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69 results for "hellenismos"
1. Homer, Odyssey, 1.100, 13.299, 14.56-14.58 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 192, 332
2. Homer, Iliad, 5.736, 5.891, 8.387, 8.390 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 332
5.736. / richly broidered, that herself had wrought and her hands had fashioned, and put on her the tunic of Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, and arrayed her in armour for tearful war. About her shoulders she flung the tasselled aegis, fraught with terror, all about which Rout is set as a crown, 5.891. / Most hateful to me art thou of all gods that hold Olympus, for ever is strife dear to thee and wars and fightings. Thou hast the unbearable, unyielding spirit of thy mother, even of Hera; her can I scarce control by my words. Wherefore it is by her promptings, meseems, that thou sufferest thus. 8.387. / let fall upon her father's floor her soft robe, richly broidered, that herself had wrought and her hands had fashioned, and put on her the tunic of Zeus the cloud-gatherer, and arrayed her in armour for tearful war. Then she stepped upon the flaming car and grasped her spear, 8.390. / heavy and huge and strong, wherewith she vanquisheth the ranks of men, of warriors with whom she is wroth, she the daughter of the mighty sire. And Hera swiftly touched the horses with the lash, and self-bidden groaned upon their hinges the gates of heaven, which the Hours had in their keeping, to whom are entrusted great heaven and Olympus,
3. Pindar, Fragments, 46 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191
4. Euripides, Hecuba, 466-468, 470-473, 469 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 359
469. ζεύξομαι ἆρα πώλους ἐν
5. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
28e. Ἀθηναῖοι, εἰ ὅτε μέν με οἱ ἄρχοντες ἔταττον, οὓς ὑμεῖς εἵλεσθε ἄρχειν μου, καὶ ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει καὶ ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ, τότε μὲν οὗ ἐκεῖνοι ἔταττον ἔμενον ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλος τις καὶ ἐκινδύνευον ἀποθανεῖν, τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τάττοντος, ὡς ἐγὼ ᾠήθην τε καὶ ὑπέλαβον, φιλοσοφοῦντά με δεῖν ζῆν καὶ ἐξετάζοντα ἐμαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ἐνταῦθα δὲ φοβηθεὶς ἢ θάνατον 28e. if, when the commanders whom you chose to command me stationed me, both at Potidaea and at Amphipolis and at Delium , I remained where they stationed me, like anybody else, and ran the risk of death, but when the god gave me a station, as I believed and understood, with orders to spend my life in philosophy and in examining myself and others,
6. Plato, Laches, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
181b. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν πατρίδα ὀρθοῦντα· ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἀπὸ Δηλίου φυγῇ μετʼ ἐμοῦ συνανεχώρει, κἀγώ σοι λέγω ὅτι εἰ οἱ ἄλλοι ἤθελον τοιοῦτοι εἶναι, ὀρθὴ ἂν ἡμῶν ἡ πόλις ἦν καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἔπεσε τότε τοιοῦτον πτῶμα. ΛΥ. ὦ Σώκρατες, οὗτος μέντοι ὁ ἔπαινός ἐστιν καλός, ὃν σὺ νῦν ἐπαινῇ ὑπʼ ἀνδρῶν ἀξίων πιστεύεσθαι καὶ εἰς ταῦτα εἰς ἃ οὗτοι ἐπαινοῦσιν. εὖ οὖν ἴσθι ὅτι ἐγὼ ταῦτα ἀκούων χαίρω ὅτι εὐδοκιμεῖς, καὶ σὺ δὲ ἡγοῦ με ἐν τοῖς εὐνούστατόν 181b. but his country’s name. He accompanied me in the retreat from Delium , and I assure you that if the rest had chosen to be like him, our city would be holding up her head and would not then have had such a terrible fall. Lys. Socrates, this is indeed splendid praise which you are now receiving from men whose word is of great weight, and for such conduct as wins their praise. So let me tell you that I rejoice to hear this and to know you have such a good reputation; and you in return must count me as one of your warmest well-wishers.
7. Herodotus, Histories, 1.75.3-1.75.5, 1.170.3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
1.75.3. When he came to the river Halys , he transported his army across it—by the bridges which were there then, as I maintain; but the general belief of the Greeks is that Thales of Miletus got the army across. 1.75.4. The story is that, as Croesus did not know how his army could pass the river (as the aforesaid bridges did not yet exist then), Thales, who was in the encampment, made the river, which flowed on the left of the army, also flow on the right, in the following way. 1.75.5. Starting from a point on the river upstream from the camp, he dug a deep semi-circular trench, so that the stream, turned from its ancient course, would flow in the trench to the rear of the camp and, passing it, would issue into its former bed, with the result that as soon as the river was thus divided into two, both channels could be forded. 1.170.3. This was the advice which Bias of Priene gave after the destruction of the Ionians; and that given before the destruction by Thales of Miletus , a Phoenician by descent, was good too; he advised that the Ionians have one place of deliberation, and that it be in Teos (for that was the center of Ionia ), and that the other cities be considered no more than demes.Thus Bias and Thales advised.
8. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 291
9. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 188
69c. κάθαρσίς τις τῶν τοιούτων πάντων καὶ ἡ σωφροσύνη καὶ ἡ δικαιοσύνη καὶ ἀνδρεία, καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ φρόνησις μὴ καθαρμός τις ᾖ. καὶ κινδυνεύουσι καὶ οἱ τὰς τελετὰς ἡμῖν οὗτοι καταστήσαντες οὐ φαῦλοί τινες εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι πάλαι αἰνίττεσθαι ὅτι ὃς ἂν ἀμύητος καὶ ἀτέλεστος εἰς Ἅιδου ἀφίκηται ἐν βορβόρῳ κείσεται, ὁ δὲ κεκαθαρμένος τε καὶ τετελεσμένος ἐκεῖσε ἀφικόμενος μετὰ θεῶν οἰκήσει. εἰσὶν γὰρ δή, ὥς φασιν οἱ περὶ τὰς τελετάς, ναρθηκοφόροι 69c. from all these things, and self-restraint and justice and courage and wisdom itself are a kind of purification. And I fancy that those men who established the mysteries were not unenlightened, but in reality had a hidden meaning when they said long ago that whoever goes uninitiated and unsanctified to the other world will lie in the mire, but he who arrives there initiated and purified will dwell with the gods. For as they say in the mysteries, the thyrsus-bearers are many, but the mystics few ;
10. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 345
11. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 221-224 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 359
12. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
13. Isocrates, Orations, 4.50 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 211
14. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 332, 345
24d. τε καὶ φιλόσοφος ἡ θεὸς οὖσα τὸν προσφερεστάτους αὐτῇ μέλλοντα οἴσειν τόπον ἄνδρας, τοῦτον ἐκλεξαμένη πρῶτον κατῴκισεν. ᾠκεῖτε δὴ οὖν νόμοις τε τοιούτοις χρώμενοι καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον εὐνομούμενοι πάσῃ τε παρὰ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὑπερβεβληκότες ἀρετῇ, καθάπερ εἰκὸς γεννήματα καὶ παιδεύματα θεῶν ὄντας. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ὑμῶν καὶ μεγάλα ἔργα τῆς πόλεως τῇδε γεγραμμένα θαυμάζεται, πάντων μὴν 24d. So it was that the Goddess, being herself both a lover of war and a lover of wisdom, chose the spot which was likely to bring forth men most like unto herself, and this first she established. Wherefore you lived under the rule of such laws as these,—yea, and laws still better,—and you surpassed all men in every virtue, as became those who were the offspring and nurslings of gods. Many, in truth, and great are the achievements of your State, which are a marvel to men as they are here recorded; but there is one which stands out above all
15. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.41.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 211
2.41.1. ‘ξυνελών τε λέγω τήν τε πᾶσαν πόλιν τῆς Ἑλλάδος παίδευσιν εἶναι καὶ καθ’ ἕκαστον δοκεῖν ἄν μοι τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα παρ’ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστ᾽ ἂν εἴδη καὶ μετὰ χαρίτων μάλιστ’ ἂν εὐτραπέλως τὸ σῶμα αὔταρκες παρέχεσθαι. 2.41.1. In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas ; while I doubt if the world can produce a man, who where he has only himself to depend upon, is equal to so many emergencies, and graced by so happy a versatility as the Athenian.
16. Xenophon, Hellenica, 7.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
17. Xenophon, Agesilaus, 1.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
18. Plutarch, Themistocles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 195
19. Plutarch, Sayings of Kings And Commanders, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 194
20. Plutarch, Table Talk, 9.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 281
21. Plutarch, On Praising Oneself Inoffensively, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 194
543c. His friends, we are told, lamented as he lay dying and were disconsolate, recalling his commands and power and the many trophies, victories, and cities he had won and left to Athens. Rallying a moment he rebuked them for extolling what many others had done as well and what was in part the work of fortune rather than of merit, while they passed over the noblest and greatest encomium and his alone, that no Athenian for any act of his had put on mourning. This precedent allows the orator, if meritorious,
22. Plutarch, Aristides, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 195
