from the arsenal of Joppa. These districts (of Jerusalem and Joppa) lie towards the north; they are inhabited generally, and each place in particular, by mixed tribes of Egyptians, Arabians, and Phoenicians. of this description are the inhabitants of Galilee, of the plain of Jericho, and of the territories of Philadelphia and Samaria, surnamed Sebaste by Herod; but although there is such a mixture of inhabitants, the report most credited, one among many things believed respecting the temple and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, is, that the Egyptians were the ancestors of the present Jews.
16.2.37 His successors continued for some time to observe the same conduct, doing justly, and worshipping God with sincerity. Afterwards superstitious persons were appointed to the priesthood, and then tyrants. From superstition arose abstinence from flesh, from the eating of which it is now the custom to refrain, circumcision, excision, and other practices which the people observe. The tyrannical government produced robbery; for the rebels plundered both their own and the neighbouring countries. Those also who shared in the government seized upon the property of others, and ravaged a large part of Syria and of Phoenicia.Respect, however, was paid to the acropolis; it was not abhorred as the seat of tyranny, but honoured and venerated as a temple.'' None
22. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Dosa b. Hyrcanus, R. • R. Eliezer b. Hyrcanus

 Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 348; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 249



Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.