| 1. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, religious ideas in •herodotus and the histories, voice of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 268, 269 |
| 2. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, globalism of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 291 |
3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22.1-1.22.3, 1.24.1, 3.113.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ambiguity of •herodotus and the histories, autopsy in •herodotus and the histories, narratorial style or narratology of •herodotus and the histories, globalism of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 95, 96, 205, 206, 291| 1.22.1. καὶ ὅσα μὲν λόγῳ εἶπον ἕκαστοι ἢ μέλλοντες πολεμήσειν ἢ ἐν αὐτῷ ἤδη ὄντες, χαλεπὸν τὴν ἀκρίβειαν αὐτὴν τῶν λεχθέντων διαμνημονεῦσαι ἦν ἐμοί τε ὧν αὐτὸς ἤκουσα καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοθέν ποθεν ἐμοὶ ἀπαγγέλλουσιν: ὡς δ’ ἂν ἐδόκουν ἐμοὶ ἕκαστοι περὶ τῶν αἰεὶ παρόντων τὰ δέοντα μάλιστ’ εἰπεῖν, ἐχομένῳ ὅτι ἐγγύτατα τῆς ξυμπάσης γνώμης τῶν ἀληθῶς λεχθέντων, οὕτως εἴρηται. 1.22.2. τὰ δ’ ἔργα τῶν πραχθέντων ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ παρατυχόντος πυνθανόμενος ἠξίωσα γράφειν, οὐδ’ ὡς ἐμοὶ ἐδόκει, ἀλλ’ οἷς τε αὐτὸς παρῆν καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσον δυνατὸν ἀκριβείᾳ περὶ ἑκάστου ἐπεξελθών. 1.22.3. ἐπιπόνως δὲ ηὑρίσκετο, διότι οἱ παρόντες τοῖς ἔργοις ἑκάστοις οὐ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἔλεγον, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἑκατέρων τις εὐνοίας ἢ μνήμης ἔχοι. 1.24.1. Ἐπίδαμνός ἐστι πόλις ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐσπλέοντι ἐς τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον: προσοικοῦσι δ’ αὐτὴν Ταυλάντιοι βάρβαροι, Ἰλλυρικὸν ἔθνος. 3.113.4. ἀλλὰ πλέον ἢ χιλίων.’ αὖθις δὲ εἶπεν ἐκεῖνος ‘οὐκ ἄρα τῶν μεθ’ ἡμῶν μαχομένων ἐστίν.’ ὁ δ’ ἀπεκρίνατο ‘εἴπερ γε ὑμεῖς ἐν Ἰδομενῇ χθὲς ἐμάχεσθε.’ ‘ἀλλ’ ἡμεῖς γε οὐδενὶ ἐμαχόμεθα χθές, ἀλλὰ πρῴην ἐν τῇ ἀποχωρήσει.’ ‘καὶ μὲν δὴ τούτοις γε ἡμεῖς χθὲς ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως βοηθήσασι τῆς Ἀμπρακιωτῶν ἐμαχόμεθα.’ | 1.22.1. With reference to the speeches in this history, some were delivered before the war began, others while it was going on; some I heard myself, others I got from various quarters; it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said. 1.22.2. And with reference to the narrative of events, far from permitting myself to derive it from the first source that came to hand, I did not even trust my own impressions, but it rests partly on what I saw myself, partly on what others saw for me, the accuracy of the report being always tried by the most severe and detailed tests possible. 1.22.3. My conclusions have cost me some labour from the want of coincidence between accounts of the same occurrences by different eye-witnesses, arising sometimes from imperfect memory, sometimes from undue partiality for one side or the other. 1.24.1. The city of Epidamnus stands on the right of the entrance of the Ionic gulf. Its vicinity is inhabited by the Taulantians, an Illyrian people. 3.113.4. ‘Why, the arms you see here are of more than a thousand.’ The herald replied, ‘Then they are not the arms of those who fought with us?’ The other answered, ‘Yes, they are, if at least you fought at Idomene yesterday.’ ‘But we fought with no one yesterday; but the day before in the retreat.’ ‘However that may be, we fought yesterday with those who came to reinforce you from the city of the Ambraciots.’ |
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| 4. Plato, Lesser Hippias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ambiguity of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 118 |
| 5. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 117 |
6. Herodotus, Histories, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lightfoot (2021), Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World, 102, 103, 104, 105 | 1.23. Periander, who disclosed the oracle's answer to Thrasybulus, was the son of Cypselus, and sovereign of Corinth . The Corinthians say (and the Lesbians agree) that the most marvellous thing that happened to him in his life was the landing on Taenarus of Arion of Methymna , brought there by a dolphin. This Arion was a lyre-player second to none in that age; he was the first man whom we know to compose and name the dithyramb which he afterwards taught at Corinth . |
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| 7. Aristotle, Generation of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, papyri Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 199 |
| 8. Aristotle, History of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus, on wonder and wonders in the histories Found in books: Lightfoot (2021), Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World, 64 |
| 9. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ambiguity of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 117 |
| 10. Cicero, Orator, 25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, globalism of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 88 |
| 11. Cicero, De Oratore, 25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, globalism of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 88 |
| 12. Cicero, On Laws, 1.1.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 16, 17 |
13. Polybius, Histories, 1.4.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, globalism of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 91, 92| 1.4.3. νῦν δʼ ὁρῶν τοὺς μὲν κατὰ μέρος πολέμους καί τινας τῶν ἅμα τούτοις πράξεων καὶ πλείους πραγματευομένους, τὴν δὲ καθόλου καὶ συλλήβδην οἰκονομίαν τῶν γεγονότων πότε καὶ πόθεν ὡρμήθη καὶ πῶς ἔσχε τὴν συντέλειαν, ταύτην οὐδʼ ἐπιβαλόμενον οὐδένα βασανίζειν, ὅσον γε καὶ ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι, | |
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| 14. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 3.12, 3.18, 4.7-4.11, 4.19-4.20, 5.12, 11.5, 16.5, 19.1, 19.10, 19.12-19.13 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 66, 67, 68, 69, 95, 96 |
| 15. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, The Arrangement of Words, 3.12, 3.18, 4.7-4.11, 4.19-4.20, 5.12, 11.5, 16.5, 19.1, 19.10, 19.12-19.13 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 66, 67, 68, 69, 95, 96 |
16. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.2.1, 1.3.3-1.3.5, 1.5.3, 1.6.2, 1.6.5, 1.8.3, 11.1.4-11.1.5, 14.6.4-14.6.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, globalism of •herodotus and the histories, political warnings of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 87, 91, 92, 93, 96, 97, 101 | 1.2.1. That I have indeed made choice of a subject noble, lofty and useful to many will not, I think, require any lengthy argument, at least for those who are not utterly unacquainted with universal history. For if anyone turns his attention to the successive supremacies both of cities and of nations, as accounts of them have been handed down from times past, and then, surveying them severally and comparing them together, wishes to determine which of them obtained the widest dominion and both in peace and war performed the most brilliant achievements, he will find that the supremacy of the Romans has far surpassed all those that are recorded from earlier times, not only in the extent of its dominion and in the splendor of its achievements â which no account has as yet worthily celebrated â but also in the length of time during which it has endured down to our day. 1.3.3. But Rome rules every country that is not inaccessible or uninhabited, and she is mistress of every sea, not only of that which lies inside the Pillars of Hercules but also of the Ocean, except that part of it which is not navigable; she is the first and the only State recorded in all time that ever made the risings and the settings of the sun the boundaries of her dominion. Nor has her supremacy been of short duration, but more lasting than that of any other commonwealth or kingdom. 1.3.4. For from the very beginning, immediately after her founding, she began to draw to herself the neighbouring nations, which were both numerous and warlike, and continually advanced, subjugating every rival. And it is now seven hundred and forty-five years from her foundation down to the consulship of Claudius Nero, consul for the second time, and of Calpurnius Piso, who were chosen in the one hundred and ninety-third Olympiad. 