23. Plutarch, Pericles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 194
24. New Testament, Acts, 17.22-17.31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 11
17.22. σταθεὶς δὲ Παῦλος ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Ἀρείου Πάγου ἔφη Ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, κατὰ πάντα ὡς δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ· 17.23. διερχόμενος γὰρ καὶ ἀναθεωρῶν τὰ σεβάσματα ὑμῶν εὗρον καὶ βωμὸν ἐν ᾧ ἐπεγέγραπτο ΑΓΝΩΣΤΩ ΘΕΩ. ὃ οὖν ἀγνοοῦντες εὐσεβεῖτε, τοῦτο ἐγὼ καταγγέλλω ὑμῖν. 17.24. ὁ θεὸς ὁ ποιήσας τὸν κόσμον καὶ πάντατὰ ἐν αὐτῷ, οὗτος οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς ὑπάρχων κύριος οὐκ ἐν χειροποιήτοις ναοῖς κατοικεῖ 17.25. οὐδὲ ὑπὸ χειρῶν ἀνθρωπίνων θεραπεύεται προσδεόμενός τινος, αὐτὸςδιδοὺς πᾶσι ζωὴν καὶ πνοὴν καὶ τὰ πάντα· 17.26. ἐποίησέν τε ἐξ ἑνὸς πᾶν ἔθνος ανθρώπων κατοικεῖν ἐπὶ παντὸς προσώπου τῆς γῆς, ὁρίσας προστεταγμένους καιροὺς καὶ τὰς ὁροθεσίας τῆς κατοικίας αὐτῶν, 17.27. ζητεῖν τὸν θεὸν εἰ ἄρα γε ψηλαφήσειαν αὐτὸν καὶ εὕροιεν, καί γε οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ἡμῶν ὑπάρχοντα. 17.28. ἐν αὐτῷ γὰρ ζῶμεν καὶ κινούμεθα καὶ ἐσμέν, ὡς καί τινες τῶν καθʼ ὑμᾶς ποιητῶν εἰρήκασιν q type="spoken" 17.29. γένος οὖν ὑπάρχοντες τοῦ θεοῦ οὐκ ὀφείλομεν νομίζειν χρυσῷ ἢ ἀργύρῳ ἢ λίθῳ, χαράγματι τέχνής καὶ ἐνθυμήσεως ἀνθρώπου, τὸ θεῖον εἶναι ὅμοιον. 17.30. τοὺς μὲν οὖν χρόνους τῆς ἀγνοίας ὑπεριδὼν ὁ θεὸς τὰ νῦν ἀπαγγέλλει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις πάντας πανταχοῦ μετανοεῖν, 17.31. καθότι ἔστησεν ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ μέλλει κρίνειν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ ἐν ἀνδρὶ ᾧ ὥρισεν, πίστιν παρασχὼν πᾶσιν ἀναστήσας αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν. 17.22. Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said, "You men of Athens, I perceive that you are very religious in all things. 17.23. For as I passed along, and observed the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this inscription: 'TO AN UNKNOWN GOD.' What therefore you worship in ignorance, this I announce to you. 17.24. The God who made the world and all things in it, he, being Lord of heaven and earth, dwells not in temples made with hands, 17.25. neither is he served by men's hands, as though he needed anything, seeing he himself gives to all life and breath, and all things. 17.26. He made from one blood every nation of men to dwell on all the surface of the earth, having determined appointed seasons, and the bounds of their habitation, 17.27. that they should seek the Lord, if perhaps they might reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from each one of us. 17.28. 'For in him we live, and move, and have our being.' As some of your own poets have said, 'For we are also his offspring.' 17.29. Being then the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the Divine Nature is like gold, or silver, or stone, engraved by art and device of man. 17.30. The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked. But now he commands that all men everywhere should repent, 17.31. because he has appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness by the man whom he has ordained; whereof he has given assurance to all men, in that he has raised him from the dead."
25. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 1.92-1.184, 37.5, 37.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 359
26. Apuleius, On The God of Socrates, 11, 20, 24 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 9
27. Tertullian, Prescription Against Heretics, 7.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 38
28. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.19, 4.27 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 69
