1. Septuagint, Tobit, 1.6-1.8 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmoneans, and sacred land • Hasmoneans, and taxation policy • Hasmoneans, and temple tax
Found in books: Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 133; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 89
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1.6 But I alone went often to Jerusalem for the feasts, as it is ordained for all Israel by an everlasting decree. Taking the first fruits and the tithes of my produce and the first shearings, I would give these to the priests, the sons of Aaron, at the altar. 1.7 of all my produce I would give a tenth to the sons of Levi who ministered at Jerusalem; a second tenth I would sell, and I would go and spend the proceeds each year at Jerusalem; 1.8 the third tenth I would give to those to whom it was my duty, as Deborah my fathers mother had commanded me, for I was left an orphan by my father.'' None |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 12.2-12.3, 23.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmonean period, conquest during • Hasmonean period, violence against foreign religions • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 128; Gera (2014), Judith, 419; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 440; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 148
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12.2 אַבֵּד תְּאַבְּדוּן אֶת־כָּל־הַמְּקֹמוֹת אֲשֶׁר עָבְדוּ־שָׁם הַגּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם יֹרְשִׁים אֹתָם אֶת־אֱלֹהֵיהֶם עַל־הֶהָרִים הָרָמִים וְעַל־הַגְּבָעוֹת וְתַחַת כָּל־עֵץ רַעֲנָן׃
12.2 כִּי־יַרְחִיב יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ אֶת־גְּבוּלְךָ כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר־לָךְ וְאָמַרְתָּ אֹכְלָה בָשָׂר כִּי־תְאַוֶּה נַפְשְׁךָ לֶאֱכֹל בָּשָׂר בְּכָל־אַוַּת נַפְשְׁךָ תֹּאכַל בָּשָׂר׃ 12.3 הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ פֶּן־תִּנָּקֵשׁ אַחֲרֵיהֶם אַחֲרֵי הִשָּׁמְדָם מִפָּנֶיךָ וּפֶן־תִּדְרֹשׁ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם לֵאמֹר אֵיכָה יַעַבְדוּ הַגּוֹיִם הָאֵלֶּה אֶת־אֱלֹהֵיהֶם וְאֶעֱשֶׂה־כֵּן גַּם־אָנִי׃ 12.3 וְנִתַּצְתֶּם אֶת־מִזְבּחֹתָם וְשִׁבַּרְתֶּם אֶת־מַצֵּבֹתָם וַאֲשֵׁרֵיהֶם תִּשְׂרְפוּן בָּאֵשׁ וּפְסִילֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶם תְּגַדֵּעוּן וְאִבַּדְתֶּם אֶת־שְׁמָם מִן־הַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא׃
23.4 לֹא־יָבֹא עַמּוֹנִי וּמוֹאָבִי בִּקְהַל יְהוָה גַּם דּוֹר עֲשִׂירִי לֹא־יָבֹא לָהֶם בִּקְהַל יְהוָה עַד־עוֹלָם׃'' None | sup>
12.2 Ye shall surely destroy all the places, wherein the nations that ye are to dispossess served their gods, upon the high mountains, and upon the hills, and under every leafy tree. 12.3 And ye shall break down their altars, and dash in pieces their pillars, and burn their Asherim with fire; and ye shall hew down the graven images of their gods; and ye shall destroy their name out of that place.
23.4 An Ammonite or a Moabite shall not enter into the assembly of the LORD; even to the tenth generation shall none of them enter into the assembly of the LORD for ever;'' None |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 2.5-2.6, 8.17, 9.27 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Book of Judith, criticizes Hasmoneans? • Hasmonean, • Hasmoneans (dynasty, period) • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Mattathias the Hasmonean • Mattathias, Hasmonean priest,
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 169; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 109; Gera (2014), Judith, 255, 419, 420, 421; Rubenstein(1995), The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods, 60; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 155
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2.5 אִישׁ יְהוּדִי הָיָה בְּשׁוּשַׁן הַבִּירָה וּשְׁמוֹ מָרְדֳּכַי בֶּן יָאִיר בֶּן־שִׁמְעִי בֶּן־קִישׁ אִישׁ יְמִינִי׃ 2.6 אֲשֶׁר הָגְלָה מִירוּשָׁלַיִם עִם־הַגֹּלָה אֲשֶׁר הָגְלְתָה עִם יְכָנְיָה מֶלֶךְ־יְהוּדָה אֲשֶׁר הֶגְלָה נְבוּכַדְנֶאצַּר מֶלֶךְ בָּבֶל׃
8.17 וּבְכָל־מְדִינָה וּמְדִינָה וּבְכָל־עִיר וָעִיר מְקוֹם אֲשֶׁר דְּבַר־הַמֶּלֶךְ וְדָתוֹ מַגִּיעַ שִׂמְחָה וְשָׂשׂוֹן לַיְּהוּדִים מִשְׁתֶּה וְיוֹם טוֹב וְרַבִּים מֵעַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ מִתְיַהֲדִים כִּי־נָפַל פַּחַד־הַיְּהוּדִים עֲלֵיהֶם׃
9.27 קִיְּמוּ וקבל וְקִבְּלוּ הַיְּהוּדִים עֲלֵיהֶם וְעַל־זַרְעָם וְעַל כָּל־הַנִּלְוִים עֲלֵיהֶם וְלֹא יַעֲבוֹר לִהְיוֹת עֹשִׂים אֵת שְׁנֵי הַיָּמִים הָאֵלֶּה כִּכְתָבָם וְכִזְמַנָּם בְּכָל־שָׁנָה וְשָׁנָה׃'' None | sup>
2.5 There was a certain Jew in Shushan the castle, whose name was Mordecai the son of Jair the son of Shimei the son of Kish, a Benjamite, 2.6 who had been carried away from Jerusalem with the captives that had been carried away with Jeconiah king of Judah, whom Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon had carried away.
8.17 And in every province, and in every city, whithersoever the king’s commandment and his decree came, the Jews had gladness and joy, a feast and a good day. And many from among the peoples of the land became Jews; for the fear of the Jews was fallen upon them.
9.27 the Jews ordained, and took upon them, and upon their seed, and upon all such as joined themselves unto them, so as it should not fail, that they would keep these two days according to the writing thereof, and according to the appointed time thereof, every year;'' None |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 30.11-30.16 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, and sacred land • Hasmoneans, and taxation policy • Hasmoneans, and temple tax
Found in books: Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 133, 174; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 89
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30.11 וַיְדַבֵּר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה לֵּאמֹר׃ 30.12 כִּי תִשָּׂא אֶת־רֹאשׁ בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל לִפְקֻדֵיהֶם וְנָתְנוּ אִישׁ כֹּפֶר נַפְשׁוֹ לַיהוָה בִּפְקֹד אֹתָם וְלֹא־יִהְיֶה בָהֶם נֶגֶף בִּפְקֹד אֹתָם׃ 30.13 זֶה יִתְּנוּ כָּל־הָעֹבֵר עַל־הַפְּקֻדִים מַחֲצִית הַשֶּׁקֶל בְּשֶׁקֶל הַקֹּדֶשׁ עֶשְׂרִים גֵּרָה הַשֶּׁקֶל מַחֲצִית הַשֶּׁקֶל תְּרוּמָה לַיהוָה׃ 30.14 כֹּל הָעֹבֵר עַל־הַפְּקֻדִים מִבֶּן עֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה וָמָעְלָה יִתֵּן תְּרוּמַת יְהוָה׃ 30.15 הֶעָשִׁיר לֹא־יַרְבֶּה וְהַדַּל לֹא יַמְעִיט מִמַּחֲצִית הַשָּׁקֶל לָתֵת אֶת־תְּרוּמַת יְהוָה לְכַפֵּר עַל־נַפְשֹׁתֵיכֶם׃ 30.16 וְלָקַחְתָּ אֶת־כֶּסֶף הַכִּפֻּרִים מֵאֵת בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְנָתַתָּ אֹתוֹ עַל־עֲבֹדַת אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד וְהָיָה לִבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לְזִכָּרוֹן לִפְנֵי יְהוָה לְכַפֵּר עַל־נַפְשֹׁתֵיכֶם׃'' None | sup>
30.11 And the LORD spoke unto Moses, saying: 30.12 ’When thou takest the sum of the children of Israel, according to their number, then shall they give every man a ransom for his soul unto the LORD, when thou numberest them; that there be no plague among them, when thou numberest them. 30.13 This they shall give, every one that passeth among them that are numbered, half a shekel after the shekel of the sanctuary—the shekel is twenty gerahs—half a shekel for an offering to the LORD. 30.14 Every one that passeth among them that are numbered, from twenty years old and upward, shall give the offering of the LORD. 30.15 The rich shall not give more, and the poor shall not give less, than the half shekel, when they give the offering of the LORD, to make atonement for your souls. 30.16 And thou shalt take the atonement money from the children of Israel, and shalt appoint it for the service of the tent of meeting, that it may be a memorial for the children of Israel before the LORD, to make atonement for your souls.’'' None |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 14.18-14.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmoneans
Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 174; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 296; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 384; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 167; Visnjic (2021), The Invention of Duty: Stoicism as Deontology, 112, 269
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14.18 וּמַלְכִּי־צֶדֶק מֶלֶךְ שָׁלֵם הוֹצִיא לֶחֶם וָיָיִן וְהוּא כֹהֵן לְאֵל עֶלְיוֹן׃ 14.19 וַיְבָרְכֵהוּ וַיֹּאמַר בָּרוּךְ אַבְרָם לְאֵל עֶלְיוֹן קֹנֵה שָׁמַיִם וָאָרֶץ׃' ' None | sup>
14.18 And Melchizedek king of Salem brought forth bread and wine; and he was priest of God the Most High. 14.19 And he blessed him, and said: ‘Blessed be Abram of God Most High, Maker of heaven and earth; 14.20 and blessed be God the Most High, who hath delivered thine enemies into thy hand.’ And he gave him a tenth of all.' ' None |
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6. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 18.21, 18.24 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmonean period • Hasmonean period, tithe practices • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 159; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 277
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18.21 וְלִבְנֵי לֵוִי הִנֵּה נָתַתִּי כָּל־מַעֲשֵׂר בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל לְנַחֲלָה חֵלֶף עֲבֹדָתָם אֲשֶׁר־הֵם עֹבְדִים אֶת־עֲבֹדַת אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד׃
18.24 כִּי אֶת־מַעְשַׂר בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר יָרִימוּ לַיהוָה תְּרוּמָה נָתַתִּי לַלְוִיִּם לְנַחֲלָה עַל־כֵּן אָמַרְתִּי לָהֶם בְּתוֹךְ בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לֹא יִנְחֲלוּ נַחֲלָה׃'' None | sup>
18.21 And unto the children of Levi, behold, I have given all the tithe in Israel for an inheritance, in return for their service which they serve, even the service of the tent of meeting.
18.24 For the tithe of the children of Israel, which they set apart as a gift unto the LORD, I have given to the Levites for an inheritance; therefore I have said unto them: Among the children of Israel they shall have no inheritance.’'' None |
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7. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 24.12, 24.15 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Mattathias, Hasmonean priest,
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 169; Gera (2014), Judith, 175
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24.12 וַיֵּצֵא יְהוֹיָכִין מֶלֶךְ־יְהוּדָה עַל־מֶלֶךְ בָּבֶל הוּא וְאִמּוֹ וַעֲבָדָיו וְשָׂרָיו וְסָרִיסָיו וַיִּקַּח אֹתוֹ מֶלֶךְ בָּבֶל בִּשְׁנַת שְׁמֹנֶה לְמָלְכוֹ׃
24.15 וַיֶּגֶל אֶת־יְהוֹיָכִין בָּבֶלָה וְאֶת־אֵם הַמֶּלֶךְ וְאֶת־נְשֵׁי הַמֶּלֶךְ וְאֶת־סָרִיסָיו וְאֵת אולי אֵילֵי הָאָרֶץ הוֹלִיךְ גּוֹלָה מִירוּשָׁלִַם בָּבֶלָה׃'' None | sup>
24.12 And Jehoiachin the king of Judah went out to the king of Babylon, he, and his mother, and his servants, and his princes, and his officers; and the king of Babylon took him in the eighth year of his reign.
24.15 And he carried away Jehoiachin to Babylon; and the king’s mother, and the king’s wives, and his officers, and the chief men of the land, carried he into captivity from Jerusalem to Babylon.'' None |
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8. Hebrew Bible, 2 Samuel, 1.19-1.27 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Mattathias, Hasmonean priest, • Simon the Hasmonean
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 169; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 46
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1.19 הַצְּבִי יִשְׂרָאֵל עַל־בָּמוֹתֶיךָ חָלָל אֵיךְ נָפְלוּ גִבּוֹרִים׃' '1.21 הָרֵי בַגִּלְבֹּעַ אַל־טַל וְאַל־מָטָר עֲלֵיכֶם וּשְׂדֵי תְרוּמֹת כִּי שָׁם נִגְעַל מָגֵן גִּבּוֹרִים מָגֵן שָׁאוּל בְּלִי מָשִׁיחַ בַּשָּׁמֶן׃ 1.22 מִדַּם חֲלָלִים מֵחֵלֶב גִּבּוֹרִים קֶשֶׁת יְהוֹנָתָן לֹא נָשׂוֹג אָחוֹר וְחֶרֶב שָׁאוּל לֹא תָשׁוּב רֵיקָם׃ 1.23 שָׁאוּל וִיהוֹנָתָן הַנֶּאֱהָבִים וְהַנְּעִימִם בְּחַיֵּיהֶם וּבְמוֹתָם לֹא נִפְרָדוּ מִנְּשָׁרִים קַלּוּ מֵאֲרָיוֹת גָּבֵרוּ׃ 1.24 בְּנוֹת יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶל־שָׁאוּל בְּכֶינָה הַמַּלְבִּשְׁכֶם שָׁנִי עִם־עֲדָנִים הַמַּעֲלֶה עֲדִי זָהָב עַל לְבוּשְׁכֶן׃ 1.25 אֵיךְ נָפְלוּ גִבֹּרִים בְּתוֹךְ הַמִּלְחָמָה יְהוֹנָתָן עַל־בָּמוֹתֶיךָ חָלָל׃ 1.26 צַר־לִי עָלֶיךָ אָחִי יְהוֹנָתָן נָעַמְתָּ לִּי מְאֹד נִפְלְאַתָה אַהֲבָתְךָ לִי מֵאַהֲבַת נָשִׁים׃ 1.27 אֵיךְ נָפְלוּ גִבּוֹרִים וַיֹּאבְדוּ כְּלֵי מִלְחָמָה׃'' None | sup>
1.19 The beauty, O Yisra᾽el, is slain upon thy high places: how are the mighty fallen! 1.20 Tell it not in Gat, publish it not in the streets of Ashqelon; lest the daughters of the Pelishtim rejoice, lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph. 1.21 Mountains of Gilboa, let there be no dew, neither let there be rain, upon you, nor fields of offerings: for there the shield of the mighty is vilely cast away, the shield of Sha᾽ul, as though not anointed with oil. 1.22 From the blood of the slain, from the fat of the mighty, the bow of Yehonatan turned not back, and the sword of Sha᾽ul returned not empty. 1.23 Sha᾽ul and Yehonatan were loved and dear in their lives, and in their death they were not divided: they were swifter than eagles, they were stronger than lions. 1.24 Daughters of Yisra᾽el, weep over Sha᾽ul, who clothed you in scarlet, with other delights, who put ornaments of gold upon your apparel. 1.25 How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the battle! O Yehonatan, slain on thy high places. 1.26 I am distressed for thee, my brother Yehonatan: very dear hast thou been to me: thy love to me was wonderful, more than the love of women. 1.27 How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war cast away.'' None |
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9. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 19.19, 45.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmonean dynasty, • Hasmonean-Oniad relations • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, Simon • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 281; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 105, 230, 335, 399, 418, 440; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 110
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19.19 בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִהְיֶה מִזְבֵּחַ לַיהוָה בְּתוֹךְ אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם וּמַצֵּבָה אֵצֶל־גְּבוּלָהּ לַיהוָה׃
45.1 הוֹי אֹמֵר לְאָב מַה־תּוֹלִיד וּלְאִשָּׁה מַה־תְּחִילִין׃
45.1 כֹּה־אָמַר יְהוָה לִמְשִׁיחוֹ לְכוֹרֶשׁ אֲשֶׁר־הֶחֱזַקְתִּי בִימִינוֹ לְרַד־לְפָנָיו גּוֹיִם וּמָתְנֵי מְלָכִים אֲפַתֵּחַ לִפְתֹּחַ לְפָנָיו דְּלָתַיִם וּשְׁעָרִים לֹא יִסָּגֵרוּ׃'' None | sup>
19.19 In that day shall there be an altar to the LORD in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a pillar at the border thereof to the LORD.
45.1 Thus saith the LORD to His anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him, and to loose the loins of kings; to open the doors before him, and that the gates may not be shut:'' None |
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10. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 2.36-2.38, 6.7-6.8, 6.14 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean dynasty, • Hasmonean period, tithe practices • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans (dynasty, period)
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 160; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 281; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 1; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 154
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2.36 הַכֹּהֲנִים בְּנֵי יְדַעְיָה לְבֵית יֵשׁוּעַ תְּשַׁע מֵאוֹת שִׁבְעִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה׃ 2.37 בְּנֵי אִמֵּר אֶלֶף חֲמִשִּׁים וּשְׁנָיִם׃ 2.38 בְּנֵי פַשְׁחוּר אֶלֶף מָאתַיִם אַרְבָּעִים וְשִׁבְעָה׃
6.7 שְׁבֻקוּ לַעֲבִידַת בֵּית־אֱלָהָא דֵךְ פַּחַת יְהוּדָיֵא וּלְשָׂבֵי יְהוּדָיֵא בֵּית־אֱלָהָא דֵךְ יִבְנוֹן עַל־אַתְרֵהּ׃ 6.8 וּמִנִּי שִׂים טְעֵם לְמָא דִי־תַעַבְדוּן עִם־שָׂבֵי יְהוּדָיֵא אִלֵּךְ לְמִבְנֵא בֵּית־אֱלָהָא דֵךְ וּמִנִּכְסֵי מַלְכָּא דִּי מִדַּת עֲבַר נַהֲרָה אָסְפַּרְנָא נִפְקְתָא תֶּהֱוֵא מִתְיַהֲבָא לְגֻבְרַיָּא אִלֵּךְ דִּי־לָא לְבַטָּלָא׃
6.14 וְשָׂבֵי יְהוּדָיֵא בָּנַיִן וּמַצְלְחִין בִּנְבוּאַת חַגַּי נביאה נְבִיָּא וּזְכַרְיָה בַּר־עִדּוֹא וּבְנוֹ וְשַׁכְלִלוּ מִן־טַעַם אֱלָהּ יִשְׂרָאֵל וּמִטְּעֵם כּוֹרֶשׁ וְדָרְיָוֶשׁ וְאַרְתַּחְשַׁשְׂתְּא מֶלֶךְ פָּרָס׃'' None | sup>
2.36 The priests: The children of Jedaiah, of the house of Jeshua, nine hundred seventy and three. 2.37 The children of Immer, a thousand fifty and two. 2.38 The children of Pashhur, a thousand two hundred forty and seven. .
6.7 let the work of this house of God alone; let the governor of the Jews and the elders of the Jews build this house of God in its place. 6.8 Moreover I make a decree concerning what ye shall do to these elders of the Jews for the building of this house of God; that of the king’s goods, even of the tribute beyond the River, expenses be given with all diligence unto these men, that they be not hindered.
6.14 And the elders of the Jews builded and prospered, through the prophesying of Haggai the prophet and Zechariah the son of Iddo. And they builded and finished it, according to the commandment of the God of Israel, and according to the decree of Cyrus, and Darius, and Artaxerxes king of Persia.'' None |
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11. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 10.32-10.33, 10.38-10.39, 11.10-11.14, 12.10, 13.23-13.27 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmonean period • Hasmonean period, tithe practices • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, and sacred land • Hasmoneans, and taxation policy • Hasmoneans, and temple tax • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 160; Gera (2014), Judith, 175, 419; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 1, 133, 227; Lieu (2004), Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World, 68; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 277; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 89
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10.32 וְעַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ הַמְבִיאִים אֶת־הַמַּקָּחוֹת וְכָל־שֶׁבֶר בְּיוֹם הַשַּׁבָּת לִמְכּוֹר לֹא־נִקַּח מֵהֶם בַּשַּׁבָּת וּבְיוֹם קֹדֶשׁ וְנִטֹּשׁ אֶת־הַשָּׁנָה הַשְּׁבִיעִית וּמַשָּׁא כָל־יָד׃ 10.33 וְהֶעֱמַדְנוּ עָלֵינוּ מִצְוֺת לָתֵת עָלֵינוּ שְׁלִשִׁית הַשֶּׁקֶל בַּשָּׁנָה לַעֲבֹדַת בֵּית אֱלֹהֵינוּ׃
10.38 וְאֶת־רֵאשִׁית עֲרִיסֹתֵינוּ וּתְרוּמֹתֵינוּ וּפְרִי כָל־עֵץ תִּירוֹשׁ וְיִצְהָר נָבִיא לַכֹּהֲנִים אֶל־לִשְׁכוֹת בֵּית־אֱלֹהֵינוּ וּמַעְשַׂר אַדְמָתֵנוּ לַלְוִיִּם וְהֵם הַלְוִיִּם הַמְעַשְּׂרִים בְּכֹל עָרֵי עֲבֹדָתֵנוּ׃ 10.39 וְהָיָה הַכֹּהֵן בֶּן־אַהֲרֹן עִם־הַלְוִיִּם בַּעְשֵׂר הַלְוִיִּם וְהַלְוִיִּם יַעֲלוּ אֶת־מַעֲשַׂר הַמַּעֲשֵׂר לְבֵית אֱלֹהֵינוּ אֶל־הַלְּשָׁכוֹת לְבֵית הָאוֹצָר׃' '11.11 שְׂרָיָה בֶן־חִלְקִיָּה בֶּן־מְשֻׁלָּם בֶּן־צָדוֹק בֶּן־מְרָיוֹת בֶּן־אֲחִיטוּב נְגִד בֵּית הָאֱלֹהִים׃ 11.12 וַאֲחֵיהֶם עֹשֵׂי הַמְּלָאכָה לַבַּיִת שְׁמֹנֶה מֵאוֹת עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁנָיִם וַעֲדָיָה בֶּן־יְרֹחָם בֶּן־פְּלַלְיָה בֶּן־אַמְצִי בֶן־זְכַרְיָה בֶּן־פַּשְׁחוּר בֶּן־מַלְכִּיָּה׃ 11.13 וְאֶחָיו רָאשִׁים לְאָבוֹת מָאתַיִם אַרְבָּעִים וּשְׁנָיִם וַעֲמַשְׁסַי בֶּן־עֲזַרְאֵל בֶּן־אַחְזַי בֶּן־מְשִׁלֵּמוֹת בֶּן־אִמֵּר׃ 11.14 וַאֲחֵיהֶם גִּבּוֹרֵי חַיִל מֵאָה עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁמֹנָה וּפָקִיד עֲלֵיהֶם זַבְדִּיאֵל בֶּן־הַגְּדוֹלִים׃
13.23 גַּם בַּיָּמִים הָהֵם רָאִיתִי אֶת־הַיְּהוּדִים הֹשִׁיבוּ נָשִׁים אשדודיות אַשְׁדֳּדִיּוֹת עמוניות עַמֳּנִיּוֹת מוֹאֲבִיּוֹת׃ 13.24 וּבְנֵיהֶם חֲצִי מְדַבֵּר אַשְׁדּוֹדִית וְאֵינָם מַכִּירִים לְדַבֵּר יְהוּדִית וְכִלְשׁוֹן עַם וָעָם׃ 13.25 וָאָרִיב עִמָּם וָאֲקַלְלֵם וָאַכֶּה מֵהֶם אֲנָשִׁים וָאֶמְרְטֵם וָאַשְׁבִּיעֵם בֵּאלֹהִים אִם־תִּתְּנוּ בְנֹתֵיכֶם לִבְנֵיהֶם וְאִם־תִּשְׂאוּ מִבְּנֹתֵיהֶם לִבְנֵיכֶם וְלָכֶם׃ 13.26 הֲלוֹא עַל־אֵלֶּה חָטָא־שְׁלֹמֹה מֶלֶךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל וּבַגּוֹיִם הָרַבִּים לֹא־הָיָה מֶלֶךְ כָּמֹהוּ וְאָהוּב לֵאלֹהָיו הָיָה וַיִּתְּנֵהוּ אֱלֹהִים מֶלֶךְ עַל־כָּל־יִשְׂרָאֵל גַּם־אוֹתוֹ הֶחֱטִיאוּ הַנָּשִׁים הַנָּכְרִיּוֹת׃ 13.27 וְלָכֶם הֲנִשְׁמַע לַעֲשֹׂת אֵת כָּל־הָרָעָה הַגְּדוֹלָה הַזֹּאת לִמְעֹל בֵּאלֹהֵינוּ לְהֹשִׁיב נָשִׁים נָכְרִיּוֹת׃'' None | sup>
10.32 and if the peoples of the land bring ware or any victuals on the sabbath day to sell, that we would not buy of them on the sabbath, or on a holy day; and that we would forego the seventh year, and the exaction of every debt. 10.33 Also we made ordices for us, to charge ourselves yearly with the third part of a shekel for the service of the house of our God;
10.38 and that we should bring the first of our dough, and our heave-offerings, and the fruit of all manner of trees, the wine and the oil, unto the priests, to the chambers of the house of our God; and the tithes of our land unto the Levites; for they, the Levites, take the tithes in all the cities of our tillage. 10.39 And the priest the son of Aaron shall be with the Levites, when the Levites take tithes; and the Levites shall bring up the tithe of the tithes unto the house of our God, to the chambers, into the treasure-house. .