1.3.5. From the time that she mastered the whole of Italy she was emboldened to aspire to govern all mankind, and after driving from off the sea the Carthaginians, whose maritime strength was superior to that of all others, and subduing Macedonia, which until then was reputed to be the most powerful nation on land, she no longer had as rival any nation either barbarian or Greek; and it is now in my day already the seventh generation that she has continued to hold sway over every region of the world, and there is no nation, as I may say, that disputes her universal dominion or protests against being ruled by her. 1.5.3. particularly when they shall have learned from my history that Rome from the very beginning, immediately after its founding, produced infinite examples of virtue in men whose superiors, whether for piety or for justice or for life-long self-control or for warlike valour, no city, either Greek or barbarian, has ever produced. This, I say, is what I hope to accomplish, if my readers will but lay aside all resentment; for some such feeling is aroused by a promise of things which run counter to received opinion or excite wonder. 1.6.2. Like to these in all respects are the histories of those Romans, also, who related in Greek the early achievements of the city; the oldest of these writers are Quintus Fabius and Lucius Cincius, who both flourished during the Punic wars. Each of these men related the events at which he himself had been present with great exactness, as being well acquainted with them, but touched only in a summary way upon the early events that followed the founding of the city. 1.6.5. And I, who have not turned aside to this work for the sake of flattery, but out of a regard for truth and justice, which ought to be the aim of every history, shall have an opportunity, in the first place, of expressing my attitude of goodwill toward all good men and toward all who take pleasure in the contemplation of great and noble deeds; and, in the second place, of making the most grateful return that I may to the city and other blessings I have enjoyed during my residence in it. 1.8.3. As to the form I give this work, it does not resemble that which the authors who make wars alone their subject have given to their histories, nor that which others who treat of the several forms of government by themselves have adopted, nor is it like the annalistic accounts which the authors of the Atthides have published (for these are monotonous and soon grow tedious to the reader), but it is a combination of every kind, forensic, speculative and narrative, to the intent that it may afford satisfaction both to those who occupy themselves with political debates and to those who are devoted to philosophical speculations, as well as to any who may desire mere undisturbed entertainment in their reading of history. 11.1.4. Men who are engaged in the conduct of civil affairs, among whom I for my part include also those philosophers who regard philosophy as consisting in the practice of fine actions rather than of fine words, have this in common with the rest of mankind, that they take pleasure in a comprehensive survey of all the circumstances that accompany events. And besides their pleasure, they have this advantage, that in difficult times they render great service to their countries as the result of the experience thus acquired and lead them as willing followers to that which is to their advantage, through the power of persuasion. 11.1.5. For men most easily recognize the policies which either benefit or injure them when they perceive these illustrated by many examples; and those who advise them to make use of these are credited by them with prudence and great wisdom. It is for these reasons, therefore, that I have determined to report in accurate detail all the circumstances which attended the overthrow of the oligarchy, in so far as I consider them worthy of notice. 14.6.4. what need is there to mention the other Greeks? For the Athenians in the case of the Samians, their own colonists, and the Lacedaemonians in the case of the Messenians, who were the same as their brothers, when these gave them some offence, dissolved the ties of kinship, and after subjugating their cities, treated them with such cruelty and brutality as to equal even the most savage of barbarians in their mistreatment of people of kindred stock. 14.6.5. (11) One could name countless blunders of this sort made by these cities, but I pass over them since it grieves me to mention even these instances. For I would distinguish Greeks from barbarians, not by their name nor on the basis of their speech, but by their intelligence and their predilection for decent behaviour, and particularly by their indulging in no inhuman treatment of one another. All in whose nature these qualities predominated I believe ought to be called Greeks, but those of whom the opposite was true, barbarians. |
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| 17. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, De Veterum Censura, 1.4, 1.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 87, 88 |
| 18. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 9.2, 10.2, 25.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 92, 93 |
| 19. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On The Admirable Style of Demosthenes, 41.1, 41.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 68, 97 |
| 20. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Pompeius Geminus, 1.3, 3.2, 3.9, 3.11-3.12, 3.14-3.15, 4.22-4.23 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 89, 90, 91, 95, 96 |
21. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.28-1.29, 1.66.10, 1.69-1.71, 1.69.7, 1.196, 9.6.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •histories (herodotus),, and the ethnography of scythia •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation •herodotus and the histories, ideas of instability in Found in books: Bosak-Schroeder (2020), Other Natures: Environmental Encounters with Ancient Greek Ethnography, 99; Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 16, 249 | 1.28. 1. Now the Egyptians say that also after these events a great number of colonies were spread from Egypt over all the inhabited world. To Babylon, for instance, colonists were led by Belus, who was held to be the son of Poseidon and Libya; and after establishing himself on the Euphrates river he appointed priests, called Chaldaeans by the Babylonians, who were exempt from taxation and free from every kind of service to the state, as are the priests of Egypt; and they also make observations of the stars, following the example of the Egyptian priests, physicists, and astrologers.,2. They say also that those who set forth with Danaus, likewise from Egypt, settled what is practically the oldest city in Greece, Argos, and that the nation of the Colchi in Pontus and that of the Jews, which lies between Arabia and Syria, were founded as colonies by certain emigrants from their country;,3. and this is the reason why it is a long-established institution among these two peoples to circumcise their male children, the custom having been brought over from Egypt.,4. Even the Athenians, they say, are colonists from Saïs in Egypt, and they undertake to offer proofs of such a relationship; for the Athenians are the only Greeks who call their city "Asty," a name brought over from the city Asty in Egypt. Furthermore, their body politic had the same classification and division of the people as found in Egypt, where the citizens have been divided into three orders:,5. the first Athenian class consisted of the "eupatrids," as they were called, being those who were such as had received the best education and were held worthy of the highest honour, as is the case with the priests of Egypt; the second was that of the "geomoroi," who were expected to possess arms and to serve in defence of the state, like those in Egypt who are known as husbandmen and supply the warriors; and the last class was reckoned to be that of the "demiurgoi," who practise the mechanical arts and render only the most menial services to the state, this class among the Egyptians having a similar function.,6. Moreover, certain of the rulers of Athens were originally Egyptians, they say. Petes, for instance, the father of that Menestheus who took part in the expedition against Troy, having clearly been an Egyptian, later obtained citizenship at Athens and the kingship. . . .,7. He was of double form, and yet the Athenians are unable from their own point of view to give the true explanation of this nature of his, although it is patent to all that it was because of his double citizenship, Greek and barbarian, that he was held to be of double form, that is, part animal and part man. 1.29. 