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77 results for "honours"
1. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.65, 2.65.7-2.65.13 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 99
2.65.7. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἡσυχάζοντάς τε καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν θεραπεύοντας καὶ ἀρχὴν μὴ ἐπικτωμένους ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ μηδὲ τῇ πόλει κινδυνεύοντας ἔφη περιέσεσθαι: οἱ δὲ ταῦτά τε πάντα ἐς τοὐναντίον ἔπραξαν καὶ ἄλλα ἔξω τοῦ πολέμου δοκοῦντα εἶναι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας φιλοτιμίας καὶ ἴδια κέρδη κακῶς ἔς τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπολίτευσαν, ἃ κατορθούμενα μὲν τοῖς ἰδιώταις τιμὴ καὶ ὠφελία μᾶλλον ἦν, σφαλέντα δὲ τῇ πόλει ἐς τὸν πόλεμον βλάβη καθίστατο. 2.65.8. αἴτιον δ’ ἦν ὅτι ἐκεῖνος μὲν δυνατὸς ὢν τῷ τε ἀξιώματι καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ χρημάτων τε διαφανῶς ἀδωρότατος γενόμενος κατεῖχε τὸ πλῆθος ἐλευθέρως, καὶ οὐκ ἤγετο μᾶλλον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἢ αὐτὸς ἦγε, διὰ τὸ μὴ κτώμενος ἐξ οὐ προσηκόντων τὴν δύναμιν πρὸς ἡδονήν τι λέγειν, ἀλλ’ ἔχων ἐπ’ ἀξιώσει καὶ πρὸς ὀργήν τι ἀντειπεῖν. 2.65.9. ὁπότε γοῦν αἴσθοιτό τι αὐτοὺς παρὰ καιρὸν ὕβρει θαρσοῦντας, λέγων κατέπλησσεν ἐπὶ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι, καὶ δεδιότας αὖ ἀλόγως ἀντικαθίστη πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ θαρσεῖν. ἐγίγνετό τε λόγῳ μὲν δημοκρατία, ἔργῳ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ἀνδρὸς ἀρχή. 2.65.10. οἱ δὲ ὕστερον ἴσοι μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντες καὶ ὀρεγόμενοι τοῦ πρῶτος ἕκαστος γίγνεσθαι ἐτράποντο καθ’ ἡδονὰς τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τὰ πράγματα ἐνδιδόναι. 2.65.11. ἐξ ὧν ἄλλα τε πολλά, ὡς ἐν μεγάλῃ πόλει καὶ ἀρχὴν ἐχούσῃ, ἡμαρτήθη καὶ ὁ ἐς Σικελίαν πλοῦς, ὃς οὐ τοσοῦτον γνώμης ἁμάρτημα ἦν πρὸς οὓς ἐπῇσαν, ὅσον οἱ ἐκπέμψαντες οὐ τὰ πρόσφορα τοῖς οἰχομένοις ἐπιγιγνώσκοντες, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας διαβολὰς περὶ τῆς τοῦ δήμου προστασίας τά τε ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀμβλύτερα ἐποίουν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν πρῶτον ἐν ἀλλήλοις ἐταράχθησαν. 2.65.12. σφαλέντες δὲ ἐν Σικελίᾳ ἄλλῃ τε παρασκευῇ καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ τῷ πλέονι μορίῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἤδη ἐν στάσει ὄντες ὅμως † τρία † μὲν ἔτη ἀντεῖχον τοῖς τε πρότερον ὑπάρχουσι πολεμίοις καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ Σικελίας μετ’ αὐτῶν, καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ἔτι τοῖς πλέοσιν ἀφεστηκόσι, Κύρῳ τε ὕστερον βασιλέως παιδὶ προσγενομένῳ, ὃς παρεῖχε χρήματα Πελοποννησίοις ἐς τὸ ναυτικόν, καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἐνέδοσαν ἢ αὐτοὶ ἐν σφίσι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας διαφορὰς περιπεσόντες ἐσφάλησαν. 2.65.13. τοσοῦτον τῷ Περικλεῖ ἐπερίσσευσε τότε ἀφ’ ὧν αὐτὸς προέγνω καὶ πάνυ ἂν ῥᾳδίως περιγενέσθαι τὴν πόλιν Πελοποννησίων αὐτῶν τῷ πολέμῳ. 2.65.7. He told them to wait quietly, to pay attention to their marine, to attempt no new conquests, and to expose the city to no hazards during the war, and doing this, promised them a favorable result. What they did was the very contrary, allowing private ambitions and private interests, in matters apparently quite foreign to the war, to lead them into projects unjust both to themselves and to their allies—projects whose success would only conduce to the honor and advantage of private persons, and whose failure entailed certain disaster on the country in the war. 2.65.8. The causes of this are not far to seek. Pericles indeed, by his rank, ability, and known integrity, was enabled to exercise an independent control over the multitude—in short, to lead them instead of being led by them; for as he never sought power by improper means, he was never compelled to flatter them, but, on the contrary, enjoyed so high an estimation that he could afford to anger them by contradiction. 2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. 2.65.10. With his successors it was different. More on a level with one another, and each grasping at supremacy, they ended by committing even the conduct of state affairs to the whims of the multitude. 2.65.11. This, as might have been expected in a great and sovereign state, produced a host of blunders, and amongst them the Sicilian expedition; though this failed not so much through a miscalculation of the power of those against whom it was sent, as through a fault in the senders in not taking the best measures afterwards to assist those who had gone out, but choosing rather to occupy themselves with private cabals for the leadership of the commons, by which they not only paralyzed operations in the field, but also first introduced civil discord at home. 2.65.12. Yet after losing most of their fleet besides other forces in Sicily , and with faction already domit in the city, they could still for three years make head against their original adversaries, joined not only by the Sicilians, but also by their own allies nearly all in revolt, and at last by the king's son, Cyrus, who furnished the funds for the Peloponnesian navy. Nor did they finally succumb till they fell the victims of their own intestine disorders. 2.65.13. So superfluously abundant were the resources from which the genius of Pericles foresaw an easy triumph in the war over the unaided forces of the Peloponnesians.
2. Herodotus, Histories, 6.58.3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 107
3. Theocritus, Idylls, 17.122 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 189
4. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 29.18 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 241
29.18. 1.  Philopoemen, the general of the Achaean League, was a man of outstanding attainments, intellectual, military, and moral alike, and his lifelong political career was irreproachable throughout. Time and again he was preferred to the office of general, and for forty years he guided the affairs of state. More than anyone else he advanced the general welfare of the Achaean confederacy, for he not only made it his policy to treat the common man kindly, but also by force of character won the esteem of the Romans. Yet in the final scene of life he found Fortune unkind. After his death, however, as if by some divine Providence he obtained honours equal to those paid the gods, in compensation for the misfortunes that attended his demise. In addition to the decrees in his honour voted by the Achaeans jointly, his native city set up an altar, (instituted) an annual sacrifice to him, and appointed hymns and praises of his exploits to be sung by the young men of the city.
5. Plutarch, Demetrius, 31.1-31.6, 52.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 48, 104
31.1. ὁ γοῦν Δημήτριος τότε δεινὰ μὲν ἡγούμενος πάσχειν, ἀδύνατος δὲ ὢν ἀμύνασθαι, προσέπεμψε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐγκαλῶν μετρίως, ἀξιῶν δὲ τὰς ναῦς ἀπολαβεῖν, ἐν αἷς ἦν καὶ ἡ τρισκαιδεκήρης. κομισάμενος δὲ παρέπλευσεν εἰς Ἰσθμόν, καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ κακῶς ἐχόντων (ἐξέπιπτον γὰρ ἑκασταχόθεν αἱ φρουραὶ καὶ μεθίστατο πάντα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους) 31.2. ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Πύρρον αὐτὸς ἄρας ἐπὶ τὴν Χερρόνησον ἔπλευσε· καὶ κακῶς ἅμα ποιῶν Λυσίμαχον ὠφέλει καὶ συνεῖχε τὴν περὶ αὑτὸν δύναμιν, ἀρχομένην ἀναλαμβάνειν καὶ γίνεσθαι πάλιν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητον. ὁ δὲ Λυσίμαχος ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων ἠμελεῖτο, μηδὲν ἐπιεικέστερος ἐκείνου δοκῶν εἶναι, τῷ δὲ μᾶλλον ἰσχύειν καὶ φοβερώτερος. 31.3. οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον Σέλευκος ἐμνᾶτο πέμπων τὴν Δημητρίου καὶ Φίλας θυγατέρα Στρατονίκην, ἔχων μὲν ἐξ Ἀπάμας τῆς Περσίδος υἱὸν Ἀντίοχον, οἰόμενος δὲ τὰ πράγματα καὶ διαδόχοις ἀρκεῖν πλείοσι, καὶ δεῖσθαι τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον οἰκειότητος, ἐπεὶ καὶ Λυσίμαχον ἑώρα τῶν Πτολεμαίου θυγατέρων τὴν μὲν ἑαυτῷ, τὴν δὲ Ἀγαθοκλεῖ τῷ υἱῷ λαμβάνοντα. 31.4. Δημητρίῳ δʼ ἦν ἀνέλπιστος εὐτυχία κηδεῦσαι Σελεύκω. καὶ τὴν κόρην ἀναλαβὼν ἔπλει ταῖς ναυσὶ πάσαις εἰς Συρίαν, τῇ τε ἄλλῃ γῇ προσέχων ἀναγκαίως καὶ τῆς Κιλικίας ἁπτόμενος, ἣν Πλείσταρχος εἶχε μετὰ τὴν πρὸς Ἀντίγονον μάχην ἐξαίρετον αὐτῷ δοθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων· ἦν δὲ Κασάνδρου Πλείσταρχος ἀδελφός. 31.5. ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὴν χώραν αὑτοῦ νομίζων ὑπὸ Δημητρίου κατὰ τὰς ἀποβάσεις, καὶ μέμψασθαι βουλόμενος τὸν Σέλευκον ὅτι τῷ κοινῷ διαλλάττεται πολεμίῳ δίχα τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων, ἀνέβη πρὸς αὐτόν. 52.4. καὶ Σέλευκος ἤκουσέ τε κακῶς καὶ μετενόησεν οὐ μετρίως ἐν ὑποψίᾳ τὸν Δημήτριον θέμενος τότε, καὶ μηδὲ Δρομιχαίτην, ἄνδρα βάρβαρον Θρᾷκα, μιμησάμενος οὕτω φιλανθρώπως καὶ βασιλικῶς ἁλόντι Λυσιμάχῳ χρησάμενον. 31.1. 31.2. 31.3. 31.4. 31.5. 52.4.
6. Plutarch, Crassus, 33, 32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
7. Plutarch, Letter of Condolence To Apollonius, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 259
8. Plutarch, Cimon, 19.3-19.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
19.3. ὀψὲ δʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξενεγκάμενοι τὰ ὅπλα βραχέος ἥψαντο πολέμου πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ βασιλέως στρατηγούς· καὶ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ μέγα δράσαντες, αὖθις δὲ ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς στάσεσι καὶ ταραχαῖς ἀφʼ ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς ὑπενεχθέντες, ᾤχοντο τοὺς Περσῶν φορολόγους ἐν μέσαις ταῖς συμμάχοις καὶ φίλαις πόλεσιν ἀπολιπόντες, ὧν οὐδὲ γραμματοφόρος κατέβαινεν οὐδʼ ἵππος πρὸς θαλάσσῃ τετρακοσίων σταδίων ἐντὸς ὤφθη στρατηγοῦντος Κίμωνος. 19.4. ὅτι μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀπεκομίσθη τὰ λείψανα αὐτοῦ, μαρτυρεῖ τῶν μνημάτων τὰ μέχρι νῦν Κιμώνεια προσαγορευόμενα· τιμῶσι δὲ καὶ Κιτιεῖς τάφον τινὰ Κίμωνος, ὡς Ναυσικράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ φησίν, ἐν λοιμῷ καὶ γῆς ἀφορίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προστάξαντος αὐτοῖς μὴ ἀμελεῖν Κίμωνος, ἀλλʼ ὡς κρείττονα σέβεσθαι καὶ γεραίρειν. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Ἑλληνικὸς ἡγεμών. 19.3. 19.4.