11.10 of the priests: Jedaiah the son of Joiarib, Jachin, 11.11 Seraiah the son of Hilkiah, the son of Meshullam, the son of Zadok, the son of Meraioth, the son of Ahitub, the ruler of the house of God, 11.12 and their brethren that did the work of the house, eight hundred twenty and two; and Adaiah the son of Jeroham, the son of Pelaliah, the son of Amzi, the son of Zechariah, the son of Pashhur, the son of Malchijah, 11.13 and his brethren, chiefs of fathers’houses, two hundred forty and two; and Amashsai the son of Azarel, the son of Ahzai, the son of Meshillemoth, the son of Immer, 11.14 and their brethren, mighty men of valour, a hundred twenty and eight; and their overseer was Zabdiel, the son of Haggedolim.
12.10 And Jeshua begot Joiakim, and Joiakim begot Eliashib, and Eliashib begot Joiada,
13.23 In those days also saw I the Jews that had married women of Ashdod, of Ammon, and of Moab; 13.24 and their children spoke half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews’language, but according to the language of each people. 13.25 And I contended with them, and cursed them, and smote certain of them, and plucked off their hair, and made them swear by God: ‘Ye shall not give your daughters unto their sons, nor take their daughters for your sons, or for yourselves. 13.26 Did not Solomon king of Israel sin by these things? yet among many nations was there no king like him, and he was beloved of his God, and God made him king over all Israel; nevertheless even him did the foreign women cause to sin. 13.27 Shall we then hearken unto you to do all this great evil, to break faith with our God in marrying foreign women?’'' None |
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12. Anon., Jubilees, 12.26-12.27, 23.14-23.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean kingdom • Hasmonean revolt • Hasmoneans
Found in books: Ben-Eliyahu (2019), Identity and Territory : Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. 47; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 135, 267, 271; Lieu (2004), Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World, 68; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 139
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12.26 "Get thee up from thy country, and from thy kindred and from the house of thy father unto a land which I shall show thee, 12.27 and I shall make thee a great and numerous nation. And I shall bless thee And I shall make thy name great, And thou wilt be blessed in the earth,
23.14 and to decrease in jubilees, and to grow old quickly, and to be full of their days by reason of manifold tribulation and the wickedness of their ways, 23.15 with the exception of Abraham.rFor Abraham was perfect in all his deeds with the Lord, and well-pleasing in righteousness all the days of his life; 23.16 and behold, he did not complete four jubilees in his life, when he had grown old by reason of the wickedness and was full of his days. 23.17 And all the generations which will arise from this time until the day of the great judgment will grow old quickly, before they complete two jubilees, 23.18 and their knowledge will forsake them by reason of their old age and all their knowledge will vanish away. 23.19 And in those days, if a man live a jubilee and a half of years, they will say regarding him: "He hath lived long, 23.20 and the greater part of his days are pain and sorrow and tribulation, and there is no peace: 23.21 For calamity followeth on calamity, and wound on wound, and tribulation on tribulation, and evil tidings on evil tidings, and illness on illness, and all evil judgments such as these, one with another, 23.22 illness and overthrow, and snow and frost and ice, and fever, and chills, and torpor, and famine, and death, and sword, and captivity, and all kinds of calamities and pains." 23.23 And all these will come on an evil generation, which transgresseth on the earth: their works are uncleanness and fornication, and pollution and abominations. 23.24 Then they will say: "The days of the forefathers were many (even), unto a thousand years, and were good; but, behold, the days of our life, if a man hath lived many, are three score years and ten, and, if he is strong, four score years, and those evil 23.25 and there is no peace in the days of this evil generation." 23.26 And in that generation the sons will convict their fathers and their elders of sin and unrighteousness, and of the words of their mouth 23.27 and the great wickednesses which they perpetrate, and concerning their forsaking the covet which the Lord made between them and Him, that they should observe and do all His commandments and His ordices and all His laws, without departing either to the right hand or to the left. 23.28 For all have done evil, and every mouth speaketh iniquity and all their works are an uncleanness and an abomination, and all their ways are pollution, uncleanness and destruction. 23.29 Behold the earth will be destroyed on account of all their works, and there will be no seed of the vine, and no oil; for their works are altogether faithless, 23.30 and they will all perish together, beasts and cattle and birds, and all the fish of the sea, on account of the children of men. 23.31 And they will strive one with another, the young with the old, and the old with the young, the poor with the rich, and the lowly with the great, and the beggar with the prince, 23.32 on account of the law and the covet; for they have forgotten commandment, and covet, and feasts, and months, and Sabbaths, and jubilees, and all judgments. ' ' None |
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13. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 1.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt
Found in books: Altmann (2019), Banned Birds: the Birds of Leviticus 11 and Deuteronomy 14, 116; Gera (2014), Judith, 95, 96, 267; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 128
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1.8 וַיָּשֶׂם דָּנִיֵּאל עַל־לִבּוֹ אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יִתְגָּאַל בְּפַתְבַּג הַמֶּלֶךְ וּבְיֵין מִשְׁתָּיו וַיְבַקֵּשׁ מִשַּׂר הַסָּרִיסִים אֲשֶׁר לֹא יִתְגָּאָל׃' ' None | sup>
1.8 But Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not defile himself with the king’s food, nor with the wine which he drank; therefore he requested of the chief of the officers that he might not defile himself.' ' None |
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14. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 4.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmonean-Oniad relations • Simon (Hasmonean)
Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 249; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 482
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4.6 And young women who had just entered the bridal chamber to share married life exchanged joy for wailing, their myrrh-perfumed hair sprinkled with ashes, and were carried away unveiled, all together raising a lament instead of a wedding song, as they were torn by the harsh treatment of the heathen.'' None |
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15. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.1-1.2, 1.4-1.6, 1.10-1.14, 1.21-1.24, 1.60-1.61, 2.1, 2.5, 2.19, 2.24-2.28, 2.39-2.65, 3.4, 3.42, 3.55, 4.30, 4.36, 4.42-4.56, 4.61, 5.3, 5.9-5.10, 5.18-5.19, 5.43-5.44, 5.62, 5.65, 5.68, 7.5-7.6, 7.9-7.10, 7.12-7.19, 7.22-7.24, 7.27, 7.31, 7.33, 7.39-7.50, 8.1-8.32, 9.3, 9.19-9.21, 9.23, 9.29-9.31, 9.50, 10.15-10.21, 10.23-10.25, 10.29-10.30, 10.33, 10.36, 10.38, 10.47, 10.76, 10.80, 10.84, 10.89, 11.4, 11.17, 11.21, 11.25, 11.28, 11.30-11.37, 11.39, 11.41, 11.59, 12.1, 12.3, 12.6, 12.8, 12.19-12.23, 12.35, 12.38, 13.8, 13.11, 13.33, 13.36-13.42, 13.51, 14.4-14.8, 14.12-14.29, 14.32-14.44, 14.46-14.49, 15.1-15.2, 15.7, 15.9, 16.3, 16.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dead Sea and area, and the Hasmonean dynasty • Eliezar (Hasmonean) • Hasmonean • Hasmonean Dynasty • Hasmonean Kingdom • Hasmonean Revolt • Hasmonean conquests • Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean kingdom • Hasmonean period • Hasmonean period, construction of fortresses during • Hasmonean period, violence against foreign religions • Hasmonean, • Hasmonean-Oniad relations • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans (dynasty, period) • Hasmoneans, Alexander Jannaeus • Hasmoneans, John Hyrcanus • Hasmoneans, Jonathan • Hasmoneans, Polemics Against • Hasmoneans, Simon • Hasmoneans, and taxation policy • Hasmoneans, attitude towards religious benefaction of non-Judeans • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Hasmoneans, taxes of • Jonathan (Hasmonean) • Jonathan the Hasmonean • Josephus, attitude towards the Hasmonean dynasty • Mattathias (Hasmonean) • Mattathias the Hasmonean • Simon (Hasmonean) • Simon the Hasmonean • Simon the Hasmonean, Joppa captured by • Simon the Hasmonean, delivered Jews from Seleucid yoke • Simon/Simeon, the Hasmonean • balsam (opobalsam), and the Hasmoneans • rabbinic literature, attitudes toward the Hasmoneans • taxes, Hasmonean system
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 123, 129, 134, 277, 278, 295; Ben-Eliyahu (2019), Identity and Territory : Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. 44, 46; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 213, 218, 224; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 20, 21, 29, 30, 31, 32, 35, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 105, 106, 107, 109; Gera (2014), Judith, 39, 40, 174, 175, 179, 445; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 132, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 182, 196; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 132, 134; Hachlili (2005), Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period, 206, 207; Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 288, 289, 290, 291; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 15; Lieu (2004), Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World, 68; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 199; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 38, 48, 59, 60, 243, 272, 351, 352, 379; Rubenstein(1995), The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods, 61, 62, 63; Ruzer (2020), Early Jewish Messianism in the New Testament: Reflections in the Dim Mirror, 18, 19; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 13, 40, 43, 266, 323, 324, 326, 384, 419, 423, 460, 477, 482; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 90, 91, 222, 223; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 151, 155, 210; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 10, 23, 58; Visnjic (2021), The Invention of Duty: Stoicism as Deontology, 109, 112, 116; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 165, 225, 232, 245; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 66, 67, 111, 129, 130, 134, 136
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1.1 After Alexander son of Philip, the Macedonian, who came from the land of Kittim, had defeated Darius, king of the Persians and the Medes, he succeeded him as king. (He had previously become king of Greece.) 1.2 He fought many battles, conquered strongholds, and put to death the kings of the earth.
1.4 He gathered a very strong army and ruled over countries, nations, and princes, and they became tributary to him. 1.5 After this he fell sick and perceived that he was dying. 1.6 So he summoned his most honored officers, who had been brought up with him from youth, and divided his kingdom among them while he was still alive.
1.10 From them came forth a sinful root, Antiochus Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the king; he had been a hostage in Rome. He began to reign in the one hundred and thirty-seventh year of the kingdom of the Greeks.
1.11 In those days lawless men came forth from Israel, and misled many, saying, "Let us go and make a covet with the Gentiles round about us, for since we separated from them many evils have come upon us."
1.12 This proposal pleased them,
1.13 and some of the people eagerly went to the king. He authorized them to observe the ordices of the Gentiles.
1.14 So they built a gymnasium in Jerusalem, according to Gentile custom,
1.21 He arrogantly entered the sanctuary and took the golden altar, the lampstand for the light, and all its utensils. 1.22 He took also the table for the bread of the Presence, the cups for drink offerings, the bowls, the golden censers, the curtain, the crowns, and the gold decoration on the front of the temple; he stripped it all off. 1.23 He took the silver and the gold, and the costly vessels; he took also the hidden treasures which he found. 1.24 Taking them all, he departed to his own land. He committed deeds of murder,and spoke with great arrogance.
1.60 According to the decree, they put to death the women who had their children circumcised, 1.61 and their families and those who circumcised them; and they hung the infants from their mothers necks.
2.1 In those days Mattathias the son of John, son of Simeon, a priest of the sons of Joarib, moved from Jerusalem and settled in Modein.
2.5 Eleazar called Avaran, and Jonathan called Apphus.
2.19 But Mattathias answered and said in a loud voice: "Even if all the nations that live under the rule of the king obey him, and have chosen to do his commandments, departing each one from the religion of his fathers,
2.24 When Mattathias saw it, be burned with zeal and his heart was stirred. He gave vent to righteous anger; he ran and killed him upon the altar. 2.25 At the same time he killed the kings officer who was forcing them to sacrifice, and he tore down the altar. 2.26 Thus he burned with zeal for the law, as Phinehas did against Zimri the son of Salu. 2.27 Then Mattathias cried out in the city with a loud voice, saying: "Let every one who is zealous for the law and supports the covet come out with me!" 2.28 And he and his sons fled to the hills and left all that they had in the city.
2.39 When Mattathias and his friends learned of it, they mourned for them deeply. 2.40 And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth." 2.41 So they made this decision that day: "Let us fight against every man who comes to attack us on the sabbath day; let us not all die as our brethren died in their hiding places." 2.42 Then there united with them a company of Hasideans, mighty warriors of Israel, every one who offered himself willingly for the law. 2.43 And all who became fugitives to escape their troubles joined them and reinforced them. 2.44 They organized an army, and struck down sinners in their anger and lawless men in their wrath; the survivors fled to the Gentiles for safety. 2.45 And Mattathias and his friends went about and tore down the altars; 2.46 they forcibly circumcised all the uncircumcised boys that they found within the borders of Israel. 2.47 They hunted down the arrogant men, and the work prospered in their hands. 2.48 They rescued the law out of the hands of the Gentiles and kings, and they never let the sinner gain the upper hand. 2.49 Now the days drew near for Mattathias to die, and he said to his sons: "Arrogance and reproach have now become strong; it is a time of ruin and furious anger.
2.50 Now, my children, show zeal for the law, and give your lives for the covet of our fathers.
2.51 Remember the deeds of the fathers, which they did in their generations; and receive great honor and an everlasting name.
2.52 Was not Abraham found faithful when tested, and it was reckoned to him as righteousness?
2.53 Joseph in the time of his distress kept the commandment, and became lord of Egypt.
2.54 Phinehas our father, because he was deeply zealous, received the covet of everlasting priesthood.
2.55 Joshua, because he fulfilled the command, became a judge in Israel.
2.56 Caleb, because he testified in the assembly, received an inheritance in the land.
2.57 David, because he was merciful, inherited the throne of the kingdom for ever.
2.58 Elijah because of great zeal for the law was taken up into heaven.
2.59 Haniah, Azariah, and Mishael believed and were saved from the flame. 2.60 Daniel because of his innocence was delivered from the mouth of the lions. 2.61 And so observe, from generation to generation, that none who put their trust in him will lack strength. 2.62 Do not fear the words of a sinner, for his splendor will turn into dung and worms. 2.63 Today he will be exalted, but tomorrow he will not be found, because he has returned to the dust, and his plans will perish. 2.64 My children, be courageous and grow strong in the law, for by it you will gain honor. 2.65 Now behold, I know that Simeon your brother is wise in counsel; always listen to him; he shall be your father.
3.4 He was like a lion in his deeds,like a lions cub roaring for prey.
3.42 Now Judas and his brothers saw that misfortunes had increased and that the forces were encamped in their territory. They also learned what the king had commanded to do to the people to cause their final destruction.
3.55 After this Judas appointed leaders of the people, in charge of thousands and hundreds and fifties and tens.
4.30 When he saw that the army was strong, he prayed, saying, "Blessed art thou, O Savior of Israel, who didst crush the attack of the mighty warrior by the hand of thy servant David, and didst give the camp of the Philistines into the hands of Jonathan, the son of Saul, and of the man who carried his armor.
4.36 Then said Judas and his brothers, "Behold, our enemies are crushed; let us go up to cleanse the sanctuary and dedicate it."
4.42 He chose blameless priests devoted to the law, 4.43 and they cleansed the sanctuary and removed the defiled stones to an unclean place. 4.44 They deliberated what to do about the altar of burnt offering, which had been profaned. 4.45 And they thought it best to tear it down, lest it bring reproach upon them, for the Gentiles had defiled it. So they tore down the altar, 4.46 and stored the stones in a convenient place on the temple hill until there should come a prophet to tell what to do with them. 4.47 Then they took unhewn stones, as the law directs, and built a new altar like the former one. 4.48 They also rebuilt the sanctuary and the interior of the temple, and consecrated the courts. 4.49 They made new holy vessels, and brought the lampstand, the altar of incense, and the table into the temple. 4.50 Then they burned incense on the altar and lighted the lamps on the lampstand, and these gave light in the temple. 4.51 They placed the bread on the table and hung up the curtains. Thus they finished all the work they had undertaken. 4.52 Early in the morning on the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month, which is the month of Chislev, in the one hundred and forty-eighth year, 4.53 they rose and offered sacrifice, as the law directs, on the new altar of burnt offering which they had built. 4.54 At the very season and on the very day that the Gentiles had profaned it, it was dedicated with songs and harps and lutes and cymbals. 4.55 All the people fell on their faces and worshiped and blessed Heaven, who had prospered them. 4.56 So they celebrated the dedication of the altar for eight days, and offered burnt offerings with gladness; they offered a sacrifice of deliverance and praise.
4.61 And he stationed a garrison there to hold it. He also fortified Beth-zur, so that the people might have a stronghold that faced Idumea.
5.3 But Judas made war on the sons of Esau in Idumea, at Akrabattene, because they kept lying in wait for Israel. He dealt them a heavy blow and humbled them and despoiled them.
5.9 Now the Gentiles in Gilead gathered together against the Israelites who lived in their territory, and planned to destroy them. But they fled to the stronghold of Dathema, 5.10 and sent to Judas and his brothers a letter which said, "The Gentiles around us have gathered together against us to destroy us.
5.18 But he left Joseph, the son of Zechariah, and Azariah, a leader of the people, with the rest of the forces, in Judea to guard it; 5.19 and he gave them this command, "Take charge of this people, but do not engage in battle with the Gentiles until we return."
5.43 Then he crossed over against them first, and the whole army followed him. All the Gentiles were defeated before him, and they threw away their arms and fled into the sacred precincts at Carnaim. 5.44 But he took the city and burned the sacred precincts with fire, together with all who were in them. Thus Carnaim was conquered; they could stand before Judas no longer.
5.62 But they did not belong to the family of those men through whom deliverance was given to Israel.
5.65 Then Judas and his brothers went forth and fought the sons of Esau in the land to the south. He struck Hebron and its villages and tore down its strongholds and burned its towers round about.
5.68 But Judas turned aside to Azotus in the land of the Philistines; he tore down their altars, and the graven images of their gods he burned with fire; he plundered the cities and returned to the land of Judah.
7.5 Then there came to him all the lawless and ungodly men of Israel; they were led by Alcimus, who wanted to be high priest. 7.6 And they brought to the king this accusation against the people: "Judas and his brothers have destroyed all your friends, and have driven us out of our land.
7.9 And he sent him, and with him the ungodly Alcimus, whom he made high priest; and he commanded him to take vengeance on the sons of Israel. 7.10 So they marched away and came with a large force into the land of Judah; and he sent messengers to Judas and his brothers with peaceable but treacherous words.
7.12 Then a group of scribes appeared in a body before Alcimus and Bacchides to ask for just terms. 7.13 The Hasideans were first among the sons of Israel to seek peace from them, 7.14 for they said, "A priest of the line of Aaron has come with the army, and he will not harm us." 7.15 And he spoke peaceable words to them and swore this oath to them, "We will not seek to injure you or your friends." 7.16 So they trusted him; but he seized sixty of them and killed them in one day, in accordance with the word which was written, 7.17 "The flesh of thy saints and their blood they poured out round about Jerusalem,and there was none to bury them." 7.18 Then the fear and dread of them fell upon all the people, for they said, "There is no truth or justice in them, for they have violated the agreement and the oath which they swore." 7.19 Then Bacchides departed from Jerusalem and encamped in Beth-zaith. And he sent and seized many of the men who had deserted to him, and some of the people, and killed them and threw them into a great pit.
7.22 and all who were troubling their people joined him. They gained control of the land of Judah and did great damage in Israel. 7.23 And Judas saw all the evil that Alcimus and those with him had done among the sons of Israel; it was more than the Gentiles had done. 7.24 So Judas went out into all the surrounding parts of Judea, and took vengeance on the men who had deserted, and he prevented those in the city from going out into the country.
7.27 So Nicanor came to Jerusalem with a large force, and treacherously sent to Judas and his brothers this peaceable message,
7.33 After these events Nicanor went up to Mount Zion. Some of the priests came out of the sanctuary, and some of the elders of the people, to greet him peaceably and to show him the burnt offering that was being offered for the king.
7.39 Now Nicanor went out from Jerusalem and encamped in Beth-horon, and the Syrian army joined him. 7.40 And Judas encamped in Adasa with three thousand men. Then Judas prayed and said, 7.41 "When the messengers from the king spoke blasphemy, thy angel went forth and struck down one hundred and eighty-five thousand of the Assyrians. 7.42 So also crush this army before us today; let the rest learn that Nicanor has spoken wickedly against the sanctuary, and judge him according to this wickedness." 7.43 So the armies met in battle on the thirteenth day of the month of Adar. The army of Nicanor was crushed, and he himself was the first to fall in the battle. 7.44 When his army saw that Nicanor had fallen, they threw down their arms and fled. 7.45 The Jews pursued them a days journey, from Adasa as far as Gazara, and as they followed kept sounding the battle call on the trumpets. 7.46 And men came out of all the villages of Judea round about, and they out-flanked the enemy and drove them back to their pursuers, so that they all fell by the sword; not even one of them was left. 7.47 Then the Jews seized the spoils and the plunder, and they cut off Nicanors head and the right hand which he so arrogantly stretched out, and brought them and displayed them just outside Jerusalem. 7.48 The people rejoiced greatly and celebrated that day as a day of great gladness. 7.49 And they decreed that this day should be celebrated each year on the thirteenth day of Adar.
7.50 So the land of Judah had rest for a few days.
8.1 Now Judas heard of the fame of the Romans, that they were very strong and were well-disposed toward all who made an alliance with them, that they pledged friendship to those who came to them, 8.2 and that they were very strong. Men told him of their wars and of the brave deeds which they were doing among the Gauls, how they had defeated them and forced them to pay tribute, 8.3 and what they had done in the land of Spain to get control of the silver and gold mines there, 8.4 and how they had gained control of the whole region by their planning and patience, even though the place was far distant from them. They also subdued the kings who came against them from the ends of the earth, until they crushed them and inflicted great disaster upon them; the rest paid them tribute every year. 8.5 Philip, and Perseus king of the Macedonians, and the others who rose up against them, they crushed in battle and conquered. 8.6 They also defeated Antiochus the Great, king of Asia, who went to fight against them with a hundred and twenty elephants and with cavalry and chariots and a very large army. He was crushed by them; 8.7 they took him alive and decreed that he and those who should reign after him should pay a heavy tribute and give hostages and surrender some of their best provinces, 8.8 the country of India and Media and Lydia. These they took from him and gave to Eumenes the king. 8.9 The Greeks planned to come and destroy them,
8.10 but this became known to them, and they sent a general against the Greeks and attacked them. Many of them were wounded and fell, and the Romans took captive their wives and children; they plundered them, conquered the land, tore down their strongholds, and enslaved them to this day.
8.11 The remaining kingdoms and islands, as many as ever opposed them, they destroyed and enslaved;
8.12 but with their friends and those who rely on them they have kept friendship. They have subdued kings far and near, and as many as have heard of their fame have feared them.
8.13 Those whom they wish to help and to make kings, they make kings, and those whom they wish they depose; and they have been greatly exalted.
8.14 Yet for all this not one of them has put on a crown or worn purple as a mark of pride,
8.15 but they have built for themselves a senate chamber, and every day three hundred and twenty senators constantly deliberate concerning the people, to govern them well.
8.16 They trust one man each year to rule over them and to control all their land; they all heed the one man, and there is no envy or jealousy among them.
8.17 So Judas chose Eupolemus the son of John, son of Accos, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and sent them to Rome to establish friendship and alliance,
8.18 and to free themselves from the yoke; for they saw that the kingdom of the Greeks was completely enslaving Israel.
8.19 They went to Rome, a very long journey; and they entered the senate chamber and spoke as follows: 8.20 "Judas, who is also called Maccabeus, and his brothers and the people of the Jews have sent us to you to establish alliance and peace with you, that we may be enrolled as your allies and friends." 8.21 The proposal pleased them, 8.22 and this is a copy of the letter which they wrote in reply, on bronze tablets, and sent to Jerusalem to remain with them there as a memorial of peace and alliance: 8.23 May all go well with the Romans and with the nation of the Jews at sea and on land for ever, and may sword and enemy be far from them. 8.24 If war comes first to Rome or to any of their allies in all their dominion, 8.25 the nation of the Jews shall act as their allies wholeheartedly, as the occasion may indicate to them. 8.26 And to the enemy who makes war they shall not give or supply grain, arms, money, or ships, as Rome has decided; and they shall keep their obligations without receiving any return. 8.27 In the same way, if war comes first to the nation of the Jews, the Romans shall willingly act as their allies, as the occasion may indicate to them. 8.28 And to the enemy allies shall be given no grain, arms, money, or ships, as Rome has decided; and they shall keep these obligations and do so without deceit. 8.29 Thus on these terms the Romans make a treaty with the Jewish people. 8.30 If after these terms are in effect both parties shall determine to add or delete anything, they shall do so at their discretion, and any addition or deletion that they may make shall be valid. 8.31 And concerning the wrongs which King Demetrius is doing to them we have written to him as follows, `Why have you made your yoke heavy upon our friends and allies the Jews? 8.32 If now they appeal again for help against you, we will defend their rights and fight you on sea and on land."
9.3 In the first month of the one hundred and fifty-second year they encamped against Jerusalem;
9.19 Then Jonathan and Simon took Judas their brother and buried him in the tomb of their fathers at Modein, 9.20 and wept for him. And all Israel made great lamentation for him; they mourned many days and said, 9.21 "How is the mighty fallen,the savior of Israel!"
9.23 After the death of Judas, the lawless emerged in all parts of Israel; all the doers of injustice appeared.
9.29 "Since the death of your brother Judas there has been no one like him to go against our enemies and Bacchides, and to deal with those of our nation who hate us.