1. In the same way, they continue, Erechtheus also, who was by birth an Egyptian, became king of Athens, and in proof of this they offer the following considerations. Once when there was a great drought, as is generally agreed, which extended over practically all the inhabited earth except Egypt because of the peculiar character of that country, and there followed a destruction both of crops and of men in great numbers, Erechtheus, through his racial connection with Egypt, brought from there to Athens a great supply of grain, and in return those who had enjoyed this aid made their benefactor king.,2. After he had secured the throne he instituted the initiatory rites of Demeter in Eleusis and established the mysteries, transferring their ritual from Egypt. And the tradition that an advent of the goddess into Attica also took place at that time is reasonable, since it was then that the fruits which are named after her were brought to Athens, and this is why it was thought that the discovery of the seed had been made again, as though Demeter had bestowed the gift.,3. And the Athenians on their part agree that it was in the reign of Erechtheus, when a lack of rain had wiped out the crops, that Demeter came to them with the gift of grain. Furthermore, the initiatory rites and mysteries of this goddess were instituted at Eleusis at that time.,4. And their sacrifices as well as their ancient ceremonies are observed by the Athenians in the same way as by the Egyptians; for the Eumolpidae were derived from the priests of Egypt and the Ceryces from the pastophoroi. They are also the only Greeks who swear by Isis, and they closely resemble the Egyptians in both their appearance and manners.,5. By many other statements like these, spoken more out of a love for glory than with regard for the truth, as I see the matter, they claim Athens as a colony of theirs because of the fame of that city. In general, the Egyptians say that their ancestors sent forth numerous colonies to many parts of the inhabited world, the pre-eminence of their former kings and their excessive population;,6. but since they offer no precise proof whatsoever for these statements, and since no historian worthy of credence testifies in their support, we have not thought that their accounts merited recording. So far as the ideas of the Egyptians about the gods are concerned, let what we have said suffice, since we are aiming at due proportion in our account, but with regard to the land, the Nile, and everything else worth hearing about we shall endeavour, in each case, to give the several facts in summary. 1.66.10. And this was the reason, they say, why the other kings became envious and opened war against him. Some of the early historians, however, tell this fanciful story: The generals had received an oracle to the effect that the first one of their number to pour a libation from a bronze bowl to the god in Memphis should rule over all Egypt, and when one of the priests brought out of the temple eleven golden bowls, Psammetichus took off his helmet and poured the libation from it. 1.69. 1.69. 1. Now that we have discussed sufficiently the deeds of the kings of Egypt from the very earliest times down to the death of Amasis, we shall record the other events in their proper chronological setting;,2. but at this point we shall give a summary account of the customs of Egypt, both those which are especially strange and those which can be of most value to our readers. For many of the customs obtained in ancient days among the Egyptians have not only been accepted by the present inhabitants but have aroused no little admiration among the Greeks;,3. and for that reason those men who have won the greatest repute in intellectual things have been eager to visit Egypt in order to acquaint themselves with its laws and institutions, which they considered to be worthy of note.,4. For despite the fact that for the reasons mentioned above strangers found it difficult in early times to enter the country, it was nevertheless eagerly visited by Orpheus and the poet Homer in the earliest times and in later times by many others, such as Pythagoras of Samos and Solon the lawgiver.,5. Now it is maintained by the Egyptians that it was they who first discovered writing and the observation of the stars, who also discovered the basic principles of geometry and most of the arts, and established the best laws.,6. And the best proof of all this, they say, lies in the fact that Egypt for more than four thousand seven hundred years was ruled over by kings of whom the majority were native Egyptians, and that the land was the most prosperous of the whole inhabited world; for these things could never have been true of any people which did not enjoy most excellent customs and laws and the institutions which promote culture of every kind.,7. Now as for the stories invented by Herodotus and certain writers on Egyptian affairs, who deliberately preferred to the truth the telling of marvellous tales and the invention of myths for the delectation of their readers, these we shall omit, and we shall set forth only what appears in the written records of the priests of Egypt and has passed our careful scrutiny. 1.69.7. Now as for the stories invented by Herodotus and certain writers on Egyptian affairs, who deliberately preferred to the truth the telling of marvellous tales and the invention of myths for the delectation of their readers, these we shall omit, and we shall set forth only what appears in the written records of the priests of Egypt and has passed our careful scrutiny. 1.70. 1. In the first place, then, the life which the kings of the Egyptians lived was not like that of other men who enjoy autocratic power and do in all matters exactly as they please without being held to account, but all their acts were regulated by prescriptions set forth in laws, not only their administrative acts, but also those that had to do with the way in which they spent their time from day to day, and with the food which they ate.,2. In the matter of their servants, for instance, not one was a slave, such as had been acquired by purchase or born in the home, but all were sons of the most distinguished priests, over twenty years old and the best educated of their fellow-countrymen, in order that the king, by virtue of his having the noblest men to care for his person and to attend him throughout both day and night, might follow no low practices; for no ruler advances far along the road of evil until he has those about him who will minister to his passions.,3. And the hours of both the day and night were laid out according to a plan, and at the specified hours it was absolutely required of the king that he should do what the laws stipulated and not what he thought best.,4. For instance, in the morning, as soon as he was awake, he first of all had to receive the letters which had been sent from all sides, the purpose being that he might be able to despatch all administrative business and perform every act properly, being thus accurately informed about everything that was being done throughout his kingdom. Then, after he had bathed and bedecked his body with rich garments and the insignia of his office, he had to sacrifice to the gods.,5. When the victims had been brought to the altar it was the custom for the high priest to stand near the king, with the common people of Egypt gathered around, and pray in a loud voice that health and all the other good things of life be given the king if he maintains justice towards his subjects.,6. And an open confession had also to be made of each and every virtue of the king, the priest saying that towards the gods he was piously disposed and towards men most kindly; for he was self-controlled and just and magimous, truthful, and generous with his possessions, and, in a word, superior to every desire, and that he punished crimes less severely than they deserved and rendered to his benefactors a gratitude exceeding the benefaction.,7. And after reciting much more in a similar vein he concluded his prayer with a curse concerning things done in error, exempting the king from all blame therefor and asking that both the evil consequences and the punishment should fall upon those who served him and had taught him evil things.,8. All this he would do, partly to lead the king to fear the gods and live a life pleasing to them, and partly to accustom him to a proper manner of conduct, not by sharp admonitions, but through praises that were agreeable and most conductive to virtue.,9. After this, when the king had performed the divination from the entrails of a calf and had found the omens good, the sacred scribe read before the assemblage from out of the sacred books some of the edifying counsels and deeds of their most distinguished men, in order that he who held the supreme leadership should first contemplate in his mind the most excellent general principles and then turn to the prescribed administration of the several functions.,10. For there was a set time not only for his holding audiences or rendering judgments, but even for his taking a walk, bathing, and sleeping with his wife, and, in a word, for every act of his life.,11. And it was the custom for the kings to partake of delicate food, eating no other meat than veal and duck, and drinking only a prescribed amount of wine, which was not enough to make them unreasonably surfeited or drunken.,12. And, speaking generally, their whole diet was ordered with such continence that it had the appearance of having been drawn up, not by a lawgiver, but by the most skilled of their physicians, with only their health in view. 1.71. 