9. Plutarch, Cicero, 24.6, 48.6, 49.1-49.2, 49.5-49.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 48, 104
24.6. ἐπιστολαὶ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Κικέρωνος εἰσὶ πρός Ἡρώδην, ἕτεραι δὲ πρός τὸν υἱόν, ἐγκελευομένου συμφιλοσοφεῖν Κρατίππῳ. Γοργίαν δὲ τὸν ῥήτορα αἰτιώμενος εἰς ἡδονὰς καὶ πότους προάγειν τὸ μειράκιον ἀπελαύνει τῆς συνουσίας αὐτοῦ. 49.1. τῶν δʼ ἀκρωτηρίων εἰς Ῥώμην κομισθέντων ἔτυχε μὲν ἀρχαιρεσίας τελῶν ὁ Ἀντώνιος, ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ ἰδὼν ἀνεβόησεν ὡς νῦν αἱ προγραφαὶ τέλος ἔχοιεν. τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν καὶ τάς χεῖρας ἐκέλευσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος θεῖναι, θέαμα Ῥωμαίοις φρικτόν, οὐ τὸ Κικέρωνος ὁρᾶν πρόσωπον οἰομένοις, ἀλλὰ τῆς Ἀντωνίου ψυχῆς εἰκόνα. 49.2. πλὴν ἕν γέ τι φρονήσας μέτριον ἐν τούτοις Πομπωνίᾳ τῇ Κοΐντου γυναικὶ τὸν Φιλόλογον παρέδωκεν. ἡ δὲ κυρία γενομένη τοῦ σώματος ἄλλαις τε δειναῖς ἐχρήσατο τιμωρίαις, καὶ τάς σάρκας ἀποτέμνοντα τάς αὐτοῦ κατὰ μικρὸν ὀπτᾶν, εἶτʼ ἐσθίειν ἠνάγκασεν. οὕτω γὰρ ἔνιοι τῶν συγγραφέων ἱστορήκασιν ὁ δʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπελεύθερος Τίρων τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ μέμνηται τῆς τοῦ Φιλολόγου προδοσίας. 24.6. 49.1. 49.2.
10. Plutarch, Aristides, 27.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
11. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 31.1-31.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 48, 104
31.1. μικρὸν δὲ πρόσθεν ἢ παραβαλεῖν ἡμᾶς Ἀθήναζε λέγεταί τι τοιόνδε συμβῆναι. στρατιώτης ἐπὶ κρίσιν τινὰ καλούμενος ὑφʼ ἡγεμόνος, ὅσον εἶχε χρυσίδιον εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ἐνέθηκε τοῦ ἀνδριάντος. ἕστηκε δὲ τοὺς δακτύλους συνέχων διʼ ἀλλήλων, καὶ παραπέφυκεν οὐ μεγάλη πλάτανος. 31.2. ἀπὸ ταύτης πολλὰ τῶν φύλλων, εἴτε πνεύματος ἐκ τύχης καταβαλόντος, εἴτʼ αὐτὸς οὕτως ὁ θεὶς ἐκάλυψε, περικείμενα καὶ συμπεσόντα λαθεῖν ἐποίησε τὸ χρυσίον οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον. ὡς δʼ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπανελθὼν ἀνεῦρε καὶ διεδόθη λόγος ὑπὲρ τούτου, πολλοὶ τῶν εὐφυῶν ὑπόθεσιν λαβόντες εἰς τὸ ἀδωροδόκητον τοῦ Δημοσθένους διημιλλῶντο τοῖς ἐπιγράμμασι. 31.3. Δημάδην δὲ χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ἀπολαύσαντα τῆς φυομένης δόξης ἡ Δημοσθένους δίκη κατήγαγεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, οὓς ἐκολάκευεν αἰσχρῶς, ὑπὸ τούτων ἐξολούμενον δικαίως, ἐπαχθῆ μὲν ὄντα καὶ πρότερον αὐτοῖς, τότε δʼ εἰς αἰτίαν ἄφυκτον ἐμπεσόντα. γράμματα γὰρ ἐξέπεσεν αὐτοῦ, διʼ ὧν παρεκάλει Περδίκκαν ἐπιχειρεῖν Μακεδονίᾳ καὶ σῴζειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὡς ἀπὸ σαπροῦ καὶ παλαιοῦ στήμονος λέγων τὸν Ἀντίπατρον ἠρτημένους. 31.4. ἐφʼ οἷς Δεινάρχου τοῦ Κορινθίου κατηγορήσαντος παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Κάσσανδρος ἐγκατέσφαξεν αὐτοῦ τῷ κόλπῳ τὸν υἱόν, εἶτα οὕτως ἐκεῖνον ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν, ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις διδασκόμενον ἀτυχήμασιν ὅτι πρώτους ἑαυτοὺς οἱ προδόται πωλοῦσιν, ὃ πολλάκις Δημοσθένους προαγορεύοντος οὐκ ἐπίστευσε. τὸν μὲν οὖν Δημοσθένους ἀπέχεις, Σόσσιε, βίον ἐξ ὧν ἡμεῖς ἀνέγνωμεν ἢ διηκούσαμεν. 31.1. 31.2. 31.3. 31.4.
12. Plutarch, Aratus, 53 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 241
13. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 27.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
14. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 87.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour •honours, posthumous Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 10; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 241
15. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 1.2, 28.6, 51.3, 55.5-55.6, 69.2-69.14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 60, 104; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 247
1.2. οὔτε γὰρ ἱστορίας γράφομεν, ἀλλὰ βίους, οὔτε ταῖς ἐπιφανεστάταις πράξεσι πάντως ἔνεστι δήλωσις ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας, ἀλλὰ πρᾶγμα βραχὺ πολλάκις καὶ ῥῆμα καὶ παιδιά τις ἔμφασιν ἤθους ἐποίησε μᾶλλον ἢ μάχαι μυριόνεκροι καὶ παρατάξεις αἱ μέγισται καὶ πολιορκίαι πόλεων. 51.3. τοῦ δὲ Κλείτου μὴ εἴκοντος, ἀλλὰ εἰς μέσον ἃ βούλεται λέγειν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον κελεύοντος, ἢ μὴ καλεῖν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἄνδρας ἐλευθέρους καὶ παρρησίαν ἔχοντας, ἀλλὰ μετὰ βαρβάρων ζῆν καὶ ἀνδραπόδων, οἳ τὴν Περσικὴν ζώνην καὶ τὸν διάλευκον αὐτοῦ χιτῶνα προσκυνήσουσιν, οὐκέτι φέρων τὴν ὀργὴν Ἀλέξανδρος μήλων παρακειμένων ἑνὶ βαλὼν ἔπαισεν αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ἐζήτει. 55.5. ἀποθανεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν ὑπʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου κρεμασθέντα λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ ἐν πέδαις δεδεμένον καὶ νοσήσαντα, Χάρης δὲ μετὰ τὴν σύλληψιν ἑπτὰ μῆνας φυλάττεσθαι δεδεμένον, ὡς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ κριθείη παρόντος Ἀριστοτέλους, ἐν αἷς δὲ ἡμέραις Ἀλέξανδρος ἐτρώθη περὶ τὴν Ἰνδίαν, ἀποθανεῖν ὑπέρπαχυν γενόμενον καὶ φθειριάσαντα. 69.2. ἔπειτα τὸν Κύρου τάφον εὑρὼν διορωρυγμένον ἀπέκτεινε τὸν ἀδικήσαντα, καίτοι Πελλαῖος ἦν οὐ τῶν ἀσημοτάτων ὁ πλημμελήσας, ὄνομα Πολύμαχος. τὴν δὲ ἐπιγραφὴν ἀναγνούς ἐκέλευσεν Ἑλληνικοῖς ὑποχαράξαι γράμμασιν. εἶχε δὲ οὕτως· ὦ ἄνθρωπε, ὅστις εἶ καὶ ὅθεν ἥκεις, ὅτι μὲν γὰρ ἥξεις, οἶδα, ἐγὼ Κῦρός εἰμι ὁ Πέρσαις κτησάμενος τὴν ἀρχήν, μὴ οὖν τῆς ὀλίγης μοι ταύτης γῆς φθονήσῃς ἣ τοὐμὸν σῶμα περικαλύπτει. 69.3. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐμπαθῆ σφόδρα τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐποίησεν, ἐν νῷ λαβόντα τὴν ἀδηλότητα καὶ μεταβολήν. ὁ δὲ Καλανὸς ἐνταῦθα χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ὑπὸ κοιλίας ἐνοχληθείς ᾐτήσατο πυρὰν αὑτῷ γενέσθαι, καὶ κομισθεὶς ἵππῳ πρὸς αὐτήν, ἐπευξάμενος καὶ κατασπείσας ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν τριχῶν ἀπαρξάμενος, ἀναβαίνων ἐδεξιοῦτο τοὺς παρόντας τῶν Μακεδόνων, καὶ παρεκάλει τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ἡδέως γενέσθαι καὶ μεθυσθῆναι μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, αὐτὸν δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἔφη μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ὄψεσθαι. 69.4. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπών κατακλιθεὶς καὶ συγκαλυψάμενος οὐκ ἐκινήθη τοῦ πυρὸς πλησιάζοντος, ἀλλʼ ἐν ᾧ κατεκλίθη σχήματι, τοῦτο διατηρῶν ἐκαλλιέρησεν ἑαυτὸν τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ τῶν ἐκεῖ σοφιστῶν, τοῦτο πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ὕστερον ἄλλος Ἰνδὸς ἐν Ἀθήναις Καίσαρι συνὼν ἐποίησε· καὶ δείκνυται μέχρι νῦν τὸ μνημεῖον Ἰνδοῦ προσαγορευόμενον. 1.2. For it is not Histories that I am writing, but Lives; and in the most illustrious deeds there is not always a manifestation of virtue or vice, nay, a slight thing like a phrase or a jest often makes a greater revelation of character than battles where thousands fall, or the greatest armaments, or sieges of cities. 51.3. Cleitus, however, would not yield, but called on Alexander to speak out freely what he wished to say, or else not to invite to supper men who were free and spoke their minds, but to live with Barbarians and slaves, who would do obeisance to his white tunic and Persian girdle. Then Alexander, no longer able to restrain his anger, threw one of the apples that lay on the table at Cleitus and hit him, and began looking about for his sword. 55.5. As to the death of Callisthenes, some say that he was hanged by Alexander’s orders, others that he was bound hand and foot and died of sickness, and Chares says that after his arrest he was kept in fetters seven months, that he might be tried before a full council when Aristotle was present, but that about the time when Alexander was wounded in India, he died from obesity and the disease of lice. Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 14, 3 f., where other accounts still are mentioned. 69.2. In the second place, having discovered that the tomb of Cyrus had been rifled, he put to death the perpetrator of the deed, although the culprit was a prominent Macedonian native of Pella, by name Polymachus. After reading the inscription upon this tomb, he ordered it to be repeated below in Greek letters. It ran thus: O man, whosoever thou art and whencesoever thou comest, for I know that thou wilt come, I am Cyrus, and I won for the Persians their empire. Do not, therefore, begrudge me this little earth which covers my body. 69.3. These words, then, deeply affected Alexander, who was reminded of the uncertainty and mutability of life. Cf. Arrian, Anab. vi. 29, 4-8 . In Persia, too, Calanus, who had suffered for a little while from intestinal disorder, asked that a funeral pyre might be prepared for him. The self-sacrifice of Calanus is narrated by Arrian ( Anab. vii. 3) . To this he came on horseback, and after offering prayers, sprinkling himself; and casting some of his hair upon the pyre, he ascended it,greeting the Macedonians who were present, and exhorting them to make that day one of pleasure and revelry with the king, whom, he declared, he should soon see in Babylon. 69.4. After thus speaking, he lay down and covered his head, nor did he move as the fire approached him, but continued to lie in the same posture as at first, and so sacrificed himself acceptably, as the wise men of his country had done from of old. The same thing was done many years afterwards by another Indian who was in the following of Caesar, Augustus Caesar. at Athens; and the Indian’s Tomb is shown there to this day.
16. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 23.7-23.8, 24.3, 35.3, 39.1-39.2, 39.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104, 106
23.7. Τιμαίαν γὰρ τὴν Ἄγιδος γυναῖκα τοῦ βασιλέως στρατευομένου καὶ ἀποδημοῦντος οὕτω διέφθειρεν ὥστε καὶ κύειν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ μὴ ἀρνεῖσθαι, καὶ τεκούσης παιδάριον ἄρρεν ἔξω μὲν Λεωτυχίδην καλεῖσθαι, τὸ δʼ ἐντὸς αὐτοῦ ψιθυριζόμενον ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς φίλας καὶ τὰς ὀπαδοὺς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀλκιβιάδην εἶναι· τοσοῦτος ἔρως κατεῖχε τὴν ἄνθρωπον. ὁ δʼ ἐντρυφῶν ἔλεγεν οὐχ ὕβρει τοῦτο πράττειν οὐδὲ κρατούμενος ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς, ἀλλʼ ὅπως Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύσωσιν οἱ ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότες. 23.8. οὕτω πραττόμενα ταῦτα πολλοὶ κατηγόρουν πρὸς τὸν Ἆγιν. ἐπίστευσε δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ μάλιστα, ὅτι σεισμοῦ γενομένου φοβηθεὶς ἐξέδραμε τοῦ θαλάμου παρὰ τῆς γυναικός, εἶτα δέκα μηνῶν οὐκέτι συνῆλθεν αὐτῇ, μεθʼ οὓς γενόμενον τὸν Λεωτυχίδην ἀπέφησεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ μὴ γεγονέναι. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τῆς βασιλείας ἐξέπεσεν ὕστερον ὁ Λεωτυχίδης. 24.3. ὁ δʼ ἡσυχῆ προγνοὺς καὶ φοβηθεὶς τῶν μὲν πράξεων πασῶν ἐκοινώνει τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, τὸ δʼ εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι παντάπασιν ἔφευγε, Τισαφέρνῃ δέ, τῷ βασιλέως σατράπῃ, δοὺς ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας εὐθὺς ἦν παρʼ αὐτῷ πρῶτος καὶ μέγιστος. 35.3. ὅθεν ἠγανάκτουν μὴ ταχὺ πάντα μηδʼ εὐθέως, ὡς ἐβούλοντο, πυνθανόμενοι διαπεπραγμένον, οὐχ ὑπολογιζόμενοι τὴν ἀχρηματίαν, ἀφʼ ἧς πολεμῶν πρὸς ἀνθρώπους βασιλέα μέγαν χορηγὸν ἔχοντας ἠναγκάζετο πολλάκις ἐκπλέων καὶ ἀπολείπων τὸ στρατόπεδον μισθοὺς καὶ τροφὰς πορίζειν. καὶ γὰρ τὸ τελευταῖον ἔγκλημα διὰ ταύτην ἔλαβε τὴν αἰτίαν. 39.1. ὡς οὖν ὁ Λύσανδρος ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὸν Φαρνάβαζον ταῦτα πράττειν κελεύων, ὁ δὲ Μαγαίῳ τε τῷ ἀδελφῷ καὶ Σουσαμίθρῃ τῷ θείῳ προσέταξε τὸ ἔργον, ἔτυχε μὲν ἐν κώμῃ τινὶ τῆς Φρυγίας ὁ Ἀλκιβιάδης τότε διαιτώμενος, ἔχων Τιμάνδραν μεθʼ αὑτοῦ τὴν ἑταίραν, ὄψιν δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἶδε τοιαύτην· 39.2. ἐδόκει περικεῖσθαι μὲν αὐτὸς τὴν ἐσθῆτα τῆς ἑταίρας, ἐκείνην δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐν ταῖς ἀγκάλαις ἔχουσαν αὐτοῦ κοσμεῖν τὸ πρόσωπον ὥσπερ γυναικὸς ὑπογράφουσαν καὶ ψιμυθιοῦσαν. ἕτεροι δέ φασιν ἰδεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτέμνοντας αὐτοῦ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Μαγαῖον ἐν τοῖς ὕπνοις καὶ τὸ σῶμα καιόμενον. ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν ὄψιν οὐ πολὺ γενέσθαι λέγουσι πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς. οἱ δὲ πεμφθέντες πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν εἰσελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ κύκλῳ τὴν οἰκίαν περιστάντες ἐνεπίμπρασαν. 23.7. For while Agis the king was away on his campaigns, Alcibiades corrupted Timaea his wife, so that she was with child by him and made no denial of it. When she had given birth to a male child, it was called Leotychides in public, but in private the name which the boy’s mother whispered to her friends and attendants was Alcibiades. Such was the passion that possessed the woman. But he, in his mocking way, said he had not done this thing for a wanton insult, nor at the behest of mere pleasure, but in order that descendants of his might be kings of the Lacedaemonians. 23.8. Such being the state of things, there were many to tell the tale to Agis, and he believed it, more especially owing to the lapse of time. There had been an earthquake, and he had run in terror out of his chamber and the arms of his wife, and then for ten months had had no further intercourse with her. And since Leotychides had been born at the end of this period, Agis declared that he was no child of his. For this reason Leotychides was afterwards refused the royal succession. Cf. Plut. Lys. 22.4-6 24.3. His stealthy discovery of this put him on his guard, and while in all their undertakings he took part with the Lacedaemonians, he sedulously avoided coming into their hands. Then, resorting to Tissaphernes, the King’s satrap, for safety, he was soon first and foremost in that grandee’s favour. 35.3. They were therefore incensed to hear that he had not accomplished everything at once and speedily, to meet their wishes. They did not stop to consider his lack of money. This compelled him, since he was fighting men who had an almoner of bounty in the Great King, to leave his camp frequently and sail off in quest of money for rations and wages. The final and prevailing charge against him was due to this necessity. 39.1. Accordingly, Lysander sent to Pharnabazus and bade him do this thing, and Pharnabazus commissioned Magaeus, his brother, and Sousamithras, his uncle, to perform the deed. At that time Alcibiades was living in a certain village of Phrygia, where he had Timandra the courtesan with him, and in his sleep he had the following vision. 39.2. He thought he had the courtesan’s garments upon him, and that she was holding his head in her arms while she adorned his face like a woman’s with paints and pigments. Others say that in his sleep he saw Magaeus’ followers cutting off his head and his body burning. All agree in saying that he had the vision not long before his death. The party sent to kill him did not dare to enter his house, but surrounded it and set it on fire.
17. Plutarch, Brutus, 1.1-1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 152
1.1. Μάρκου δὲ Βρούτουπρόγονος ἦν Ἰούνιος Βροῦτος, ὃν ἀνέστησαν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ χαλκοῦν οἱ πάλαι Ῥωμαῖοι μέσον τῶν βασιλέων, ἐσπασμένον ξίφος, ὡς βεβαιότατα καταλύσαντα Ταρκυνίους. 1.2. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος μέν, ὥσπερ τὰ ψυχρήλατα τῶν ξιφῶν, σκληρὸν ἐκ φύσεως καὶ οὐ μαλακὸν ἔχων ὑπὸ λόγου τὸ ἦθος ἄχρι παιδοφονίας ἐξώκειλε τῷ θυμῷ τῷ κατὰ τῶν τυράννων, 1.3. οὑτοσὶ δʼ, ὑπὲρ οὗ γράφεται ταῦτα, παιδείᾳ καὶ λόγῳ διὰ φιλοσοφίας καταμίξας τὸ ἦθος, καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἐμβριθῆ καὶ πρᾳεῖαν οὖσαν ἐπεγείρας ταῖς πρακτικαῖς ὁρμαῖς, ἐμμελέστατα δοκεῖ κραθῆναι πρὸς τὸ καλόν, 1.4. ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ἀπεχθανομένους αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα συνωμοσίαν, εἰ μέν τι γενναῖον ἡ πρᾶξις ἤνεγκε, Βρούτῳ προσάπτειν, τὰ δυσχερέστερα δὲ τῶν γεγονότων τρέπειν εἰς Κάσσιον, οἰκεῖον μέν ὄντα Βρούτου καὶ φίλον, ἁπλοῦν δὲ τῷ τρόπῳ καὶ καθαρὸν οὐχ ὁμοίως. 1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4.
18. Plutarch, Dion, 58.3-58.7, 58.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104, 152
19. Plutarch, Lucullus, 43.2-43.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 95, 104
43.2. τὰ δὲ φάρμακα δοθῆναι μὲν, ὡς ἀγαπῷτο μᾶλλον ὁ Καλλισθένης ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἔχειν δοκοῦντα τὴν δύναμιν, ἐκστῆσαι δὲ καὶ κατακλύσαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὥστʼ ἔτι ζῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν διοικεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀπέθανε, καθάπερ ἂν ἂν supplied by Reiske. ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς πολιτείας αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠχθέσθη καὶ συνέδραμε, καὶ τὸ σῶμα κομισθὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων νεανίσκων ἐβιάζετο θάπτειν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεως, ὅπου καὶ Σύλλαν ἔθαψεν. 43.3. οὐδενὸς δὲ τοῦτο προσδοκήσαντος, οὐδὲ ῥᾳδίας οὔσης τῆς παρασκευῆς, ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ δεόμενος καὶ παραιτούμενος ἔπεισεν ἐπιτρέψαι τὴν παρεσκευασμένην ἐν τῷ περὶ Τοῦσκλον ἀγρῷ τοῦ νεκροῦ κηδείαν γενέσθαι, πολὺν δʼ οὐδʼ αὐτὸς προσεβίω χρόνον, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἡλικίᾳ καὶ δόξῃ μικρὸν ἀπελείφθη, καὶ τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς τελευτῆς, φιλαδελφότατος γενόμενος. 43.2.
20. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 40.4-40.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104, 112
21. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 8.1-8.4, 8.9, 10.1, 12.6, 13.1-13.3, 27.8, 29.10-29.11, 30.1-30.2, 30.5, 31.1-31.2, 31.4, 31.8-31.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104, 107, 112
8.1. δεύτερον δὲ τῶν Λυκούργου πολιτευμάτων καὶ νεανικώτατον ὁ τῆς γῆς ἀναδασμός ἐστι. δεινῆς γάρ οὔσης ἀνωμαλίας καὶ πολλῶν ἀκτημόνων καὶ ἀπόρων ἐπιφερομένων τῇ πόλει, τοῦ δὲ πλούτου παντάπασιν εἰς ὀλίγους συνερρυηκότος, ὕβριν καὶ φθόνον καὶ κακουργίαν καὶ τρυφὴν καὶ τὰ τούτων ἔτι πρεσβύτερα καὶ μείζω νοσήματα πολιτείας, πλοῦτον καὶ πενίαν, ἐξελαύνων, 8.2. συνέπεισε τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν εἰς μέσον θέντας ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀναδάσασθαι, καὶ ζῆν μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἅπαντας ὁμαλεῖς καὶ ἰσοκλήρους τοῖς βίοις γενομένους, τὸ δὲ πρωτεῖον ἀρετῇ μετιόντας, ὡς ἄλλης ἑτέρῳ πρὸς ἕτερον οὐκ οὔσης διαφορᾶς οὐδὲ ἀνισότητος, πλὴν ὅσην αἰσχρῶν ψόγος ὁρίζει καὶ καλῶν ἔπαινος. 8.3. ἐπάγων δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τὸ ἔργον ἔνειμε τὴν μὲν ἄλλην τοῖς περιοίκοις Λακωνικὴν τρισμυρίους κλήρους, τὴν δὲ εἰς τὸ ἄστυ τὴν Σπάρτην συντελοῦσαν ἐνακισχιλίους· τοσοῦτοι γάρ ἐγένοντο κλῆροι Σπαρτιατῶν ἔνιοι δέ φασι τὸν μὲν Λυκοῦργον ἑξακισχιλίους νεῖμαι, τρισχιλίους δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα προσθεῖναι Πολύδωρον οἱ δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἡμίσεις τῶν ἐνακισχιλίων τοῦτον, τοὺς δὲ ἡμίσεις Λυκοῦργον. 8.4. ὁ δὲ κλῆρος ἦν ἑκάστου τοσοῦτος ὥστε ἀποφορὰν φέρειν ἀνδρὶ μὲν ἑβδομήκοντα κριθῶν μεδίμνους, γυναικὶ δὲ δώδεκα, καὶ τῶν ὑγρῶν καρπῶν ἀναλόγως τὸ πλῆθος. ἀρκέσειν γὰρ ᾤετο τοσοῦτον αὐτοῖς, τῆς τροφῆς πρὸς εὐεξίαν καὶ ὑγείαν ἱκανῆς, ἄλλου δὲ μηδενὸς δεησομένοις. λέγεται δ’ αὐτὸν ὕστερόν ποτε χρόνῳ τὴν χώραν διερχόμενον ἐξ ἀποδημίας ἄρτι τεθερισμένην, ὁρῶντα τοὺς σωροὺς παραλλήλους καὶ ὁμαλεῖς, μειδιᾶσαι, καὶ εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ὡς ἡ Λακωνικὴ φαίνεται πᾶσα πολλῶν ἀδελφῶν εἶναι νεωστὶ νενεμημένων. 10.1. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐπιθέσθαι τῇ τρυφῇ καὶ τὸν ζῆλον ἀφελέσθαι τοῦ πλούτου διανοηθείς, τὸ τρίτον πολίτευμα καὶ κάλλιστον ἐπῆγε, τὴν τῶν συσσιτίων κατασκευήν, ὥστε δειπνεῖν μετʼ ἀλλήλων συνιόντας ἐπὶ κοινοῖς καὶ τεταγμένοις ὄψοις καὶ σιτίοις, οἴκοι δὲ μὴ διαιτᾶσθαι κατακλινέντας εἰς στρωμνὰς πολυτελεῖς καὶ τραπέζας, χερσὶ δημιουργῶν καὶ μαγείρων ὑπὸ σκότος, ὥσπερ ἀδηφάγα ζῷα, πιαινομένους, 12.6. ἡ γὰρ πεπιεσμένη τὴν τῆς τετρημένης ἔχει δύναμιν. κἂν μίαν εὕρωσι τοιαύτην, οὐ προσδέχονται τὸν ἐπεισιόντα, βουλόμενοι πάντας ἡ δομένους ἀλλήλοις συνεῖναι. τὸν δὲ οὕτως ἀποδοκιμασθέντα κεκαδδίσθαι λέγουσι· κάδδιχος γὰρ καλεῖται τὸ ἀγγεῖον εἰς ὃ τὰς ἀπομαγδαλίας ἐμβάλλουσι, τῶν δὲ ὄψων εὐδοκίμει μάλιστα παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὁ μέλας ζωμός, ὥστε μηδὲ κρεαδίου δεῖσθαι τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους, ἀλλὰ παραχωρεῖν τοῖς νεανίσκοις, αὐτοὺς δὲ τοῦ ζωμοῦ καταχεομένους ἑστιᾶσθαι. 13.1. νόμους δὲ γεγραμμένους ὁ Λυκοῦργος οὐκ ἔθηκεν, ἀλλὰ μία τῶν καλουμένων ῥητρῶν ἔστιν αὕτη. τὰ μὲν γάρ κυριώτατα καὶ μέγιστα πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν πόλεως καὶ ἀρετήν, ἐν τοῖς ἤθεσιν ᾤετο καὶ ταῖς ἀγωγαῖς τῶν πολιτῶν ἐγκατεστοιχειωμένα, μένειν ἀκίνητα καὶ βέβαια, ἔχοντα τὴν προαίρεσιν δεσμὸν ἰσχυρότερον τῆς ἀνάγκης, ἣν ἡ παίδευσις ἐμποιεῖ τοῖς νέοις, νομοθέτου διάθεσιν ἀπεργαζομένη περὶ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν. 13.2. τὰ δὲ μικρὰ καὶ χρηματικὰ συμβόλαια καὶ μεταπίπτοντα ταῖς χρείαις ἄλλοτε ἄλλως, βέλτιον ἦν μὴ καταλαμβάνειν ἐγγράφοις ἀνάγκαις μηδὲ ἀκινήτοις ἔθεσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐᾶν ἐπὶ τῶν καιρῶν, προσθέσεις λαμβάνοντα καὶ ἀφαιρέσεις, ἃς ἂν οἱ πεπαιδευμένοι δοκιμάσωσι. τὸ γὰρ ὅλον καὶ πᾶν τῆς νομοθεσίας ἔργον εἰς τὴν παιδείαν ἀνῆψε. 13.3. μία μὲν οὖν τῶν ῥητρῶν ἦν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, μὴ χρῆσθαι νόμοις ἐγγράφοις. ἑτέρα δὲ πάλιν κατὰ τῆς πολυτελείας, ὅπως οἰκίᾳ πᾶσα τὴν μὲν ὀροφὴν ἀπὸ πελέκεως εἰργασμένην ἔχῃ, τὰς δὲ θύρας ἀπὸ πρίονος μόνου καὶ μηδενὸς τῶν ἄλλων ἐργαλείων, ὅπερ γάρ ὕστερον Ἐπαμεινώνδαν εἰπεῖν λέγουσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ τραπέζης, ὡς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἄριστον οὐ χωρεῖ προδοσίαν, τοῦτο πρῶτος ἐνόησε Λυκοῦργος, ὡς οἰκίᾳ τοιαύτη τρυφὴν οὐ χωρεῖ καὶ πολυτέλειαν, 30.1. Ἄγιδος δὲ βασιλεύοντος εἰσερρύη νόμισμα πρῶτον εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, καὶ μετὰ τοῦ νομίσματος πλεονεξία καὶ πλούτου ζῆλος ἐπέβη διὰ Λύσανδρον, ὃς αὐτὸς ὢν ἀνάλωτος ὑπὸ χρημάτων, ἐνέπλησε τὴν πατρίδα φιλοπλουτίας καὶ τρυφῆς, χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου καταγαγὼν καὶ τοὺς Λυκούργου καταπολιτευσάμενος νόμους. 30.2. ὧν ἐπικρατούντων πρότερον οὐ πόλεως ἡ Σπάρτη πολιτείαν, ἀλλʼ ἀνδρὸς ἀσκητοῦ καὶ σοφοῦ βίον ἔχουσα, μᾶλλον δʼ, ὥσπερ οἱ ποιηταὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα μυθολογοῦσι δέρμα καὶ ξύλον ἔχοντα τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐπιπορεύεσθαι, κολάζοντα τοὺς παρανόμους καὶ θηριώδεις τυράννους, οὕτως ἡ πόλις ἀπὸ σκυτάλης μιᾶς καὶ τρίβωνος ἄρχουσα τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἑκούσης καὶ βουλομένης, κατέλυε τὰς ἀδίκους δυναστείας καὶ τυραννίδας ἐν τοῖς πολιτεύμασι, καὶ πολέμους ἐβράβευε καὶ στάσεις κατέπαυε, πολλάκις οὐδʼ ἀσπίδα κινήσασα μίαν, ἀλλʼ ἕνα πέμψασα πρεσβευτήν, ᾧ πάντες εὐθὺς ἐποίουν τὸ προστασσόμενον, ὥσπερ αἱ μέλισσαι φανέντος ἡγεμόνος, συντρέχοντες καὶ κατακοσμούμενοι. τοσοῦτον περιῆν εὐνομίας τῇ πόλει καὶ δικαιοσύνης. 30.5. ᾔτουν γάρ οὐ ναῦς οὐδὲ χρήματα παρʼ αὐτῶν οὐδὲ ὁπλίτας πέμποντες, ἀλλὰ ἕνα Σπαρτιάτην ἡγεμόνα· καὶ λαβόντες ἐχρῶντο μετὰ τιμῆς καὶ δέους, ὥσπερ Γυλίππῳ Σικελιῶται καὶ Βρασίδᾳ Χαλκιδεῖς, Λυσάνδρῳ δὲ καὶ Καλλικρατίδᾳ καὶ Ἀγησιλάῳ πάντες οἱ τὴν Ἀσίαν οἰκοῦντες Ἕλληνες, τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας ἁρμοστὰς καὶ σωφρονιστὰς τῶν ἑκασταχοῦ δήμων καὶ ἀρχόντων ὀνομάζοντες, πρὸς δὲ σύμπασαν τὴν τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν πόλιν ὥσπερ παιδαγωγὸν ἢ διδάσκαλον εὐσχήμονος βίου καὶ τεταγμένης πολιτείας ἀποβλέποντες. 31.1. οὐ μὴν τοῦτό γε τῷ Λυκούργῳ κεφάλαιον ἦν τότε, πλείστων ἡγουμένην ἀπολιπεῖν τὴν πόλιν ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς βίῳ καὶ πόλεως ὅλης νομίζων εὐδαιμονίαν ἀπʼ· ἀρετῆς ἐγγίνεσθαι καὶ ὁμονοίας τῆς πρὸς αὑτήν, πρὸς τοῦτο συνέταξε καὶ συνήρμοσεν, ὅπως ἐλευθέριοι καὶ αὐτάρκεις γενόμενοι καὶ σωφρονοῦντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον χρόνον διατελῶσι. 31.2. ταύτην καὶ Πλάτων ἔλαβε τῆς πολιτείας ὑπόθεσιν καὶ Διογένης καὶ Ζήνων καὶ πάντες ὅσοι τι περὶ τούτων ἐπιχειρήσαντες εἰπεῖν ἐπαινοῦνται, γράμματα καὶ λόγους ἀπολιπόντες μόνον, ὁ δὲ οὐ γράμματα καὶ λόγους, ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ πολιτείαν ἀμίμητον εἰς φῶς προενεγκάμενος, καὶ τοῖς ἀνύπαρκτον εἶναι τὴν λεγομένην περὶ τὸν σοφὸν διάθεσιν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν ἐπιδείξας ὅλην τὴν πόλιν φιλοσοφοῦσαν, εἰκότως ὑπερῆρε τῇ δόξῃ τοὺς πώποτε πολιτευσαμένους ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι. 31.4. τελευτῆσαι δὲ τὸν Λυκοῦργον οἱ μὲν ἐν Κίρρᾳ λέγουσιν, Ἀπολλόθεμις δὲ εἰς Ἦλιν κομισθέντα, Τίμαιος δὲ καὶ Ἀριστόξενος ἐν Κρήτῃ καταβιώσαντα καὶ τάφον Ἀριστόξενος αὐτοῦ δείκνυσθαὶ φησιν ὑπὸ Κρητῶν τῆς Περγαμίας περὶ τὴν ξενικὴν ὁδόν. υἱὸν δὲ λέγεται μονογενῆ καταλιπεῖν Ἀντίωρον οὗ τελευτήσαντος ἀτέκνου τὸ γένος ἐξέλιπεν. 8.1. A second, and a very bold political measure of Lycurgus, in his redistribution of the land. For there was a dreadful inequality in this regard, the city was heavily burdened with indigent and helpless people, and wealth was wholly concentrated in the hands of a few. Determined, therefore, to banish insolence and envy and crime and luxury, and those yet more deep-seated and afflictive diseases of the state, poverty and wealth, 8.2. he persuaded his fellow-citizens to make one parcel of all their territory and divide it up anew, and to live with one another on a basis of entire uniformity and equality in the means of subsistence, seeking pre-eminence through virtue alone, assured that there was no other difference or inequality between man and man than that which was established by blame for base actions and praise for good ones. 8.3. Suiting the deed to the word, he distributed the rest of the Laconian land among the perioeci, or free provincials , in thirty thousand lots, and that which belonged to the city of Sparta, in nine thousand lots, to as many genuine Spartans. But some say that Lycurgus distributed only six thousand lots among the Spartans, and that three thousand were afterwards added by Polydorus; others still, that Polydorus added half of the nine thousand to the half distributed by Lycurgus. 8.4. The lot of each was large enough to produce annually seventy bushels of barley for a man and twelve for his wife, with a proportionate amount of wine and oil. Lycurgus thought that a lot of this size would be sufficient for them, since they needed sustece enough to promote vigour and health of body, and nothing else. And it is said that on returning from a journey some time afterwards, as he traversed the land just after the harvest, and saw the heaps of grain standing parallel and equal to one another, he smiled, and said to them that were by: All Laconia looks like a family estate newly divided among many brothers. 