9.30 So now we have chosen you today to take his place as our ruler and leader, to fight our battle."
9.31 And Jonathan at that time accepted the leadership and took the place of Judas his brother.
9.50 Bacchides then returned to Jerusalem and built strong cities in Judea: the fortress in Jericho, and Emmaus, and Beth-horon, and Bethel, and Timnath, and Pharathon, and Tephon, with high walls and gates and bars.
10.15 Now Alexander the king heard of all the promises which Demetrius had sent to Jonathan, and men told him of the battles that Jonathan and his brothers had fought, of the brave deeds that they had done, and of the troubles that they had endured. 10.16 So he said, "Shall we find another such man? Come now, we will make him our friend and ally." 10.17 And he wrote a letter and sent it to him, in the following words: 10.18 King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, greeting. 10.19 We have heard about you, that you are a mighty warrior and worthy to be our friend. 10.20 And so we have appointed you today to be the high priest of your nation; you are to be called the kings friend" (and he sent him a purple robe and a golden crown) "and you are to take our side and keep friendship with us." 10.21 So Jonathan put on the holy garments in the seventh month of the one hundred and sixtieth year, at the feast of tabernacles, and he recruited troops and equipped them with arms in abundance. 10.24 I also will write them words of encouragement and promise them honor and gifts, that I may have their help." 10.25 So he sent a message to them in the following words:"King Demetrius to the nation of the Jews, greeting.
10.29 And now I free you and exempt all the Jews from payment of tribute and salt tax and crown levies, 10.30 and instead of collecting the third of the grain and the half of the fruit of the trees that I should receive, I release them from this day and henceforth. I will not collect them from the land of Judah or from the three districts added to it from Samaria and Galilee, from this day and for all time.
10.33 And every one of the Jews taken as a captive from the land of Judah into any part of my kingdom, I set free without payment; and let all officials cancel also the taxes on their cattle.
10.36 Let Jews be enrolled in the kings forces to the number of thirty thousand men, and let the maintece be given them that is due to all the forces of the king.
10.38 As for the three districts that have been added to Judea from the country of Samaria, let them be so annexed to Judea that they are considered to be under one ruler and obey no other authority but the high priest.
10.47 They favored Alexander, because he had been the first to speak peaceable words to them, and they remained his allies all his days.
10.80 Jonathan learned that there was an ambush behind him, for they surrounded his army and shot arrows at his men from early morning till late afternoon.
10.84 But Jonathan burned Azotus and the surrounding towns and plundered them; and the temple of Dagon, and those who had taken refuge in it he burned with fire.
10.89 and he sent to him a golden buckle, such as it is the custom to give to the kinsmen of kings. He also gave him Ekron and all its environs as his possession. 1
1.4 When he approached Azotus, they showed him the temple of Dagon burned down, and Azotus and its suburbs destroyed, and the corpses lying about, and the charred bodies of those whom Jonathan had burned in the war, for they had piled them in heaps along his route. 1
1.17 And Zabdiel the Arab cut off the head of Alexander and sent it to Ptolemy. 1
1.21 But certain lawless men who hated their nation went to the king and reported to him that Jonathan was besieging the citadel.
11.25 Although certain lawless men of his nation kept making complaints against him,
11.28 Then Jonathan asked the king to free Judea and the three districts of Samaria from tribute, and promised him three hundred talents.
11.30 King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother and to the nation of the Jews, greeting. 11.31 This copy of the letter which we wrote concerning you to Lasthenes our kinsman we have written to you also, so that you may know what it says. 11.32 `King Demetrius to Lasthenes his father, greeting. 11.33 To the nation of the Jews, who are our friends and fulfil their obligations to us, we have determined to do good, because of the good will they show toward us. 11.34 We have confirmed as their possession both the territory of Judea and the three districts of Aphairema and Lydda and Rathamin; the latter, with all the region bordering them, were added to Judea from Samaria. To all those who offer sacrifice in Jerusalem, we have granted release from the royal taxes which the king formerly received from them each year, from the crops of the land and the fruit of the trees. 11.35 And the other payments henceforth due to us of the tithes, and the taxes due to us, and the salt pits and the crown taxes due to us -- from all these we shall grant them release. 11.36 And not one of these grants shall be canceled from this time forth for ever. 11.37 Now therefore take care to make a copy of this, and let it be given to Jonathan and put up in a conspicuous place on the holy mountain."
11.39 Now Trypho had formerly been one of Alexanders supporters. He saw that all the troops were murmuring against Demetrius. So he went to Imalkue the Arab, who was bringing up Antiochus, the young son of Alexander, 1
1.41 Now Jonathan sent to Demetrius the king the request that he remove the troops of the citadel from Jerusalem, and the troops in the strongholds; for they kept fighting against Israel.
11.59 Simon his brother he made governor from the Ladder of Tyre to the borders of Egypt.
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2.1 Now when Jonathan saw that the time was favorable for him, he chose men and sent them to Rome to confirm and renew the friendship with them.
12.3 So they went to Rome and entered the senate chamber and said, "Jonathan the high priest and the Jewish nation have sent us to renew the former friendship and alliance with them."
12.6 "Jonathan the high priest, the senate of the nation, the priests, and the rest of the Jewish people to their brethren the Spartans, greeting.
12.8 Onias welcomed the envoy with honor, and received the letter, which contained a clear declaration of alliance and friendship.
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2.19 This is a copy of the letter which they sent to Onias: 12.20 "Arius, king of the Spartans, to Onias the high priest, greeting. 12.21 It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews that they are brethren and are of the family of Abraham. 12.22 And now that we have learned this, please write us concerning your welfare; 12.23 we on our part write to you that your cattle and your property belong to us, and ours belong to you. We therefore command that our envoys report to you accordingly."
12.35 When Jonathan returned he convened the elders of the people and planned with them to build strongholds in Judea,
12.38 And Simon built Adida in the Shephelah; he fortified it and installed gates with bolts.
13.11 He sent Jonathan the son of Absalom to Joppa, and with him a considerable army; he drove out its occupants and remained there.
13.33 But Simon built up the strongholds of Judea and walled them all around, with high towers and great walls and gates and bolts, and he stored food in the strongholds.
13.36 "King Demetrius to Simon, the high priest and friend of kings, and to the elders and nation of the Jews, greeting. 13.37 We have received the gold crown and the palm branch which you sent, and we are ready to make a general peace with you and to write to our officials to grant you release from tribute. 13.38 All the grants that we have made to you remain valid, and let the strongholds that you have built be your possession. 13.39 We pardon any errors and offenses committed to this day, and cancel the crown tax which you owe; and whatever other tax has been collected in Jerusalem shall be collected no longer. 1
3.40 And if any of you are qualified to be enrolled in our bodyguard, let them be enrolled, and let there be peace between us." 1
3.41 In the one hundred and seventieth year the yoke of the Gentiles was removed from Israel, 1
3.42 and the people began to write in their documents and contracts, "In the first year of Simon the great high priest and commander and leader of the Jews."
13.51 On the twenty-third day of the second month, in the one hundred and seventy-first year, the Jews entered it with praise and palm branches, and with harps and cymbals and stringed instruments, and with hymns and songs, because a great enemy had been crushed and removed from Israel.
14.4 The land had rest all the days of Simon. He sought the good of his nation;his rule was pleasing to them,as was the honor shown him, all his days. 14.5 To crown all his honors he took Joppa for a harbor,and opened a way to the isles of the sea.
14.12 Each man sat under his vine and his fig tree,and there was none to make them afraid. 14.13 No one was left in the land to fight them,and the kings were crushed in those days. 14.14 He strengthened all the humble of his people;he sought out the law,and did away with every lawless and wicked man. 14.16 It was heard in Rome, and as far away as Sparta, that Jonathan had died, and they were deeply grieved. 14.17 When they heard that Simon his brother had become high priest in his place, and that he was ruling over the country and the cities in it, 14.18 they wrote to him on bronze tablets to renew with him the friendship and alliance which they had established with Judas and Jonathan his brothers. 14.19 And these were read before the assembly in Jerusalem. 14.20 This is a copy of the letter which the Spartans sent: "The rulers and the city of the Spartans to Simon the high priest and to the elders and the priests and the rest of the Jewish people, our brethren, greeting. 14.21 The envoys who were sent to our people have told us about your glory and honor, and we rejoiced at their coming. 14.22 And what they said we have recorded in our public decrees, as follows, `Numenius the son of Antiochus and Antipater the son of Jason, envoys of the Jews, have come to us to renew their friendship with us. 14.23 It has pleased our people to receive these men with honor and to put a copy of their words in the public archives, so that the people of the Spartans may have a record of them. And they have sent a copy of this to Simon the high priest." 14.24 After this Simon sent Numenius to Rome with a large gold shield weighing a thousand minas, to confirm the alliance with the Romans. 14.25 When the people heard these things they said, "How shall we thank Simon and his sons? 14.26 For he and his brothers and the house of his father have stood firm; they have fought and repulsed Israels enemies and established its freedom." 14.28 in Asaramel, in the great assembly of the priests and the people and the rulers of the nation and the elders of the country, the following was proclaimed to us: 14.33 He fortified the cities of Judea, and Beth-zur on the borders of Judea, where formerly the arms of the enemy had been stored, and he placed there a garrison of Jews. 14.34 He also fortified Joppa, which is by the sea, and Gazara, which is on the borders of Azotus, where the enemy formerly dwelt. He settled Jews there, and provided in those cities whatever was necessary for their restoration. 14.35 The people saw Simons faithfulness and the glory which he had resolved to win for his nation, and they made him their leader and high priest, because he had done all these things and because of the justice and loyalty which he had maintained toward his nation. He sought in every way to exalt his people. 1
4.36 And in his days things prospered in his hands, so that the Gentiles were put out of the country, as were also the men in the city of David in Jerusalem, who had built themselves a citadel from which they used to sally forth and defile the environs of the sanctuary and do great damage to its purity. 14.37 He settled Jews in it, and fortified it for the safety of the country and of the city, and built the walls of Jerusalem higher. 14.38 In view of these things King Demetrius confirmed him in the high priesthood, 14.39 and he made him one of the kings friends and paid him high honors.
14.40 For he had heard that the Jews were addressed by the Romans as friends and allies and brethren, and that the Romans had received the envoys of Simon with honor.
14.41 And the Jews and their priests decided that Simon should be their leader and high priest for ever, until a trustworthy prophet should arise,
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4.42 and that he should be governor over them and that he should take charge of the sanctuary and appoint men over its tasks and over the country and the weapons and the strongholds, and that he should take charge of the sanctuary,
14.43 and that he should be obeyed by all, and that all contracts in the country should be written in his name, and that he should be clothed in purple and wear gold.
14.44 And none of the people or priests shall be permitted to nullify any of these decisions or to oppose what he says, or to convene an assembly in the country without his permission, or to be clothed in purple or put on a gold buckle.
14.46 And all the people agreed to grant Simon the right to act in accord with these decisions.
14.47 So Simon accepted and agreed to be high priest, to be commander and ethnarch of the Jews and priests, and to be protector of them all.
14.48 And they gave orders to inscribe this decree upon bronze tablets, to put them up in a conspicuous place in the precincts of the sanctuary,
14.49 and to deposit copies of them in the treasury, so that Simon and his sons might have them.
15.1 Antiochus, the son of Demetrius the king, sent a letter from the islands of the sea to Simon, the priest and ethnarch of the Jews, and to all the nation; 15.2 its contents were as follows: "King Antiochus to Simon the high priest and ethnarch and to the nation of the Jews, greeting.
15.7 and I grant freedom to Jerusalem and the sanctuary. All the weapons which you have prepared and the strongholds which you have built and now hold shall remain yours.
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5.9 When we gain control of our kingdom, we will bestow great honor upon you and your nation and the temple, so that your glory will become manifest in all the earth."
16.3 But now I have grown old, and you by His mercy are mature in years. Take my place and my brothers, and go out and fight for our nation, and may the help which comes from Heaven be with you."
16.23 The rest of the acts of John and his wars and the brave deeds which he did, and the building of the walls which he built, and his achievements,' ' None |
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16. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.1-1.10, 2.21, 2.23-2.24, 3.1-3.4, 3.34-3.36, 3.39, 4.7-4.8, 4.11, 4.16-4.17, 4.30-4.31, 4.33-4.38, 5.9, 5.16-5.20, 5.27, 6.2, 6.6-6.8, 6.12-6.16, 8.1-8.2, 8.5, 8.8-8.11, 8.16-8.20, 8.22-8.28, 8.30, 8.36, 9.7, 9.16-9.17, 10.1-10.8, 10.25, 11.27, 13.7, 13.13, 13.25, 14.17, 15.7, 15.38 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Book of Judith, criticizes Hasmoneans? • Hasmonean • Hasmonean Dynasty • Hasmonean Revolt • Hasmonean kingdom • Hasmonean period, violence against foreign religions • Hasmonean, • Hasmonean-Oniad relations • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans (dynasty, period) • Hasmoneans, Polemics Against • Hasmoneans, attitude towards religious benefaction of non-Judeans • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Hasmoneans,, state • Jonathan (Hasmonean) • Judaea (Judea), Hasmonean • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt • Mattathias (Hasmonean) • Simon (Hasmonean) • pre-Maccabean/Hasmonean
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 134; Ben-Eliyahu (2019), Identity and Territory : Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. 47, 68; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 213, 218, 224, 466; Gera (2014), Judith, 179, 421, 445; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 137, 143; Petropoulou (2012), Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200, 125; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 43, 59, 93, 99, 109, 121, 122, 123, 130, 242, 243, 259, 286, 290, 325, 326, 372, 377, 387; Rubenstein(1995), The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods, 59, 61, 87; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 336; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 42, 43, 64, 266, 323, 324, 326, 383, 384, 419, 423, 460, 477, 482; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 211; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 245; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 67, 110
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1.1 The Jewish brethren in Jerusalem and those in the land of Judea, To their Jewish brethren in Egypt, Greeting, and good peace.'" "1.2 May God do good to you, and may he remember his covet with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, his faithful servants.'" '1.3 May he give you all a heart to worship him and to do his will with a strong heart and a willing spirit."' "1.4 May he open your heart to his law and his commandments, and may he bring peace.'" "1.5 May he hear your prayers and be reconciled to you, and may he not forsake you in time of evil.'" '1.6 We are now praying for you here."' "1.7 In the reign of Demetrius, in the one hundred and sixty-ninth year, we Jews wrote to you, in the critical distress which came upon us in those years after Jason and his company revolted from the holy land and the kingdom'" "1.8 and burned the gate and shed innocent blood. We besought the Lord and we were heard, and we offered sacrifice and cereal offering, and we lighted the lamps and we set out the loaves.'" "1.9 And now see that you keep the feast of booths in the month of Chislev, in the one hundred and eighty-eighth year.'" "
1.10 Those in Jerusalem and those in Judea and the senate and Judas,To Aristobulus, who is of the family of the anointed priests, teacher of Ptolemy the king, and to the Jews in Egypt,Greeting, and good health.'" "
2.21 and the appearances which came from heaven to those who strove zealously on behalf of Judaism, so that though few in number they seized the whole land and pursued the barbarian hordes,'" "
2.23 all this, which has been set forth by Jason of Cyrene in five volumes, we shall attempt to condense into a single book.'" "2.24 For considering the flood of numbers involved and the difficulty there is for those who wish to enter upon the narratives of history because of the mass of material,'" "
3.1 While the holy city was inhabited in unbroken peace and the laws were very well observed because of the piety of the high priest Onias and his hatred of wickedness,'" "3.2 it came about that the kings themselves honored the place and glorified the temple with the finest presents,'" "3.3 o that even Seleucus, the king of Asia, defrayed from his own revenues all the expenses connected with the service of the sacrifices.'" "3.4 But a man named Simon, of the tribe of Benjamin, who had been made captain of the temple, had a disagreement with the high priest about the administration of the city market;'" "
3.34 And see that you, who have been scourged by heaven, report to all men the majestic power of God.'Having said this they vanished.'" "3.35 Then Heliodorus offered sacrifice to the Lord and made very great vows to the Savior of his life, and having bidden Onias farewell, he marched off with his forces to the king.'" "3.36 And he bore testimony to all men of the deeds of the supreme God, which he had seen with his own eyes.'" "
3.39 For he who has his dwelling in heaven watches over that place himself and brings it aid, and he strikes and destroys those who come to do it injury.'" "
4.7 When Seleucus died and Antiochus who was called Epiphanes succeeded to the kingdom, Jason the brother of Onias obtained the high priesthood by corruption,'" "4.8 promising the king at an interview three hundred and sixty talents of silver and, from another source of revenue, eighty talents.'" "
4.11 He set aside the existing royal concessions to the Jews, secured through John the father of Eupolemus, who went on the mission to establish friendship and alliance with the Romans; and he destroyed the lawful ways of living and introduced new customs contrary to the law.'" "
4.16 For this reason heavy disaster overtook them, and those whose ways of living they admired and wished to imitate completely became their enemies and punished them.'" '4.17 For it is no light thing to show irreverence to the divine laws -- a fact which later events will make clear."' "
4.30 While such was the state of affairs, it happened that the people of Tarsus and of Mallus revolted because their cities had been given as a present to Antiochis, the king's concubine.'" "4.31 So the king went hastily to settle the trouble, leaving Andronicus, a man of high rank, to act as his deputy.'" "
4.33 When Onias became fully aware of these acts he publicly exposed them, having first withdrawn to a place of sanctuary at Daphne near Antioch.'" "4.34 Therefore Menelaus, taking Andronicus aside, urged him to kill Onias. Andronicus came to Onias, and resorting to treachery offered him sworn pledges and gave him his right hand, and in spite of his suspicion persuaded Onias to come out from the place of sanctuary; then, with no regard for justice, he immediately put him out of the way.'" "4.35 For this reason not only Jews, but many also of other nations, were grieved and displeased at the unjust murder of the man.'" "4.36 When the king returned from the region of Cilicia, the Jews in the city appealed to him with regard to the unreasonable murder of Onias, and the Greeks shared their hatred of the crime.'" "4.37 Therefore Antiochus was grieved at heart and filled with pity, and wept because of the moderation and good conduct of the deceased;'" "4.38 and inflamed with anger, he immediately stripped off the purple robe from Andronicus, tore off his garments, and led him about the whole city to that very place where he had committed the outrage against Onias, and there he dispatched the bloodthirsty fellow. The Lord thus repaid him with the punishment he deserved.'" "
5.9 and he who had driven many from their own country into exile died in exile, having embarked to go to the Lacedaemonians in hope of finding protection because of their kinship.'" "
5.16 He took the holy vessels with his polluted hands, and swept away with profane hands the votive offerings which other kings had made to enhance the glory and honor of the place.'" "5.17 Antiochus was elated in spirit, and did not perceive that the Lord was angered for a little while because of the sins of those who dwelt in the city, and that therefore he was disregarding the holy place.'" "5.18 But if it had not happened that they were involved in many sins, this man would have been scourged and turned back from his rash act as soon as he came forward, just as Heliodorus was, whom Seleucus the king sent to inspect the treasury.'" "5.19 But the Lord did not choose the nation for the sake of the holy place, but the place for the sake of the nation.'" '5.20 Therefore the place itself shared in the misfortunes that befell the nation and afterward participated in its benefits; and what was forsaken in the wrath of the Almighty was restored again in all its glory when the great Lord became reconciled."' "
5.27 But Judas Maccabeus, with about nine others, got away to the wilderness, and kept himself and his companions alive in the mountains as wild animals do; they continued to live on what grew wild, so that they might not share in the defilement.'" "
6.2 and also to pollute the temple in Jerusalem and call it the temple of Olympian Zeus, and to call the one in Gerizim the temple of Zeus the Friend of Strangers, as did the people who dwelt in that place.'" "
6.6 A man could neither keep the sabbath, nor observe the feasts of his fathers, nor so much as confess himself to be a Jew.'" "6.7 On the monthly celebration of the king's birthday, the Jews were taken, under bitter constraint, to partake of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Dionysus came, they were compelled to walk in the procession in honor of Dionysus, wearing wreaths of ivy.'" "6.8 At the suggestion of Ptolemy a decree was issued to the neighboring Greek cities, that they should adopt the same policy toward the Jews and make them partake of the sacrifices,'" "
6.12 Now I urge those who read this book not to be depressed by such calamities, but to recognize that these punishments were designed not to destroy but to discipline our people.'" "6.13 In fact, not to let the impious alone for long, but to punish them immediately, is a sign of great kindness.'" "6.14 For in the case of the other nations the Lord waits patiently to punish them until they have reached the full measure of their sins; but he does not deal in this way with us,'" '6.15 in order that he may not take vengeance on us afterward when our sins have reached their height."' "6.16 Therefore he never withdraws his mercy from us. Though he disciplines us with calamities, he does not forsake his own people.'" "
8.1 But Judas, who was also called Maccabeus, and his companions secretly entered the villages and summoned their kinsmen and enlisted those who had continued in the Jewish faith, and so they gathered about six thousand men.'" "8.2 They besought the Lord to look upon the people who were oppressed by all, and to have pity on the temple which had been profaned by ungodly men,'" "
8.5 As soon as Maccabeus got his army organized, the Gentiles could not withstand him, for the wrath of the Lord had turned to mercy.'" "
8.8 When Philip saw that the man was gaining ground little by little, and that he was pushing ahead with more frequent successes, he wrote to Ptolemy, the governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, for aid to the king's government.'" "8.9 And Ptolemy promptly appointed Nicanor the son of Patroclus, one of the king's chief friends, and sent him, in command of no fewer than twenty thousand Gentiles of all nations, to wipe out the whole race of Judea. He associated with him Gorgias, a general and a man of experience in military service.'" "
8.10 Nicanor determined to make up for the king the tribute due to the Romans, two thousand talents, by selling the captured Jews into slavery.'" "
8.11 And he immediately sent to the cities on the seacoast, inviting them to buy Jewish slaves and promising to hand over ninety slaves for a talent, not expecting the judgment from the Almighty that was about to overtake him.'" "
8.16 But Maccabeus gathered his men together, to the number six thousand, and exhorted them not to be frightened by the enemy and not to fear the great multitude of Gentiles who were wickedly coming against them, but to fight nobly,'" "
8.17 keeping before their eyes the lawless outrage which the Gentiles had committed against the holy place, and the torture of the derided city, and besides, the overthrow of their ancestral way of life.'" "
8.18 For they trust to arms and acts of daring,'he said, 'but we trust in the Almighty God, who is able with a single nod to strike down those who are coming against us and even the whole world.'" "
8.19 Moreover, he told them of the times when help came to their ancestors; both the time of Sennacherib, when one hundred and eighty-five thousand perished,'" "8.20 and the time of the battle with the Galatians that took place in Babylonia, when eight thousand in all went into the affair, with four thousand Macedonians; and when the Macedonians were hard pressed, the eight thousand, by the help that came to them from heaven, destroyed one hundred and twenty thousand and took much booty.'" "
8.22 He appointed his brothers also, Simon and Joseph and Jonathan, each to command a division, putting fifteen hundred men under each.'" "8.23 Besides, he appointed Eleazar to read aloud from the holy book, and gave the watchword, 'God's help'; then, leading the first division himself, he joined battle with Nicanor.'" "8.24 With the Almighty as their ally, they slew more than nine thousand of the enemy, and wounded and disabled most of Nicanor's army, and forced them all to flee.'" "8.25 They captured the money of those who had come to buy them as slaves. After pursuing them for some distance, they were obliged to return because the hour was late.'" "8.26 For it was the day before the sabbath, and for that reason they did not continue their pursuit.'" "8.27 And when they had collected the arms of the enemy and stripped them of their spoils, they kept the sabbath, giving great praise and thanks to the Lord, who had preserved them for that day and allotted it to them as the beginning of mercy.'" "8.28 After the sabbath they gave some of the spoils to those who had been tortured and to the widows and orphans, and distributed the rest among themselves and their children.'" "
8.30 In encounters with the forces of Timothy and Bacchides they killed more than twenty thousand of them and got possession of some exceedingly high strongholds, and they divided very much plunder, giving to those who had been tortured and to the orphans and widows, and also to the aged, shares equal to their own.'" "
8.36 Thus he who had undertaken to secure tribute for the Romans by the capture of the people of Jerusalem proclaimed that the Jews had a Defender, and that therefore the Jews were invulnerable, because they followed the laws ordained by him.'" "
9.7 Yet he did not in any way stop his insolence, but was even more filled with arrogance, breathing fire in his rage against the Jews, and giving orders to hasten the journey. And so it came about that he fell out of his chariot as it was rushing along, and the fall was so hard as to torture every limb of his body.'" "
9.16 and the holy sanctuary, which he had formerly plundered, he would adorn with the finest offerings; and the holy vessels he would give back, all of them, many times over; and the expenses incurred for the sacrifices he would provide from his own revenues;'" '9.17 and in addition to all this he also would become a Jew and would visit every inhabited place to proclaim the power of God."' "
10.1 Now Maccabeus and his followers, the Lord leading them on, recovered the temple and the city;'" "10.2 and they tore down the altars which had been built in the public square by the foreigners, and also destroyed the sacred precincts.'" "10.3 They purified the sanctuary, and made another altar of sacrifice; then, striking fire out of flint, they offered sacrifices, after a lapse of two years, and they burned incense and lighted lamps and set out the bread of the Presence.'" "10.4 And when they had done this, they fell prostrate and besought the Lord that they might never again fall into such misfortunes, but that, if they should ever sin, they might be disciplined by him with forbearance and not be handed over to blasphemous and barbarous nations.'" "10.5 It happened that on the same day on which the sanctuary had been profaned by the foreigners, the purification of the sanctuary took place, that is, on the twenty-fifth day of the same month, which was Chislev.'" "10.6 And they celebrated it for eight days with rejoicing, in the manner of the feast of booths, remembering how not long before, during the feast of booths, they had been wandering in the mountains and caves like wild animals.'" "10.7 Therefore bearing ivy-wreathed wands and beautiful branches and also fronds of palm, they offered hymns of thanksgiving to him who had given success to the purifying of his own holy place.'" '10.8 They decreed by public ordice and vote that the whole nation of the Jews should observe these days every year."' "
10.25 As he drew near, Maccabeus and his men sprinkled dust upon their heads and girded their loins with sackcloth, in supplication to God.'" "
11.27 To the nation the king's letter was as follows:'King Antiochus to the senate of the Jews and to the other Jews, greeting.'" "
13.7 By such a fate it came about that Menelaus the lawbreaker died, without even burial in the earth.'" "
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3.13 After consulting privately with the elders, he determined to march out and decide the matter by the help of God before the king's army could enter Judea and get possession of the city.'" 13.25 and went to Ptolemais. The people of Ptolemais were indigt over the treaty; in fact they were so angry that they wanted to annul its terms."' "
14.17 Simon, the brother of Judas, had encountered Nicanor, but had been temporarily checked because of the sudden consternation created by the enemy.'" 15.7 But Maccabeus did not cease to trust with all confidence that he would get help from the Lord."' "
15.38 If it is well told and to the point, that is what I myself desired; if it is poorly done and mediocre, that was the best I could do.'" " None |
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17. Septuagint, Judith, 4.1, 4.8, 14.10, 15.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Book of Judith, criticizes Hasmoneans? • Hasmonean conquests • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans (dynasty, period) • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith
Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 21; Gera (2014), Judith, 40, 41, 175; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 155
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4.1 By this time the people of Israel living in Judea heard of everything that Holofernes, the general of Nebuchadnezzar the king of the Assyrians, had done to the nations, and how he had plundered and destroyed all their temples;
4.8 So the Israelites did as Joakim the high priest and the senate of the whole people of Israel, in session at Jerusalem, had given order.