1. Strange as it may appear that the king did not have the entire control of his daily fare, far more remarkable still was the fact that kings were not allowed to render any legal decision or transact any business at random or to punish anyone through malice or in anger or for any other unjust reason, but only in accordance with the established laws relative to each offence.,2. And in following the dictates of custom in these matters, so far were they from being indigt or taking offence in their souls, that, on the contrary, they actually held that they led a most happy life;,3. for they believed that all other men, in thoughtlessly following their natural passions, commit many acts which bring them injuries and perils, and that oftentimes some who realize that they are about to commit a sin nevertheless do base acts when overpowered by love or hatred or some other passion, while they, on the other hand, by virtue of their having cultivated a manner of life which had been chosen before all others by the most prudent of all men, fell into the fewest mistakes.,4. And since the kings followed so righteous a course in dealing with their subjects, the people manifested a goodwill towards their rulers which surpassed even the affection they had for their own kinsmen; for not only the order of the priests but, in short, all the inhabitants of Egypt were less concerned for their wives and children and their other cherished possessions than for the safety of their kings.,5. Consequently, during most of the time covered by the reigns of the kings of whom we have a record, they maintained an orderly civil government and continued to enjoy a most felicitous life, so long as the system of laws described was in force; and, more than that, they conquered more nations and achieved greater wealth than any other people, and adorned their lands with monuments and buildings never to be surpassed, and their cities with costly dedications of every description. 9.6.1. We are told that the Scythian Anacharsis, who took great pride in his wisdom, once came to Pytho and inquired of the oracle who of the Greeks was wiser than he. And the oracle replied: A man of Oeta, Myson, they report, Is more endowed than thou with prudent brains. Myson was a Malian and had his home on Mt. Oeta in a village called Chenae. |
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| 22. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Thucydides, 1.3-1.4, 2.3, 5.5, 8.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 70, 71, 89, 90, 91 |
| 23. Longinus, On The Sublime, 4.7, 13.3, 14.1, 22.1, 22.3, 25.1, 26.2, 38.3-38.4, 43.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation •herodotus and the histories, papyri •herodotus and the histories, role in rhetorical education •herodotus and the histories, representation of space in •herodotus and the histories, voice of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 14, 16, 17, 58, 297, 298 |
24. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 12.1, 19.7, 24.5-24.6, 41.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, philobarbaros Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 128, 130| 12.1. τοῦτο μέντοι τὸ λαμπρὸν ἐπιφανέστερον ἐποίησεν ἡ τῶν πόλεων φιλοτιμία. σκηνὴν μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ κεκοσμημένην διαπρεπῶς ἔστησαν Ἐφέσιοι, τροφὰς δὲ ἵπποις καὶ πλῆθος ἱερείων παρεῖχεν ἡ Χίων πόλις, οἶνον δὲ Λέσβιοι καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὑποδοχὴν ἀφειδῶς ἑστιῶντι πολλούς. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ διαβολή τις ἢ κακοήθεια γενομένη περὶ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἐκείνην πλείονα λόγον παρέσχε. 24.5. τἆλλʼ οὖν ὢν καὶ μισέλλην ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Περσῶν ὁ Τισαφέρνης, οὕτως ἐνεδίδου τῷ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ κολακευόμενος ὥσθʼ ὑπερβάλλειν αὐτὸν ἀντικολακεύων ἐκεῖνος. ὧν γὰρ ἐκέκτητο παραδείσων τὸν κάλλιστον καὶ ὑδάτων καὶ λειμώνων ὑγιεινῶν ἕνεκεν, διατριβὰς ἔχοντα καὶ καταφυγὰς ἠσκημένας βασιλικῶς καὶ περιττῶς, Ἀλκιβιάδην καλεῖν ἔθετο· καὶ πάντες οὕτω καλοῦντες καὶ προσαγορεύοντες διετέλουν. | 12.1. Moreover, this splendor of his at Olympia was made even more conspicuous by the emulous rivalry of the cities in his behalf. The Ephesians equipped him with a tent of magnificent adornment; the Chians furnished him with provender for his horses and with innumerable animals for sacrifice; the Lesbians with wine and other provisions for his unstinted entertainment of the multitude. However, a grave calumny—or malpractice on his part—connected with this rivalry was even more in the mouths of men. 24.5. And thus it was that Tissaphernes, though otherwise the most ardent of the Persians in his hatred of the Hellenes, so completely surrendered to the flatteries of Alcibiades as to outdo him in reciprocal flatteries. Indeed, the most beautiful park he had, both for its refreshing waters and grateful lawns, with resorts and retreats decked out in regal and extravagant fashion, he named Alcibiades; everyone always called it by that name. |
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| 25. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 24.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, philobarbaros Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 130 |
| 26. Plutarch, On The Glory of The Athenians, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 117 |
| 27. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ambiguity of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 117, 118 |
28. Plutarch, On Tranquility of Mind, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, globalism of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 291 | 473e. as though what had happened last year and yesterday and the day before had no relation to them nor had happened to them at all. This, then, is a matter disturbing to tranquillity of mind; and another, even more disturbing, arises when, like flies which slip off the smooth surfaces of mirrors, but stick to places which are rough or scratched, men drift away from joyous and agreeable matters and become entangled in the remembrance of unpleasant things; or rather, as they relate that when beetles have fallen into a place at Olynthus which is called "Death-toâBeetles," they are unable to get out, but turn and circle about there until they die in that place, |
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29. Plutarch, Pericles, 2.2, 2.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ambiguity of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 118| 2.2. οὐ γὰρ ἀναγκαῖον, εἰ τέρπει τὸ ἔργον ὡς χάριεν, ἄξιον σπουδῆς εἶναι τὸν εἰργασμένον. ὅθεν οὐδʼ ὠφελεῖ τὰ τοιαῦτα τοὺς θεωμένους, πρὸς ἃ μιμητικὸς οὐ γίνεται ζῆλος οὐδὲ ἀνάδοσις κινοῦσα προθυμίαν καὶ ὁρμὴν ὁρμὴν Fuhr and Blass, after Reiske: ἀφορμήν . ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξομοίωσιν. ἀλλʼ ἥ γε ἀρετὴ ταῖς πράξεσιν εὐθὺς οὕτω διατίθησιν ὥστε ἅμα θαυμάζεσθαι τὰ ἔργα καὶ ζηλοῦσθαι τοὺς εἰργασμένους. 2.4. ἔδοξεν οὖν καὶ ἡμῖν ἐνδιατρῖψαι τῇ περὶ τοὺς βίους ἀναγραφῇ, καὶ τοῦτο τὸ βιβλίον δέκατον συντετάχαμεν τὸν Ποερικλέους βίον καὶ τὸν· Φαβίου Μαξίμου τοῦ διαπολεμήσαντος πρὸς Ἀννίβαν περιέχον, ἀνδρῶν κατά τε τὰς ἄλλας ἀρετὰς ὁμοίων, μάλιστα δὲ πρᾳότητα καὶ δικαιοσύνην, καὶ τῷ δύνασθαι φέρειν δήμων καὶ συναρχόντων ἀγνωμοσύνας ὠφελιμωτάτων ταῖς πατρίσι γενομένων. εἰ δʼ ὀρθῶς στοχαζόμεθα τοῦ δέοντος, ἔξεστι κρίνειν ἐκ τῶν γραφομένων. | 2.2. For it does not of necessity follow that, if the work delights you with its grace, the one who wrought it is worthy of your esteem. Wherefore the spectator is not advantaged by those things at sight of which no ardor for imitation arises in the breast, nor any uplift of the soul arousing zealous impulses to do the like. But virtuous action straightway so disposes a man that he no sooner admires the works of virtue than he strives to emulate those who wrought them. 2.4. For such reasons I have decided to persevere in my writing of Lives, and so have composed this tenth book, containing the life of Pericles, and that of Fabius Maximus, who waged such lengthy war with Hannibal. The men were alike in their virtues, and more especially in their gentleness and rectitude, and by their ability to endure the follies of their peoples and of their colleagues in office, they proved of the greatest service to their countries. But whether I aim correctly at the proper mark must be decided from what I have written. |
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| 30. Plutarch, How The Young Man Should Study Poetry, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 118 |
| 31. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.39 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, globalism of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 92, 93 |
32. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 13 | 1.16. and I should spend my time to little purpose, if I should pretend to teach the Greeks that which they know better than I already, what a great disagreement there is between Hellanicus and Acusilaus about their genealogies; in how many cases Acusilaus corrects Hesiod: or after what manner Ephorus demonstrates Hellanicus to have told lies in the greatest part of his history: as does Timeus in like manner as to Ephorus, and the succeeding writers do to Timeus, and all the later writers do to Herodotus; |