10.1. With a view to attack luxury still more and remove the thirst for wealth, he introduced his third and most exquisite political device, namely, the institution of common messes, so that they might eat with one another in companies, of common and specified foods, and not take their meals at home, reclining on costly couches at costly tables, delivering themselves into the hands of servants and cooks to be fattened in the dark, like voracious animals, 12.6. For the flattened piece of bread had the force of a perforated, or negative, ballot. And if one such is found in the bowl, the candidate is not admitted to the mess, because they wish all its members to be congenial. The candidate thus rejected is said to have been caddished, for caddichus Or caddos, from which the verb in the Greek text is formed. is the name of the bowl into which they cast the pieces of bread. of their dishes, the black broth is held in the highest esteem, so that the elderly men do not even ask for a bit of meat, but leave it for the young men, while they themselves have the broth poured out for their meals. 13.1. None of his laws were put into writing by Lycurgus, indeed, one of the so-called rhetras forbids it. For he thought that if the most important and binding principles which conduce to the prosperity and virtue of a city were implanted in the habits and training of its citizens, they would remain unchanged and secure, having a stronger bond than compulsion in the fixed purposes imparted to the young by education, which performs the office of a law-giver for every one of them. 13.2. And as for minor matters, such as business contracts, and cases where the needs vary from time to time, it was better, as he thought, not to hamper them by written constraints or fixed usages, but to suffer them, as occasion demanded, to receive such modifications as educated men should determine. Indeed, he assigned the function of law-making wholly and entirely to education. 13.3. One of his rhetras accordingly, as I have said, prohibited the use of written laws. Another was directed against extravagance, ordaining that every house should have its roof fashioned by the axe, and its doors by the saw only, and by no other tool. For, as in later times Epaminondas is reported to have said at his own table, that such a meal did not comport with treachery, so Lycurgus was the first to see clearly that such a house does not comport with luxury and extravagance. 30.1. But in the reign or Agis, gold and silver money first flowed into Sparta, and with money, greed and a desire for wealth prevailed through the agency of Lysander, who, though incorruptible himself, filled his country with the love of riches and with luxury, by bringing home gold and silver from the war, and thus subverting the laws of Lycurgus. 30.2. While these remained in force, Sparta led the life, not of a city under a constitution, but of an individual man under training and full of wisdom. Nay rather, as the poets weave their tales of Heracles, how with his club and lion’s skin he traversed the world chastising lawless and savage tyrants, so we may say that Sparta, simply with the dispatch-staff and cloak of her envoys, kept Hellas in willing and glad obedience, put down illegal oligarchies and tyrannies in the different states, arbitrated wars, and quelled seditions, often without so much as moving a single shield, but merely sending one ambassador, whose commands all at once obeyed, just as bees, when their leader appears, swarm together and array themselves about him. Such a surplus fund of good government and justice did the city enjoy. 30.5. People did not send requests to them for ships, or money, or hoplites, but for a single Spartan commander; and when they got him, they treated him with honour and reverence, as the Sicilians treated Gylippus; the Chalcidians, Brasidas; and all the Greeks resident in Asia, Lysander, Callicratidas, and Agesilaüs. These men, wherever they came, were styled regulators and chasteners of peoples and magistrates, and the city of Sparta from which they came was regarded as a teacher of well-ordered private life and settled civil polity. 31.1. It was not, however, the chief design of Lycurgus then to leave his city in command over a great many others, but he thought that the happiness of an entire city, like that of a single individual, depended on the prevalence of virtue and concord within its own borders. The aim, therefore, of all his arrangements and adjustments was to make his people free-minded, self-sufficing, and moderate in all their ways, and to keep them so as long as possible. 31.2. His design for a civil polity was adopted by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and by all those who have won approval for their treatises on this subject, although they left behind them only writings and words. Lycurgus, on the other hand, produced not writings and words, but an actual polity which was beyond imitation, and because he gave, to those who maintain that the much talked of natural disposition to wisdom exists only in theory, an example of an entire city given to the love of wisdom, his fame rightly transcended that of all who ever founded polities among the Greeks. 31.4. Some say that Lycurgus died in Cirrha; Apollothemis, that he was brought to Elis and died there; Timaeus and Aristoxenus, that he ended his days in Crete; and Aristoxenus adds that his tomb is shown by the Cretans in the district of Pergamus, near the public highway. It is also said that he left an only son, Antiorus, on whose death without issue, the family became extinct.
22. Plutarch, Lysander, 1.1, 2.7-2.8, 14.7, 25.5, 26.5, 30.1-30.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104, 106, 107, 108
1.1. ὁ Ἀκανθίων θησαυρὸς ἐν Δελφοῖς ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχει τοιαύτην· Βρασίδας καὶ Ἀκάνθιοι ἀπʼ Ἀθηναίων· διὸ καὶ πολλοὶ τὸν ἐντὸς ἑστῶτα τοῦ οἴκου παρὰ ταῖς θύραις λίθινον ἀνδριάντα Βρασίδου νομίζουσιν εἶναι. Λυσάνδρου δέ ἐστιν εἰκονικός, εὖ μάλα κομῶντος ἔθει τῷ παλαιῷ καὶ πώγωνα καθειμένου γενναῖον. 30.1. τοιαύτης δὲ τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ τῆς τελευτῆς γενομένης παραχρῆμα μὲν οὕτως ἤνεγκαν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται βαρέως, ὥστε τῷ βασιλεῖ κρίσιν προγράψαι θανατικήν· ἣν οὐχ ὑποστὰς ἐκεῖνος εἰς Τεγέαν ἔφυγε, κἀκεῖ κατεβίωσεν ἱκέτης ἐν τῷ τεμένει τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς. 30.2. καὶ γὰρ ἡ πενία τοῦ Λυσάνδρου τελευτήσαντος ἐκκαλυφθεῖσα φανερωτέραν ἐποίησε τὴν ἀρετήν, ἀπὸ χρημάτων πολλῶν καὶ δυνάμεως θεραπείας τε πόλεων καὶ βασιλέως τοσαύτης μηδὲ μικρὸν ἐπιλαμπρύναντος τὸν οἶκον εἰς χρημάτων λόγον, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Θεόπομπος, ᾧ μᾶλλον ἐπαινοῦντι πιστεύσειεν ἄν τις ἢ ψέγοντι, ψέγει γὰρ ἥδιον ἢ ἐπαινεῖ. 30.3. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἔφορός φησιν ἀντιλογίας τινὸς συμμαχικῆς ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενομένης, καὶ τὰ γράμματα διασκέψασθαι δεῆσαν ἃ παρʼ ἑαυτῷ κατέσχεν ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον. εὑρόντα δὲ τὸ βιβλίον ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένος ἦν ὁ περὶ τῆς πολιτείας λόγος, ὡς χρὴ τῶν Εὐρυπωντιδῶν καὶ Ἀγιαδῶν τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφελομένους εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων, 30.4. ὁρμῆσαι μὲν εἰς τοὺς πολίτας τὸν λόγον ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ παραδεικνύναι τὸν Λύσανδρον, οἷος ὢν πολίτης διαλάθοι, Λακρατίδαν δέ, ἄνδρα φρόνιμον καὶ τότε προεστῶτα τῶν ἐφόρων, ἐπιλαβέσθαι τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, καὶ εἰπεῖν ὡς δεῖ μὴ ἀνορύττειν τὸν Λύσανδρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν λόγον αὐτῷ συγκατορύττειν οὕτω συντεταγμένον πιθανῶς καὶ πανούργως. 30.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τάς τε ἄλλας τιμὰς ἀπέδοσαν αὐτῷ τελευτήσαντι, καὶ τοὺς μνηστευσαμένους τὰς θυγατέρας, εἶτα μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ Λυσάνδρου πένητος εὑρεθέντος ἀπειπαμένους ἐζημίωσαν, ὅτι πλούσιον μὲν νομίζοντες ἐθεράπευον, δίκαιον δὲ καὶ χρηστὸν ἐκ τῆς πενίας ἐπιγνόντες ἐγκατέλιπον. ἦν γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ ἀγαμίου δίκη καὶ ὀψιγαμίου καὶ κακογαμίου· ταύτῃ δὲ ὑπῆγον μάλιστα τοὺς ἀντὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ οἰκείων τοῖς πλουσίοις κηδεύοντας. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ Λύσανδρον οὕτως ἱστορήσαμεν ἔχοντα. 1.1. 30.1. 30.2. 30.3. 30.4. 30.5.
23. Plutarch, Marcellus, 30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
24. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 39.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
25. Plutarch, Marius, 46.3-46.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
46.3. τοὺς δὲ ἀμνήμονας ς καὶ ἀνοήτους ὑπεκρεῖ τὰ γιγνόμενα μετὰ τοῦ χρόνου· διὸ μηθὲν στέγοντες μηδὲ διατηροῦντες ἀεὶ κενοὶ μὲν ἀγαθῶν, πλήρεις δὲ ἐλπίδων πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἀποβλέπουσι, τὸ παρὸν προϊέμενοι. καίτοι τὸ μὲν ἂν ἡ τύχη κωλῦσαι δύναιτο, τὸ δὲ ἀναφαίρετόν ἐστιν· 46.4. ἀλλʼ ὅμως τοῦτο τῆς τύχης ὡς ἀλλότριον ἐκβάλλοντες ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἄδηλον ὀνειρώττουσιν, εἰκότα πάσχοντες, πρὶν γὰρ ἐκ λόγου καὶ παιδείας ἕδραν ὑποβαλέσθαι καὶ κρηπῖδα τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἀγαθοῖς, συνάγοντες αὐτὰ καὶ συμφοροῦντες ἐμπλῆσαι τῆς ψυχῆς οὐ δύνανται τὸ ἀκόρεστον. 46.5. ἀποθνῄσκει δ’ οὖν Μάριος ἡμέρας ἑπτακαίδεκα τῆς ἑβδόμης ὑπατείας ἐπιλαβών. καὶ μέγα ἔσχε παραυτίκα τὴν Ῥώμην χάρμα καὶ θάρσος ὡς χαλεπῆς τυραννίδος ἀπηλλαγμένην· ὀλίγαις δὲ ἡμέραις ᾔσθοντο νέον ἀντηλλαγμένοι καὶ ἀκμάζοντα ἀντὶ πρεσβύτου δεσπότην τοσαύτην ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Μάριος ὠμότητα καὶ πικρίαν ἀπεδείξατο, τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ δοκιμωτάτους ἀναιρῶν. 46.3. 46.4. 46.5.
26. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 20.8-20.12, 22.1-22.2, 22.9-22.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
20.8. τάχα γὰρ οὐδὲ ἀνάγκης τινὸς δεῖ πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς οὐδὲ ἀπειλῆς, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐν εὐδήλῳ παραδείγματι καὶ λαμπρῷ τῷ βίῳ τοῦ ἄρχοντος ὁρῶντες, ἑκουσίως σωφρονοῦσι καὶ συμμετασχηματίζονται πρὸς τὸν ἐν φιλίᾳ καὶ ὁμονοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετὰ δικαιοσύνης καὶ μετριότητος ἀμύμονα ἀμύμονα MSS. and edd.: ἀκύμονα ( waveless, serene ), after Wyttenbach. καὶ μακάριον βίον, ἐν ᾧ τὸ κάλλιστον ἁπάσης πολιτείας τέλος ἐστί, καὶ βασιλικώτατος ἁπάντων ὁ τοῦτον τὸν βίον καὶ ταύτην τὴν διάθεσιν τοῖς ὑπηκόοις ἐνεργάσασθαι δυνάμενος. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Νομᾶς παντὸς μᾶλλον φαίνεται συνεωρακώς. 22.1. ζηλωτὸν δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῷ τάφῳ τὸν βίον ἐποίησαν οἵ τε σύμμαχοι καὶ φίλοι δῆμοι, συνελθόντες ἐπὶ τὰς ταφὰς ἅμα δημοσίαις ἐπιφοραῖς καὶ στεφάνοις, οἵ τε πατρίκιοι τὸ λέχος ἀράμενοι, καὶ συμπαρόντες οἱ τῶν θεῶν ἱερεῖς καὶ παραπέμποντες, ὁ δ’ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἀναμεμιγμένων καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων οὐχ ὡς βασιλέως ταφαῖς γηραιοῦ παρόντες, ἀλλʼ ὥς τινα τῶν φιλτάτων ἕκαστος ἐν ἀκμῇ βίου ποθούμενον θάπτων, μετʼ οἰμωγῆς καὶ κλαυθμῶν ἑπόμενοι. 22.2. πυρὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔδοσαν τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ κωλύσαντος, ὡς λέγεται, δύο δὲ ποιησάμενοι λιθίνας σοροὺς ὑπὸ τὸ Ἰάνοκλον ἔθηκαν, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχουσαν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ἃς ἐγράψατο μὲν αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τοὺς κύρβεις, ἐκδιδάξας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔτι ζῶν τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ πάντων ἕξιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐνεργασάμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐκέλευσε συνταφῆναι μετὰ τοῦ σώματος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐν ἀψύχοις γράμμασι φρουρουμένων τῶν ἀπορρήτων. 20.8. For possibly there is no need of any compulsion or menace in dealing with the multitude, but when they see with their own eyes a conspicuous and shining example of virtue in the life of their ruler, they will of their own accord walk in wisdom’s ways, and unite with him in conforming themselves to a blameless and blessed life of friendship and mutual concord, attended by righteousness and temperance. Such a life is the noblest end of all government, and he is most a king who can inculcate such a life and such a disposition in his subjects. This, then, as it appears, Numa was preeminent in discerning. 20.8. For possibly there is no need of any compulsion or menace in dealing with the multitude, but when they see with their own eyes a conspicuous and shining example of virtue in the life of their ruler, they will of their own accord walk in wisdom’s ways, and unite with him in conforming themselves to a blameless and blessed life of friendship and mutual concord, attended by righteousness and temperance. Such a life is the noblest end of all government, and he is most a king who can inculcate such a life and such a disposition in his subjects. This, then, as it appears, Numa was preeminent in discerning. 22.1. His obsequies were as much to be envied as his life. The peoples which were in alliance and friendship with Rome assembled at the rites with public offerings and crowns; the senators carried his bier, the priests of the gods served as its escort, and the rest of the people, including women and children, followed with groans and lamentations, not as though they were attending the funeral of an aged king, but as though each one of them was burying some dearest relation taken away in the flower of life. 22.1. His obsequies were as much to be envied as his life. The peoples which were in alliance and friendship with Rome assembled at the rites with public offerings and crowns; the senators carried his bier, the priests of the gods served as its escort, and the rest of the people, including women and children, followed with groans and lamentations, not as though they were attending the funeral of an aged king, but as though each one of them was burying some dearest relation taken away in the flower of life. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents.
27. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 35.2-35.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
35.2. καταλαβόντες δὲ συνεσταλμένον καὶ περικεκομμένον τῆς δυνάμεως Ἀλέξανδρον ἠνάγκασαν Θεσσαλοῖς μὲν ἀποδοῦναι τὰς πόλεις ἃς εἶχεν αὐτῶν, Μάγνητας δὲ καὶ Φθιώτας Ἀχαιοὺς ἀφεῖναι καὶ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξαγαγεῖν, ὀμόσαι δὲ αὐτὸν ἐφʼ οὓς ἂν ἡγῶνται Θηβαῖοι καὶ κελεύσωσιν ἀκολουθήσειν. Θηβαῖοι μὲν οὖν τούτοις ἠρκέσθησαν ἣν δὲ ὀλίγον ὕστερον τοῖς θεοῖς ὑπὲρ Πελοπίδου δίκην ἔδωκε διηγήσομαι. 35.3. Θήβην τὴν συνοικοῦσαν αὐτῷ πρῶτον μὲν, ὡς εἴρηται, Πελοπίδας ἐδίδαξε μὴ φοβεῖσθαι τὴν ἔξω λαμπρότητα καὶ παρασκευὴν τῆς τυραννίδος, ἐντὸς τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν φυλακῶν οὖσαν ἔπειτα δὲ φοβουμένη τὴν ἀπιστίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ μισοῦσα τὴν ὠμότητα, συνθεμένη μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, τριῶν ὄντων, Τισιφόνου, Πειθολάου, Λυκόφρονος, ἐπεχείρει τόνδε τὸν τρόπον. 35.4. τὴν μὲν ἄλλην οἰκίαν τοῦ τυράννου κατεῖχον αἱ φυλακαὶ τῶν παρανυκτερευόντων, ὁ δὲ θάλαμος, ἐν ᾧ καθεύδειν εἰώθεσαν, ὑπερῷος ἦν, καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ φυλακὴν εἶχε κύων δεδεμένος, πᾶσι φοβερὸς πλὴν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις καὶ ἑνὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν τῷ τρέφοντι. καθʼ ὃν οὖν ἔμελλε καιρὸν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἡ Θήβη, τοὺς μὲν ἀδελφοὺς ἀφʼ ἡμέρας εἶχε πλησίον ἐν οἴκῳ τινὶ κεκρυμμένους, 35.5. εἰσελθοῦσα δέ, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, μόνη πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἤδη καθεύδοντα καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν πάλιν προελθοῦσα, τῷ μὲν οἰκέτῃ προσέταξεν ἀπάγειν ἔξω τὸν κύνα· βούλεσθαι γὰρ ἀναπαύεσθαι μεθʼ ἡσυχίας ἐκεῖνον· αὐτὴ δὲ τὴν κλίμακα φοβουμένη μὴ κτύπον παράσχῃ τῶν νεανίσκων ἀναβαινόντων ἐρίοις κατεστόρεσεν· 35.6. εἶτα οὕτως ἀναγαγοῦσα τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ξιφήρεις καὶ στήσασα πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν εἰσῆλθεν αὐτή, καὶ καθελοῦσα τὸ ξίφος ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς κρεμάμενον σημεῖον εἶναι τοῦ κατέχεσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ καθεύδειν ἔδειξεν. ἐκπεπληγμένων δὲ τῶν νεανίσκων καὶ κατοκνούντων, κακίζουσα καὶ διομνυμένη μετʼ ὀργῆς αὐτὴ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐξεγείρασα μηνύσειν τὴν πρᾶξιν, αἰσχυνθέντας αὐτοὺς ἅμα καὶ φοβηθέντας εἰσήγαγε καὶ περιέστησε τῇ κλίνῃ, προσφέρουσα τὸν λύχνον. 35.7. τῶν δὲ ὁ μὲν τοὺς πόδας κατεῖχε πιέσας, ὁ δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν λαβόμενος τῶν τριχῶν ἀνέκλασεν, ὁ δὲ τρίτος τῷ ξίφει τύπτων αὐτὸν διεχρήσατο, τῷ μὲν τάχει τῆς τελευτῆς πρᾳότερον ἴσως ἢ προσῆκον ἦν ἀποθανόντα, τῷ δὲ μόνον ἢ πρῶτον τυράννων ὑπὸ γυναικὸς ἰδίας ἀπολέσθαι, καὶ τῇ μετὰ θάνατον αἰκίᾳ τοῦ σώματος ῥιφέντος καὶ πατηθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν Φεραίων, ἄξια πεπονθέναι δόξαντα τῶν παρανομημάτων. 35.2. They found Alexander weakened and robbed of his forces, and compelled him to restore to the Thessalians the cities he had taken from them, to withdraw his garrisons and set free the Magnesians and the Achaeans of Phthiotis, and to take oath that he would follow the lead of the Thebans against any enemies according to their bidding. The Thebans, then, were satisfied with this; but the gods soon afterwards avenged Pelopidas, as I shall now relate. 35.3. To begin with, Thebe, the tyrant’s wife, as I have said, had been taught by Pelopidas not to fear the outward splendour and array of Alexander, since these depended wholly on his armed guards; and now, in her dread of his faithlessness and her hatred of his cruelty, she conspired with her three brothers, Tisiphonus, Pytholaüs, and Lycophron, and made an attempt upon his life, as follows. 35.4. The rest of the tyrant’s house was guarded by sentries at night, but the bed-chamber, where he and his wife were wont to sleep, was an upper room, and in front of it a chained dog kept guard, which would attack everyone except his master and mistress and the one servant who fed him. When, therefore, Thebe was about to make her attempt, she kept her brothers hidden all day in a room hard by, 35.5. and at night, as she was wont, went in alone to Alexander. She found him already asleep, and after a little, coming out again, ordered the servant to take the dog outdoors, for his master wanted to sleep undisturbed; and to keep the stairs from creaking as the young men came up, she covered them with wool. 35.6. Then, after bringing her brothers safely up, with their swords, and stationing them in front of the door, she went in herself, and taking down the sword that hung over her husband’s head, showed it to them as a sign that he was fast asleep. Finding the young men terrified and reluctant, she upbraided them, and swore in a rage that she would wake Alexander herself and tell him of the plot, and so led them, ashamed and fearful too, inside, and placed them round the bed, to which she brought the lamp. 35.7. Then one of them clutched the tyrant’s feet and held them down, another dragged his head back by the hair, and the third ran him through with his sword. The swiftness of it made his death a milder one, perhaps, than was his due; but since he was the only, or the first, tyrant to die at the hands of his own wife, and since his body was outraged after death, being cast out and trodden under foot by the Pheraeans, he may be thought to have suffered what his lawless deeds deserved.