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4.10 And when Achior saw all that the God of Israel had done, he believed firmly in God, and was circumcised, and joined the house of Israel, remaining so to this day.
15.8 Then Joakim the high priest, and the senate of the people of Israel who lived at Jerusalem, came to witness the good things which the Lord had done for Israel, and to see Judith and to greet her. '' None |
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18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean conquests • Simon/Simeon, the Hasmonean
Found in books: Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 21; Ruzer (2020), Early Jewish Messianism in the New Testament: Reflections in the Dim Mirror, 18
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19. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 29 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmoneans
Found in books: Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 109; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 37
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29 But the men of Alexandria being ready to burst with envy and ill-will (for the Egyptian disposition is by nature a most jealous and envious one and inclined to look on the good fortune of others as adversity to itself), and being at the same time filled with an ancient and what I may in a manner call an innate enmity towards the Jews, were indigt at any one's becoming a king of the Jews, no less than if each individual among them had been deprived of an ancestral kingdom of his own inheritance. "" None |
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20. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmonean period • Hasmoneans
Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 48, 261, 265, 270, 291; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 216
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21. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.111, 11.321, 12.138-12.144, 12.225, 12.237, 12.387-12.388, 13.48-13.57, 13.62-13.73, 13.166-13.170, 13.172-13.173, 13.213-13.218, 13.245, 13.249, 13.254-13.258, 13.267, 13.272, 13.285-13.287, 13.292-13.298, 13.311, 13.318-13.319, 13.322, 13.324, 13.326, 13.328-13.333, 13.335, 13.337-13.338, 13.344, 13.353-13.364, 13.371, 13.374-13.378, 13.381-13.383, 13.393-13.397, 13.409-13.410, 13.432, 14.9, 14.18, 14.41, 14.74-14.76, 14.78, 14.113, 14.127-14.137, 14.151, 14.168-14.177, 14.191, 14.194-14.211, 14.215, 14.226, 14.242, 14.245, 14.249, 14.258, 14.263, 14.490-14.491, 15.193-15.195, 15.254, 15.333, 15.371, 15.403, 16.187, 17.151, 17.346, 18.11, 19.276, 20.100, 20.206-20.207, 20.229, 20.251 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandra (Hasmonean) • Antigonus (last Hasmonean king) • Aristobulus I, Hasmonean king, called himself a philhellene • Aristobulus I, Hasmonean king, converted Itureans • Book of Judith, criticizes Hasmoneans? • Dead Sea and area, and the Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean • Hasmonean Rule/Rulers • Hasmonean conquests • Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean dynasty, • Hasmonean dynasty, Dead Sea territory of • Hasmonean dynasty, Essene opposition to • Hasmonean dynasty, fortresses and settlements of • Hasmonean kingdom • Hasmonean period • Hasmonean period, conquest during • Hasmonean period, construction of fortresses during • Hasmonean period, violence against foreign religions • Hasmonean-Oniad relations • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans (dynasty, period) • Hasmoneans, Alexander Jannaeus • Hasmoneans, Jonathan • Hasmoneans, Polemics Against • Hasmoneans, Simon • Hasmoneans, and taxation policy • Hasmoneans, and temple tax • Hasmoneans, and tithes • Hasmoneans, attitude towards religious benefaction of non-Judeans • Hasmoneans, estate of, inherited by Herod • Hasmoneans, historicity of narratives concerning • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Hasmoneans, kingdom of, extent of, at time of conquest by Pompey • Hasmoneans, taxes of • Jericho,Hasmonean fortress/palace in • Jonathan (Hasmonean) • Josephus Dead Sea area, Hasmonean expansion in • Josephus, attitude towards the Hasmonean dynasty • Judaea (Judea), Hasmonean • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt • Mariamne the Hasmonean • Nabataea/Nabataeans,war with Hasmoneans • Simon (Hasmonean) • Simon the Hasmonean • Simon the Hasmonean, Joppa captured by • Simon the Hasmonean, delivered Jews from Seleucid yoke • balsam (opobalsam), and the Hasmoneans • kings, Hasmonean • pre-Maccabean/Hasmonean • rabbinic literature, attitudes toward the Hasmoneans • taxation, Hasmonean • taxes, Hasmonean system • tithe, appropriated by Hasmoneans
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 125, 127, 131, 132, 133, 135, 277, 278, 294, 295; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 79; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 30, 100, 107; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 29, 239; Fraade (2011), Legal Fictions: Studies of Law and Narrative in the Discursive Worlds of Ancient Jewish Sectarians and Sages, 299, 329, 341; Gera (2014), Judith, 42, 179, 420; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 132, 135, 138, 142, 174, 196, 227, 228; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 170, 178; Hachlili (2005), Jewish Funerary Customs, Practices And Rites In The Second Temple Period, 207; Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 137; Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 25, 26, 27, 28; Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 288, 289; Nikolsky and Ilan (2014), Rabbinic Traditions Between Palestine and Babylonia, 240; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 197, 198, 199; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 8, 36, 38, 42, 43, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 64, 70, 74, 93, 99, 101, 105, 130, 136, 154, 277, 288, 291, 303, 326, 327, 353, 354, 360, 377, 379, 419, 431, 439; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 110, 111, 264, 265, 266; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 13, 64, 266; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 46, 49, 50, 57; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 37, 60, 61, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 200, 225, 240; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 577; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 10, 22, 23, 58, 59, 89, 191, 267, 269; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 232; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 5, 25, 32, 111, 113, 168, 169, 177, 181
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11.111 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐπιδαψιλευόμενοι ταῖς θυσίαις καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸν θεὸν φιλοτιμίᾳ κατῴκησαν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις πολιτείᾳ χρώμενοι ἀριστοκρατικῇ μετὰ ὀλιγαρχίας: οἱ γὰρ ἀρχιερεῖς προεστήκεσαν τῶν πραγμάτων ἄχρι οὗ τοὺς ̓Ασαμωναίου συνέβη βασιλεύειν ἐκγόνους.' "
11.321 Νομίσας δὲ καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἔχειν ὁ Σαναβαλλέτης τῆς ἐπιβολῆς Δαρείου μὲν ἀπέγνω, λαβὼν δὲ ὀκτακισχιλίους τῶν ἀρχομένων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς ̓Αλέξανδρον ἧκεν καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὸν ἀρχόμενον τῆς Τύρου πολιορκίας, ὧν τε αὐτὸς ἄρχει τόπων ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ παραδιδόναι τούτους καὶ δεσπότην αὐτὸν ἡδέως ἔχειν ἀντὶ Δαρείου τοῦ βασιλέως." "
12.138 Βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος Πτολεμαίῳ χαίρειν.τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ παραυτίκα μέν, ἡνίκα τῆς χώρας ἐπέβημεν αὐτῶν, ἐπιδειξαμένων τὸ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλότιμον καὶ παραγενομένους δ' εἰς τὴν πόλιν λαμπρῶς ἐκδεξαμένων καὶ μετὰ τῆς γερουσίας ἀπαντησάντων, ἄφθονον δὲ τὴν χορηγίαν τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἐλέφασι παρεσχημένων, συνεξελόντων δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ φρουροὺς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων," '12.139 ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ αὐτοὶ τούτων αὐτοὺς ἀμείψασθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἀναλαβεῖν κατεφθαρμένην ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τοὺς πολέμους συμπεσόντων καὶ συνοικίσαι τῶν διεσπαρμένων εἰς αὐτὴν πάλιν συνελθόντων.' "12.141 τελεῖσθαι δ' αὐτοῖς ταῦτα βούλομαι, καθὼς ἐπέσταλκα, καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀπαρτισθῆναι ἔργον τάς τε στοὰς κἂν εἴ τι ἕτερον οἰκοδομῆσαι δέοι: ἡ δὲ τῶν ξύλων ὕλη κατακομιζέσθω ἐξ αὐτῆς τε τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Λιβάνου μηδενὸς πρασσομένου τέλος. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἐν οἷς ἂν ἐπιφανεστέραν γίγνεσθαι τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπισκευὴν δέῃ." "12.142 πολιτευέσθωσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἀπολυέσθω δ' ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ ἱεροψάλται ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς τελοῦσιν καὶ τοῦ στεφανιτικοῦ φόρου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων." '12.143 ἵνα δὲ θᾶττον ἡ πόλις κατοικισθῇ, δίδωμι τοῖς τε νῦν κατοικοῦσιν καὶ κατελευσομένοις ἕως τοῦ ̔Υπερβερεταίου μηνὸς ἀτελέσιν εἶναι μέχρι τριῶν ἐτῶν.' "12.144 ἀπολύομεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοὺς τοῦ τρίτου μέρους τῶν φόρων, ὥστε αὐτῶν ἐπανορθωθῆναι τὴν βλάβην. καὶ ὅσοι ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἁρπαγέντες δουλεύουσιν, αὐτούς τε τούτους καὶ τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῶν γεννηθέντας ἐλευθέρους ἀφίεμεν καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτοῖς ἀποδίδοσθαι κελεύομεν." 12.225 Τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ διάδοχος τῆς τιμῆς ̓Ονίας γίνεται, πρὸς ὃν ὁ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεὺς ̓́Αρειος πρεσβείαν τε ἔπεμψεν καὶ ἐπιστολάς, ὧν τὸ ἀντίγραφόν ἐστι τοιοῦτο: “βασιλεὺς Λακεδαιμονίων ̓́Αρειος ̓Ονίᾳ χαίρειν.
12.237 ̔Υπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἀποθανόντος καὶ ̓Ονίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ ̓Ιησοῦ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Αντίοχος δίδωσιν: ὁ γὰρ παῖς, ὃν ̓Ονίας καταλελοίπει, ἔτι νήπιος ἦν. δηλώσομεν δὲ τὰ περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς τούτου κατὰ χώραν ἕκαστα.' "
12.387 ὁ δὲ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς ̓Ονίας, ὃν προείπομεν ἔτι παῖδα τελευτήσαντος ἀφίεσθαι τοῦ πατρός, ἰδὼν ὅτι τὸν θεῖον αὐτοῦ Μενέλαον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνελὼν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Αλκίμῳ δέδωκεν οὐκ ὄντι τῆς τῶν ἀρχιερέων γενεᾶς, ἀλλ' ὑπὸ Λυσίου πεισθεὶς μεταθεῖναι τὴν τιμὴν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς οἰκίας εἰς ἕτερον οἶκον, φεύγει πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Αἰγύπτου βασιλέα." '12.388 καὶ τιμῆς ἀξιωθεὶς ὑπό τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς Κλεοπάτρας λαμβάνει τόπον ἀξιώσας ἐν τῷ νομῷ τῷ ̔Ηλιοπολίτῃ, ἐν ᾧ καὶ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ᾠκοδόμησεν ἱερόν. περὶ τούτου μὲν οὖν εὐκαιρότερον ἡμῖν ἔσται διελθεῖν.' "
13.48 “βασιλεὺς Δημήτριος ̓Ιωνάθῃ καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χαίρειν. ἐπειδὴ διετηρήσατε τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν καὶ πειράσασιν ὑμᾶς τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἐχθροῖς οὐ προσέθεσθε, καὶ ταύτην μὲν ὑμῶν ἐπαινῶ τὴν πίστιν καὶ παρακαλῶ δὲ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐμμένειν ἀποληψομένους ἀμοιβὰς παρ' ἡμῶν καὶ χάριτας." '13.49 τοὺς γὰρ πλείστους ὑμῶν ἀνήσω τῶν φόρων καὶ τῶν συντάξεων, ἃς ἐτελεῖτε τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ βασιλεῦσιν καὶ ἐμοί, νῦν τε ὑμῖν ἀφίημι τοὺς φόρους, οὓς ἀεὶ παρέχετε. πρὸς τούτοις καὶ τὴν τιμὴν ὑμῖν χαρίζομαι τῶν ἁλῶν καὶ τῶν στεφάνων, οὓς προσεφέρετε ἡμῖν, καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν τρίτων τοῦ καρποῦ καὶ τοῦ ἡμίσους τοῦ ξυλίνου καρποῦ τὸ γινόμενον ἐμοὶ μέρος ὑμῖν ἀφίημι ἀπὸ τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας.' "13.51 καὶ τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον εἶναι βούλομαι καὶ ἐλευθέραν ἕως τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἀπὸ τῆς δεκάτης καὶ τῶν τελῶν. τὴν δὲ ἄκραν ἐπιτρέπω τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ὑμῶν ̓Ιωνάθῃ, οὓς δ' ἂν αὐτὸς δοκιμάσῃ πιστοὺς καὶ φίλους τούτους ἐν αὐτῇ φρουροὺς καταστῆσαι, ἵνα φυλάσσωσιν ἡμῖν αὐτήν." '13.52 καὶ ̓Ιουδαίων δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας καὶ δουλεύοντας ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἀφίημι ἐλευθέρους. κελεύω δὲ μηδὲ ἀγγαρεύεσθαι τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων ὑποζύγια: τὰ δὲ σάββατα καὶ ἑορτὴν ἅπασαν καὶ τρεῖς καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέρας ἔστωσαν ἀτελεῖς.' "13.53 τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ κατοικοῦντας ̓Ιουδαίους ἐλευθέρους καὶ ἀνεπηρεάστους ἀφίημι, καὶ τοῖς στρατεύεσθαι μετ' ἐμοῦ βουλομένοις ἐπιτρέπω καὶ μέχρις τρισμυρίων ἐξέστω τοῦτο: τῶν δ' αὐτῶν, ὅποι ἂν ἀπίωσι, τεύξονται ὧν καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν στράτευμα μεταλαμβάνει. καταστήσω δ' αὐτῶν οὓς μὲν εἰς τὰ φρούρια, τινὰς δὲ περὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τοὐμοῦ σώματος, καὶ ἡγεμόνας δὲ ποιήσω τῶν περὶ τὴν ἐμὴν αὐλήν." '13.54 ἐπιτρέπω δὲ καὶ τοῖς πατρῴοις χρῆσθαι νόμοις καὶ τούτους φυλάττειν, καὶ τοῖς τρισὶν τοῖς προσκειμένοις τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ νομοῖς ὑποτάσσεσθαι βούλομαι, καὶ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ δὲ ἐπιμελὲς εἶναι, ἵνα μηδὲ εἷς ̓Ιουδαῖος ἄλλο ἔχῃ ἱερὸν προσκυνεῖν ἢ μόνον τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις.' "13.55 δίδωμι δ' ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν καὶ εἰς τὴν δαπάνην τῶν θυσιῶν κατ' ἔτος μυριάδας πεντεκαίδεκα, τὰ δὲ περισσεύοντα τῶν χρημάτων ὑμέτερα εἶναι βούλομαι: τὰς δὲ μυρίας δραχμάς, ἃς ἐλάμβανον ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ οἱ βασιλεῖς, ὑμῖν ἀφίημι διὰ τὸ προσήκειν αὐτὰς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν τοῖς λειτουργοῦσιν τῷ ἱερῷ." "13.56 καὶ ὅσοι δ' ἂν φύγωσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις καὶ εἰς τὰ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ χρηματίζοντα ἢ βασιλικὰ ὀφείλοντες χρήματα ἢ δι' ἄλλην αἰτίαν, ἀπολελύσθωσαν οὗτοι καὶ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα αὐτοῖς σῶα ἔστω." "13.57 ἐπιτρέπω δὲ καὶ ἀνακαινίζειν τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ οἰκοδομεῖν τῆς εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνης ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν γινομένης, καὶ τὰ τείχη δὲ συγχωρῶ τὰ τῆς πόλεως οἰκοδομεῖσθαι καὶ πύργους ὑψηλοὺς ἐγείρειν καὶ ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν ἀνιστᾶν πάντα. εἰ δέ τι καὶ φρούριόν ἐστιν, ὃ συμφέρει τῇ χώρᾳ τῇ ̓Ιουδαίων ὀχυρὸν εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτ' ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν κατασκευασθήτω.”" 13.62 ̔Ο δὲ ̓Ονίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς ὁμώνυμος δὲ ὢν τῷ πατρί, ὃς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ φυγὼν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον Φιλομήτορα διῆγεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν, ἰδὼν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν κακουμένην ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτῶν,' "13.63 βουλόμενος αὑτῷ δόξαν καὶ μνήμην αἰώνιον κατασκευάσαι, διέγνω πέμψας πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν βασίλισσαν Κλεοπάτραν αἰτήσασθαι παρ' αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν, ὅπως οἰκοδομήσειεν ναὸν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ παραπλήσιον τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις καὶ Λευίτας καὶ ἱερεῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου γένους καταστήσῃ." "13.64 τοῦτο δ' ἐβούλετο θαρρῶν μάλιστα τῷ προφήτῃ ̔Ησαί̈ᾳ, ὃς ἔμπροσθεν ἔτεσιν ἑξακοσίοις πλέον γεγονὼς προεῖπεν, ὡς δεῖ πάντως ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οἰκοδομηθῆναι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ ὑπ' ἀνδρὸς ̓Ιουδαίου. διὰ ταῦτα οὖν ἐπηρμένος ̓Ονίας γράφει Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν:" '13.65 “πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ὑμῖν χρείας τετελεκὼς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργοις μετὰ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθείας, καὶ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ καὶ Φοινίκῃ, καὶ εἰς Λεόντων δὲ πόλιν τοῦ ̔Ηλιοπολίτου σὺν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ εἰς ἄλλους τόπους ἀφικόμενος τοῦ ἔθνους, 13.66 καὶ πλείστους εὑρὼν παρὰ τὸ καθῆκον ἔχοντας ἱερὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δύσνους ἀλλήλοις, ὃ καὶ Αἰγυπτίοις συμβέβηκεν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θρησκείας οὐχ ὁμόδοξον, ἐπιτηδειότατον εὑρὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ τῆς ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως ὀχυρώματι βρύοντα ποικίλης ὕλης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ζῴων μεστόν,' "13.67 δέομαι συγχωρῆσαί μοι τὸ ἀδέσποτον ἀνακαθάραντι ἱερὸν καὶ συμπεπτωκὸς οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ καθ' ὁμοίωσιν τοῦ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις αὐτοῖς μέτροις ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων, ἵν' ἔχωσιν οἱ τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατοικοῦντες ̓Ιουδαῖοι εἰς αὐτὸ συνιόντες κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμόνοιαν ταῖς σαῖς ἐξυπηρετεῖν χρείαις:" '13.68 καὶ γὰρ ̔Ησαί̈ας ὁ προφήτης τοῦτο προεῖπεν: ἔσται θυσιαστήριον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κυρίῳ τῷ θεῷ: καὶ πολλὰ δὲ προεφήτευσεν ἄλλα τοιαῦτα διὰ τὸν τόπον.”' "13.69 Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ̓Ονίας τῷ βασιλεῖ Πτολεμαίῳ γράφει. κατανοήσειε δ' ἄν τις αὐτοῦ τὴν εὐσέβειαν καὶ Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ γυναικὸς ἐξ ἧς ἀντέγραψαν ἐπιστολῆς: τὴν γὰρ ἁμαρτίαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ νόμου παράβασιν εἰς τὴν ̓Ονίου κεφαλὴν ἀνέθεσαν:" "13.71 ἐπεὶ δὲ σὺ φῂς ̔Ησαί̈αν τὸν προφήτην ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου τοῦτο προειρηκέναι, συγχωροῦμέν σοι, εἰ μέλλει τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον: ὥστε μηδὲν ἡμᾶς δοκεῖν εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἐξημαρτηκέναι.”" '13.72 Λαβὼν οὖν τὸν τόπον ὁ ̓Ονίας κατεσκεύασεν ἱερὸν καὶ βωμὸν τῷ θεῷ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, μικρότερον δὲ καὶ πενιχρότερον. τὰ δὲ μέτρα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ σκεύη νῦν οὐκ ἔδοξέ μοι δηλοῦν: ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἑβδόμῃ μου βίβλῳ τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀναγέγραπται. 13.73 εὗρεν δὲ ̓Ονίας καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους τινὰς ὁμοίους αὐτῷ ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευίτας τοὺς ἐκεῖ θρησκεύσοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τούτου ἀρκούντως ἡμῖν δεδήλωται.' "
13.166 τὸ δ' ἀντίγραφον ἦν τόδε: “ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιωνάθης τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ἡ γερουσία καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ἱερέων Λακεδαιμονίων ἐφόροις καὶ γερουσίᾳ καὶ δήμῳ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς χαίρειν. εἰ ἐρρωμένοις ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια χωρεῖ κατὰ νοῦν, οὕτως ἂν ἔχοι ὡς βουλόμεθα, ἐρρώμεθα δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς." "13.167 ἐπειδὴ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις κομισθείσης ̓Ονίᾳ τῷ γενομένῳ ἀρχιερεῖ παρ' ἡμῖν παρὰ ̓Αρέως τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος ὑμῶν ἐπιστολῆς διὰ Δημοτέλους περὶ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ὑμῖν πρὸς ἡμᾶς συγγενείας, ἧς ὑποτέτακται τὸ ἀντίγραφον, τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν ἐδεξάμεθα προθύμως καὶ τῷ Δημοτέλει καὶ τῷ ̓Αρεῖ εὐνοϊκῶς διετέθημεν, οὐ δεόμενοι τῆς τοιαύτης ἀποδείξεως διὰ τὸ ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ἡμῶν πεπιστεῦσθαι γραμμάτων," "13.168 τὸ μὲν προκατάρχειν τῆς ἀναγνωρίσεως οὐδὲ δοκιμάζομεν μὴ καὶ προαρπάζειν δοκῶμεν τὴν παρ' ὑμῶν διδομένην δόξαν, πολλῶν δὲ χρόνων διαγενομένων ἀπὸ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀναποληθείσης ἡμῖν οἰκειότητος ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς καὶ ἐπωνύμοις ἡμέραις θυσίας τῷ θεῷ προσφέροντες καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας σωτηρίας τε καὶ νίκης αὐτὸν παρακαλοῦμεν." "13.169 πολλῶν δ' ἡμᾶς πολέμων περιστάντων διὰ τὴν τῶν γειτνιώντων πλεονεξίαν οὔθ' ὑμῖν οὔτ' ἄλλῳ τῶν προσηκόντων ἡμῖν ἐνοχλεῖν ἐκρίναμεν. καταγωνισάμενοι δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους πέμποντες πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους Νουμήνιον τὸν ̓Αντιόχου καὶ ̓Αντίπατρον τὸν ̓Ιάσονος τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς γερουσίας ὄντων παρ' ἡμῖν ἐν τιμῇ, ἐδώκαμεν αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπιστολάς, ὅπως ἀνανεώσωνται τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἡμῖν συγγένειαν." "
13.172 οἱ μὲν οὖν Φαρισαῖοι τινὰ καὶ οὐ πάντα τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔργον εἶναι λέγουσιν, τινὰ δ' ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνειν τε καὶ μὴ γίνεσθαι. τὸ δὲ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν γένος πάντων τὴν εἱμαρμένην κυρίαν ἀποφαίνεται καὶ μηδὲν ὃ μὴ κατ' ἐκείνης ψῆφον ἀνθρώποις ἀπαντᾶν." "13.173 Σαδδουκαῖοι δὲ τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην ἀναιροῦσιν οὐδὲν εἶναι ταύτην ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ κατ' αὐτὴν τὰ ἀνθρώπινα τέλος λαμβάνειν, ἅπαντα δὲ ἐφ' ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς κεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν αἰτίους ἡμᾶς γινομένους καὶ τὰ χείρω παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀβουλίαν λαμβάνοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀκριβεστέραν πεποίημαι δήλωσιν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τῆς ̓Ιουδαϊκῆς πραγματείας." 13.213 Σίμων δὲ κατασταθεὶς ἀρχιερεὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἔτει τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσι δουλείας τὸν λαὸν ἠλευθέρωσεν ὡς μηκέτι φόρους αὐτοῖς τελεῖν: ἡ δὲ ἐλευθερία καὶ τὸ ἀνείσφορον τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις μετὰ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἔτη τῶν Συρίας βασιλέων ἐξ οὗ χρόνου Σέλευκος ὁ Νικάτωρ ἐπικληθεὶς κατέσχεν Συρίαν ὑπῆρξεν.' "13.214 τοσαύτη δ' ἦν ἡ τοῦ πλήθους περὶ τὸν Σίμωνα φιλοτιμία, ὥστ' ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους συμβολαίοις καὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις γράμμασιν ἐπὶ πρώτου ἔτους γράφειν Σίμωνος καὶ εὐεργέτου ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ἐθνάρχου: εὐτύχησαν γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτοῦ σφόδρα καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τῶν περιοίκων ἐκράτησαν." "13.215 κατεστρέψατο γὰρ Σίμων Γάζαρά τε πόλιν καὶ ̓Ιόππην καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν, ἐκπολιορκήσας δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἄκραν εἰς ἔδαφος αὐτὴν καθεῖλεν, ὡς ἂν μὴ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὁρμητήριον ᾖ καταλαμβανομένοις αὐτὴν τοῦ κακῶς ποιεῖν, ὡς καὶ τότε. καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας ἄριστον ἐδόκει καὶ συμφέρον καὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐφ' οὗ τὴν ἄκραν εἶναι συνέβαινεν καθελεῖν, ὅπως ὑψηλότερον ᾖ τὸ ἱερόν." "13.216 καὶ δὴ τοῦτ' ἔπειθεν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καλέσας τὸ πλῆθος ὑπ' αὐτοῦ γίνεσθαι, ὧν τε ἔπαθον ὑπὸ τῶν φρουρῶν καὶ τῶν φυγάδων ̓Ιουδαίων ὑπομιμνήσκων, ἅ τε πάθοιεν ἄν, εἰ πάλιν κατάσχοι τὴν βασιλείαν ἀλλόφυλος φρουρᾶς ἐν αὐτῇ κατασταθείσης." "13.217 ταῦτα λέγων πείθει τὸ πλῆθος παραινῶν αὐτῷ τὰ συμφέροντα. καὶ πάντες προσβαλόντες καθῄρουν τὸ ὄρος καὶ μήτε νυκτὸς μήθ' ἡμέρας ἀπολυόμενοι τοῦ ἔργου τρισὶν αὐτὸ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἔτεσιν κατήγαγον εἰς ἔδαφος καὶ πεδινὴν λειότητα. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐξεῖχεν ἁπάντων τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ἄκρας καὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἐφ' ᾧ ἦν καθῃρημένων. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ Σίμωνος πραχθέντα τοῦτον εἶχεν τὸν τρόπον." "13.218 Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας τῆς Δημητρίου τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ̓Αντίοχον, ὃς καὶ Θεὸς ἐπεκλήθη, Τρύφων διέφθειρεν ἐπιτροπεύων αὐτοῦ τέσσαρα βασιλεύσαντα ἔτη. καὶ τὸν μέν, ὡς χειριζόμενος ἀποθάνοι, διήγγειλεν:" 13.245 ̓Αποδεξάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ μαθὼν τὴν περὶ τὸ θεῖον σπουδὴν ἐπρεσβεύσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀξιῶν τὴν πάτριον αὐτοῖς πολιτείαν ἀποδοῦναι. ὁ δὲ ἀπωσάμενος τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν μὲν παραινούντων ἐξελεῖν τὸ ἔθνος διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἄλλους αὐτῶν τῆς διαίτης ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν,' "
13.249 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς πλούτῳ τούς ποτε βασιλεῖς ὑπερέβαλεν, τρισχίλια μὲν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα ἐξεκόμισεν, ὁρμώμενος δ' ὑπὸ τούτων πρῶτος ̓Ιουδαίων ξενοτροφεῖν ἤρξατο." 13.254 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν ̓Αντιόχου θάνατον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν Συρίᾳ πόλεις ἐξεστράτευσεν οἰόμενος αὐτὰς εὑρήσειν, ὅπερ ἦν, ἐρήμους τῶν μαχίμων καὶ ῥύεσθαι δυναμένων. 13.255 Μήδαβαν μὲν οὖν πολλὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτῷ ταλαιπωρηθείσης ἕκτῳ μηνὶ εἷλεν, ἔπειτα καὶ Σαμόγαν καὶ τὰ πλησίον εὐθὺς αἱρεῖ Σίκιμά τε πρὸς τούτοις καὶ Γαριζεὶν τό τε Κουθαίων γένος, 13.256 ὃ περιοικεῖ τὸν εἰκασθέντα τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερῷ ναόν, ὃν ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐπέτρεψεν οἰκοδομῆσαι Σαναβαλλέτῃ τῷ στρατηγῷ διὰ τὸν γαμβρὸν Μανασσῆν τὸν ̓Ιαδδοῦς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφόν, ὡς πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν. συνέβη δὲ τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον ἔρημον γενέσθαι μετὰ ἔτη διακόσια. 13.257 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας αἱρεῖ πόλεις ̓́Αδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν, καὶ ἅπαντας τοὺς ̓Ιδουμαίους ὑπὸ χεῖρα ποιησάμενος ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, εἰ περιτέμνοιντο τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμοις χρήσασθαι θέλοιεν. 13.258 οἱ δὲ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου γῆς καὶ τὴν περιτομὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ βίου δίαιταν ὑπέμειναν τὴν αὐτὴν ̓Ιουδαίοις ποιήσασθαι. κἀκείνοις αὐτοῖς χρόνος ὑπῆρχεν ὥστε εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν ̓Ιουδαίους.