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| 33. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 10.1.73 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, narratorial style or narratology of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 67 |
| 34. Plutarch, Solon, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ideas of instability in Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 248 |
| 35. Theon Aelius, Exercises, 115, 118, 66-67, 71, 91-92, 116 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 15 |
36. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 18.9-18.10, 36.2-36.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ambiguity of •herodotus and the histories, narratorial style or narratology of •herodotus and the histories, sensibility of •herodotus and the histories, voice of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 31, 32, 152, 162, 164 | 18.9. But the historians for many reasons the statesman must read attentively, because, even apart from the speeches they contain, it is most essential that the statesman, the man who chooses to conduct public affairs, should be acquainted with measures and successes and failures, which happen not only in accordance with reasonable expectation, but also at times contrary thereto, to both men and states. And the reason for this statement is that it is the man with the widest knowledge of what had happened to others who will best carry out his own undertakings, and, so far as it is possible, safely, while every reverse he will bear nobly because of the fact that even in his successes he was never unaware of the possibility of a change to the opposite fortune. 18.10. As for Herodotus, if you ever want real enjoyment, you will read him when quite at your ease, for the easy-going manner and charm of his narrative will give the impression that his work deals with stories rather than with actual history. But among the foremost historians I place Thucydides, and among those of second rank Theopompus; for not only is there a rhetorical quality in the narrative portion of his speeches, but he is not without eloquence nor negligent in expression, and the slovenliness of his diction is not so bad as to offend you. As for Ephorus, while he hands down to us a great deal of information about events, yet the tediousness and carelessness of his narrative style would not suit your purpose. 36.2. This part of the land, near where the two rivers meet, is as sharp and firm as the beak of a ship. But from there on these rivers form a marshy lake down to the sea for a distance of approximately two hundred stades; and the breadth of the two rivers in that district is not less than that. The fact is that most of that stretch consists of shoals, and in fair weather unruffled calm prevails as in a swamp. But on the right there are signs of a river, and sailors inward bound judge its depth by the current. And this explains why the water does make its way out to sea, because of the strength of the current; but for that it would easily be held in check when the south wind blows strongly dead against it. 36.3. As for the rest, we have only muddy shore overgrown with reeds and trees. And many of the trees are to be seen even in the midst of the marsh, so as to resemble masts of ships; and at times some who were less familiar with those waters have lost their way, supposing that they were approaching ships. And it is here also that we find the vast number of salt-works from which most of the barbarians buy their salt, as do also those Greeks and Scythians who occupy the Tauric Chersonese. The rivers empty into the sea near the Castle of Alector, which is said to belong to the wife of the Sauromatian king. |
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| 37. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 488 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ambiguity of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 153 |
38. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.1.1, 1.3.2, 1.20.7, 1.26.4, 1.39.3, 4.29.13, 4.30.3, 4.30.5-4.30.6, 5.25.11, 6.3.8, 7.17.1-7.17.3, 8.27.1, 9.7.5-9.7.6, 9.13.11, 9.32.10, 10.7.1, 10.9.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, representation of space in •herodotus and the histories, ambiguity of •herodotus and the histories, political warnings of •herodotus and the histories, globalism of •herodotus and the histories, ideas of instability in •herodotus and the histories, religious ideas in Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 266, 267, 278, 279, 283, 291, 295, 298, 299| 1.1.1. τῆς ἠπείρου τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς κατὰ νήσους τὰς Κυκλάδας καὶ πέλαγος τὸ Αἰγαῖον ἄκρα Σούνιον πρόκειται γῆς τῆς Ἀττικῆς· καὶ λιμήν τε παραπλεύσαντι τὴν ἄκραν ἐστὶ καὶ ναὸς Ἀθηνᾶς Σουνιάδος ἐπὶ κορυφῇ τῆς ἄκρας. πλέοντι δὲ ἐς τὸ πρόσω Λαύριόν τέ ἐστιν, ἔνθα ποτὲ Ἀθηναίοις ἦν ἀργύρου μέταλλα, καὶ νῆσος ἔρημος οὐ μεγάλη Πατρόκλου καλουμένη· τεῖχος γὰρ ᾠκοδομήσατο ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ χάρακα ἐβάλετο Πάτροκλος, ὃς τριήρεσιν ὑπέπλει ναύαρχος Αἰγυπτίαις, ἃς Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου τιμωρεῖν ἔστειλεν Ἀθηναίοις, ὅτε σφίσιν Ἀντίγονος ὁ Δημητρίου στρατιᾷ τε αὐτὸς ἐσβεβληκὼς ἔφθειρε τὴν χώραν καὶ ναυσὶν ἅμα ἐκ θαλάσσης κατεῖργεν. 1.3.2. πλησίον δὲ τῆς στοᾶς Κόνων ἕστηκε καὶ Τιμόθεος υἱὸς Κόνωνος καὶ βασιλεὺς Κυπρίων Εὐαγόρας, ὃς καὶ τὰς τριήρεις τὰς Φοινίσσας ἔπραξε παρὰ βασιλέως Ἀρταξέρξου δοθῆναι Κόνωνι· ἔπραξε δὲ ὡς Ἀθηναῖος καὶ τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, ἐπεὶ καὶ γενεαλογῶν ἐς προγόνους ἀνέβαινε Τεῦκρον καὶ Κινύρου θυγατέρα. ἐνταῦθα ἕστηκε Ζεὺς ὀνομαζόμενος Ἐλευθέριος καὶ βασιλεὺς Ἀδριανός, ἐς ἄλλους τε ὧν ἦρχεν εὐεργεσίας καὶ ἐς τὴν πόλιν μάλιστα ἀποδειξάμενος τὴν Ἀθηναίων. 1.20.7. Σύλλου δὲ οὐκ ἀνιέντος ἐς Ἀθηναίους τοῦ θυμοῦ λαθόντες ἐκδιδράσκουσιν ἄνδρες ἐς Δελφοὺς· ἐρομένοις δέ σφισιν, εἰ καταλαμβάνοι τὸ χρεὼν ἤδη καὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐρημωθῆναι, τούτοις ἔχρησεν ἡ Πυθία τὰ ἐς τὸν ἀσκὸν ἔχοντα. Σύλλᾳ δὲ ὕστερον τούτων ἐνέπεσεν ἡ νόσος, ᾗ καὶ τὸν Σύριον Φερεκύδην ἁλῶναι πυνθάνομαι. Σύλλᾳ δὲ ἔστι μὲν καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς Ἀθηναίων ἀγριώτερα ἢ ὡς ἄνδρα εἰκὸς ἦν ἐργάσασθαι Ῥωμαῖον· ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐ ταῦτα δὴ αἰτίαν γενέσθαι οἱ δοκῶ τῆς συμφορᾶς, Ἱκεσίου δὲ μήνιμα, ὅτι καταφυγόντα ἐς τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν ἀπέκτεινεν ἀποσπάσας Ἀριστίωνα. Ἀθῆναι μὲν οὕτως ὑπὸ τοῦ πολέμου κακωθεῖσαι τοῦ Ῥωμαίων αὖθις Ἀδριανοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἤνθησαν· 1.26.4. τῆς δὲ εἰκόνος πλησίον τῆς Ὀλυμπιοδώρου χαλκοῦν Ἀρτέμιδος ἄγαλμα ἔστηκεν ἐπίκλησιν Λευκοφρύνης, ἀνέθεσαν δὲ οἱ παῖδες οἱ Θεμιστοκλέους· Μάγνητες γάρ, ὧν ἦρχε Θεμιστοκλῆς λαβὼν παρὰ βασιλέως, Λευκοφρύνην Ἄρτεμιν ἄγουσιν ἐν τιμῇ. δεῖ δέ με ἀφικέσθαι τοῦ λόγου πρόσω, πάντα ὁμοίως ἐπεξιόντα τὰ Ἑλληνικά. Ἔνδοιος ἦν γένος μὲν Ἀθηναῖος, Δαιδάλου δὲ μαθητής, ὃς καὶ φεύγοντι Δαιδάλῳ διὰ τὸν Κάλω θάνατον ἐπηκολούθησεν ἐς Κρήτην· τούτου καθήμενόν ἐστιν Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα, ἐπίγραμμα ἔχον ὡς Καλλίας μὲν ἀναθείη, ποιήσειε δὲ Ἔνδοιος. 1.39.3. —μετὰ δὲ τῶν Ἀργείων τοὺς τάφους ἐστὶν Ἀλόπης μνῆμα, ἣν τεκοῦσαν Ἱπποθόωντα ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος ἀποθανεῖν ἐνταῦθά φασιν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς Κερκυόνος. εἶναι δὲ ὁ Κερκυὼν λέγεται καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἄδικος ἐς τοὺς ξένους καὶ παλαίειν οὐ βουλομένοις· καὶ ὁ τόπος οὗτος παλαίστρα καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἐκαλεῖτο Κερκυόνος, ὀλίγον τοῦ τάφου τῆς Ἀλόπης ἀπέχων. λέγεται δὲ ὁ Κερκυὼν τοὺς καταστάντας ἐς πάλην διαφθεῖραι πλὴν Θησέως, Θησεὺς δὲ κατεπάλαισεν αὐτὸν σοφίᾳ τὸ πλέον· παλαιστικὴν γὰρ τέχνην εὗρε Θησεὺς πρῶτος καὶ πάλης κατέστη ὕστερον ἀπʼ ἐκείνου διδασκαλία· πρότερον δὲ ἐχρῶντο μεγέθει μόνον καὶ ῥώμῃ πρὸς τὰς πάλας. τοσαῦτα κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἐμὴν Ἀθηναίοις γνωριμώτατα ἦν ἔν τε λόγοις καὶ θεωρήμασιν, ἀπέκρινε δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ λόγος μοι τὰ ἐς συγγραφὴν ἀνήκοντα. 4.29.13. ἄχρι μὲν δὴ τοῦδε ὁ λόγος ἐπῆλθέ μοι Μεσσηνίων τὰ πολλὰ παθήματα, καὶ ὡς ὁ δαίμων σφᾶς ἐπί τε γῆς τὰ ἔσχατα καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ πορρώτατα Πελοποννήσου σκεδάσας ὕστερον χρόνῳ καὶ ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀνέσωσε· τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου τῆς χώρας καὶ πόλεων τραπώμεθα ἐς ἀφήγησιν. 