4.19. τὰς δὲ ̓Αθήνησι διατριβὰς πλείστας μὲν ὁ Δάμις γενέσθαι φησὶ τῷ ἀνδρί, γράψαι δὲ οὐ πάσας, ἀλλὰ τὰς ἀναγκαίας τε καὶ περὶ μεγάλων σπουδασθείσας. τὴν μὲν δὴ πρώτην διάλεξιν, ἐπειδὴ φιλοθύτας τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους εἶδεν, ὑπὲρ ἱερῶν διελέξατο, καὶ ὡς ἄν τις ἐς τὸ ἑκάστῳ τῶν θεῶν οἰκεῖον καὶ πηνίκα δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας τε καὶ νυκτὸς ἢ θύοι ἢ σπένδοι ἢ εὔχοιτο, καὶ βιβλίῳ ̓Απολλωνίου προστυχεῖν ἐστιν, ἐν ᾧ ταῦτα τῇ ἑαυτοῦ φωνῇ ἐκδιδάσκει. διῆλθε δὲ ταῦτα ̓Αθήνησι πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ σοφίας αὑτοῦ τε κἀκείνων, εἶτ' ἐλέγχων τὸν ἱεροφάντην δι' ἃ βλασφήμως τε καὶ ἀμαθῶς εἶπε: τίς γὰρ ἔτι ᾠήθη τὰ δαιμόνια μὴ καθαρὸν εἶναι τὸν φιλοσοφοῦντα, ὅπως οἱ θεοὶ θεραπευτέοι; 4.27. τὰ δὲ ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τοιαῦτα: ἀνιόντι τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ ἐς ̓Ολυμπίαν ἐνέτυχον Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις ὑπὲρ ξυνουσίας, Λακωνικὸν δὲ οὐδὲν περὶ αὐτοὺς ἐφαίνετο, ἀλλ' ἁβρότερον αὑτῶν εἶχον καὶ συβάριδος μεστοὶ ἦσαν. ἰδὼν δὲ ἄνδρας λείους τὰ σκέλη λιπαροὺς τὰς κόμας καὶ μηδὲ γενείοις χρωμένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα μαλακούς, τοιαῦτα πρὸς τοὺς ἐφόρους ἐπέστειλεν, ὡς ἐκείνους κήρυγμα ποιήσασθαι δημοσίᾳ τήν τε πίτταν τῶν βαλανείων ἐξαιροῦντας καὶ τὰς παρατιλτρίας ἐξελαύνοντας ἐς τὸ ἀρχαῖόν τε καθισταμένους πάντα, ὅθεν παλαῖστραί τε ἀνήβησαν καὶ σπουδαὶ καὶ τὰ φιλίτια ἐπανῆλθε καὶ ἐγένετο ἡ Λακεδαίμων ἑαυτῇ ὁμοία. μαθὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς τὰ οἴκοι διορθουμένους ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν ἀπ' ̓Ολυμπίας βραχυτέραν τῆς Λακωνικῆς σκυτάλης. ἔστι δὲ ἥδε: “̓Απολλώνιος ἐφόροις χαίρειν. ἀνδρῶν μὲν τὸ μὴ ἁμαρτάνειν, γενναίων δὲ τὸ καὶ ἁμαρτάνοντας αἰσθέσθαι.” 4.19. Many were the discourses which according to Damis the sage delivered at Athens; though he did not write down all of them, but only the more indispensable ones in which he handled great subjects. He took for the topic of his first discourse the matter of rite and ceremonies, and this because he saw that the Athenians were much addicted to sacrifices; and in it he explained how a religious man could best adapt his sacrifice, his libations, or prayers to any particular divinity, and at what hours of day and night he ought to offer them. And it is possible to obtain a book of Apollonius, in which he gives instructions in his own words. But Athens he discussed these topics with a view to improving his own wisdom and that of others in the first place, and in the second of convincing the hierophant of blasphemy and ignorance in the remarks he had made; for who could continue to regard as one impure in his religion a man who taught philosophically how the worship of the gods is to be conducted? 4.27. Thecareer of our sage in Olympia was as follows: when Apollonius was on his way up to Olympia, some envoys of the Lacedaemonians met him and asked him to visit their city; there seemed, however, to be no appearance of Sparta about them, for they conducted themselves in a very effeminate manner and reeked of luxury. And seeing them to have smooth legs, and sleek hair, and that they did not even wear beards, nay were even dressed in soft raiment, he sent such a letter to the Ephors that the latter issued a public proclamation and forbade the use of pitch plasters in the baths [ 1], and drove out of the city the men who professed to rejuvenate dandies [ 2], and they restored the ancient regime in every respect. The consequence was that the wrestling grounds were filled once more with the youth, and the jousts and the common meals were restored, and Lacedaemon became once more like herself. And when he learned that they had set their house in order, he sent them an epistle from Olympia, briefer than any cipher dispatch of ancient Sparta; and it ran as follows: —Apollonius to the Ephors sends salutation.It is the duty of men not to fall into sin, but of noble men, to recognize that they are doing so.
29. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.18.6-1.18.9, 1.29.2, 1.30.3, 8.27.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 53, 290
1.18.6. πρὶν δὲ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἰέναι τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου —Ἀδριανὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς τόν τε ναὸν ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα θέας ἄξιον, οὗ μεγέθει μέν, ὅτι μὴ Ῥοδίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις εἰσὶν οἱ κολοσσοί, τὰ λοιπὰ ἀγάλματα ὁμοίως ἀπολείπεται, πεποίηται δὲ ἔκ τε ἐλέφαντος καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἔχει τέχνης εὖ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος ὁρῶσιν—, ἐνταῦθα εἰκόνες Ἀδριανοῦ δύο μέν εἰσι Θασίου λίθου, δύο δὲ Αἰγυπτίου· χαλκαῖ δὲ ἑστᾶσι πρὸ τῶν κιόνων ἃς Ἀθηναῖοι καλοῦσιν ἀποίκους πόλεις. ὁ μὲν δὴ πᾶς περίβολος σταδίων μάλιστα τεσσάρων ἐστίν, ἀνδριάντων δὲ πλήρης· ἀπὸ γὰρ πόλεως ἑκάστης εἰκὼν Ἀδριανοῦ βασιλέως ἀνάκειται, καὶ σφᾶς ὑπερεβάλοντο Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν κολοσσὸν ἀναθέντες ὄπισθε τοῦ ναοῦ θέας ἄξιον. 