28. Plutarch, Pericles, 2.5, 5.3, 15.1, 39.1, 39.3-39.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 10, 60, 95, 99, 100, 104
5.3. ὡς δʼ ἔμελλεν εἰσιέναι σκότους ὄντος ἤδη, προσέταξέ τινι τῶν οἰκετῶν φῶς λαβόντι παραπέμψαι καὶ καταστῆσαι πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον. ὁ δὲ ποιητὴς Ἴων μοθωνικήν φησι τὴν ὁμιλίαν καὶ ὑπότυφον εἶναι τοῦ Περικλέους, καὶ ταῖς μεγαλαυχίαις αὐτοῦ πολλὴν ὑπεροψίαν ἀναμεμῖχθαι καὶ περιφρόνησιν τῶν ἄλλων· ἐπαινεῖ δὲ τὸ Κίμωνος ἐμμελὲς καὶ ὑγρὸν καὶ μεμουσωμένον ἐν ταῖς περιφοραῖς. 15.1. ὡς οὖν παντάπασι λυθείσης τῆς διαφορᾶς καὶ τῆς πόλεως οἷον ὁμαλῆς καὶ μιᾶς γενομένης κομιδῇ, περιήνεγκεν εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὰς Ἀθήνας καὶ τὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐξηρτημένα πράγματα, φόρους καὶ στρατεύματα καὶ τριήρεις καὶ νήσους καὶ θάλασσαν, καὶ πολλὴν μὲν διʼ Ἑλλήνων, πολλὴν δὲ καὶ διὰ βαρβάρων ἥκουσαν ἰσχύν, καὶ ἡγεμονίαν ὑπηκόοις ἔθνεσι καὶ φιλίαις βασιλέων καὶ συμμαχίαις πεφραγμένην δυναστῶν, 39.1. θαυμαστὸς οὖν ὁ ἀνὴρ οὐ μόνον τῆς ἐπιεικείας καὶ πρᾳότητος, ἣν ἐν πράγμασι πολλοῖς καὶ μεγάλαις ἀπεχθείαις διετήρησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ φρονήματος, εἰ τῶν αὑτοῦ καλῶν ἡγεῖτο βέλτιστον εἶναι τὸ μήτε φθόνῳ μήτε θυμῷ χαρίσασθαι μηδὲν ἀπὸ τηλικαύτης δυνάμεως, μηδὲ χρήσασθαί τινι τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὡς ἀνηκέστῳ. 39.3. τὸν μὲν τόπον, ἐν ᾧ τοὺς θεοὺς κατοικεῖν λέγουσιν, ἀσφαλὲς ἕδος καὶ ἀσάλευτον καλοῦντες, οὐ πνεύμασιν, οὐ νέφεσι χρώμενον, ἀλλʼ αἴθρᾳ αἴθρᾳ Fuhr and Blass with F a S: αἰθρίᾳ . μαλακῇ καὶ φωτὶ καθαρωτάτῳ καθαρωτάτῳ Fuhr and Blass with F a S: καθαρῷ . τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ὁμαλῶς περιλαμπόμενον, ὡς τοιαύτης τινὸς τοιαύτης τινὸς Fuhr and Blass with F a S: τοιαύτης . τῷ μακαρίῳ καὶ ἀθανάτῳ διαγωγῆς μάλιστα πρεπούσης, αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς θεοὺς ταραχῆς καὶ δυσμενείας καὶ ὀργῆς ἄλλων τε μεστοὺς παθῶν ἀποφαίνοντες οὐδʼ ἀνθρώποις νοῦν ἔχουσι προσηκόντων. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως ἑτέρας δόξει πραγματείας εἶναι. 39.4. τοῦ δὲ Περικλέους ταχεῖαν αἴσθησιν καὶ σαφῆ πόθον Ἀθηναίοις ἐνειργάζετο τὰ πράγματα. καὶ γὰρ οἱ ζῶντος βαρυνόμενοι τὴν δύναμιν ὡς ἀμαυροῦσαν αὐτούς, εὐθὺς ἐκ ποδῶν γενομένου πειρώμενοι ῥητόρων καὶ δημαγωγῶν ἑτέρων ἀνωμολογοῦντο μετριώτερον ἐν ὄγκῳ καὶ σεμνότερον ἐν πρᾳότητι μὴ φῦναι τρόπον· 5.3. When he was about to go in doors, it being now dark, he ordered a servant to take a torch and escort the fellow in safety back to his own home. The poet Ion, however, says that Pericles had a presumptuous and somewhat arrogant manner of address, and that into his haughtiness there entered a good deal of disdain and contempt for others; he praises, on the other hand, the tact, complaisance, and elegant address which Cimon showed in his social intercourse. Cf. Plut. Cim. 9 . 15.1. Thus, then, seeing that political differences were entirely remitted and the city had become a smooth surface, as it were, and altogether united, he brought under his own control Athens and all the issues dependent on the Athenians,—tributes, armies, triremes, the islands, the sea, the vast power derived from Hellenes, vast also from Barbarians, and a supremacy that was securely hedged about with subject nations, royal friendships, and dynastic alliances. 39.1. So, then, the man is to be admired not only for his reasonableness and the gentleness which he maintained in the midst of many responsibilities and great enmities, but also for his loftiness of spirit, seeing that he regarded it as the noblest of all his titles to honor that he had never gratified his envy or his passion in the exercise of his vast power, nor treated any one of his foes as a foe incurable. 39.3. ince they declare that the place where they say the gods dwell is a secure abode and tranquil, without experience of winds and clouds, but gleaming through all the unbroken time with the soft radiance of purest light, Cf. Hom. Od. 6.42 ff. —implying that some such a manner of existence is most becoming to the blessed immortal; and yet they represent the gods themselves as full of malice and hatred and wrath and other passions which ill become even men of any sense. But this, perhaps, will be thought matter for discussion elsewhere. 39.4. The progress of events wrought in the Athenians a swift appreciation of Pericles and a keen sense of his loss. For those who, while he lived, were oppressed by a sense of his power and felt that it kept them in obscurity, straightway on his removal made trial of other orators and popular leaders, only to be led to the confession that a character more moderate than his in its solemn dignity, and more august in its gentleness, had not been created.
29. Plutarch, Philopoemen, 21.1-21.2, 21.4, 21.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour •honours, posthumous Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 241
21.1. ὡς οὖν ὁ περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς λόγος ἧκεν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, τὰς μὲν πόλεις αὐτῶν κοινὴ κατήφεια καὶ πένθος εἶχεν, οἱ δʼ ἐν ἡλικίᾳ μετὰ τῶν προβούλων συνελθόντες εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν οὐδʼ ἡντινοῦν ἀναβολὴν ἐποιήσαντο τῆς τιμωρίας, ἀλλʼ ἑλόμενοι στρατηγὸν Λυκόρταν εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ἐνέβαλον καὶ κακῶς ἐποίουν τὴν χώραν, ἄχρι οὗ συμφρονήσαντες ἐδέξαντο τοὺς Ἀχαιούς. 21.2. καὶ Δεινοκράτης μὲν αὐτὸς αὑτὸν φθάσας διεχρήσατο, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ὅσοις μὲν ἀνελεῖν ἔδοξε Φιλοποίμενα διʼ αὐτῶν διʼ αὐτῶν Bekker and Blass have διʼ αὑτῶν ( died by their own hands ), with Stephanus. ἀπέθνῃσκον, ὅσοις δὲ καὶ βασανίσαι, τούτους ἐπʼ αἰκίαις ἀπολουμένους συνελάμβανεν ὁ Λυκόρτας. τὸ δὲ σῶμα καύσαντες αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ λείψανα συνθέντες εἰς ὑδρίαν ἀνεζεύγνυσαν, οὐκ ἀτάκτως οὐδὲ ὡς ἔτυχεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπινίκιόν πομπήν τινα ἅμα ταῖς ταφαῖς μίξαντες. 21.4. ἐκ δὲ τῶν διὰ μέσου πόλεων καὶ κωμῶν ἀπαντῶντες, ὥσπερ αὑτὸν ἀπὸ στρατείας ἐπανιόντα δεξιούμενοι, τῆς ὑδρίας ἐφήπτοντο, καὶ συμπροῆγον εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν. ὡς οὖν συνανεμείχθησαν αὐτοῖς οἱ πρεσβύτεροι μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων, ὀλοφυρμὸς ἤδη διὰ παντὸς ἐχώρει τοῦ στρατεύματος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπιποθοῦσαν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ βαρέως φέρουσαν, οἰομένην συναποβεβληκέναι τὸ πρωτεύειν ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. 21.1. 21.2. 21.4.
30. Plutarch, Phocion, 37.3-37.4, 38.2, 38.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
37.3. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ παροῦσα μετὰ τῶν θεραπαινίδων ἔχωσε μὲν αὐτόθι χῶμα κενὸν καὶ κατέσπεισεν, ἐνθεμένη δὲ τῷ κόλπῳ τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ κομίσασα νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν κατώρυξε παρὰ τὴν ἑστίαν, εἰποῦσα· σοὶ, ὦ φίλη ἑστία, παρακατατίθεμαι ταῦτα ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ λείψανα· σὺ δὲ αὐτὰ τοῖς πατρῴοις ἀπόδος ἠρίοις, ὅταν Ἀθηναῖοι σωφρονήσωσι. 38.2. τοῦτον οὔτε τἆλλα σπουδαῖον ἄνδρα γενέσθαι φασί, καὶ παιδίσκης ἐρῶντα παρὰ πορνοβοσκῷ τρεφομένης κατὰ τύχην Θεοδώρῳ τῷ ἀθέῳ παραγενέσθαι λόγον ἐν Λυκείῳ διαλεγομένῳ τοιοῦτον εἰ τὸ φίλον λύσασθαι μὴ αἰσχρόν ἐστιν, οὐδὲ τὸ φίλην ὁμοίως· εἰ δὲ μὴ τὸ ἑταῖρον, οὐδὲ τὸ ἑταίραν· θέμενον οὖν ἑαυτῷ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τὸν λόγον ὡς εὖ ἔχοντα, λύσασθαι τὴν ἑταίραν. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν περὶ Φωκίωνα πραχθέντα τῶν περὶ Σωκράτην πάλιν ἀνέμνησε τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς ὁμοιοτάτης ἐκείνῃ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ταύτης καὶ δυστυχίας τῇ πόλει γενομένης. 37.3.
31. Plutarch, Pompey, 10.4-10.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 60
10.4. ἀπαχθέντα μέντοι φασὶν αὐτόν, ὡς εἶδεν ἑλκόμενον ἤδη τὸ ξίφος, δεῖσθαι τόπον αὑτῷ καὶ χρόνον βραχύν, ὡς ὑπὸ κοιλίας ἐνοχλουμένῳ, παρασχεῖν. Γάϊος δὲ Ὄππιος ὁ Καίσαρος ἑταῖρος ἀπανθρώπως φησὶ καὶ Κοΐντῳ Οὐαλλερίῳ χρήσασθαι τὸν Πομπήϊον. ἐπιστάμενον γὰρ ὡς ἔστι φιλολόγος ἀνὴρ καὶ φιλομαθὴς ἐν ὀλίγοις ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, ὡς ἤχθη πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπισπασάμενον καὶ συμπεριπατήσαντα καὶ πυθόμενον ὧν ἔχρῃζε καὶ μαθόντα, προστάξαι τοῖς ὑπηρέταις εὐθὺς ἀνελεῖν ἀπαγαγόντας. 10.5. ἀλλʼ Ὀππίῳ μέν, ὅταν περὶ τῶν Καίσαρος πολεμίων ἢ φίλων διαλέγηται, σφόδρα δεῖ πιστεύειν μετὰ εὐλαβείας· Πομπήϊος δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐν δόξῃ μάλιστα τῶν Σύλλα πολεμίων καὶ φανερῶς ἁλισκομένους ἀναγκαίως ἐκόλαζε, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων ὅσους ἐξῆν περιεώρα λανθάνοντας, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ συνεξέπεμπε. 10.6. τὴν δὲ Ἱμεραίων πόλιν ἐγνωκότος αὐτοῦ κολάζειν γενομένην μετὰ τῶν πολεμίων, Σθένις ὁ δημαγωγὸς αἰτησάμενος λόγον οὐκ ἔφη δίκαια ποιήσειν τὸν Πομπήϊον, ἐὰν τὸν αἴτιον ἀφεὶς ἀπολέσῃ τοὺς μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας. ἐρομένου δὲ ἐκείνου τίνα λέγει τὸν αἴτιον, ἑαυτὸν ὁ Σθένις ἔφη, τοὺς μὲν φίλους πείσαντα τῶν πολιτῶν, τοὺς δʼ ἐχθροὺς βιασάμενον. 10.4. 10.5. 10.6.