4.30.3. καὶ τάδε ἄλλα ἤκουσα ἐν Φαραῖς, Διοκλεῖ θυγατέρα ἐπὶ τοῖς διδύμοις παισὶν Ἀντίκλειαν γενέσθαι, τῆς δὲ Νικόμαχόν τε εἶναι καὶ Γόργασον, πατρὸς δὲ Μαχάονος τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ· τούτους καταμεῖναί τε αὐτοῦ καὶ ὡς ὁ Διοκλῆς ἐτελεύτησε τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκδέξασθαι. διαμεμένηκε δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐς τόδε ἔτι νοσήματά τε καὶ τοὺς πεπηρωμένους τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἰᾶσθαι· καί σφισιν ἀντὶ τούτων θυσίας ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ ἀναθήματα ἄγουσιν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Τύχης ναὸς Φαραιάταις καὶ ἄγαλμα ἀρχαῖον. 4.30.5. πέρα δὲ ἐδήλωσεν οὐδὲν ἔτι, ὡς ἡ θεός ἐστιν αὕτη μεγίστη θεῶν ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις πράγμασι καὶ ἰσχὺν παρέχεται πλείστην, ὥσπερ γε ἐν Ἰλιάδι ἐποίησεν Ἀθηνᾶν μὲν καὶ Ἐνυὼ πολεμούντων ἡγεμονίαν ἔχειν, Ἄρτεμιν δὲ γυναικῶν ὠδῖσιν εἶναι φοβερὰν, Ἀφροδίτῃ δὲ τὰ ἔργα μέλειν τῶν γάμων. ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐποίησεν ἐς τὴν Τύχην· 4.30.6. Βούπαλος δέ, ναούς τε οἰκοδομήσασθαι καὶ ζῷα ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς πλάσαι, Σμυρναίοις ἄγαλμα ἐργαζόμενος Τύχης πρῶτος ἐποίησεν ὧν ἴσμεν πόλον τε ἔχουσαν ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ τὸ καλούμενον Ἀμαλθείας κέρας ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων. οὗτος μὲν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ἐδήλωσε τῆς θεοῦ τὰ ἔργα· ᾖσε δὲ καὶ ὕστερον Πίνδαρος ἄλλα τε ἐς τὴν Τύχην καὶ δὴ καὶ Φερέπολιν ἀνεκάλεσεν αὐτήν. 5.25.11. οὐ πόρρω δὲ τοῦ Ἀχαιῶν ἀναθήματος καὶ Ἡρακλῆς ἐστιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ζωστῆρος μαχόμενος πρὸς τὴν Ἀμαζόνα ἔφιππον γυναῖκα· τοῦτον Εὐαγόρας μὲν γένος Ζαγκλαῖος ἀνέθηκεν, ἐποίησε δὲ Κυδωνιάτης Ἀριστοκλῆς . ἐν δὲ τοῖς μάλιστα ἀρχαίοις καταριθμήσασθαι καὶ τὸν Ἀριστοκλέα ἔστι· καὶ σαφῶς μὲν ἡλικίαν οὐκ ἔχοι τις ἂν εἰπεῖν αὐτοῦ, δῆλα δὲ ὡς πρότερον ἔτι ἐγένετο πρὶν ἢ τῇ Ζάγκλῃ τὸ ὄνομα γενέσθαι τὸ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν Μεσσήνην. 6.3.8. Οἰβώτα δὲ τὸν μὲν ἀνδριάντα Ἀχαιοὶ κατὰ πρόσταγμα ἀνέθεσαν τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπὶ Ὀλυμπιάδος ὀγδοηκοστῆς· ἡ δὲ τοῦ σταδίου νίκη τῷ Οἰβώτᾳ γέγονεν Ὀλυμπιάδι ἕκτῃ. πῶς ἂν οὖν τήν γε ἐν Πλαταιαῖς μάχην μεμαχημένος ὁ Οἰβώτας εἴη μετὰ Ἑλλήνων; πέμπτῃ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῇ ἑβδομηκοστῇ Ὀλυμπιάδι τὸ πταῖσμα ἐγένετο τὸ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς Μαρδονίῳ καὶ Μήδοις. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν λέγειν μὲν τὰ ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων λεγόμενα ἀνάγκη, πείθεσθαι δὲ πᾶσιν οὐκέτι ἀνάγκη. τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ὁποῖα τὰ συμβάντα ἦν ἐς τὸν Οἰβώταν, τῇ ἐς Ἀχαιοὺς προσέσται μοι συγγραφῇ. 7.17.1. ἐς ἅπαν δὲ ἀσθενείας τότε μάλιστα κατῆλθεν ἡ Ἑλλάς, λυμανθεῖσα κατὰ μέρη καὶ διαπορθηθεῖσα ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ δαίμονος. Ἄργος μέν, ἐς πλεῖστον ἀφικομένην δυνάμεως πόλιν ἐπὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἡρώων, ὁμοῦ τῇ μεταβολῇ τῇ ἐς Δωριέας ἐπέλιπε τὸ ἐκ τῆς τύχης εὐμενές· 7.17.2. τὸ δὲ ἔθνος τὸ Ἀττικόν, ἀπὸ τοῦ Πελοποννησίων πολέμου καὶ νόσου τῆς λοιμώδους ἀνενεγκόν τε καὶ αὖθις ἀνανηξάμενον, ἔτεσιν ἔμελλεν οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἡ Μακεδόνων ἀκμὴ καθαιρήσειν· κατέσκηψε δὲ ἐκ Μακεδονίας καὶ ἐς τὰς Βοιωτίας Θήβας τὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου μήνιμα. Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ Ἐπαμινώνδας ὁ Θηβαῖος καὶ αὖθις ὁ Ἀχαιῶν πόλεμος ἐγένετο· ὅτε δὲ καὶ μόγις, ἅτε ἐκ δένδρου λελωβημένου καὶ αὔου τὰ πλείονα, ἀνεβλάστησεν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τὸ Ἀχαϊκόν, καὶ αὐτὸ ἡ κακία τῶν στρατηγησάντων ἐκόλουσεν ἔτι αὐξανόμενον. 7.17.3. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἐς Νέρωνα ἡ βασιλεία περιῆλθεν ἡ Ῥωμαίων, καὶ ἐλεύθερον ὁ Νέρων ἀφίησιν ἁπάντων, ἀλλαγὴν πρὸς δῆμον ποιησάμενος τὸν Ῥωμαίων· Σαρδὼ γὰρ τὴν νῆσον ἐς τὰ μάλιστα εὐδαίμονα ἀντὶ Ἑλλάδος σφίσιν ἀντέδωκεν. ἀπιδόντι οὖν ἐς τοῦτό μοι τοῦ Νέρωνος τὸ ἔργον ὀρθότατα εἰρηκέναι Πλάτων ἐφαίνετο ὁ Ἀρίστωνος, ὁπόσα ἀδικήματα μεγέθει καὶ τολμήματί ἐστιν ὑπερηρκότα, οὐ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων εἶναι ταῦτα ἀνθρώπων, ψυχῆς δὲ γενναίας ὑπὸ ἀτόπου παιδείας διεφθαρμένης. 8.27.1. ἡ δὲ Μεγάλη πόλις νεωτάτη πόλεών ἐστιν οὐ τῶν Ἀρκαδικῶν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι, πλὴν ὅσων κατὰ συμφορὰν ἀρχῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων μεταβεβήκασιν οἰκήτορες· συνῆλθον δὲ ὑπὲρ ἰσχύος ἐς αὐτὴν οἱ Ἀρκάδες, ἅτε καὶ Ἀργείους ἐπιστάμενοι τὰ μὲν ἔτι παλαιότερα μόνον οὐ κατὰ μίαν ἡμέραν ἑκάστην κινδυνεύοντας ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων παραστῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ, ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλήθει τὸ Ἄργος ἐπηύξησαν καταλύσαντες Τίρυνθα καὶ Ὑσιάς τε καὶ Ὀρνεὰς καὶ Μυκήνας καὶ Μίδειαν καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο πόλισμα οὐκ ἀξιόλογον ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι ἦν, τά τε ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀδεέστερα τοῖς Ἀργείοις ὑπάρξαντα καὶ ἅμα ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους ἰσχὺν γενομένην αὐτοῖς. 9.7.5. Σύλλας δὲ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐχρῆτο ὅμως τῷ θυμῷ, καὶ ἄλλα τε ἐξεῦρεν ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῶν Θηβαίων καὶ τὴν ἡμίσειαν ἀπετέμετο αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας κατὰ πρόφασιν τοιαύτην. ἡνίκα ἤρχετο τοῦ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην πολέμου, χρημάτων ἐσπάνιζε· συνέλεξεν οὖν ἔκ τε Ὀλυμπίας ἀναθήματα καὶ τὰ ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου καὶ τὰ ἐκ Δελφῶν, ὁπόσα ὑπελίποντο οἱ Φωκεῖς· 9.7.6. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ διένειμε τῇ στρατιᾷ, τοῖς θεοῖς δὲ ἀντέδωκεν ἀντὶ τῶν χρημάτων γῆς τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῆς Θηβαΐδος. τὴν μὲν δὴ ἀφαίρετον χώραν ὕστερον Ῥωμαίων χάριτι ἀνεσώσαντο οἱ Θηβαῖοι, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἐς τὸ ἀσθενέστατον ἀπʼ ἐκείνου προήχθησαν· καί σφισιν ἡ μὲν κάτω πόλις πᾶσα ἔρημος ἦν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ πλὴν τὰ ἱερά, τὴν δὲ ἀκρόπολιν οἰκοῦσι Θήβας καὶ οὐ Καδμείαν καλουμένην. 9.13.11. Θηβαίοις μὲν ἡ νίκη κατείργαστο ἐπιφανέστατα πασῶν ὁπόσας κατὰ Ἑλλήνων ἀνείλοντο Ἕλληνες· Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίαν τοὺς τεθνεῶτας διενοοῦντο ὡς θάψοντες καὶ ἀποστέλλουσι κήρυκα ἐς τοὺς Θηβαίους. Ἐπαμινώνδας δέ, ἐπιστάμενος ὡς ἐπικρύπτεσθαι τὰς συμφορὰς ἀεί ποτε οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πεφύκασιν, ἔφασκεν ἀναίρεσιν τῶν νεκρῶν προτέροις αὐτῶν διδόναι τοῖς συμμάχοις, ἐπὶ δὲ ἐκείνοις ἀνελομένοις οὕτω καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἠξίου θάπτειν τοὺς αὑτῶν. 9.32.10. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ χρήματα οὐ νομιζόντων κτᾶσθαι κατὰ δή τι μάντευμα, ὡς ἡ φιλοχρηματία μόνη γένοιτο ἂν ἀπώλεια τῇ Σπάρτῃ, ὁ δὲ καὶ χρημάτων πόθον σφίσιν ἐνεποίησεν ἰσχυρόν. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ Πέρσαις τε ἑπόμενος καὶ δικάζων νόμῳ γε τῷ ἐκείνων βλάβος κρίνω Λακεδαιμονίοις μᾶλλον ἢ ὠφέλειαν γενέσθαι Λύσανδρον· 10.7.1. ἔοικε δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι πλείστων ἤδη. οὗτός τε ὁ Εὐβοεὺς λῃστὴς καὶ ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τὸ ἔθνος τὸ Φλεγυῶν, ἔτι δὲ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ, καὶ δυνάμεως μοῖρα τῆς Ξέρξου, καὶ οἱ χρόνον τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐν Φωκεῦσι δυνάσται, καὶ ἡ Γαλατῶν στρατιά. ἔμελλε δὲ ἄρα οὐδὲ τῆς Νέρωνος ἐς πάντα ὀλιγωρίας ἀπειράτως ἕξειν, ὃς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πεντακοσίας θεῶν τε ἀναμὶξ ἀφείλετο καὶ ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς. 10.9.11. τὴν δὲ πληγὴν Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν ἐν Αἰγὸς ποταμοῖς οὐ μετὰ τοῦ δικαίου συμβῆναί σφισιν ὁμολογοῦσι· προδοθῆναι γὰρ ἐπὶ χρήμασιν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγησάντων, Τυδέα δὲ εἶναι καὶ Ἀδείμαντον οἳ τὰ δῶρα ἐδέξαντο παρὰ Λυσάνδρου. καὶ ἐς ἀπόδειξιν τοῦ λόγου Σιβύλλης παρέχονται τὸν χρησμόν· καὶ τότʼ Ἀθηναίοισι βαρύστονα κήδεα θήσει Ζεὺς ὑψιβρεμέτης, οὗπερ κράτος ἐστὶ μέγιστον, νηυσὶ φερεπτολέμοισι μάχην καὶ δηιοτῆτα ὀλλυμέναις δολεροῖσι τρόποις, κακότητι νομήων. τὰ δὲ ἕτερα ἐκ Μουσαίου χρησμῶν μνημονεύουσι· καὶ γὰρ Ἀθηναίοισιν ἐπέρχεται ἄγριος ὄμβρος ἡγεμόνων κακότητι, παραιφασίη δέ τις ἔσται ἥττης· οὐ λήσουσι πόλιν, τίσουσι δὲ ποινήν. | 1.1.1. On the Greek mainland facing the Cyclades Islands and the Aegean Sea the Sunium promontory stands out from the Attic land. When you have rounded the promontory you see a harbor and a temple to Athena of Sunium on the peak of the promontory. Farther on is Laurium , where once the Athenians had silver mines, and a small uninhabited island called the Island of Patroclus. For a fortification was built on it and a palisade constructed by Patroclus, who was admiral in command of the Egyptian men-of-war sent by Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, to help the Athenians, when Antigonus, son of Demetrius, was ravaging their country, which he had invaded with an army, and at the same time was blockading them by sea with a fleet. c. 267-263 B.C. 1.3.2. Near the portico stand Conon , Timotheus his son and Evagoras Evagoras was a king of Salamis in Cyprus , who reigned from about 410 to 374 B.C. He favoured the Athenians, and helped Conon to defeat the Spartan fleet off Cnidus in 394 B.C. King of Cyprus, who caused the Phoenician men-of-war to be given to Conon by King Artaxerxes. This he did as an Athenian whose ancestry connected him with Salamis , for he traced his pedigree back to Teucer and the daughter of Cinyras. Here stands Zeus, called Zeus of Freedom, and the Emperor Hadrian, a benefactor to all his subjects and especially to the city of the Athenians. 