13.267 Τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ἀρχιερέα ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν, Δημητρίῳ δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ προθυμουμένῳ στρατεύειν ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανὸν οὐκ ἐξεγένετο καιρὸς οὐδὲ ἀφορμὴ τῶν τε Σύρων καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθανομένων, πονηρὸς γὰρ ἦν, καὶ πεμψάντων πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φύσκωνα ἐπικληθέντα πρέσβεις, ὅπως τινὰ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Σελεύκου γένους παραδῷ αὐτοῖς ἀποληψόμενον τὴν βασιλείαν.
13.272 ὁ δὲ Κυζικηνὸς ̓Αντίοχος παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Συρίαν πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν πολεμῶν διετέλει. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ πάντα ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἐν εἰρήνῃ διῆγεν:
13.285 Κλεοπάτρα γὰρ ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν στασιάζουσα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Λάθουρον ἐπιλεγόμενον κατέστησεν ἡγεμόνας Χελκίαν καὶ ̓Ανανίαν υἱοὺς ὄντας ̓Ονίου τοῦ οἰκοδομήσαντος τὸν ναὸν ἐν τῷ ̔Ηλιοπολίτῃ νομῷ πρὸς τὸν ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν δεδηλώκαμεν. 13.286 παραδοῦσα δὲ τούτοις ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν στρατιὰν οὐδὲν δίχα τῆς τούτων γνώμης ἔπραττεν, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ καὶ Στράβων ἡμῖν ὁ Καππάδοξ λέγων οὕτως: 13.287 “οἱ γὰρ πλείους, οἵ τε συνελθόντες καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἐπιπεμπόμενοι παρὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας εἰς Κύπρον, μετεβάλοντο παραχρῆμα πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον: μόνοι δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ονίου γενόμενοι ̓Ιουδαῖοι συνέμενον διὰ τὸ τοὺς πολίτας αὐτῶν εὐδοκιμεῖν μάλιστα παρὰ τῇ βασιλίσσῃ Χελκίαν τε καὶ ̓Ανανίαν.” ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Στράβων φησίν.' "
13.292 δι' ἣν ἀποθοῖτο τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην “ὅτι, φησίν, ἀκούομεν παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αἰχμάλωτόν σου γεγονέναι τὴν μητέρα βασιλεύοντος ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ ̓Επιφανοῦς.” ψευδὴς λόγος ἦν: καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ̔Υρκανὸς παρωξύνθη καὶ πάντες δ' οἱ Φαρισαῖοι σφοδρῶς ἠγανάκτησαν." "13.293 Τῶν δ' ἐκ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων τῆς αἱρέσεως, οἳ τὴν ἐναντίαν τοῖς Φαρισαίοις προαίρεσιν ἔχουσιν, ̓Ιωνάθης τις ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ὢν ̔Υρκανῷ τῇ κοινῇ πάντων Φαρισαίων γνώμῃ ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον ἔλεγεν: καὶ τοῦτ' ἔσεσθαι φανερὸν αὐτῷ πυθομένῳ παρ' ἐκείνων, τίνος ἄξιός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις κολάσεως." '13.294 τοῦ δὲ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοὺς Φαρισαίους ἐρομένου, τίνος αὐτὸν ἄξιον ἡγοῦνται τιμωρίας: πειραθήσεσθαι γὰρ οὐ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης γεγονέναι τὰς βλασφημίας τιμησαμένων αὐτὸν τῷ μέτρῳ τῆς δίκης, πληγῶν ἔφασαν καὶ δεσμῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει λοιδορίας ἕνεκα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν, ἄλλως τε καὶ φύσει πρὸς τὰς κολάσεις ἐπιεικῶς ἔχουσιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι.' "13.295 πρὸς τοῦτο λίαν ἐχαλέπηνεν καὶ δοκοῦν ἐκείνοις ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐνόμισεν. μάλιστα δ' αὐτὸν ἐπιπαρώξυνεν ̓Ιωνάθης καὶ διέθηκεν οὕτως," "13.296 ὥστε τῇ Σαδδουκαίων ἐποίησεν προσθέσθαι μοίρᾳ τῶν Φαρισαίων ἀποστάντα καὶ τά τε ὑπ' αὐτῶν κατασταθέντα νόμιμα τῷ δήμῳ καταλῦσαι καὶ τοὺς φυλάττοντας αὐτὰ κολάσαι. μῖσος οὖν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἐγένετο." "13.297 περὶ μέντοι τούτων αὖθις ἐροῦμεν. νῦν δὲ δηλῶσαι βούλομαι, ὅτι νόμιμά τινα παρέδοσαν τῷ δήμῳ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἐκ πατέρων διαδοχῆς, ἅπερ οὐκ ἀναγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς Μωυσέως νόμοις, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ταῦτα τὸ Σαδδουκαίων γένος ἐκβάλλει, λέγον ἐκεῖνα δεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι νόμιμα τὰ γεγραμμένα, τὰ δ' ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων μὴ τηρεῖν." '13.298 καὶ περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινεν μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο καὶ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μου τῶν ̓Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται.' "
13.311 μάλιστα δ' ἄν τις θαυμάσειεν καὶ ̓Ιούδαν τινά, ̓Εσσηνὸν μὲν τὸ γένος, οὐδέποτε δ' ἐν οἷς προεῖπεν διαψευσάμενον τἀληθές: οὗτος γὰρ ἰδὼν τὸν ̓Αντίγονον παριόντα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεβόησεν ἐν τοῖς ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ καὶ γνωρίμοις, οἳ διδασκαλίας ἕνεκα τοῦ προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα παρέμενον," "
13.318 ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἐπαποθνήσκει τοῖς λόγοις βασιλεύσας ἐνιαυτόν, χρηματίσας μὲν Φιλέλλην, πολλὰ δ' εὐεργετήσας τὴν πατρίδα, πολεμήσας ̓Ιτουραίους καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ προσκτησάμενος ἀναγκάσας τε τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, εἰ βούλονται μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, περιτέμνεσθαι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμους ζῆν." "13.319 φύσει δ' ἐπιεικεῖ κέχρητο καὶ σφόδρα ἦν αἰδοῦς ἥττων, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτῳ καὶ Στράβων ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαγένους ὀνόματος λέγων οὕτως: “ἐπιεικής τε ἐγένετο οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις χρήσιμος: χώραν τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς προσεκτήσατο καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιτουραίων ἔθνους ᾠκειώσατο δεσμῷ συνάψας τῇ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομῇ.”" 13.322 στέργων μάλιστα τῶν παίδων ̔Υρκανὸς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ̓Αντίγονον καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλον φανέντα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ἐπηρώτα, τίς αὐτοῦ τῶν παίδων μέλλει ἔσεσθαι διάδοχος. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τοὺς τούτου χαρακτῆρας δείξαντος, λυπηθεὶς ὅτι τῶν ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῦ πάντων οὗτος ἔσται κληρονόμος, γενόμενον εἴασεν ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ τρέφεσθαι. ὁ μέντοι θεὸς οὐ διεψεύσατο τὸν ̔Υρκανόν.
13.324 Καταστησάμενος δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὃν ᾤετο συμφέρειν αὐτῷ τρόπον στρατεύει ἐπὶ Πτολεμαί̈δα, τῇ δὲ μάχῃ κρατήσας ἐνέκλεισε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ περικαθίσας αὐτοὺς ἐπολιόρκει. τῶν γὰρ ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ Πτολεμαὶ̈ς αὐτῷ καὶ Γάζα μόναι χειρωθῆναι ὑπελείποντο, καὶ Ζώιλος δὲ ὁ κατασχὼν τὸν Στράτωνος πύργον τύραννος καὶ Δῶρα.
13.326 ἀλλὰ πονουμένοις τῇ πολιορκίᾳ Ζώιλος ὁ τὸν Στράτωνος πύργον κατεσχηκὼς παρῆν καὶ τὰ Δῶρα σύνταγμα τρέφων στρατιωτικὸν καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιχειρῶν διὰ τὴν τῶν βασιλέων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἅμιλλαν μικρὰ τοῖς Πτολεμαιεῦσι παρεβοήθει:' "
13.328 λοιπὴ δ' αὐτοῖς ἐλπὶς ἦν ἡ παρὰ τῶν Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων καὶ τοῦ Κύπρον ἔχοντος Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λαθούρου, ὃς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσὼν εἰς Κύπρον παρεγένετο. πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τοῦτον οἱ Πτολεμαιεῖς παρεκάλουν ἐλθόντα σύμμαχον ἐκ τῶν ̓Αλεξάνδρου χειρῶν αὐτοὺς ῥύσασθαι κινδυνεύοντας." "13.329 ἐπελπισάντων δ' αὐτὸν τῶν πρέσβεων, ὡς διαβὰς εἰς Συρίαν ἕξει Γαζαίους συνεστῶτας μετὰ τῶν Πτολεμαιῶν καὶ Ζώιλον, ἔτι γε μὴν Σιδωνίους καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους αὐτῷ συλλήψεσθαι λεγόντων, ἐπαρθεὶς πρὸς τὸν ἔκπλουν ἔσπευδεν." "13.331 τὴν γὰρ Κλεοπάτραν οὐ περιόψεσθαι δύναμιν αὐτῷ κατασκευαζόμενον Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ γειτόνων, ἀλλ' ἥξειν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς: σπουδάσαι γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστε καὶ τῆς Κύπρου τὸν υἱὸν ἐκβαλεῖν: εἶναι δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ μὲν διαμαρτόντι τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀποφυγὴν πάλιν τὴν Κύπρον, αὐτοῖς δὲ κινδύνων τὸν ἔσχατον." '13.332 ὁ μὲν οὖν Πτολεμαῖος κατὰ τὸν πόρον μαθὼν τὴν τῶν Πτολεμαιῶν μεταβολὴν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἔπλευσεν καὶ καταχθεὶς εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Συκάμινον ἐνταυθοῖ τὴν δύναμιν ἐξεβίβασεν.' "13.333 ἦν δὲ ὁ πᾶς στρατὸς αὐτῷ πεζοί τε ἅμα καὶ ἱππεῦσιν περὶ τρισμυρίους, οὓς προαγαγὼν πλησίον τῆς Πτολεμαί̈δος καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος, ἐπεὶ μήτε τοὺς παρ' αὐτοῦ πρέσβεις ἐδέχοντο μήτε τῶν λόγων ἠκροῶντο, μεγάλως ἐφρόντιζεν." 13.335 καὶ τετρακόσια δὲ ἀργυρίου τάλαντα δώσειν ὑπέσχετο χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων αἰτῶν Ζώιλον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν τύραννον καὶ τὴν χώραν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις προσνεῖμαι. τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἡδέως τὴν πρὸς ̓Αλέξανδρον ποιησάμενος φιλίαν χειροῦται τὸν Ζώιλον.' "
13.337 ὁ δὲ ̓Αλέξανδρος τὴν τοῦ Πτολεμαίου διάνοιαν μαθὼν συνήθροισεν καὶ αὐτὸς περὶ πέντε μυριάδας τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὡς δ' ἔνιοι συγγραφεῖς εἰρήκασιν ὀκτώ, καὶ ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἀπήντα τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ. Πτολεμαῖος δ' ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν ̓Ασωχειτω τῆς Γαλιλαίας πόλει σάββασιν αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος αὐτὴν καὶ περὶ μύρια σώματα καὶ πολλὴν ἑτέραν ἔλαβε λείαν." "13.338 Πειράσας δὲ καὶ Σέπφωριν μικρὸν ἄπωθεν τῆς πεπορθημένης πολλοὺς ἀποβαλὼν ᾔει πολεμήσων ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ. ὑπήντησε δ' αὐτῷ πρὸς τῷ ̓Ιορδάνῃ ποταμῷ ̓Αλέξανδρος περί τινα τόπον λεγόμενον ̓Ασωφὼν οὐ πόρρωθεν τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ καὶ βάλλεται στρατόπεδον πλησίον τῶν πολεμίων." "
13.344 τρισμυρίους γοῦν ἔφασαν αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν, Τιμαγένης δὲ πεντακισμυρίους εἴρηκεν, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν αἰχμαλώτους ληφθῆναι, τοὺς δ' εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφεύγειν χωρία." "
13.353 Κλεοπάτρα δ' ἐν τούτῳ τὴν ἐν Πτολεμαί̈δι φρουρὰν ἐκ πολιορκίας λαμβάνει καὶ τὴν πόλιν. ̓Αλεξάνδρου δ' αὐτὴν μετὰ δώρων περιελθόντος καὶ θεραπείας ὁποίας ἄξιον ἦν πεπονθότα μὲν κακῶς ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου, καταφυγῆς δ' οὐκ ἄλλης ἢ ταύτης εὐποροῦντα, τινὲς μὲν τῶν φίλων καὶ ταῦτα συνεβούλευον αὐτῇ λαβεῖν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπελθούσῃ κατασχεῖν καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν ἐπ' ἀνδρὶ ἑνὶ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀγαθῶν ̓Ιουδαίων κείμενον." '13.354 ̓Ανανίας δὲ συνεβούλευσε τούτοις ἐναντία, λέγων ἄδικα ποιήσειν αὐτήν, εἰ σύμμαχον ἄνθρωπον ἀφαιρήσεται τῆς ἰδίας ἐξουσίας καὶ ταῦτα συγγενῆ ἡμέτερον: “οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν βούλομαί σε, φησίν, εἰ τὸ πρὸς τοῦτον ἄδικον ἐχθροὺς ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς σοι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους κατασκευάζει.” 13.355 ταῦτα δὲ ̓Ανανία παραινέσαντος ἡ Κλεοπάτρα πείθεται μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαι τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον, ἀλλὰ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐποιήσατο ἐν Σκυθοπόλει τῆς κοίλης Συρίας. 13.356 ̔Ο δὲ τῶν ἐκ Πτολεμαίου φόβων ἐλευθερωθεὶς στρατεύεται μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν κοίλην Συρίαν, αἱρεῖ δὲ Γάδαρα πολιορκήσας δέκα μησίν, αἱρεῖ δὲ καὶ ̓Αμαθοῦντα μέγιστον ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιορδάνην κατῳκημένων, ἔνθα καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ σπουδῆς ἄξια Θεόδωρος ὁ Ζήνωνος εἶχεν. ὃς οὐ προσδοκῶσιν ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις μυρίους αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνει καὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρου διαρπάζει.' "13.357 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐ καταπλήττει τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον, ἀλλ' ἐπιστρατεύει τοῖς θαλαττίοις μέρεσιν, ̔Ραφείᾳ καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνι, ἣν ὕστερον βασιλεὺς ̔Ηρώδης ̓Αγριππιάδα προσηγόρευσεν, καὶ κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν καὶ ταύτην." '13.358 ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ τῆς Γάζης εἰς Κύπρον ἀνακεχωρηκότα, τὴν δὲ μητέρα αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτραν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ὀργιζόμενος δὲ τοῖς Γαζαίοις, ὅτι Πτολεμαῖον ἐπεκαλέσαντο βοηθόν, ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν προενόμευσεν.' "13.359 ̓Απολλοδότου δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν Γαζαίων μετὰ δισχιλίων ξένων καὶ μυρίων οἰκετῶν νύκτωρ ἐπιπεσόντος τῷ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐφ' ὅσον μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἡ νὺξ ἐνίκων οἱ Γαζαῖοι δόκησιν παρασχόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἐπεληλυθότος αὐτοῖς Πτολεμαίου, γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας καὶ τῆς δόξης ἐλεγχθείσης μαθόντες οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι τἀληθὲς ἐπισυστρέφονται καὶ τοῖς Γαζαίοις προσβαλόντες ἀναιροῦσιν αὐτῶν περὶ χιλίους." '13.361 ἀλλὰ συνέβη πρῶτον τὸν ̓Απολλόδοτον διαφθαρῆναι: Λυσίμαχος γὰρ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ζηλοτυπῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις εὐδοκιμεῖν, κτείνας αὐτὸν καὶ στρατιωτικὸν συγκροτήσας ἐνδίδωσιν ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ τὴν πόλιν.' "13.362 ὁ δ' εὐθὺς μὲν εἰσελθὼν ἠρέμει, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν δύναμιν ἐπαφῆκε τοῖς Γαζαίοις ἐπιτρέψας τιμωρεῖν αὐτούς: οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἀλλαχῆ τρεπόμενοι τοὺς Γαζαίους ἀπέκτειναν. ἦσαν δ' οὐδ' ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς παραπίπτουσιν ἀμυνόμενοι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους οὐκ ἐλάττονας αὐτῶν διέφθειραν." '13.363 ἔνιοι δὲ μονούμενοι τὰς οἰκίας ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ὡς μηδὲν ἐξ αὐτῶν λάφυρον εἶναι τοῖς πολεμίοις λαβεῖν. οἱ δὲ καὶ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν αὐτόχειρες ἐγένοντο τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς αὐτὰ δουλείας οὕτως ἀπαλλάττειν ἠναγκασμένοι. 13.364 τῶν δὲ βουλευτῶν ἦσαν οἱ πάντες πεντακόσιοι συμφυγόντες εἰς τὸ τοῦ ̓Απόλλωνος ἱερόν: συνεδρευόντων γὰρ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν συνέβη γενέσθαι: ὁ δὲ ̓Αλέξανδρος τούτους τε ἀναιρεῖ καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῖς ἐπικατασκάψας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας.
13.371 τούτοις δὲ τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς καρτερῶς ἀνθιστάμενος ̓Αντίοχος ταχέως ἀπέθανεν: Λαοδίκῃ γὰρ ἐλθὼν σύμμαχος τῇ τῶν Σαμηνῶν βασιλίσσῃ Πάρθους πολεμούσῃ μαχόμενος ἀνδρείως ἔπεσεν. τὴν δὲ Συρίαν οἱ δύο κατεῖχον ἀδελφοὶ Δημήτριος καὶ Φίλιππος, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.