32. Plutarch, Romulus, 29.1-29.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
29.1. τὴν δὲ γενομένην ἐπωνυμίαν τῷ Ῥωμύλῳ τὸν Κυρῖνον οἱ μὲν Ἐνυάλιον προσαγορεύουσιν, οἱ δὲ πολίτην, οἱ δὲ πολίτην, ὅτι Coraës and Bekker, with two Bodleian MSS. (B ab ): οἱ δὲ ὅτι . ὅτι καὶ τοὺς πολίτας Κυρίτας ὠνόμαζον, οἱ δὲ τὴν αἰχμὴν ἢ τὸ δόρυ τοὺς παλαιοὺς κύριν ὀνομάζειν, καὶ Κυρίτιδος Ἥρας ἄγαλμα καλεῖν ἐπʼ αἰχμῆς ἱδρυμένον, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥηγίᾳ δόρυ καθιδρυμένον Ἄρεα προσαγορεύειν καὶ δόρατι τοὺς ἐν πολέμοις ἀριστεύοντας γεραίρειν· ὡς οὖν ἀρήιόν τινα τὸν Ῥωμύλον ἢ αἰχμητὴν θεὸν ὀνομασθῆναι Κυρῖνον. 29.2. ἱερὸν μὲν οὖν αὐτοῦ κατεσκευασμένον ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ λόφῳ τῷ Κυρίνᾳ προσαγορευομένῳ διʼ ἐκεῖνον· ᾗ δʼ ἡμέρᾳ μετήλλαξεν, ὄχλου φυγὴ καλεῖται καὶ νῶναι Καπρατῖναι διὰ τὸ θύειν εἰς τὸ τῆς αἰγὸς ἕλος ἐκ πόλεως κατιόντας· τὴν γὰρ αἶγα κάπραν ὀνομάζουσιν. ἐξιόντες δὲ πρὸς τὴν θυσίαν πολλὰ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ὀνομάτων φθέγγονται μετὰ βοῆς, οἷον Μάρκου, Λουκίου, Γαΐου, μιμούμενοι τὴν τότε τροπὴν καὶ ἀνάκλησιν ἀλλήλων μετὰ δέους καὶ ταραχῆς. 29.3. ἔνιοι μέντοι τὸ μίμημα τοῦτό φασι μὴ φυγῆς, ἀλλʼ ἐπείξεως εἶναι καὶ σπουδῆς, εἰς αἰτίαν τοιαύτην ἀναφέροντες τὸν λόγον. ἐπεὶ Κελτοὶ τὴν Ῥώμην καταλαβόντες ἐξεκρούσθησαν ὑπὸ Καμίλλου, καὶ διʼ ἀσθένειαν ἡ πόλις οὐκέτι ῥᾳδίως ἑαυτὴν ἀνελάμβανεν, ἐστράτευσαν ἐπʼ αὐτὴν πολλοὶ τῶν Λατίνων, ἄρχοντα Λίβιον Ποστούμιον ἔχοντες. οὗτος δὲ καθίσας τὸν στρατὸν οὐ πρόσω τῆς Ῥώμης ἔπεμπε κήρυκα, βούλεσθαι λέγων τοὺς Λατίνους ἐκλιποῦσαν ἤδη τὴν παλαιὰν οἰκειότητα καὶ συγγένειαν ἐκζωπυρῆσαι, καιναῖς αὖθις ἀνακραθέντων ἐπιγαμίαις τῶν γενῶν. 29.1. To the surname of Quirinus bestowed on Romulus, some give the meaning of Mars , others that of Citizen because the citizens were called Quirites; but others say that the ancients called the spear-head (or the whole spear) quiris, and gave the epithet Quiritis to the Juno whose statue leans upon a spear, and the name Mars to a spear consecrated in the Regia, and a spear as a prize to those who performed great exploits in war; and that Romulus was therefore called Quirinus as a martial , or spear-wielding , god. 29.2. However that may be, a temple in his honour is built on the hill called Quirinalis after him, and the day on which he vanished is called People’s Flight, and Capratine Nones, because they go out of the city and sacrifice at the Goat’s Marsh; and capra is their word for she-goat. And as they go forth to the sacrifice, they shout out many local names, like Marcus, Lucius, and Caius, in imitation of the way in which, on the day when Romulus disappeared, they called upon one another in fear and confusion. 29.3. Some, however, say that this imitation is not one of flight, but of haste and eagerness, and explain it as referring to the following occasion. After the Gauls had captured Rome and been driven out by Camillus, and when the city was still too weak to recover itself readily, an expedition was made against it by many of the Latins, under the command of Livius Postumius. This general stationed his army not far from Rome, and sent a herald with the message that the Latins wished to renew their ancient relationship and affinity with the Romans, by fresh intermarriages between the two peoples.
33. Plutarch, Sertorius, 27.2-27.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
27.2. καὶ ταχὺ συντριβεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ γενόμενος αἰχμάλωτος οὐδὲ τὴν ἐσχάτην ὑπέμεινε συμφορὰν ἡγεμονικῶς, ἀλλὰ τῶν Σερτωρίου γραμμάτων κύριος γεγονώς ὑπισχνεῖτο Πομπηΐῳ δείξειν ὑπατικῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Ῥώμῃ δυναμένων αὐτογράφους ἐπιστολάς, καλούντων Σερτώριον εἰς Ἰταλίαν, ὡς πολλῶν ποθούντων τὰ παρόντα κινῆσαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν τὴν πολιτείαν. 27.3. ἔργον οὖν ὁ Πομπήϊος οὐ νέας φρενός, ἀλλʼ εὖ μάλα βεβηκυίας καὶ κατηρτυμένης ἐργασάμενος μεγάλων ἀπήλλαξε τὴν Ῥώμην φόβων καὶ νεωτερισμῶν, τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιστολὰς ἐκείνας καὶ τὰ γράμματα τοῦ Σερτωρίου συναγαγὼν ἅπαντα κατέκαυσεν οὔτε αὐτὸς ἀναγνοὺς αὐτὸς ἀναγνοὺς Naber: ἀναγνούς . οὔτε ἐάσας ἕτερον· αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Περπένναν κατὰ τάχος ἀνεῖλε, φοβηθεὶς μὴ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐξενεχθέντων πρός τινας ἀποστάσεις καὶ ταραχαὶ γένωνται. 27.4. τῶν δὲ τῷ Περπέννᾳ συνομοσαμένων οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ Πομπήϊον ἀναχθέντες διεφθάρησαν, οἱ δὲ φεύγοντες εἰς Λιβύην ὑπὸ Μαυρουσίων κατηκοντίσθησαν. διέφυγε δʼ οὐδεὶς πλὴν Αὐφίδιος ὁ τοῦ Μαλλίου ἀντεραστής· οὗτος δὲ ἢ λαθὼν ἢ παραμεληθεὶς ἔν τινι βαρβάρῳ κώμῃ πενόμενος καὶ μισούμενος κατεγήρασεν. 27.2. 27.3.
34. Plutarch, Fabius, 5.3, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8, 7.3, 7.5, 7.7, 8.4, 9, 10.2, 10.5-11.1, 12.1, 12.3, 12.5, 12.6, 26.2, 26.3, 27.3, 27.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104
35. Plutarch, Sulla, 2.1-2.2, 38.3, 38.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous, honour or dishonour Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 107, 108
2.1. τοῦ δὲ σώματος αὐτοῦ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο εἶδος ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνδριάντων φαίνεται, τὴν δὲ τῶν ὀμμάτων γλαυκότητα δεινῶς πικρὰν καὶ ἄκρατον οὖσαν ἡ χρόα τοῦ προσώπου φοβερωτέραν ἐποίει προσιδεῖν. ἐξήνθει γὰρ τὸ ἐρύθημα τραχὺ καὶ σποράδην καταμεμιγμένον τῇ λευκότητι· πρὸς ὃ καὶ τοὔνομα λέγουσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τῆς χρόας ἐπίθετον, καὶ τῶν Ἀθήνησι γεφυριστῶν ἐπέσκωψέ τις εἰς τοῦτο ποιήσας· συκάμινόν ἐσθʼ ὁ Σύλλας ἀλφίτῳ πεπασμένον. 2.2. τοῖς δὲ τοιούτοις τῶν τεκμηρίων οὐκ ἄτοπόν ἐστι χρῆσθαι περὶ ἀνδρός, ὃν οὕτω φιλοσκώμμονα φύσει γεγονέναι λέγουσιν, ὥστε νέον μὲν ὄντα καὶ ἄδοξον ἔτι μετὰ μίμων καὶ γελωτοποιῶν διαιτᾶσθαι καὶ συνακολασταίνειν, ἐπεὶ δὲ κύριος ἁπάντων κατέστη, συναγαγόντα τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς καὶ θεάτρου τοὺς ἰταμωτάτους ὁσημέραι πίνειν καὶ διαπληκτίζεσθαι τοῖς σκώμμασι, τοῦ τε γήρως ἀωρότερα πράττειν δοκοῦντα καὶ πρὸς τῷ καταισχύνειν τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς πολλὰ τῶν δεομένων ἐπιμελείας προϊέμενον. 38.3. ἀνέμου δὲ λαμπροῦ καταιγίσαντος εἰς τὴν πυρὰν καὶ φλόγα πολλὴν ἐγείραντος ἔφθη τὸ σῶμα συγκομισθὲν ὅσον ἤδη τ?ῆς πυρᾶς μαραινομένης καὶ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀπιόντος ἐκχυθῆναι πολὺν ὄμβρον καὶ κατασχεῖν ἄχρι νυκτός, ὥστε τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ δοκεῖν τὸ σῶμα συνθάπτειν παραμένουσαν. 2.1. 2.2. 38.3.
36. Plutarch, Theseus, 1, 1.5, 2, 3.6, 3.7, 8.5, 12.4, 12.5, 25.1, 25.2, 25.3, 26.5, 26.6, 30.1, 30.2, 35.7, 35.8-36.6, 35.8, 36.1, 36.2, 36.3, 36.4, 36.5, 36.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 104, 109
36.3. θυσίαν δὲ ποιοῦσιν αὐτῷ τὴν μεγίστην ὀγδόῃ Πυανεψιῶνος, ἐν ᾗ μετὰ τῶν ἠϊθέων ἐκ Κρήτης ἐπανῆλθεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ὀγδόαις τιμῶσιν αὐτόν, ἢ διὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκ Τροιζῆνος ἀφικέσθαι τῇ ὀγδόῃ τοῦ Ἑκατομβαιῶνος, ὡς ἱστόρηκε Διόδωρος ὁ περιηγητής, ἢ νομίζοντες ἑτέρου μᾶλλον ἐκείνῳ προσήκειν τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦτον ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος γεγονέναι λεγομένῳ.
37. Lucian, How To Write History, 62 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 189
38. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 188
39. Lucian, On Mourning, 19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 263
41. Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca (1878), 647  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 263
42. Epigraphy, Sgo, None  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 263
44. Epigraphy, I 04/19/03, None  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 263
45. Epigraphy, Syll. , 390, 624  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 241
46. Epigraphy, Seg, 28.103, 42.785, 45.1502, 49.1106, 50.1109, 53.907  Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, posthumous honours for •honours, posthumous •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 187, 188; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 240; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 224, 241, 247, 259, 263
47. Epigraphy, Sb, 3448, 7396, 7332  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 189
48. Epigraphy, Ogis, 16, 219, 22-23, 6, 90, 29  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 189
49. Epigraphy, Cpi, 358, 451, 323  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 187
50. Epigraphy, Knidos, 71  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 224, 247, 259
51. Epigraphy, Igr I, 1151  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours, in ptolemais hermiou Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 190
52. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,4, 135.31-135.32  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 188
53. Epigraphy, Lscg, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 241, 247, 259, 263
54. Epigraphy, Igbulg, None  Tagged with subjects: •honours, posthumous Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 259
55. Epigraphy, Ig Xv, 2, 118  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 188
56. Epigraphy, Philae, 166, 20  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 190
57. Epigraphy, Ig 11.4, 1038, 1123-1124  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 189
58. Epigraphy, Breccia (1911), 3, 2  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 189
59. Epigraphy, I. Varsovie, 50  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 187
68. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, None  Tagged with subjects: •lykourgos, posthumous honours for Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 240
69. Papyri, P.London Iii, None  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours, in ptolemais hermiou Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 190
70. Epigraphy, Fraser (1959-60), 1  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours, in ptolemais hermiou Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 190
71. Epigraphy, I. Alex.Ptol., 8  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 189
72. Epigraphy, I. Delphinion, 139  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 188, 189
73. Callixenius, Fgrh 627, None  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 188
74. Epigraphy, Ig 12.7, 506  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 187
75. Epigraphy, Rubensohn (1931), 1  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 187
76. Papyri, Papyrus Fouad Ier, 211  Tagged with subjects: •posthumous honours, in ptolemais hermiou Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 190