1.18.7. ἔστι δὲ ἀρχαῖα ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ Ζεὺς χαλκοῦς καὶ ναὸς Κρόνου καὶ Ῥέας καὶ τέμενος Γῆς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν Ὀλυμπίας. ἐνταῦθα ὅσον ἐς πῆχυν τὸ ἔδαφος διέστηκε, καὶ λέγουσι μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν τὴν ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος συμβᾶσαν ὑπορρυῆναι ταύτῃ τὸ ὕδωρ, ἐσβάλλουσί τε ἐς αὐτὸ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἄλφιτα πυρῶν μέλιτι μίξαντες. 1.18.8. κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ κίονος Ἰσοκράτους ἀνδριάς, ὃς ἐς μνήμην τρία ὑπελίπετο, ἐπιπονώτατον μὲν ὅτι οἱ βιώσαντι ἔτη δυοῖν δέοντα ἑκατὸν οὔποτε κατελύθη μαθητὰς ἔχειν, σωφρονέστατον δὲ ὅτι πολιτείας ἀπεχόμενος διέμεινε καὶ τὰ κοινὰ οὐ πολυπραγμονῶν, ἐλευθερώτατον δὲ ὅτι πρὸς τὴν ἀγγελίαν τῆς ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μάχης ἀλγήσας ἐτελεύτησεν ἐθελοντής. κεῖνται δὲ καὶ λίθου Φρυγίου Πέρσαι χαλκοῦν τρίποδα ἀνέχοντες, θέας ἄξιοι καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ὁ τρίπους. τοῦ δὲ Ὀλυμπίου Διὸς Δευκαλίωνα οἰκοδομῆσαι λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἱερόν, σημεῖον ἀποφαίνοντες ὡς Δευκαλίων Ἀθήνῃσιν ᾤκησε τάφον τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ νῦν οὐ πολὺ ἀφεστηκότα. 1.18.9. Ἀδριανὸς δὲ κατεσκευάσατο μὲν καὶ ἄλλα Ἀθηναίοις, ναὸν Ἥρας καὶ Διὸς Πανελληνίου καὶ θεοῖς τοῖς πᾶσιν ἱερὸν κοινόν, τὰ δὲ ἐπιφανέστατα ἑκατόν εἰσι κίονες Φρυγίου λίθου· πεποίηνται δὲ καὶ ταῖς στοαῖς κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ οἱ τοῖχοι. καὶ οἰκήματα ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν ὀρόφῳ τε ἐπιχρύσῳ καὶ ἀλαβάστρῳ λίθῳ, πρὸς δὲ ἀγάλμασι κεκοσμημένα καὶ γραφαῖς· κατάκειται δὲ ἐς αὐτὰ βιβλία. καὶ γυμνάσιόν ἐστιν ἐπώνυμον Ἀδριανοῦ· κίονες δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἑκατὸν λιθοτομίας τῆς Λιβύων. 1.29.2. Ἀθηναίοις δὲ καὶ ἔξω πόλεως ἐν τοῖς δήμοις καὶ κατὰ τὰς ὁδοὺς θεῶν ἐστιν ἱερὰ καὶ ἡρώων καὶ ἀνδρῶν τάφοι· ἐγγυτάτω δὲ Ἀκαδημία, χωρίον ποτὲ ἀνδρὸς ἰδιώτου, γυμνάσιον δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ. κατιοῦσι δʼ ἐς αὐτὴν περίβολός ἐστιν Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ ξόανα Ἀρίστης καὶ Καλλίστης· ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ δοκῶ καὶ ὁμολογεῖ τὰ ἔπη τὰ Πάμφω, τῆς Ἀρτέμιδός εἰσιν ἐπικλήσεις αὗται, λεγόμενον δὲ καὶ ἄλλον ἐς αὐτὰς λόγον εἰδὼς ὑπερβήσομαι. καὶ ναὸς οὐ μέγας ἐστίν, ἐς ὃν τοῦ Διονύσου τοῦ Ἐλευθερέως τὸ ἄγαλμα ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος κομίζουσιν ἐν τεταγμέναις ἡμέραις. 1.30.3. Ἀκαδημίας δὲ οὐ πόρρω Πλάτωνος μνῆμά ἐστιν, ᾧ προεσήμαινεν ὁ θεὸς ἄριστον τὰ ἐς φιλοσοφίαν ἔσεσθαι· προεσήμαινε δὲ οὕτω. Σωκράτης τῇ προτέρᾳ νυκτὶ ἢ Πλάτων ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαί οἱ μαθητὴς ἐσπτῆναί οἱ κύκνον ἐς τὸν κόλπον εἶδεν ὄνειρον· ἔστι δὲ κύκνῳ τῷ ὄρνιθι μουσικῆς δόξα, ὅτι Λιγύων τῶν Ἠριδανοῦ πέραν ὑπὲρ γῆς τῆς Κελτικῆς Κύκνον ἄνδρα μουσικὸν γενέσθαι βασιλέα φασί, τελευτήσαντα δὲ Ἀπόλλωνος γνώμῃ μεταβαλεῖν λέγουσιν αὐτὸν ἐς τὸν ὄρνιθα. ἐγὼ δὲ βασιλεῦσαι μὲν πείθομαι Λίγυσιν ἄνδρα μουσικόν, γενέσθαι δέ μοι ἄπιστον ὄρνιθα ἀπʼ ἀνδρός. 8.27.1. ἡ δὲ Μεγάλη πόλις νεωτάτη πόλεών ἐστιν οὐ τῶν Ἀρκαδικῶν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι, πλὴν ὅσων κατὰ συμφορὰν ἀρχῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων μεταβεβήκασιν οἰκήτορες· συνῆλθον δὲ ὑπὲρ ἰσχύος ἐς αὐτὴν οἱ Ἀρκάδες, ἅτε καὶ Ἀργείους ἐπιστάμενοι τὰ μὲν ἔτι παλαιότερα μόνον οὐ κατὰ μίαν ἡμέραν ἑκάστην κινδυνεύοντας ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων παραστῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ, ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλήθει τὸ Ἄργος ἐπηύξησαν καταλύσαντες Τίρυνθα καὶ Ὑσιάς τε καὶ Ὀρνεὰς καὶ Μυκήνας καὶ Μίδειαν καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο πόλισμα οὐκ ἀξιόλογον ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι ἦν, τά τε ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀδεέστερα τοῖς Ἀργείοις ὑπάρξαντα καὶ ἅμα ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους ἰσχὺν γενομένην αὐτοῖς. 