13.374 ἔτρεφεν δὲ καὶ ξένους Πισίδας καὶ Κίλικας: Σύροις γὰρ πολέμιος ὢν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο. καταστρεψάμενος δὲ τῶν ̓Αράβων Μωαβίτας καὶ Γαλααδίτας εἰς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, κατερείπει καὶ ̓Αμαθοῦντα Θεοδώρου μὴ τολμῶντος αὐτῷ συμβαλεῖν.' "13.375 συνάψας δὲ μάχην πρὸς ̓Οβέδαν τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα καὶ πεσὼν εἰς ἐνέδραν ἐν χωρίοις τραχέσι καὶ δυσβάτοις ὑπὸ πλήθους καμήλων εἰς βαθεῖαν κατερράχθη φάραγγα κατὰ Γάδαρα κώμην τῆς ϊουδάνιδος καὶ μόλις αὐτὸς διασώζεται, φεύγων δ' ἐκεῖθεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα παραγίνεται." "13.376 καὶ πρὸς τὴν κακοπραγίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιθεμένου τοῦ ἔθνους πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸ ἔτεσιν ἓξ ἀναιρεῖ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οὐκ ἔλαττον πέντε μυριάδας. παρακαλοῦντος δὲ παῦσαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν δυσμένειαν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν αὐτὸν διὰ τὰ συμβεβηκότα. πυνθανομένου δ' αὐτοῦ τί βούλονται, πάντες γενέσθαι ἐβόησαν ἀποθανεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ πρὸς Δημήτριον τὸν ̓́Ακαιρον ἔπεμψαν παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν." "13.377 ̔Ο δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐλθὼν καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους περὶ Σίκιμα πόλιν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν. ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ μετὰ μισθοφόρων ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ διακοσίων ̓Ιουδαίων τε περὶ δισμυρίους οἳ ἐφρόνουν τὰ ἐκείνου παραλαβὼν ἀντεπῄει τῷ Δημητρίῳ: τούτῳ δ' ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ τέσσαρες μυριάδες." "13.378 πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἑκατέροις ἐπράχθη, τοῦ μὲν ἀποστῆσαι τοὺς μισθοφόρους ὡς ὄντας ̔́Ελληνας πειρωμένου, τοῦ δὲ τοὺς σὺν Δημητρίῳ ̓Ιουδαίους. μηδετέρου δὲ πεῖσαι δυνηθέντος, ἀλλ' εἰς μάχην συμβαλόντων, νικᾷ Δημήτριος, καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι μὲν οἱ ̓Αλεξάνδρου μισθοφόροι πάντες πίστεως ἅμα καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπίδειξιν ποιησάμενοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν Δημητρίου στρατιωτῶν." 13.381 ὑπὲρ μὲν ὧν ἠδίκητο ἀμυνόμενος, ἄλλως δὲ ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ταύτην εἰσπραττόμενος τὴν δίκην, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα, ὅπερ ἦν εἰκός, ἐταλαιπωρήθη τοῖς πρὸς αὐτοὺς πολέμοις καὶ εἰς τοὔσχατον ἧκε κινδύνου ψυχῆς τε πέρι καὶ βασιλείας, οὐκ ἀρκουμένων ἀγωνίζεσθαι κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς,' "13.382 ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαγόντων καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ἀγαγόντων, ὥστε ἣν κατεστρέψατο γῆν ἐν Γαλααδίτιδι καὶ Μωαβίτιδι καὶ τὰ χωρία τῶν ̓Αράβων τῷ βασιλεῖ παραδοῦναι, ὅπως ἂν μὴ ξυνάρηται σφίσι τὸν κατ' αὐτοῦ πόλεμον, ἄλλα τε μυρία ἐς ὕβριν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπήρειαν πραξάντων." "13.383 ἀλλ' οὖν οὐκ ἐπιτηδείως δοκεῖ ταῦτα δρᾶσαι, ὥστε διὰ τὴν τῆς ὠμότητος ὑπερβολὴν ἐπικληθῆναι αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων Θρακίδαν. οἱ δ' ἀντιστασιῶται αὐτοῦ τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους φεύγουσιν νυκτὸς καὶ παρ' ὃν ἔζη χρόνον ̓Αλέξανδρος ἦσαν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ. καὶ οὗτος μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένος τῆς ἐκ τούτων ταραχῆς μετὰ πάσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἠρεμίας ἐβασίλευσεν." "
13.393 ̓Αλέξανδρος δ' ἐλάσας αὖθις ἐπὶ Δίαν πόλιν αἱρεῖ ταύτην, καὶ στρατεύσας ἐπὶ ̓́Εσσαν, οὗ τὰ πλείστου ἄξια Ζήνωνι συνέβαινεν εἶναι, τρισὶν μὲν περιβάλλει τείχεσιν τὸ χωρίον, ἀμαχὶ δὲ λαβὼν τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ Γαύλαναν καὶ Σελεύκειαν ἐξώρμησεν." '13.394 παραλαβὼν δὲ καὶ ταύτας προσεξεῖλεν καὶ τὴν ̓Αντιόχου λεγομένην φάραγγα καὶ Γάμαλα τὸ φρούριον. ἐγκαλῶν δὲ πολλὰ Δημητρίῳ τῷ τῶν τόπων ἄρχοντι περιέδυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ τρίτον ἤδη πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος τῆς στρατείας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ὑπέστρεψεν προθύμως αὐτὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν δεχομένων. 13.395 Κατὰ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἤδη τῶν Σύρων καὶ ̓Ιδουμαίων καὶ Φοινίκων πόλεις εἶχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πρὸς θαλάσσῃ μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον ̓Απολλωνίαν ̓Ιόππην ̓Ιάμνειαν ̓́Αζωτον Γάζαν ̓Ανθηδόνα ̔Ράφειαν ̔Ρινοκόρουρα, 13.396 ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσογαίᾳ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιδουμαίαν ̓́Αδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν καὶ ὅλην ̓Ιδουμαίαν, Σαμάρειαν Καρμήλιον ὄρος καὶ τὸ ̓Ιταβύριον ὄρος Σκυθόπολιν Γάδαρα, Γαυλανίτιδας Σελεύκειαν Γάβαλα, 13.397 Μωαβίτιδας ̓Ησεβὼν Μήδαβα Λεμβὰ Ορωναιμαγελεθων Ζόαρα Κιλίκων αὐλῶνα Πέλλαν, ταύτην κατέσκαψεν ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἐς πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαι, ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς Συρίας ἦσαν κατεστραμμένοι.
13.409 τὸ μὲν οὖν ὄνομα τῆς βασιλείας εἶχεν αὐτή, τὴν δὲ δύναμιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι: καὶ γὰρ φυγάδας οὗτοι κατῆγον καὶ δεσμώτας ἔλυον καὶ καθάπαξ οὐδὲν δεσποτῶν διέφερον. ἐποιεῖτο μέντοι καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τῆς βασιλείας πρόνοιαν, καὶ πολὺ μισθοφορικὸν συνίστησιν, καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν δύναμιν ἀπέδειξεν διπλασίονα, ὡς καταπλῆξαι τοὺς πέριξ τυράννους καὶ λαβεῖν ὅμηρα αὐτῶν.' "
13.432 εἰς γοῦν τοῦτο τῷ οἴκῳ ἀτυχίας τὰ πράγματα περιέστησεν, ὥσθ' ἣν μετὰ πλείστων κινδύνων καὶ ταλαιπωρίας περιεκτήσατο δυναστείαν ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντων γυναικὶ χρόνοις οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τοῖς μὲν δυσμενῶς ἔχουσιν πρὸς τὸ γένος αὐτῶν τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην προσθεῖσα, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔρημον τῶν προκηδομένων ποιησαμένη." 14.9 Νικόλαος μέντοι φησὶν ὁ Δαμασκηνὸς τοῦτον εἶναι γένος ἐκ τῶν πρώτων ̓Ιουδαίων τῶν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφικομένων. ταῦτα δὲ λέγει χαριζόμενος ̔Ηρώδῃ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκ τύχης τινὸς γενομένῳ, περὶ οὗ κατὰ καιρὸν δηλώσομεν.' "
14.9 καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Γαβίνιος κατέσκαψεν. τῆς δ' ̓Αλεξάνδρου μητρὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθούσης, ἣ ἐφρόνει τὰ ̔Ρωμαίων τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ ἐχομένων, συνεχώρησεν αὐτῇ ταῦτα ἅπερ ἠξίου, καὶ διοικησάμενος τὰ πρὸς αὐτὴν ̔Υρκανὸν κατήγαγεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα σχήσοντα τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπιμέλειαν." "
14.18 Σέξστου δὲ ποιήσαντος ̔Ηρώδην στρατηγὸν κοίλης Συρίας, χρημάτων γὰρ αὐτῷ τοῦτο ἀπέδοτο, ̔Υρκανὸς ἦν ἐν φόβῳ, μὴ στρατεύσηται ̔Ηρώδης ἐπ' αὐτόν. οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ δέους ἐβράδυνεν, ἀλλ' ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ' αὐτὸν ̔Ηρώδης στρατιὰν ὀργιζόμενος τῆς δίκης αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ λόγον ὑποσχεῖν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ." "
14.18 οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ὑπέσχετο αὐτῷ καταχθεὶς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν κομισάμενος ἀποδώσειν τήν τε χώραν καὶ τὰς δώδεκα πόλεις, ἃς ̓Αλέξανδρος ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τῶν ̓Αράβων ἀφείλετο. ἦσαν δ' αὗται Μήδαβα, Λιββα, Ναβαλώθ, ̓Αραβαθα, Γαλανθώνη, Ζωϊρα, ̓Ωρωναιδιγωβασιλισσαρυδδα, Αλουσα, Ωρυβδα." "
14.41 ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διήκουσεν καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων αὐτῶν, οἳ πρός τε ἀλλήλους διεφέροντο ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ τὸ ἔθνος πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τὸ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦν βασιλεύεσθαι: πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τοῦ τιμωμένου παρ' αὐτοῖς θεοῦ πειθαρχεῖν, ὄντας δὲ τούτους ἀπογόνους τῶν ἱερέων εἰς ἄλλην μετάγειν ἀρχὴν τὸ ἔθνος ζητῆσαι, ὅπως καὶ δοῦλον γένοιτο." 14.41 οὐ μὴν ̔Ηρώδης τούτων πραττομένων ἠρέμει, δέκα δὲ σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ὧν πέντε μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων, πέντε δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, καὶ μισθοφόρους μιγάδας πρὸς οἷς ὀλίγους τῶν ἱππέων ἐπὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα παραγίνεται, καὶ τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐκλελειμμένην καταλαβών, πεντακοσίους δὲ τὰ ἄκρα κατειληφότας σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ γενεαῖς, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσεν λαβών, ̔Ρωμαῖοι δὲ εἰσπεσόντες διήρπασαν τὴν πόλιν μεσταῖς ἐπιτυγχάνοντες παντοίων κειμηλίων ταῖς οἰκίαις.
14.74 καὶ τὰ μὲν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ὑποτελῆ φόρου ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ ἔνοικοι πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ τῷ σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξεν καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων ὅρων συνέστειλεν. 14.75 καὶ Γάδαρα μὲν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν καταστραφεῖσαν ἀνέκτισεν Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος τῷ Γαδαρεῖ ἀπελευθέρῳ αὐτοῦ: τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σκυθόπολιν καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Δῖον καὶ Σαμάρειαν ἔτι τε Μάρισαν καὶ ̓́Αζωτον καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν ἀπέδωκεν. 14.76 καὶ ταύτας μὲν ἐν τῇ μεσογείῳ χωρὶς τῶν κατεσκαμμένων, Γάζαν δὲ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ καὶ ̓Ιόππην καὶ Δῶρα καὶ Στράτωνος πύργον, ἣ κτίσαντος αὐτὴν ̔Ηρώδου μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ λιμέσιν τε καὶ ναοῖς κοσμήσαντος, Καισάρεια μετωνομάσθη, πάσας ὁ Πομπήιος ἀφῆκεν ἐλευθέρας καὶ προσένειμεν τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ.' "
14.78 καὶ προσέτι πλείω ἢ μύρια τάλαντα ̔Ρωμαῖοι ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ παρ' ἡμῶν εἰσεπράξαντο, καὶ ἡ βασιλεία πρότερον τοῖς κατὰ γένος ἀρχιερεῦσιν διδομένη, τιμὴ δημοτικῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐγένετο. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν." "
14.113 καὶ τὰ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὀκτακόσια τάλαντα.” ἡμῖν δὲ δημόσια χρήματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἢ μόνα τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ δῆλον, ὅτι ταῦτα μετήνεγκαν εἰς Κῶ τὰ χρήματα οἱ ἐν τῇ ̓Ασίᾳ ̓Ιουδαῖοι διὰ τὸν Μιθριδάτου φόβον: οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ πόλιν τε ὀχυρὰν ἔχοντας καὶ τὸν ναὸν πέμπειν χρήματα εἰς Κῶ, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικοῦντας ̓Ιουδαίους πιθανὸν τοῦτ' ἐστὶ ποιῆσαι μηδὲν Μιθριδάτην δεδιότας." "
14.127 Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Πομπηίου θάνατον καὶ τὴν νίκην τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ Καίσαρι πολεμοῦντι κατ' Αἴγυπτον πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ̓Αντίπατρος ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπιμελητὴς ἐξ ἐντολῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ." '14.128 Μιθριδάτῃ τε γὰρ τῷ Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ Πηλουσίου ποιήσασθαι τὴν πορείαν, περὶ δὲ ̓Ασκάλωνα διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ̓Αντίπατρος ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων ὁπλίτας τρισχιλίους ἐξ ̓Αραβίας τε συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ἐν τέλει:' "14.129 καὶ δι' αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπαντες ἐπεκούρουν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος προθυμίας οὐ θέλοντες, ̓Ιάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Σοαίμου Λίβανον ὄρος οἰκῶν αἵ τε πόλεις σχεδὸν ἅπασαι." '14.131 καὶ τὸ μὲν Πηλούσιον οὕτως εἶχεν. τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπιόντας πρὸς Καίσαρα διεκώλυον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου χώραν λεγομένην κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ μάλιστα ἐπιδείξας αὐτοῖς τὰς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς φίλους εἶναι Καίσαρος παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ. 14.132 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἑώρων ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα συνθέλοντας ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ Μέμφιν ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην πρὸς ἑαυτούς: κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει.' "14.133 ̓Επεὶ δὲ τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα ἤδη περιεληλύθει, συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὸ καλούμενον ̓Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας Μιθριδάτης, τὸ δ' εὐώνυμον ̓Αντίπατρος." "14.134 συμπεσόντων δὲ εἰς μάχην κλίνεται τὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου κέρας καὶ παθεῖν ἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν τὰ δεινότατα, εἰ μὴ παρὰ τὴν ᾐόνα τοῦ ποταμοῦ σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις στρατιώταις ̓Αντίπατρος παραθέων νενικηκὼς ἤδη τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ῥύεται, προτρέπει δ' εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς νενικηκότας Αἰγυπτίους." "14.135 αἱρεῖ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπιμείνας τῇ διώξει, τόν τε Μιθριδάτην ἐκάλει πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ διασχόντα. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν περὶ τοῦτον ὀκτακόσιοι, τῶν δ' ̓Αντιπάτρου πεντήκοντα." '14.136 Μιθριδάτης δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστέλλει Καίσαρι τῆς τε νίκης αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιον τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ἀποφαίνων, ὥστε τὸν Καίσαρα τότε μὲν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτόν, κεχρῆσθαι δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὰ κινδυνωδέστατα τῷ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ δὴ καὶ τρωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας αὐτῷ. 14.137 Καταλύσας μέντοι Καῖσαρ μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς Συρίαν ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησεν μεγάλως, ̔Υρκανῷ μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ δοὺς καὶ ἀτέλειαν πανταχοῦ.' "
14.168 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀκούσας ταῦτα πείθεται: προσεξῆψαν δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ αἱ μητέρες τῶν ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου πεφονευμένων: αὗται γὰρ καθ' ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ παρακαλοῦσαι τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν δῆμον, ἵνα δίκην ̔Ηρώδης ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπόσχῃ, διετέλουν." "14.169 κινηθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἐκάλει δικασόμενον ὑπὲρ ὧν διεβάλλετο. ὁ δὲ ἧκεν τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ παραινέσαντος μὴ ὡς ἰδιώτῃ μετὰ δ' ἀσφαλείας εἰσελθεῖν καὶ φυλακῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ σῶμα, τά τε κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ὡς ἐνόμισεν αὐτῷ συμφέρειν ἀσφαλίσασθαι. τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἁρμοσάμενος καὶ μετὰ στίφους ἀποχρῶντος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν ὁδόν, ὡς μήτε ἐπίφοβος ̔Υρκανῷ δόξειε μετὰ μείζονος παραγενόμενος τάγματος μήτε γυμνὸς καὶ ἀφύλακτος, ᾔει πρὸς τὴν δίκην." "14.171 καταστὰς δὲ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ μετὰ τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ τάγματος ̔Ηρώδης κατέπληξεν ἅπαντας καὶ κατηγορεῖν ἐθάρρει τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδεὶς τῶν πρὶν ἀφικέσθαι διαβαλλόντων, ἀλλ' ἦν ἡσυχία καὶ τοῦ τί χρὴ ποιεῖν ἀπορία." "14.172 διακειμένων δ' οὕτως εἷς τις Σαμαίας ὄνομα, δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοῦ δεδιέναι κρείττων, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν: “ἄνδρες σύνεδροι καὶ βασιλεῦ, εἰς δίκην μὲν οὔτ' αὐτὸς οἶδά τινα τῶν πώποτε εἰς ὑμᾶς κεκλημένων οὕτω παραστάντα οὔτε ὑμᾶς ἔχειν εἰπεῖν ὑπολαμβάνω, ἀλλὰ πᾶς ὁστισδηποτοῦν ἀφῖκται εἰς τὸ συνέδριον τοῦτο κριθησόμενος ταπεινὸς παρίσταται καὶ σχήματι δεδοικότος καὶ ἔλεον θηρωμένου παρ' ὑμῶν, κόμην τ' ἐπιθρέψας καὶ ἐσθῆτα μέλαιναν ἐνδεδυμένος." "14.173 ὁ δὲ βέλτιστος ̔Ηρώδης φόνου δίκην φεύγων καὶ ἐπ' αἰτίᾳ τοιαύτῃ κεκλημένος ἕστηκε τὴν πορφύραν περικείμενος καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν κεκοσμημένος τῇ συνθέσει τῆς κόμης καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἔχων ὁπλίτας, ἵνα ἂν κατακρίνωμεν αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, κτείνῃ μὲν ἡμᾶς, αὐτὸν δὲ σώσῃ βιασάμενος τὸ δίκαιον." "14.174 ἀλλ' ̔Ηρώδην μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις οὐκ ἂν μεμψαίμην, εἰ τὸ αὐτοῦ συμφέρον ποιεῖται περὶ πλείονος ἢ τὸ νόμιμον, ὑμᾶς δὲ καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τοσαύτην ἄδειαν αὐτῷ παρασχόντας. ἴστε μέντοι τὸν θεὸν μέγαν, καὶ οὗτος, ὃν νῦν δι' ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπολῦσαι βούλεσθε, κολάσει ὑμᾶς τε καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα.”" "14.175 διήμαρτεν δ' οὐδὲν τῶν εἰρημένων. ὁ γὰρ ̔Ηρώδης τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν πάντας ἀπέκτεινεν τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ καὶ ̔Υρκανὸν αὐτὸν χωρὶς τοῦ Σαμαίου:" '14.176 σφόδρα γὰρ αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἐτίμησεν καὶ ὅτι τῆς πόλεως μετὰ ταῦτα πολιορκουμένης ὑπό τε ̔Ηρώδου καὶ Σοσσίου παρῄνεσεν τῷ δήμῳ δέξασθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην εἰπὼν διὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ δύνασθαι διαφυγεῖν αὐτόν. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν. 14.177 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ὁρῶν ὡρμημένους πρὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τὴν ̔Ηρώδου τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὴν δίκην εἰς ἄλλην ἡμέραν ἀνεβάλετο, καὶ πέμψας κρύφα πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην συνεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως: οὕτω γὰρ τὸν κίνδυνον διαφεύξεσθαι.' "
14.191 τῆς γενομένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν υἱὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην ̓Ιουδαίων πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν' ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαϊστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο ἀνατεθῆναι." "
14.194 διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἐθνάρχας ̓Ιουδαίων εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ' ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι," "14.195 ὅσα τε κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους ἐστὶν ἀρχιερατικὰ φιλάνθρωπα, ταῦτα κελεύω κατέχειν αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ: ἄν τε μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς. παραχειμασίαν δὲ ἢ χρήματα πράσσεσθαι οὐ δοκιμάζω." '14.196 Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος αὐτοκράτορος ὑπάτου δεδομένα συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν οὕτως ἔχοντα. ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζωνται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων. 14.197 πέμψαι δὲ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας διαλεξομένους: ἀνατεθῆναι δὲ καὶ χαλκῆν δέλτον ταῦτα περιέχουσαν ἔν τε τῷ Καπετωλίῳ καὶ Σιδῶνι καὶ Τύρῳ καὶ ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς ἐγκεχαραγμένην γράμμασιν ̔Ρωμαϊκοῖς καὶ ̔Ελληνικοῖς. 14.198 ὅπως τε τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ταμίαις καὶ τοῖς τούτων ἡγουμένοις * εἴς τε τοὺς φίλους ἀνενέγκωσιν καὶ ξένια τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὰ διατάγματα διαπέμψαι πανταχοῦ. 14.199 Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ ὕπατος τιμῆς καὶ ἀρετῆς καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἕνεκεν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι καὶ τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμων καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις, οἷς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτῶν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διακατέσχον. 14.201 ὅπως τε ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς μισθώσεως ἔτει τῆς προσόδου κόρον ὑπεξέλωνται καὶ μήτε ἐργολαβῶσί τινες μήτε φόρους τοὺς αὐτοὺς τελῶσιν.' "14.202 Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον ἔστησεν κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν ὅπως τελῶσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλεως ̓Ιόππης ὑπεξαιρουμένης χωρὶς τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν σαββατικὸν ἐνιαυτὸν προσαγορεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ μήτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν μήτε σπείρουσιν." '14.203 καὶ ἵνα ἐν Σιδῶνι τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει τὸν φόρον ἀποδιδῶσιν τὸ τέταρτον τῶν σπειρομένων, πρὸς τούτοις ἔτι καὶ ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις αὐτοῦ τὰς δεκάτας τελῶσιν, ἃς ἐτέλουν καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις αὐτῶν.' "14.204 καὶ ὅπως μηδεὶς μήτε ἄρχων μήτε ἀντάρχων μήτε στρατηγὸς ἢ πρεσβευτὴς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀνιστὰς συμμαχίαν καὶ στρατιώτας ἐξῇ τούτῳ χρήματα εἰσπράττεσθαι ἢ εἰς παραχειμασίαν ἢ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ὀνόματι, ἀλλ' εἶναι πανταχόθεν ἀνεπηρεάστους." "14.205 ὅσα τε μετὰ ταῦτα ἔσχον ἢ ἐπρίαντο καὶ διακατέσχον καὶ ἐνεμήθησαν, ταῦτα πάντα αὐτοὺς ἔχειν. ̓Ιόππην τε πόλιν, ἣν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ἔσχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ποιούμενοι τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους φιλίαν αὐτῶν εἶναι, καθὼς καὶ τὸ πρῶτον, ἡμῖν ἀρέσκει," "14.206 φόρους τε ὑπὲρ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ παῖδας αὐτοῦ παρὰ τῶν τὴν γῆν νεμομένων χώρας λιμένος ἐξαγωγίου κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν Σιδῶνι μοδίους δισμυρίους χοε ὑπεξαιρουμένου τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν σαββατικὸν καλοῦσιν, καθ' ὃν οὔτε ἀροῦσιν οὔτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν." '14.207 τάς τε κώμας τὰς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ, ἃς ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι πρότερον αὐτοῦ διακατέσχον, ἀρέσκει τῇ συγκλήτῳ ταῦτα ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις οἷς καὶ πρότερον εἶχον.' "14.208 μένειν δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀπ' ἀρχῆς δίκαια, ὅσα πρὸς ἀλλήλους ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ ἱερεῦσιν ἦν τά τε φιλάνθρωπα ὅσα τε τοῦ δήμου ψηφισαμένου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου ἔσχον. ἐπὶ τούτοις τε τοῖς δικαίοις χρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς ἐξεῖναι ἐν Λύδδοις." '14.209 τούς τε τόπους καὶ χώραν καὶ ἐποίκια, ὅσα βασιλεῦσι Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης συμμάχοις οὖσι ̔Ρωμαίων κατὰ δωρεὰν ὑπῆρχε καρποῦσθαι, ταῦτα δοκιμάζει ἡ σύγκλητος ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ἐθνάρχην καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχειν. 14.211 Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ τὸ τέταρτον ὕπατός τε τὸ πέμπτον δικτάτωρ ἀποδεδειγμένος διὰ βίου λόγους ἐποιήσατο περὶ τῶν δικαίων τῶν ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέως ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ἐθνάρχου τοιούτους:
14.215 καὶ γὰρ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὁ ἡμέτερος στρατηγὸς καὶ ὕπατος ἐν τῷ διατάγματι κωλύων θιάσους συνάγεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν μόνους τούτους οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν οὔτε χρήματα συνεισφέρειν οὔτε σύνδειπνα ποιεῖν.
14.226 ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν.
14.242 ἵνα τά τε σάββατα αὐτοῖς ἐξῇ ἄγειν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἱερὰ ἐπιτελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ὅπως τε μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάσσῃ διὰ τὸ φίλους αὐτοὺς ἡμετέρους εἶναι καὶ συμμάχους, ἀδικήσῃ τε μηδὲ εἷς αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἐπαρχίᾳ, ὡς Τραλλιανῶν τε ἀντειπόντων κατὰ πρόσωπον μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν δεδογμένοις ἐπέταξας ταῦτα οὕτως γίνεσθαι: παρακεκλῆσθαι δέ σε, ὥστε καὶ ἡμῖν γράψαι περὶ αὐτῶν.