1.20.7. Sulla abated nothing of his wrath against the Athenians, and so a few effected an escape to Delphi , and asked if the time were now come when it was fated for Athens also to be made desolate, receiving from the Pythia the response about the wine skin. Afterwards Sulla was smitten with the disease which I learn attacked Pherecydes the Syrian. Although Sulla's treatment of the Athenian people was so savage as to be unworthy of a Roman, I do not think that this was the cause of his calamity, but rather the vengeance of the suppliants' Protector, for he had dragged Aristion from the sanctuary of Athena, where he had taken refuge, and killed him. Such wise was Athens sorely afflicted by the war with Rome , but she flourished again when Hadrian was emperor. 1.26.4. Near the statue of Olympiodorus stands a bronze image of Artemis surnamed Leucophryne, dedicated by the sons of Themistocles; for the Magnesians, whose city the King had given him to rule, hold Artemis Leucophryne in honor. But my narrative must not loiter, as my task is a general description of all Greece . Endoeus fl. 540 B.C. was an Athenian by birth and a pupil of Daedalus, who also, when Daedalus was in exile because of the death of Calos, followed him to Crete . Made by him is a statue of Athena seated, with an inscription that Callias dedicated the image, but Endoeus made it. 1.39.3. After the graves of the Argives is the tomb of Alope, who, legend says, being mother of Hippothoon by Poseidon was on this spot put to death by her father Cercyon. He is said to have treated strangers wickedly, especially in wrestling with them against their will. So even to my day this place is called the Wrestling Ground of Cercyon, being a little way from the grave of Alope. Cercyon is said to have killed all those who tried a bout with him except Theseus, who out matched him mainly by his skill. For Theseus was the first to discover the art of wrestling, and through him afterwards was established the teaching of the art. Before him men used in wrestling only size and strength of body. Such in my opinion are the most famous legends and sights among the Athenians, and from the beginning my narrative has picked out of much material the things that deserve to be recorded. 4.29.13. Hitherto my account has dealt with the many sufferings of the Messenians, how fate scattered them to the ends of the earth, far from Peloponnese , and afterwards brought them safely home to their own country. Let us now turn to a description of the country and cities. 4.30.3. I heard also at Pharae that besides the twins a daughter Anticleia was born to Diocles, and that her children were Nicomachus and Gorgasus, by Machaon the son of Asclepius. They remained at Pharae and succeeded to the kingdom on the death of Diocles. The power of healing diseases and curing the maimed has remained with them to this day, and in return for this, sacrifices and votive offerings are brought to their sanctuary. The people of Pharae possess also a temple of Fortune (Tyche) and an ancient image. 4.30.5. He said nothing further about this goddess being the mightiest of gods in human affairs and displaying greatest strength, as in the Iliad he represented Athena and Enyo as supreme in war, and Artemis feared in childbirth, and Aphrodite heeding the affairs of marriage. Hom. Il. 5.333 ; Hom. Il. 21.483 ; Hom. Il. 5.429 . But he makes no other mention of Fortune. 4.30.6. Bupalos A sixth-century artist of Chios , the son of Archermus. With his brother Athenis he is said to have caricatured the poet Hipponax ( Pliny NH 36.11 ). Other works of his at Smyrna and at Ephesus are mentioned in Paus. 9.35.6 . a skilful temple-architect and carver of images, who made the statue of Fortune at Smyrna , was the first whom we know to have represented her with the heavenly sphere upon her head and carrying in one hand the horn of Amaltheia, as the Greeks call it, representing her functions to this extent. The poems of Pindar later contained references to Fortune, and it is he who called her Supporter of the City. 5.25.11. Not far from the offering of the Achaeans there is also a Heracles fighting with the Amazon , a woman on horseback, for her girdle. It was dedicated by Evagoras, a Zanclaean by descent, and made by Aristocles of Cydonia . Aristocles should be included amongst the most ancient sculptors, and though his date is uncertain, he was clearly born before Zancle took its present name of Messene . 6.3.8. The statue of Oebotas was set up by the Achaeans by the command of the Delphic Apollo in the eightieth Olympiad 460 B.C. , but Oebotas won his victory in the footrace at the sixth Festival 756 B.C. . How, therefore, could Oebotas have taken part in the Greek victory at Plataea ? For it was in the seventy-fifth Olympiad 479B.C. that the Persians under Mardonius suffered their disaster at Plataea . Now I am obliged to report the statements made by the Greeks, though I am not obliged to believe them all. The other incidents in the life of Oebotas I will add to my history of Achaia . See Paus. 7.17.6 . 7.17.1. It was at this time that Greece was struck with universal and utter prostration, although parts of it from the beginning had suffered ruin and devastation at the hand of heaven. Argos , a city that reached the zenith of its power in the days of the heroes, as they are called, was deserted by its good fortune at the Dorian revolution. 7.17.2. The people of Attica , reviving after the Peloponnesian war and the plague, raised themselves again only to be struck down a few years later by the ascendancy of Macedonia . From Macedonia the wrath of Alexander swooped like a thunderbolt on Thebes of Boeotia . The Lacedaemonians suffered injury through Epaminondas of Thebes and again through the war with the Achaeans. And when painfully, like a shoot from a mutilated and mostly withered trunk, the Achaean power sprang up, it was cut short, while still growing, by the cowardice κακία means literally “badness,” and includes in this context all the bad qualities a στρατηγός could have—disloyalty and corruptibility as well as cowardice. of its generals. 7.17.3. At a later time, when the Roman imperial power devolved upon Nero, he gave to the Roman people the very prosperous island of Sardinia in exchange for Greece , and then bestowed upon the latter complete freedom. When I considered this act of Nero it struck me how true is the remark of Plato, the son of Ariston, who says that the greatest and most daring crimes are committed, not by ordinary men, but by a noble soul ruined by a perverted education. Plat. Rep. 491e 8.27.1. Megalopolis is the youngest city, not of Arcadia only, but of Greece , with the exception of those whose inhabitants have been removed by the accident of the Roman domination. The Arcadians united into it to gain strength, realizing that the Argives also were in earlier times in almost daily danger of being subjected by war to the Lacedaemonians, but when they had increased the population of Argos by reducing Tiryns , Hysiae, Orneae, Mycenae , Mideia, along with other towns of little importance in Argolis , the Argives had less to fear from the Lacedaemonians, while they were in a stronger position to deal with their vassal neighbors. 9.7.5. Sulla nevertheless was angry with them, and among his plans to humble them was to cut away one half of their territory. His pretext was as follows. When he began the war against Mithridates, he was short of funds. So he collected offerings from Olympia , those at Epidaurus , and all those at Delphi that had been left by the Phocians. 9.7.6. These he divided among his soldiery, and repaid the gods with half of the Theban territory. Although by favour of the Romans the Thebans afterwards recovered the land of which they had been deprived, yet from this point they sank into the greatest depths of weakness. The lower city of Thebes is all deserted to-day, except the sanctuaries, and the people live on the citadel, which they call Thebes and not Cadmeia. 