1.18.6. Before the entrance to the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus—Hadrian the Roman emperor dedicated the temple and the statue, one worth seeing, which in size exceeds all other statues save the colossi at Rhodes and Rome , and is made of ivory and gold with an artistic skill which is remarkable when the size is taken into account—before the entrance, I say, stand statues of Hadrian, two of Thasian stone, two of Egyptian. Before the pillars stand bronze statues which the Athenians call “colonies.” The whole circumference of the precincts is about four stades, and they are full of statues; for every city has dedicated a likeness of the emperor Hadrian, and the Athenians have surpassed them in dedicating, behind the temple, the remarkable colossus. 1.18.7. Within the precincts are antiquities: a bronze Zeus, a temple of Cronus and Rhea and an enclosure of Earth surnamed Olympian. Here the floor opens to the width of a cubit, and they say that along this bed flowed off the water after the deluge that occurred in the time of Deucalion, and into it they cast every year wheat meal mixed with honey. 1.18.8. On a pillar is a statue of Isocrates, whose memory is remarkable for three things: his diligence in continuing to teach to the end of his ninety-eight years, his self-restraint in keeping aloof from politics and from interfering with public affairs, and his love of liberty in dying a voluntary death, distressed at the news of the battle at Chaeronea 338 B.C. . There are also statues in Phrygian marble of Persians supporting a bronze tripod; both the figures and the tripod are worth seeing. The ancient sanctuary of Olympian Zeus the Athenians say was built by Deucalion, and they cite as evidence that Deucalion lived at Athens a grave which is not far from the present temple. 1.18.9. Hadrian constructed other buildings also for the Athenians: a temple of Hera and Zeus Panellenios (Common to all Greeks), a sanctuary common to all the gods, and, most famous of all, a hundred pillars of Phrygian marble. The walls too are constructed of the same material as the cloisters. And there are rooms there adorned with a gilded roof and with alabaster stone, as well as with statues and paintings. In them are kept books. There is also a gymnasium named after Hadrian; of this too the pillars are a hundred in number from the Libyan quarries. 1.29.2. Outside the city, too, in the parishes and on the roads, the Athenians have sanctuaries of the gods, and graves of heroes and of men. The nearest is the Academy, once the property of a private individual, but in my time a gymnasium. As you go down to it you come to a precinct of Artemis, and wooden images of Ariste (Best) and Calliste (Fairest). In my opinion, which is supported by the poems of Pamphos, these are surnames of Artemis. There is another account of them, which I know but shall omit. Then there is a small temple, into which every year on fixed days they carry the image of Dionysus Eleuthereus. 1.30.3. Not far from the Academy is the monument of Plato, to whom heaven foretold that he would be the prince of philosophers. The manner of the foretelling was this. On the night before Plato was to become his pupil Socrates in a dream saw a swan fly into his bosom. Now the swan is a bird with a reputation for music, because, they say, a musician of the name of Swan became king of the Ligyes on the other side of the Eridanus beyond the Celtic territory, and after his death by the will of Apollo he was changed into the bird. I am ready to believe that a musician became king of the Ligyes, but I cannot believe that a bird grew out of a man. 8.27.1. Megalopolis is the youngest city, not of Arcadia only, but of Greece , with the exception of those whose inhabitants have been removed by the accident of the Roman domination. The Arcadians united into it to gain strength, realizing that the Argives also were in earlier times in almost daily danger of being subjected by war to the Lacedaemonians, but when they had increased the population of Argos by reducing Tiryns , Hysiae, Orneae, Mycenae , Mideia, along with other towns of little importance in Argolis , the Argives had less to fear from the Lacedaemonians, while they were in a stronger position to deal with their vassal neighbors.