14.245 Πρύτανις ̔Ερμοῦ υἱὸς πολίτης ὑμέτερος προσελθών μοι ἐν Τράλλεσιν ἄγοντι τὴν ἀγόραιον ἐδήλου παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν γνώμην ̓Ιουδαίοις ὑμᾶς προσφέρεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ πάτρια τελεῖν καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς μεταχειρίζεσθαι, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, αὐτόν τε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους εὐθυνκέναι τὸ δίκαιον ψήφισμα.' "
14.249 καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρη ἐμφανισάντων ἐδογμάτισεν ἡ σύγκλητος περὶ ὧν ἐποιήσαντο τοὺς λόγους, ὅπως μηδὲν ἀδικῇ ̓Αντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αντιόχου υἱὸς ̓Ιουδαίους συμμάχους ̔Ρωμαίων, ὅπως τε φρούρια καὶ λιμένας καὶ χώραν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀφείλετο αὐτῶν ἀποδοθῇ καὶ ἐξῇ αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν λιμένων μηδ' ἐξαγαγεῖν," 14.258 δεδόχθαι καὶ ἡμῖν ̓Ιουδαίων τοὺς βουλομένους ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ συντελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμους καὶ τὰς προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος. ἂν δέ τις κωλύσῃ ἢ ἄρχων ἢ ἰδιώτης, τῷδε τῷ ζημιώματι ὑπεύθυνος ἔστω καὶ ὀφειλέτω τῇ πόλει.
14.263 ἐπεὶ ἐντυχόντων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ̓Ιουδαίων Μάρκῳ ̓Ιουλίῳ Ποντίου υἱῷ Βρούτῳ ἀνθυπάτῳ, ὅπως ἄγωσι τὰ σάββατα καὶ πάντα ποιῶσιν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια αὐτῶν ἔθη μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἐμποδὼν γινομένου,' "14.491 ἀλλ' οὗτοι μὲν διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσιν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπέβαλον, μετέβη δ' εἰς ̔Ηρώδην τὸν ̓Αντιπάτρου οἰκίας ὄντα δημοτικῆς καὶ γένους ἰδιωτικοῦ καὶ ὑπακούοντος τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος τῆς ̓Ασσαμωναίων γενεᾶς παρειλήφαμεν." "
15.193 νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν τῇ πρὸς ̓Αντώνιον ὀργῇ κρίνεις καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν προθυμίαν, οὐκ ἂν εἴη μοι τῶν πεπραγμένων ἄρνησις οὐδ' ἀπαξιώσω τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ λέγειν, εἰ δὲ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀνελών, τίς εἰμι πρὸς τοὺς εὐεργέτας καὶ ποῖος φίλος ἐξετάζοις, ἐνέσται σοι πείρᾳ τῶν ἤδη γεγενημένων ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι: τοῦ γὰρ ὀνόματος ὑπαλλαγέντος οὐδὲν ἔλαττον αὐτὸ τὸ τῆς φιλίας βέβαιον ἐν ἡμῖν εὐδοκιμεῖν δυνήσεται.”" "15.194 Τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ παράπαν ἐμφαίνων τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐλευθέριον οὐ μετρίως ἐπεσπᾶτο τὸν Καίσαρα φιλότιμον ὄντα καὶ λαμπρόν, ὥστ' αὐτῷ τὰς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων αἰτίας σύστασιν ἤδη τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας πραγματεύεσθαι." '15.195 καὶ τό τε διάδημα πάλιν ἀποκαθίστησιν αὐτῷ καὶ προτρεψάμενος μηδὲν ἐλάττω περὶ αὐτὸν ἢ πρότερον ἦν περὶ τὸν ̓Αντώνιον φαίνεσθαι, διὰ πάσης ἦγε τιμῆς, προσθεὶς ὅτι καιταιδιος γράψειεν, ἁπάσῃ προθυμίᾳ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς μονομάχους αὐτῷ συλλαβέσθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην.
15.254 ̔Υρκανοῦ δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα μεταστήσαντος ̔Ηρώδης παραλαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν ἄρχοντα τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας καὶ Γάζης ἀποδείκνυσιν τὸν Κοστόβαρον καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Σαλώμην ̓Ιώσηπον ἀνελὼν τὸν εἰληφότα πρότερον αὐτήν, ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν.' "
15.333 κεῖται μὲν γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἐν τῇ Φοινίκῃ κατὰ τὸν εἰς Αἴγυπτον παράπλουν ̓Ιόππης μεταξὺ καὶ Δώρων, πολισμάτια ταῦτ' ἐστὶν παράλια δύσορμα διὰ τὰς κατὰ λίβα προσβολάς, αἳ ἀεὶ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ πόντου θῖνας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾐόνα σύρουσαι καταγωγὴν οὐ διδόασιν, ἀλλ' ἔστιν ἀναγκαῖον ἀποσαλεύειν τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἐπ' ἀγκύρας." "
15.371 ἀφείθησαν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης καὶ οἱ παρ' ἡμῖν ̓Εσσαῖοι καλούμενοι: γένος δὲ τοῦτ' ἔστιν διαίτῃ χρώμενον τῇ παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὑπὸ Πυθαγόρου καταδεδειγμένῃ." 15.403 Κατὰ δὲ τὴν βόρειον πλευρὰν ἀκρόπολις ἐγγώνιος εὐερκὴς ἐτετείχιστο διάφορος ἐχυρότητι. ταύτην οἱ πρὸ ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ ̓Ασαμωναίων γένους βασιλεῖς καὶ ἀρχιερεῖς ᾠκοδόμησαν καὶ βᾶριν ἐκάλεσαν, ὡς ἐκεῖ τὴν ἱερατικὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεῖσθαι στολήν, ἣν ὅταν δέῃ θύειν τότε μόνον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀμφιέννυται.' "
16.187 ἡμεῖς δὲ καὶ γένους ὄντες ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἐξ ̓Ασαμωναίου βασιλέων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο σὺν τιμῇ τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἔχοντες τὸ ψεύσασθαί τι περὶ αὐτῶν οὐκ εὐπρεπὲς ὑπειληφότες καθαρῶς καὶ δικαίως ἐκτίθεμεν τὰς πράξεις, πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἐγγόνων τῶν ἐκείνου καὶ βασιλεύοντας ἔτι δι' ἐντροπῆς ἔχοντες, τὴν δ' ἀλήθειαν πρὸ ἐκείνων τετιμηκότες, ἣν ὅτε δικαίως ἐγίνετο συνέβη τε παρ' αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις ὀργῆ τυγχάνειν." "
17.151 ἦν γὰρ τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ τινὰ πραγματευθέντα παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ἃ δὴ ἐπεκάλουν οἱ περὶ τὸν ̓Ιούδαν καὶ Ματθίαν. κατεσκευάκει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μεγάλου πυλῶνος τοῦ ναοῦ ἀνάθημα καὶ λίαν πολυτελές, ἀετὸν χρύσεον μέγαν: κωλύει δὲ ὁ νόμος εἰκόνων τε ἀναστάσεις ἐπινοεῖν καί τινων ζῴων ἀναθέσεις ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι τοῖς βιοῦν κατ' αὐτὸν προῃρημένοις." "
17.346 σκιδναμένων δὲ ἑτέρων ἐφ' ἑτέροις, οὐ γὰρ εἰς ἕνα ἔκειτο πᾶσιν ἀφήγησις, Σίμων ἀνὴρ γένος ̓Εσσαῖος ἀσφάλειαν αἰτησάμενος, μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων ἔλεγεν ̓Αρχελάῳ φέρειν τὴν ὄψιν οὐκ ἐπ' ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν:" "
18.11 ̓Ιουδαίοις φιλοσοφίαι τρεῖς ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου τῶν πατρίων, ἥ τε τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων, τρίτην δὲ ἐφιλοσόφουν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι λεγόμενοι. καὶ τυγχάνει μέντοι περὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν εἰρημένα ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαϊκοῦ πολέμου, μνησθήσομαι δ' ὅμως καὶ νῦν αὐτῶν ἐπ' ὀλίγον." "
18.11 ἐρασθεὶς δὲ ̔Ηρωδιάδος τῆς τούτου γυναικός, θυγάτηρ δὲ ἦν ̓Αριστοβούλου καὶ οὗτος ἀδελφὸς αὐτῶν, ̓Αγρίππου δὲ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ μεγάλου, τολμᾷ λόγων ἅπτεσθαι περὶ γάμου. καὶ δεξαμένης συνθῆκαι γίνονται μετοικίσασθαι παρ' αὐτόν, ὁπότε ἀπὸ ̔Ρώμης παραγένοιτο. ἦν δὲ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὥστε καὶ τοῦ ̓Αρέτα τὴν θυγατέρα ἐκβαλεῖν." 19.276 ̓Αντίοχον δὲ ἣν εἶχεν βασιλείαν ἀφελόμενος Κιλικίας μέρει τινὶ καὶ Κομμαγηνῇ δωρεῖται. λύει δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρον τὸν ἀλαβάρχην φίλον ἀρχαῖον αὐτῷ γεγονότα καὶ ̓Αντωνίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτροπεύσαντα τὴν μητέρα ὀργῇ τῇ Γαί̈ου δεδεμένον, καὶ αὐτοῦ υἱὸς Βερενίκην τὴν ̓Αγρίππου γαμεῖ θυγατέρα.' "
20.206 εἶχεν δ' οἰκέτας πάνυ μοχθηρούς, οἳ συναναστρεφόμενοι τοῖς θρασυτάτοις ἐπὶ τὰς ἅλωνας πορευόμενοι τὰς τῶν ἱερέων δεκάτας ἐλάμβανον βιαζόμενοι καὶ τοὺς μὴ διδόντας οὐκ ἀπείχοντο τύπτειν," '20.207 οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς ὅμοια τοῖς ἐκείνου δούλοις ἔπρασσον μηδενὸς κωλύειν δυναμένου. καὶ τῶν ἱερέων τοὺς πάλαι ταῖς δεκάταις τρεφομένους τότε συνέβαινε θνήσκειν τροφῆς ἀπορίᾳ.
20.229 τὸ γὰρ πρῶτον ἕως τοῦ βίου τελευτῆς τὰς ἀρχιερωσύνας εἶχον, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ παρὰ ζώντων διεδέχοντο. οἱ τοίνυν δεκατρεῖς οὗτοι τῶν δύο παίδων ̓Ααρῶνος ὄντες ἔγγονοι κατὰ διαδοχὴν τὴν τιμὴν παρελάμβανον. ἐγένετο δὲ αὐτῶν ἀριστοκρατικὴ μὲν ἡ πρώτη πολιτεία, μετὰ ταύτην δὲ μοναρχία, βασιλέων δὲ τρίτη.
20.251 καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐπολιτεύσαντο ἐπί τε ̔Ηρώδου βασιλεύοντος καὶ ἐπὶ ̓Αρχελάου τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τούτων τελευτὴν ἀριστοκρατία μὲν ἦν ἡ πολιτεία, τὴν δὲ προστασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐπεπίστευντο. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἱκανὰ ταῦτα.' ' None | sup>
11.111 So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed with an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government;
11.321 4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius.
12.138 “King Antiochus To Ptolemy, Sendeth Greeting.12.139 we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the city. 12.141 And these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render the temple more glorious; 12.142 and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also. 12.143 And that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperberetus. 12.144 We also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired. And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their substance be restored to them.”
12.225 And when he was dead, Onias his son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an embassage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows:
12.237 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left or Onias IV. was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child.
12.387 Now as to Onias, the son of the high priest, who, as we before informed you, was left a child when his father died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle Menelaus, and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the high priest stock, but was induced by Lysias to translate that dignity from his family to another house, he fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt; 12.388 and when he found he was in great esteem with him, and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and obtained a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a temple like to that at Jerusalem; of which therefore we shall hereafter give an account, in a place more proper for it.
13.48 “King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship for us, and when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have not joined yourselves to them, I both commend you for this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same disposition, for which you shall be repaid, and receive rewards from us; 13.49 for I will free you from the greatest part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from those tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to offer to me and instead of the third part of the fruits of the field, and the half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day: 13.51 I will also that the city of Jerusalem be holy and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to himself, that they may keep it for us. 13.52 I also make free all those Jews who have been made captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also give order that the beasts of the Jews be not pressed for our service; and let their sabbaths, and all their festivals, and three days before each of them, be free from any imposition. 13.53 In the same manner, I set free the Jews that are inhabitants of my kingdom, and order that no injury be done them. I also give leave to such of them as are willing to list themselves in my army, that they may do it, and those as far as thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, shall have the same pay that my own army hath; and some of them I will place in my garrisons, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers over those that are in my court. 13.54 I give them leave also to use the laws of their forefathers, and to observe them; and I will that they have power over the three toparchies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the power of the high priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any other temple for worship but only that at Jerusalem. 13.55 I bequeath also, out of my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the sacrifices, one hundred and fifty thousand drachmae; and what money is to spare, I will that it shall be your own. I also release to you those ten thousand drachmae which the kings received from the temple, because they appertain to the priests that minister in that temple. 13.56 And whosoever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto belonging, or who owe the king money, or are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let their goods be in safety. 13.57 I also give you leave to repair and rebuild your temple, and that all be done at my expenses. I also allow you to build the walls of your city, and to erect high towers, and that they be erected at my charge. And if there be any fortified town that would be convenient for the Jewish country to have very strong, let it be so built at my expenses.”
13.62 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 13.63 out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64 The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65 “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, 13.66 where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67 I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68 for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.71 But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 13.73 However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple.
13.166 a copy of which here follows: “Jonathan the high priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting. If you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. 13.167 When in former times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our high priest, from Areus, who at that time was your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred that was between us and you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, although we did not need such a demonstration, because we were well satisfied about it from the sacred writing 13.168 yet did not we think fit first to begin the claim of this relation to you, lest we should seem too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is now given us by you. It is a long time since this relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your preservation and victory. 13.169 As to ourselves, although we have had many wars that have compassed us around, by reason of the covetousness of our neighbors, yet did not we determine to be troublesome either to you, or to others that were related to us; but since we have now overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Antipater the son of Jason, who are both honorable men belonging to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that they might renew that friendship which is between us.
13.172 Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.173 And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War.
13.213 7. But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the very first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to them no longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute they obtained after a hundred and seventy years of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the dominion over Syria. 13.214 Now the affection of the multitude towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts one with another, and in their public records, they wrote, “in the first year of Simon the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;” for under him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that were round about them; 13.215 for Simon overthrew the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any more a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought it their best way, and most for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it. 13.216 And indeed, when he had called the multitude to an assembly, he persuaded them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind what miseries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters, and what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel. 13.217 This speech induced the multitude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to do nothing but what was for their own good: so they all set themselves to the work, and leveled the mountain, and in that work spent both day and night without any intermission, which cost them three whole years before it was removed, and brought to an entire level with the plain of the rest of the city. After which the temple was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel, as well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished. And these actions were thus performed under Simon. 13.218 1. Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus, the son of Alexander, who was also called The God, and this when he had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he died under the hands of the surgeons.
13.245 3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and when he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the nation, by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable, and did not regard what they said.
13.249 4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity,
13.254 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. 13.255 However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, 13.256 who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted two hundred years after it was built. 13.257 Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; 13.258 and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews.
13.267 3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But as for king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man. But when they had sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he would send them one of the family of Seleucus, in order to take the kingdom,
13.272 But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace;
13.285 for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Aias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere related. 13.286 Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army, and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus, 13.287 “Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias’s party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Aias were in chief favor with the queen.” These are the words of Strabo.
13.292 And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, “We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. “ This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him. 13.293 6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus’s, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved? 13.294 for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. 13.295 At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far, 13.296 that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: 13.297 but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 13.298 And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs.
13.311 But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come?
13.318 He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. 13.319 He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: “This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.”
13.322 when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God’s representing to him the countece of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus;
13.324 2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner that he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato’s Tower and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus.
13.326 but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato’s Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais;
13.328 The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. 13.329 And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so he was elevated at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible. 13.331 for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible. 13.332 Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. 13.333 This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great concern.
13.335 and promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus;
13.337 and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy’s intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty thousand He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the Sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey. 13.338 5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, not far from the river Jordan, and pitched his camp near to the enemy.
13.344 for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own country.
13.353 in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. 13.354 But Aias’s counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that “she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; for,” said he, “I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies.” 13.355 This desire of Aias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria. 13.356 3. So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Celesyria. He also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also Amathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alexander’s baggage. 13.357 Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. 13.358 But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. 13.359 But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. 13.361 but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander, 13.362 who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews; 13.363 and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; 13.364 but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo’s temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege.
13.371 Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related.
13.374 He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus durst not fight with him; 13.375 but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem, 13.376 where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them. 13.377 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. 13.378 Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also.
13.381 This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose; 13.382 nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him. 13.383 However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity.
13.393 3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it; and then made an expedition against Essa, where was the best part of Zeno’s treasures, and there he encompassed the place with three walls; and when he had taken the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and Seleucia; 13.394 and when he had taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley which is called The Valley of Antiochus, as also the fortress of Gamala. He also accused Demetrius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, and turned him out; and after he had spent three years in this war, he returned to his own country, when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his good success. 13.395 4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato’s Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; 13.396 in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia and Gabala; 13.397 in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed.
13.409 So she had indeed the name of the regent, but the Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who restored such as had been banished, and set such as were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once, they differed in nothing from lords. However, the queen also took care of the affairs of the kingdom, and got together a great body of mercenary soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree, that she became terrible to the neighboring tyrants, and took hostages of them:
13.432 and, indeed, her management during her administration while she was alive, was such as filled the palace after her death with calamities and disturbance. However, although this had been her way of governing, she preserved the nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of the affairs of, Alexandra.
14.9 It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter.
14.9 which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander’s mother, who was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked;
14.18 But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim;
14.18 Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.
14.41 However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things.
14.41 and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and they complained, that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them.
14.74 and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.75 Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: 14.76 these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato’s Tower; which last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.
14.78 Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places.
14.113 Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates.
14.127 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128 for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129 and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131 But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132 and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.133 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; 14.134 and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. 14.135 He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s fifty. 14.136 So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements. 14.137 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where;
14.168 4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. 14.169 Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded to his enemies. 14.171 But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. 14.172 When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, “O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment: 14.173 but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death. 14.174 Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also.” 14.175 Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, 14.176 for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:—which things will be related by us in their proper places. 14.177 5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape.
14.191 I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin.
14.194 for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195 I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197 and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198 that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.” 14.199 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.201 and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let in the Sabbatic period, a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 14.203 and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year of that sabbatical period, the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204 And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205 and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206 and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207 It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208 and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209 It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. 14.211 7. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews.
14.215 for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers.
14.226 Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;—
14.242 wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them.
14.245 Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require:
14.249 and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens;
14.258 we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.”
14.263 Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.491 but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.
15.193 Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will not be disapproved by thee.” 15.194 7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Caesar’s good-will. 15.195 Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiators.
15.254 but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of his uncle Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already.
15.333 This city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station; but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself.
15.371 The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere.
15.403 4. Now on the north side of the temple was built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice.
16.187 As for ourselves, who come of a family nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have an honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to say any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have described their actions after an unblemished and upright manner. And although we reverence many of Herod’s posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to them, and this though it sometimes happens that we incur their displeasure by so doing.
17.151 for Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images or representations of any living creature.
17.346 And when he was awake and gotten up, because the vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about dreams. And while some were of one opinion, and some of another, (for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of the sect of the Essenes, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that not for the better;
18.11 2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essenes, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.
18.11 However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter.
19.276 he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son Marcus married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa.
20.206 he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them. 20.207 So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that some of the priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food.
20.229 for at the first they held the high priesthood till the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another; for their form of government was an aristocracy, and after that a monarchy, and in the third place the government was regal.
20.251 Some of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said concerning our high priests.' ' None |
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22. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.1, 1.3, 1.50, 1.61, 1.78, 1.89, 1.104-1.105, 1.108, 1.110-1.113, 1.152-1.153, 1.155-1.157, 1.170, 1.208-1.211, 1.387, 1.409, 1.648-1.650, 2.113, 2.220, 2.228-2.231, 2.309, 2.409, 2.454, 3.43, 3.352, 4.468, 7.161-7.162, 7.218, 7.427-7.432 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandra (Hasmonean) • Aristobulus I, Hasmonean king, converted Itureans • Aristobulus II (Hasmonean) • Book of Judith, criticizes Hasmoneans? • Dead Sea and area, and the Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean • Hasmonean Revolt • Hasmonean Rule/Rulers • Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean dynasty, Dead Sea territory of • Hasmonean dynasty, Essene opposition to • Hasmonean dynasty, fortresses and settlements of • Hasmonean kingdom • Hasmonean period • Hasmonean period, conquest during • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans (dynasty, period) • Hasmoneans, Simon • Hasmoneans, and taxation policy • Hasmoneans, attitude towards religious benefaction of non-Judeans • Hasmoneans, influence on Judith • Hasmoneans, kingdom of, extent of, at time of conquest by Pompey • Hasmoneans, taxes of • Hasmoneans,, state • Jericho,Hasmonean fortress/palace in • Jonathan (Hasmonean) • Josephus Dead Sea area, Hasmonean expansion in • Josephus, attitude towards the Hasmonean dynasty • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt • Mariamne the Hasmonean • Nabataea/Nabataeans,war with Hasmoneans • Simon (Hasmonean) • Simon the Hasmonean, Joppa captured by • Simon the Hasmonean, delivered Jews from Seleucid yoke • balsam (opobalsam), and the Hasmoneans • kings, Hasmonean • pre-Maccabean/Hasmonean • taxation, Hasmonean • taxes, Hasmonean system
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 125, 127; Ben-Eliyahu (2019), Identity and Territory : Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. 52, 53; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 129; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 239, 240; Fraade (2011), Legal Fictions: Studies of Law and Narrative in the Discursive Worlds of Ancient Jewish Sectarians and Sages, 299, 329, 341; Ganzel and Holtz (2020), Contextualizing Jewish Temples, 162; Gera (2014), Judith, 42; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 132, 144, 174, 227, 228; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 170, 178; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 21; Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 25, 26; Noam (2018), Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature, 198; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 36, 38, 48, 52, 105, 130, 285, 326, 389, 419; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 110, 264; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 56; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 57; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 60, 61, 92, 93, 94, 225, 240; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 289, 543, 544, 577; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 10, 22, 23, 59; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 111, 113, 168, 181
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1.1 ̓Επειδὴ τὸν ̓Ιουδαίων πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμον συστάντα μέγιστον οὐ μόνον τῶν καθ' ἡμᾶς, σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ ὧν ἀκοῇ παρειλήφαμεν ἢ πόλεων πρὸς πόλεις ἢ ἐθνῶν ἔθνεσι συρραγέντων, οἱ μὲν οὐ παρατυχόντες τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἀλλ' ἀκοῇ συλλέγοντες εἰκαῖα καὶ ἀσύμφωνα διηγήματα σοφιστικῶς ἀναγράφουσιν," 1.1 ὅτι γὰρ αὐτὴν στάσις οἰκεία καθεῖλεν, καὶ τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων χεῖρας ἀκούσας καὶ τὸ πῦρ ἐπὶ τὸν ναὸν εἵλκυσαν οἱ ̓Ιουδαίων τύραννοι, μάρτυς αὐτὸς ὁ πορθήσας Καῖσαρ Τίτος, ἐν παντὶ τῷ πολέμῳ τὸν μὲν δῆμον ἐλεήσας ὑπὸ τῶν στασιαστῶν φρουρούμενον, πολλάκις δὲ ἑκὼν τὴν ἅλωσιν τῆς πόλεως ὑπερτιθέμενος καὶ διδοὺς τῇ πολιορκίᾳ χρόνον εἰς μετάνοιαν τῶν αἰτίων.
1.1 οὐ μὴν εἶρξαί γε τὸν ̓Αντίοχον ἴσχυσεν: ἐμπρήσας γὰρ τοὺς πύργους καὶ τὴν τάφρον χώσας διήλαυνε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. θέμενος δὲ ἐν δευτέρῳ τὴν πρὸς τὸν κωλύσαντα ἄμυναν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς ̓́Αραβας ᾔει.