9.13.11. The victory of Thebes was the most famous ever won by Greeks over Greeks. The Lacedaemonians on the following day were minded to bury their dead, and sent a herald to the Thebans. But Epaminondas, knowing that the Lacedaemonians were always inclined to cover up their disasters, said that he permitted their allies first to take up their dead, and only when these had done so did he approve of the Lacedaemonians' burying their own dead. 9.32.10. Again, an oracle had warned the Lacedaemonians that only love of money could destroy Sparta , and so they were not used to acquiring wealth, yet Lysander aroused in the Spartans a strong desire for riches. I for my part follow the Persians, and judge by the Persian law, and decide that Lysander brought on the Lacedaemonians more harm than benefit. 10.7.1. It seems that from the beginning the sanctuary at Delphi has been plotted against by a vast number of men. Attacks were made against it by this Euboean pirate, and years afterwards by the Phlegyan nation; furthermore by Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, by a portion of the army of Xerxes, by the Phocian chieftains, whose attacks on the wealth of the god were the longest and fiercest, and by the Gallic invaders. It was fated too that Delphi was to suffer from the universal irreverence of Nero, who robbed Apollo of five hundred bronze statues, some of gods, some of men. 10.9.11. The Athenians refuse to confess that their defeat at Aegospotami was fairly inflicted, maintaining that they were betrayed by Tydeus and Adeimantus, their generals, who had been bribed, they say, with money by Lysander. As a proof of this assertion they quote the following oracle of the Sibyl:— And then on the Athenians will be laid grievous troubles By Zeus the high-thunderer, whose might is the greatest, On the war-ships battle and fighting, As they are destroyed by treacherous tricks, through the baseness of the captains. The other evidence that they quote is taken from the oracles of Musaeus:— For on the Athenians comes a wild rain Through the baseness of their leaders, but some consolation will there be For the defeat; they shall not escape the notice of the city, but shall pay the penalty. |
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| 39. Hermogenes, On Types of Style, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 16 |
| 40. Hermogenes, Rhetorical Exercises, 22 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, voice of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 58 |
41. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.105 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, ideas of instability in Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 248 | 1.105. To the question, What among men is both good and bad? his answer was The tongue. He said it was better to have one friend of great worth than many friends worth nothing at all. He defined the market as a place set apart where men may deceive and overreach one another. When insulted by a boy over the wine he said, If you cannot carry your liquor when you are young, boy, you will be a water carrier when you are old.According to some he was the inventor of the anchor and the potter's wheel.To him is attributed the following letter:Anacharsis to CroesusI have come, O King of the Lydians, to the land of the Greeks to be instructed in their manners and pursuits. And I am not even in quest of gold, but am well content to return to Scythia a better man. At all events here I am in Sardis, being greatly desirous of making your acquaintance. |
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| 42. Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, 8.8, 12.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation •herodotus and the histories, papyri •herodotus and the histories, role in rhetorical education Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 13, 15 |
| 43. Marcellinus, Vita Thucydidis, 48-49 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 67 |
44. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.35, 11.6.3 Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 16 | 1.2.35. There are many who would make the Erembi a tribe of the Ethiopians, or of the Cephenes, or again of the Pygmies, and a thousand other fancies. These ought to be regarded with little trust; since their opinion is not only incredible, but they evidently labour under a certain confusion as to the different characters of history and fable. In the same category must be reckoned those who place the Sidonians and Phoenicians in the Persian Gulf, or somewhere else in the Ocean, and make the wanderings of Menelaus to have happened there. Not the least cause for mistrusting these writers is the manner in which they contradict each other. One half would have us believe that the Sidonians are a colony from the people whom they describe as located on the shores of the [Indian] Ocean, and who they say were called Phoenicians from the colour of the Erythraean Sea, while the others declare the opposite. Some again would transport Ethiopia into our Phoenicia, and make Joppa the scene of the adventures of Andromeda; and this not from any ignorance of the topography of those places, but by a kind of mythic fiction similar to those of Hesiod and other writers censured by Apollodorus, who, however, couples Homer with them, without, as it appears, any cause. He cites as instances what Homer relates of the Euxine and Egypt, and accuses him of ignorance for pretending to speak the actual truth, and then recounting fable, all the while ignorantly mistaking it for fact. Will anyone then accuse Hesiod of ignorance on account of his Hemicynes, his Macrocephali, and his Pygmies; or Homer for his like fables, and amongst others the Pygmies themselves; or Alcman for describing the Steganopodes; or Aeschylus for his Cynocephali, Sternophthalmi, and Monommati; when amongst prose writers, and in works bearing the appearance of veritable history, we frequently meet with similar narrations, and that without any admission of their having inserted such myths. Indeed it becomes immediately evident that they have woven together a tissue of myths not through ignorance of the real facts, but merely to amuse by a deceptive narration of the impossible and marvellous. If they appear to do this in ignorance, it is because they can romance more frequently and with greater plausibility on those things which are uncertain and unknown. This Theopompus plainly confesses in the announcement of his intention to relate the fables in his history in a better style than Herodotus, Ctesias, Hellanicus, and those who had written on the affairs of India. 11.6.3. For, seeing that those who were professedly writers of myths enjoyed repute, they thought that they too would make their writings pleasing if they told in the guise of history what they had never seen, nor even heard — or at least not from persons who knew the facts — with this object alone in view, to tell what afforded their hearers pleasure and amazement. One could more easily believe Hesiod and Homer in their stories of the heroes than Ctesias, Herodotus, Hellanicus, and other writers of this kind. |
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| 45. Epigraphy, Ig, 12.1 Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation •herodotus and the histories, papyri •herodotus and the histories, role in rhetorical education Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 13, 14 |
| 46. Bacchylides, Odes, 17.123 Tagged with subjects: •herodotus, on wonder and wonders in the histories Found in books: Lightfoot (2021), Wonder and the Marvellous from Homer to the Hellenistic World, 105 |
| 47. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 17 |
| 48. Plutarch, De Herod. Malig., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 117 |
| 49. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Amm. I, 1-2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 70 |
| 50. Epigraphy, Aphrodisias, a b c d\n0 2007 12.27 2007 12.27 2007 12 27 Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation •herodotus and the histories, papyri •herodotus and the histories, role in rhetorical education Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 14 |
| 51. Epigraphy, Seg, 48.1330 Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation •herodotus and the histories, papyri •herodotus and the histories, role in rhetorical education Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 14 |
| 53. Lucian, Her., 3-8, 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 192 |
| 54. Lucian, Ver. Hist., 1.29 Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, voice of Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 222 |
| 55. Plutarch, De Cur., None Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, philobarbaros Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 128 |
| 56. Eustathius, Il., 1.6.6-7 = 4.20 Tagged with subjects: •herodotus and the histories, aspects of ancient reputation •herodotus and the histories, papyri •herodotus and the histories, role in rhetorical education Found in books: Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 15, 16 |