30. Lucian, The Dead Come To Life Or The Fisherman, 15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 286
31. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 3.41, 3.43 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 290
3.41. He was buried in the Academy, where he spent the greatest part of his life in philosophical study. And hence the school which he founded was called the Academic school. And all the students there joined in the funeral procession. The terms of his will were as follows:These things have been left and devised by Plato: the estate in Iphistiadae, bounded on the north by the road from the sanctuary at Cephisia, on the south by the Heracleum in Iphistiadae, on the east by the property of Archestratus of Phrearrhi, on the west by that of Philippus of Chollidae: this it shall be unlawful for anyone to sell or alienate, but it shall be the property of the boy Adeimantus to all intents and purposes: 3.43. Household furniture, as set down in the inventory of which Demetrius has the duplicate. I owe no one anything. My executors are Leosthenes, Speusippus, Demetrius, Hegias, Eurymedon, Callimachus and Thrasippus.Such were the terms of his will. The following epitaphs were inscribed upon his tomb:Here lies the god-like man Aristocles, eminent among men for temperance and the justice of his character. And he, if ever anyone, had the fullest meed of praise for wisdom, and was too great for envy.Next:
32. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 15.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 281
33. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 1.5, 10.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 211, 281
34. Libanius, Orations, 1.11, 1.17.23, 11.163-11.168, 11.171, 11.182-11.185, 13.18-13.19, 18.27-18.30, 18.114-18.115, 18.306 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 162, 183, 184, 188, 282, 290
35. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 3.1, 4.26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 180, 183
36. Libanius, Letters, 742.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 184
37. Marinus, Vita Proclus, 10-22, 24-37, 7, 23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 282, 294
38. Libanius, Declamationes, 13.26 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 162
39. Julian (Emperor), Against The Galileans, 22, 35, 39, 51, 54, 58, 2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 193
40. Julian (Emperor), Misopogon (Sc.), None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 193
41. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 136 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 165
42. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 136 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 165
43. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 5.23, 43.21, 43.23, 43.25 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 178, 180, 183
44. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 271 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 178
45. Eunapius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1, 4, 5-2.13, 6, 7.1, 7.3, 10.1, 16.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 184
46. Gregory of Nazianzus, Carmina Moralia, 2.1.94, 2.1.11113-2.1.11130 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 178
47. Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Makrina, 6.2-6.8 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 178
48. Julian (Emperor), , None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 190
49. Julian (Emperor), Ad Heraclium Cynicum, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
50. Julian (Emperor), To The Athenians, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 195
51. Himerius, Orations, 5.31, 5.42, 6.7, 39.8, 41.2, 41.12, 54.3, 64.3, 69.7-69.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 25, 162, 189, 282, 359
52. Julian (Emperor), To Themistius, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
53. Julian (Emperor), Letters, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 193
54. Julian (Emperor), Caesars, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 196
55. Julian (Emperor), Jul.Or. 3, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 197
56. Proclus, In Platonis Parmenidem Commentarii, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 332
57. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 1.26.13, 1.84.20, 1.84.28, 1.121, 1.168, 1.171-1.174, 1.182, 3.346 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 33, 332, 359
58. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 16.10.12, 16.10.19 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 291, 295
59. Zosimus, New History, 4.3, 5.5-5.6 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 145, 293
60. Proclus, Theologia Platonica ( ), 6.11.49, 6.11.51 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 345
61. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 1.11.7 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 295
62. Julian (Emperor), In Constantium Imperatorem 1, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 194
63. Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicon, 9.11-12.17  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 211
64. Julian (Emperor), Ad Sallustium, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 193, 194
65. Julian (Emperor), In Constantium Imperatorem 2, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 189
66. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 5.2, 6.17.1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 180, 183
5.2. Immediately after the death of Constantius, the dread of a persecution arose in the Church, and Christians suffered more anguish from the anticipation of this calamity than they would have experienced from its actual occurrence. This state of feeling proceeded from the fact that a long interval had made them unaccustomed to such dangers, and from the remembrance of the tortures which had been exercised by the tyrants upon their fathers, and from their knowledge of the hatred with which the emperor regarded their doctrines. It is said that he openly renounced the faith of Christ so entirely, that he by sacrifices and expiations, which the pagans call renunciatory, and by the blood of animals, purged himself of our baptism. From that period he employed himself in auguries and in the celebration of the pagan rites, both publicly and privately. It is related that one day, as he was inspecting the entrails of a victim, he beheld among them a cross encompassed with a crown. This appearance terrified those who were assisting in the ceremony, for they judged that it indicated the strength of religion, and the eternal duration of the Christian doctrines; inasmuch as the crown by which it was encircled is the symbol of victory, and because of its continuity, for the circle beginning everywhere and ending in itself, has no limits in any direction. The chief augur commanded Julian to be of good cheer, because in his judgment the victims were propitious, and since they surrounded the symbol of the Christian doctrine, and was indeed pushing into it, so that it would not spread and expand itself where it wished, since it was limited by the circumference of the circle. I have also heard that one day Julian descended into a most noted and terrific adytum, either for the purpose of participating in some initiation, or of consulting an oracle; and that, by means of machinery which is devised for this end, or of enchantments, such frightful specters were projected suddenly before him, that through perturbation and fear, he became forgetful of those who were present, for he had turned to his new religion when already a man, and so unconsciously fell into his earlier habit, and signed himself with the symbol of Christ, just as the Christian encompassed with untried dangers is wont to do. Immediately the specters disappeared and their designs were frustrated. The initiator was at first surprised at this, but when apprised of the cause of the flight of the demons, he declared that the act was a profanation; and after exhorting the emperor to be courageous and to have no recourse in deed or thought to anything connected with the Christian religion, he again conducted him to the initiation. The zeal of the king for such matters saddened the Christians not a little and made them extremely anxious, more especially as he had been himself formerly a Christian. He was born of pious parents, had been initiated in infancy according to the custom of the Church, and had been brought up in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, and was nurtured by bishops and men of the Church. He and Gallus were the sons of Constantius, the brother by the same father of Constantine the emperor, and of Dalmatius. Dalmatius had a son of the same name, who was declared C sar, and was slain by the soldiery after the death of Constantine. His fate would have been shared by Gallus and Julian, who were then orphans, had not Gallus been spared on account of a disease under which he was laboring, and from which, it was supposed, that he would soon naturally die; and Julian, on account of his extreme youth, for he was but eight years of age. After this wonderful preservation, a residence was assigned to the two brothers in a palace called Macellum, situated in Cappadocia; this imperial post was near Mount Argeus, and not far from C sarea; it contained a magnificent palace and was adorned with baths, gardens, and perennial fountains. Here they were cultured and educated in a manner corresponding to the dignity of their birth; they were taught the sciences and bodily exercises befitting their age, by masters of languages and interpreters of the Holy Scriptures, so that they were enrolled among the clergy, and read the ecclesiastical books to the people. Their habits and actions indicated no dereliction from piety. They respected the clergy and other good people and persons zealous for doctrine; they repaired regularly to church and rendered due homage to the tombs of the martyrs. It is said that they undertook to deposit the tomb of St. Mammas the martyr in a large edifice, and to divide the labor between themselves, and that while they were trying to excel one another in a rivalry of honor, an event occurred which was so astonishing that it would indeed be utterly incredible were it not for the testimony of many who are still among us, who heard it from those who were eyewitnesses of the transaction. The part of the edifice upon which Gallus labored advanced rapidly and according to wish, but of the section upon which Julian labored, a part fell into ruin; another was projected upward from the earth; a third immediately on its touching the foundation could not be held upright, but was hurled backward as if some resistant and strong force from beneath were pushing against it. This was universally regarded as a prodigy. The people, however, drew no conclusion from it till subsequent events manifested its import. There were a few who from that moment doubted the reality of Julian's religion, and suspected that he only made an outward profession of piety for fear of displeasing the emperor, who was then a Christian, and that he concealed his own sentiments because it was not safe to divulge them. It is asserted that he was first secretly led to renounce the religion of his fathers by his intercourse with diviners; for when the resentment of Constantius against the two brothers was abated, Gallus went to Asia, and took up his residence in Ephesus, where the greater part of his property was situated; and Julian repaired to Constantinople, and frequented the schools, where his fine natural abilities and ready attainments in the sciences did not remain concealed. He appeared in public in the garb of a private individual, and had much company; but because he was related to the emperor and was capable of conducting affairs and was expected to become emperor, considerable talk about him to this effect was prevalent, as is wont to be the case in a populous and imperial city, he was commanded to retire to Nicomedia. Here he became acquainted with Maximus, an Ephesian philosopher, who instructed him in philosophy, and inspired him with hatred towards the Christian religion, and moreover assured him that the much talked of prophecy about him was true. Julian, as happens in many cases, while suffering in anticipation of severe circumstances, was softened by these favorable hopes and held Maximus as his friend. As these occurrences reached the ears of Constantius, Julian became apprehensive, and accordingly shaved himself, and adopted externally the monkish mode of life, while he secretly held to the other religion. When he arrived at the age of manhood, he was more readily infatuated, and yet was anxious about these tendencies; and admiring the art (if there be such an art) of predicting the future, he thought the knowledge of it necessary; he advanced to such experiments as are not lawful for Christians. From this period he had as his friends those who followed this art. In this opinion, he came into Asia from Nicomedia, and there consorting with men of such practices, he became more ardent in the pursuit of divination. When Gallus, his brother, who had been established as C sar, was put to death on being accused of revolution, Constantius also suspected Julian of cherishing the love of empire, and therefore put him under the custody of guards. Eusebia, the wife of Constantius, obtained for him permission to retire to Athens; and he accordingly settled there, under pretext of attending the pagan exercises and schools; but as rumor says, he communed with diviners concerning his future prospects. Constantius recalled him, and proclaimed him C sar, promised him his sister Constantia in marriage, and sent him to Gaul; for the barbarians whose aid had been hired by Constantius previously against Magnentius, finding that their services were not required, had portioned out that country. As Julian was very young, generals, to whom the prudential affairs were turned over, were sent with him; but as these generals abandoned themselves to pleasure, he was present as C sar, and provided for the war. He confirmed his soldiers in their spirit for battle, and urged them in other ways to incur danger; he also ordered that a fixed reward should be given to each one who should slay a barbarian. After he had thus secured the affections of the soldiery, he wrote to Constantius, acquainting him with the levity of the generals; and when another general had been sent, he attacked the barbarians, and obtained the victory. They sent embassies to beg for peace, and showed the letter in which Constantius had requested them to enter the Roman dominions. He purposely delayed to send the ambassador back; he attacked a number of the enemy unexpectedly and conquered them. Some have said that Constantius, with designed enmity, committed this campaign to him; but this does not appear probable to me. For, as it rested with Constantius alone to nominate him C sar, why did he confer that title upon him? Why did he give him his sister in marriage, or hear his complaints against the inefficient generals, and send a competent one in their stead in order to complete the war, if he were not friendly to Julian? But as I conjecture, he conferred on him the title of C sar because he was well disposed to Julian; but that after Julian had, without his sanction, been proclaimed emperor, he plotted against him through the barbarians on the Rhine; and this, I think, resulted either from the dread that Julian would seek revenge for the ill-treatment he and his brother Gallus had experienced during their youth, or as would be natural, from jealousy of his attaining similar honor. But a great variety of opinions are entertained on this subject.
67. Anon., Vita Aristotelis (Westermann), 399  Tagged with subjects: •hellenismos / hellenic Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 291
68. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 13394, 13252  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 145
69. Damaskios, Fr., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 291