1.3 Ταῦτα πάντα περιλαβὼν ἐν ἑπτὰ βιβλίοις καὶ μηδεμίαν τοῖς ἐπισταμένοις τὰ πράγματα καὶ παρατυχοῦσι τῷ πολέμῳ καταλιπὼν ἢ μέμψεως ἀφορμὴν ἢ κατηγορίας, τοῖς γε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνέγραψα. ποιήσομαι δὲ ταύτην τῆς ἐξηγήσεως ἀρχήν, ἣν καὶ τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐποιησάμην.' "
1.3 προυθέμην ἐγὼ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ̔Ελλάδι γλώσσῃ μεταβαλὼν ἃ τοῖς ἄνω βαρβάροις τῇ πατρίῳ συντάξας ἀνέπεμψα πρότερον ἀφηγήσασθαι ̓Ιώσηπος Ματθίου παῖς ἐξ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἱερεύς, αὐτός τε ̔Ρωμαίους πολεμήσας τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τοῖς ὕστερον παρατυχὼν ἐξ ἀνάγκης:
1.3 ταῦτ' ἀκούσας ̓Αντίγονος διέπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν εἴργειν καὶ λοχᾶν τοὺς σιτηγοὺς κελεύων. οἱ δ' ὑπήκουον, καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦντα συνηθροίσθη: διεκαθέζοντο δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρῶν παραφυλάσσοντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐκκομίζοντας." "
1.61 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ κατ' ὀργὴν ὧν ὑπὸ Σίμωνος ἔπαθεν, στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν προσκαθεζόμενος τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις. ὁ δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς δὴ πλουσιώτατος βασιλέων ἐγένετο, καὶ ὑφελόμενος ὑπὲρ τρισχίλια τάλαντα χρημάτων τόν τε ̓Αντίοχον ἀνίστησι τῆς πολιορκίας πείσας τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις καὶ δὴ καὶ ξενοτροφεῖν πρῶτος ̓Ιουδαίων ἐκ τῆς περιουσίας ἤρξατο." "
1.61 τότε δ' ἐν Κιλικίᾳ λαβὼν ἣν προειρήκαμεν παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιστολὴν παραχρῆμα μὲν ἔσπευδεν, ὡς δὲ εἰς Κελένδεριν κατέπλει, λαμβάνει τις αὐτὸν ἔννοια τῶν περὶ τὴν μητέρα κακῶν προμαντευομένης ἤδη καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὴν τῆς ψυχῆς." "
1.78 Θαυμάσαι δ' ἄν τις ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ̓Ιούδαν, ̓Εσσαῖος ἦν γένος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε πταίσας ἢ ψευσθεὶς ἐν τοῖς προαπαγγέλμασιν, ὃς ἐπειδὴ καὶ τότε τὸν ̓Αντίγονον ἐθεάσατο παριόντα διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους ἀνέκραγεν, ἦσαν δ' οὐκ ὀλίγοι παρεδρεύοντες αὐτῷ τῶν μανθανόντων," 1.89 κτείνας δὲ τῶν ἐπαναστάντων ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους ̓Αραβίας ἥπτετο καὶ ταύτης ἑλὼν Γαλααδίτας καὶ Μωαβίτας φόρον τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξας ἀνέστρεψεν ἐπὶ ̓Αμαθοῦν. Θεοδώρου δὲ πρὸς τὰς εὐπραγίας αὐτὸν καταπλαγέντος ἔρημον λαβὼν τὸ φρούριον κατέσκαψεν.
1.104 ̓Αλέξανδρος δὲ Πέλλαν ἑλὼν ἐπὶ Γέρασαν ᾔει πάλιν τῶν Θεοδώρου κτημάτων γλιχόμενος, καὶ τρισὶ τοὺς φρουροὺς περιβόλοις ἀποτειχίσας διὰ μάχης τὸ χωρίον παραλαμβάνει.' "
1.105 καταστρέφεται δὲ καὶ Γαυλάνην καὶ Σελεύκειαν καὶ τὴν ̓Αντιόχου φάραγγα καλουμένην, πρὸς οἷς Γάμαλα φρούριον καρτερὸν ἑλών, τὸν ἄρχοντα Δημήτριον ἐν αὐτῷ παραλύσας ἐκ πολλῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἐπάνεισιν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν, τρία πληρώσας ἔτη τῆς στρατείας. ἀσμένως δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐδέχθη διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν, καὶ λαμβάνει τὴν ἀνάπαυσιν τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἀρχὴν νόσου."
1.108 καὶ οὐ διήμαρτεν τῆς ἐλπίδος: ἐκράτησεν γὰρ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ γύναιον διὰ δόξαν εὐσεβείας: ἠκρίβου γὰρ δὴ μάλιστα τοῦ νόμου τὰ πάτρια καὶ τοὺς πλημμελοῦντας εἰς τοὺς ἱεροὺς νόμους ἐξ ἀρχῆς προεβάλλετο.' "
1.111 τούτοις περισσὸν δή τι προσεῖχεν ἡ ̓Αλεξάνδρα σεσοβημένη περὶ τὸ θεῖον. οἱ δὲ τὴν ἁπλότητα τῆς ἀνθρώπου κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπιόντες ἤδη καὶ διοικηταὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐγίνοντο διώκειν τε καὶ κατάγειν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν, λύειν τε καὶ δεσμεῖν. καθόλου δὲ αἱ μὲν ἀπολαύσεις τῶν βασιλείων ἐκείνων ἦσαν, τὰ δ' ἀναλώματα καὶ αἱ δυσχέρειαι τῆς ̓Αλεξάνδρας." "
1.112 δεινὴ δ' ἦν τὰ μείζω διοικεῖν, δύναμίν τε ἀεὶ συγκροτοῦσα διπλασίονα κατέστησεν καὶ ξενικὴν συνήγαγεν οὐκ ὀλίγην, ὡς μὴ μόνον κρατύνεσθαι τὸ οἰκεῖον ἔθνος, φοβερὰν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἔξωθεν εἶναι δυνάσταις. ἐκράτει δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων αὐτή, Φαρισαῖοι δ' αὐτῆς." "
1.113 Διογένην γοῦν τινα τῶν ἐπισήμων φίλον ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ γεγενημένον κτείνουσιν αὐτοὶ σύμβουλον ἐγκαλοῦντες γεγονέναι περὶ τῶν ἀνασταυρωθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀκτακοσίων. ἐνῆγον δὲ τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν εἰς τὸ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους διαχειρίσασθαι τῶν παροξυνάντων ἐπ' ἐκείνους τὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον: ἐνδιδούσης δ' ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἀνῄρουν οὓς ἐθέλοιεν αὐτοί."
1.152 Οὐδὲν δὲ οὕτως ἐν ταῖς τότε συμφοραῖς καθήψατο τοῦ ἔθνους ὡς τὸ τέως ἀόρατον ἅγιον ἐκκαλυφθὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων: παρελθὼν γοῦν σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Πομπήιος εἰς τὸν ναόν, ἔνθα μόνῳ θεμιτὸν ἦν παριέναι τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, τὰ ἔνδον ἐθεάσατο, λυχνίαν τε καὶ λύχνους καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ θυμιατήρια, ὁλόχρυσα πάντα, πλῆθός τε ἀρωμάτων σεσωρευμένον καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς τάλαντα δισχίλια.' "
1.153 οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶραι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ' ἀποδείξας ̔Υρκανὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίᾳ πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο." "
1.155 ̓Αφελόμενος δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὰς ἐν κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πόλεις, ἃς εἷλον, ὑπέταξεν τῷ κατ' ἐκεῖνο ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγῷ κατατεταγμένῳ καὶ μόνοις αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἰδίοις ὅροις περιέκλεισεν. ἀνακτίζει δὲ καὶ Γάδαρα ὑπὸ ̓Ιουδαίων κατεστραμμένην Γαδαρεῖ τινὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπελευθέρων Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος." "
1.156 ἠλευθέρωσεν δὲ ἀπ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ μεσογείᾳ πόλεις, ὅσας μὴ φθάσαντες κατέσκαψαν, ̔́Ιππον Σκυθόπολίν τε καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Σαμάρειαν καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ Μάρισαν ̓́Αζωτόν τε καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς παραλίους Γάζαν ̓Ιόππην Δῶρα καὶ τὴν πάλαι μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον καλουμένην, ὕστερον δὲ μετακτισθεῖσάν τε ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου βασιλέως λαμπροτάτοις κατασκευάσμασιν καὶ μετονομασθεῖσαν Καισάρειαν." 1.157 ἃς πάσας τοῖς γνησίοις ἀποδοὺς πολίταις κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν Συριακὴν ἐπαρχίαν. παραδοὺς δὲ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ μέχρις Αἰγύπτου καὶ Εὐφράτου Σκαύρῳ διέπειν καὶ δύο τῶν ταγμάτων, αὐτὸς διὰ Κιλικίας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἠπείγετο τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἄγων μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς αἰχμάλωτον.' "
1.208 ̓Αμήχανον δ' ἐν εὐπραγίαις φθόνον διαφυγεῖν: ̔Υρκανὸς γοῦν ἤδη μὲν καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἡσυχῆ πρὸς τὸ κλέος τῶν νεανίσκων ἐδάκνετο, μάλιστα δὲ ἐλύπει τὰ ̔Ηρώδου κατορθώματα καὶ κήρυκες ἐπάλληλοι τῆς καθ' ἕκαστον εὐδοξίας προστρέχοντες πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις βασκάνων ἠρέθιζον, οἷς ἢ τὸ τῶν παίδων ἢ τὸ ̓Αντιπάτρου σωφρονικὸν προσίστατο," "1.209 λέγοντες ὡς ̓Αντιπάτρῳ καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ παραχωρήσας τῶν πραγμάτων καθέζοιτο τοὔνομα μόνον βασιλέως ἔχων ἔρημον ἐξουσίας. καὶ μέχρι τοῦ πλανηθήσεται καθ' ἑαυτοῦ βασιλεῖς ἐπιτρέφων; οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν αὐτοὺς ἔτι, φανεροὺς δὲ εἶναι δεσπότας παρωσαμένους ἐκεῖνον, εἴ γε μήτε ἐντολὰς δόντος μήτε ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτοῦ τοσούτους παρὰ τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων νόμον ἀνῄρηκεν ̔Ηρώδης: ὅν, εἰ μὴ βασιλεύς ἐστιν ἀλλ' ἔτι ἰδιώτης, δεῖν ἐπὶ δίκην ἥκειν ἀποδώσοντα λόγον αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, οἳ κτείνειν ἀκρίτους οὐκ ἐφιᾶσιν." '1.211 Σέξτος δὲ Καῖσαρ δείσας περὶ τῷ νεανίᾳ, μή τι παρὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀποληφθεὶς πάθῃ, πέμπει πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τοὺς παραγγελοῦντας διαρρήδην ἀπολύειν ̔Ηρώδην τῆς φονικῆς δίκης. ὁ δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ὡρμημένος, ἠγάπα γὰρ ̔Ηρώδην, ἀποψηφίζεται.
1.387 ὅ γε μὴν βασιλεὺς ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τῷ κινδύνῳ διέγνω, καὶ πλεύσας εἰς ̔Ρόδον, ἔνθα διέτριβεν Καῖσαρ, πρόσεισιν αὐτῷ δίχα διαδήματος, τὴν μὲν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὸ σχῆμα ἰδιώτης, τὸ δὲ φρόνημα βασιλεύς: μηδὲν γοῦν τῆς ἀληθείας ὑποστειλάμενος ἄντικρυς εἶπεν:' "
1.409 μεταξὺ γὰρ Δώρων καὶ ̓Ιόππης, ὧν ἡ πόλις μέση κεῖται, πᾶσαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν τὴν παράλιον ἀλίμενον, ὡς πάντα τὸν τὴν Φοινίκην ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου παραπλέοντα σαλεύειν ἐν πελάγει διὰ τὴν ἐκ λιβὸς ἀπειλήν, ᾧ καὶ μετρίως ἐπαυρίζοντι τηλικοῦτον ἐπεγείρεται κῦμα πρὸς ταῖς πέτραις, ὥστε τὴν ὑποστροφὴν τοῦ κύματος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξαγριοῦν τὴν θάλασσαν." "
1.648 Γίνεται δ' ἐν ταῖς συμφοραῖς αὐτῷ καὶ δημοτική τις ἐπανάστασις. δύο ἦσαν σοφισταὶ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν μάλιστα δοκοῦντες ἀκριβοῦν τὰ πάτρια καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν παντὶ τῷ ἔθνει μεγίστης ἠξιωμένοι δόξης, ̓Ιούδας τε υἱὸς Σεπφεραίου καὶ Ματθίας ἕτερος Μαργάλου." '1.649 τούτοις οὐκ ὀλίγοι προσῄεσαν τῶν νέων ἐξηγουμένοις τοὺς νόμους, καὶ συνεῖχον ὁσημέραι τῶν ἡβώντων στρατόπεδον. οἳ τότε τὸν βασιλέα πυνθανόμενοι ταῖς ἀθυμίαις ὑπορρέοντα καὶ τῇ νόσῳ λόγον καθίεσαν εἰς τοὺς γνωρίμους, ὡς ἄρα καιρὸς ἐπιτηδειότατος εἴη τιμωρεῖν ἤδη τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὰ κατασκευασθέντα παρὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἔργα κατασπᾶν.' "
2.113 ἄλλων δ' ἄλλως ἐξηγουμένων Σίμων τις ̓Εσσαῖος τὸ γένος ἔφη τοὺς μὲν στάχυς ἐνιαυτοὺς νομίζειν, βόας δὲ μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ τὴν χώραν ἀροτριῶντας ἀλλάσσειν: ὥστε βασιλεύσειν μὲν αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν ἀσταχύων ἀριθμόν, ἐν ποικίλαις δὲ πραγμάτων μεταβολαῖς γενόμενον τελευτήσειν. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ̓Αρχέλαος μετὰ πέντε ἡμέρας ἐπὶ τὴν δίκην ἐκλήθη." 2.228 Μετελάμβανεν δὲ ταύτην τὴν συμφορὰν ἄλλος λῃστρικὸς θόρυβος. κατὰ γὰρ τὴν Βαιθωρὼ δημοσίαν ὁδὸν Στεφάνου τινὸς δούλου Καίσαρος ἀποσκευὴν κομιζομένην διήρπασαν λῃσταὶ προσπεσόντες. 2.229 Κουμανὸς δὲ περιπέμψας τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πλησίον κωμῶν δεσμώτας ἐκέλευσεν ἀνάγεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπικαλῶν ὅτι μὴ διώξαντες τοὺς λῃστὰς συλλάβοιεν. ἔνθα τῶν στρατιωτῶν τις εὑρὼν ἔν τινι κώμῃ τὸν ἱερὸν νόμον διέρρηξέν τε τὸ βιβλίον καὶ εἰς πῦρ κατέβαλεν. 2.231 ὁ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἠρέμει τὸ πλῆθος, εἰ μὴ τύχοι παραμυθίας, ἠξίου τε προάγειν τὸν στρατιώτην καὶ διὰ μέσων τῶν αἰτιωμένων ἀπαχθῆναι τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ κελεύει. καὶ ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν ἀνεχώρουν.
2.309 Κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας ἔτυχεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πεπορευμένος, ὅπως ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ συνησθείη πεπιστευμένῳ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑπὸ Νέρωνος καὶ πεμφθέντι διέπειν.' "
2.409 ἅμα δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ̓Ελεάζαρος υἱὸς ̓Ανανία τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, νεανίας θρασύτατος, στρατηγῶν τότε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν λατρείαν λειτουργοῦντας ἀναπείθει μηδενὸς ἀλλοτρίου δῶρον ἢ θυσίαν προσδέχεσθαι. τοῦτο δ' ἦν τοῦ πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πολέμου καταβολή: τὴν γὰρ ὑπὲρ τούτων θυσίαν Καίσαρος ἀπέρριψαν." 2.454 οἱ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάγησαν ἅπαντες πλὴν Μετιλίου, τοῦτον γὰρ ἱκετεύσαντα καὶ μέχρι περιτομῆς ἰουδαί̈σειν ὑποσχόμενον διέσωσαν μόνον, τὸ δὲ πάθος ̔Ρωμαίοις μὲν ἦν κοῦφον, ἐκ γὰρ ἀπλέτου δυνάμεως ἀπαναλώθησαν ὀλίγοι, ̓Ιουδαίων δὲ προοίμιον ἁλώσεως ἔδοξεν.
3.43 ἵν' οὗτοι μὲν κατὰ χώραν μένοντες φρουρῶσι τὸ στρατόπεδον, οἱ δ' ἱππεῖς προνομεύωσι τὴν πέριξ καὶ τὰς περιοίκους κώμας τε καὶ πολίχνας ἐξαιρῶσιν τῆς ̓Ιόππης." 3.43 προσησκήθη γοῦν ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκητόρων πᾶσα, καὶ μέρος αὐτῆς ἀργὸν οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλεις πυκναὶ καὶ τὸ τῶν κωμῶν πλῆθος πανταχοῦ πολυάνθρωπον διὰ τὴν εὐθηνίαν, ὡς τὴν ἐλαχίστην ὑπὲρ πεντακισχιλίους πρὸς τοῖς μυρίοις ἔχειν οἰκήτορας.' "
3.352 ἦν δὲ καὶ περὶ κρίσεις ὀνείρων ἱκανὸς συμβαλεῖν τὰ ἀμφιβόλως ὑπὸ τοῦ θείου λεγόμενα, τῶν γε μὴν ἱερῶν βίβλων οὐκ ἠγνόει τὰς προφητείας ὡς ἂν αὐτός τε ὢν ἱερεὺς καὶ ἱερέων ἔγγονος:
4.468 τῶν δὲ φοινίκων ἐπαρδομένων γένη πολλὰ ταῖς γεύσεσι καὶ ταῖς παρηγορίαις διάφορα: τούτων οἱ πιότεροι πατούμενοι καὶ μέλι δαψιλὲς ἀνιᾶσιν οὐ πολλῷ τοῦ λοιποῦ χεῖρον.' "
7.161 ἀνέθηκε δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χρυσᾶ κατασκευάσματα σεμνυνόμενος ἐπ' αὐτοῖς." '7.162 τὸν δὲ νόμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ πορφυρᾶ τοῦ σηκοῦ καταπετάσματα προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀποθεμένους φυλάττειν.
7.218 φόρον δὲ τοῖς ὁπουδηποτοῦν οὖσιν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέβαλεν δύο δραχμὰς ἕκαστον κελεύσας ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρειν, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰς τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις νεὼν συνετέλουν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τότε τοιαύτην εἶχε κατάστασιν.
7.427 φρούριον ἔνθα κατασκευασάμενος ̓Ονίας τὸν μὲν ναὸν οὐχ ὅμοιον ᾠκοδόμησε τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις, ἀλλὰ πύργῳ παραπλήσιον λίθων μεγάλων εἰς ἑξήκοντα πήχεις ἀνεστηκότα: 7.428 τοῦ βωμοῦ δὲ τὴν κατασκευὴν πρὸς τὸν οἰκεῖον ἐξεμιμήσατο καὶ τοῖς ἀναθήμασιν ὁμοίως ἐκόσμησεν χωρὶς τῆς περὶ τὴν λυχνίαν κατασκευῆς: 7.429 οὐ γὰρ ἐποίησε λυχνίαν, αὐτὸν δὲ χαλκευσάμενος λύχνον χρυσοῦν ἐπιφαίνοντα σέλας χρυσῆς ἁλύσεως ἐξεκρέμασε. τὸ δὲ τέμενος πᾶν ὀπτῇ πλίνθῳ περιτετείχιστο πύλας ἔχον λιθίνας.' "7.431 οὐ μὴν ̓Ονίας ἐξ ὑγιοῦς γνώμης ταῦτα ἔπραττεν, ἀλλ' ἦν αὐτῷ φιλονεικία πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ̓Ιουδαίους ὀργὴν τῆς φυγῆς ἀπομνημονεύοντι, καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνόμιζε κατασκευάσας εἰς αὐτὸ περισπάσειν ἀπ' ἐκείνων τὸ πλῆθος." "7.432 ἐγεγόνει δέ τις καὶ παλαιὰ πρόρρησις ἔτεσί που πρόσθεν ἑξακοσίοις: ̔Ησαί̈ας ὄνομα τῷ προαγορεύσαντι τοῦδε τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ γενησομένην ὑπ' ἀνδρὸς ̓Ιουδαίου κατασκευήν. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἱερὸν οὕτως ἐπεποίητο." " None | sup>
1.1 1. Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner;
1.1 But still he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches, and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians,
1.1 For that it was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it; and that they were the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple; Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance.
1.3 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves with fictitious relations. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter.
1.3 I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward am the author of this work.
1.3 When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions.
1.61 5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simeon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.
1.61 However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother’s misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself.
1.78 5. And truly anyone would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essenes, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars),
1.89 And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.
1.104 But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus’s possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force.
1.105 He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper;
1.108 Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws.
1.111 Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed men at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra.
1.112 She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her.
1.113 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men before mentioned. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves.
1.152 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money.
1.153 Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror.
1.155 7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara,
1.156 and was one of his own freedmen. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,—such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Caesarea, by king Herod.
1.157 All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives.
1.208 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. 1.209 These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 1.211 However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod.
1.387 However, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spoke thus before his face:—
1.409 for the case was this, that all the seashore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way.
1.648 2. There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city Jerusalem, who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their country, and were on that account held in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the son of Margalus. 1.649 There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their country;
2.113 and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essenes, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial.
2.228 2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Bethhoron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. 2.229 Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire. 2.231 Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways.
2.309 1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero;
2.409 At the same time Eleazar, the son of Aias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account;
2.454 And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews’ own destruction,
3.43 accordingly, it is all cultivated by its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities lie here very thick, and the very many villages there are here are everywhere so full of people, by the richness of their soil, that the very least of them contain above fifteen thousand inhabitants.
3.43 that these last might stay there and guard the camp, and the horsemen might spoil the country that lay round it, and might destroy the neighboring villages and smaller cities.
3.352 Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests:
4.468 There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey.
7.161 he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. 7.162 But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.
7.218 He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time.
7.427 where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; 7.428 he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick, 7.429 for he did not make a candlestick, but had a single lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; 7.431 Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. 7.432 There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by a prophet whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple.' ' None |
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23. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.30, 1.54, 1.186-1.188, 1.193-1.194, 1.197, 1.199, 2.43, 2.49-2.55, 2.164-2.165, 2.185, 2.187, 2.193-2.194 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmonean Rule/Rulers • Hasmonean period • Hasmonean period, Diaspora Jews during • Hasmonean period, conquest during • Hasmonean period, construction of fortresses during • Hasmonean period, tithe practices • Hasmonean period, violence against foreign religions • Hasmonean-Oniad relations • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, Simon • Hasmoneans, land grants of • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 97, 123, 124, 128, 135, 137, 159, 160, 237; Fraade (2011), Legal Fictions: Studies of Law and Narrative in the Discursive Worlds of Ancient Jewish Sectarians and Sages, 341, 342; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 197; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 170; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 62, 261, 264, 266, 270, 285, 288, 289, 291, 352, 354, 355, 399; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 110
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1.54 τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἢ παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων πυνθανόμενον. ὅπερ ἐγὼ μάλιστα περὶ ἀμφοτέρας νομίζω πεποιηκέναι τὰς πραγματείας: τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀρχαιολογίαν, ὥσπερ ἔφην, ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων μεθερμήνευκα γεγονὼς ἱερεὺς ἐκ γένους καὶ μετεσχηκὼς τῆς φιλοσοφίας
1.186 ἐκεῖνον καὶ κατὰ ̓Αλέξανδρον ἤκμαζεν ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος. λέγει τοίνυν ὁ ̔Εκαταῖος πάλιν τάδε, ὅτι μετὰ τὴν ἐν Γάζῃ μάχην ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἐγένετο τῶν περὶ Συρίαν τόπων ἐγκρατής, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων πυνθανόμενοι τὴν ἠπιότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν τοῦ Πτολεμαίου συναπαίρειν εἰς Αἴγυπτον αὐτῷ καὶ κοινωνεῖν τῶν πραγμάτων ἠβουλήθησαν.' "1.187 ὧν εἷς ἦν, φησίν, ̓Εζεκίας ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, ἄνθρωπος τὴν μὲν ἡλικίαν ὡς ἑξηκονταὲξ ἐτῶν, τῷ δ' ἀξιώματι τῷ παρὰ τοῖς ὁμοέθνοις μέγας καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν οὐκ ἀνόητος, ἔτι δὲ καὶ λέγειν δυνατὸς καὶ τοῖς περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος, ἔμπειρος." '1.188 καίτοι, φησίν, οἱ πάντες ἱερεῖς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ τὴν δεκάτην τῶν γινομένων λαμβάνοντες καὶ τὰ κοινὰ διοικοῦντες
1.193 συγγνόντα τὸν βασιλέα δοῦναι τὴν ἄδειαν. ἔτι γε μὴν τῶν εἰς τὴν χώραν, φησί, πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀφικνουμένων νεὼς καὶ βωμοὺς κατασκευασάντων ἅπαντα ταῦτα κατέσκαπτον, καὶ τῶν μὲν ζημίαν τοῖς σατράπαις ἐξέτινον, περί τινων δὲ καὶ συγγνώμης μετελάμβανον. καὶ προσεπιτίθησιν, ὅτι δίκαιον ἐπὶ τούτοις αὐτούς ἐστι θαυμάζειν. 1.194 λέγει δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ πολυανθρωπότατον γεγονέναι ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος: πολλὰς μὲν γὰρ ἡμῶν, φησίν, ἀνασπάστους εἰς Βαβυλῶνα Πέρσαι πρότερον αὐτῶν ἐποίησαν μυριάδας, οὐκ ὀλίγαι δὲ καὶ μετὰ τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου θάνατον εἰς Αἴγυπτον καὶ Φοινίκην
1.197 “ἔστι γὰρ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ὀχυρώματα κατὰ τὴν χώραν καὶ κῶμαι, μία δὲ πόλις ὀχυρὰ πεντήκοντα μάλιστα σταδίων τὴν περίμετρον, ἣν οἰκοῦσι μὲν ἀνθρώπων περὶ δώδεκα' "
1.199 δύο τάλαντα τὴν ὁλκήν. ἐπὶ τούτων φῶς ἐστιν ἀναπόσβεστον καὶ τὰς νύκτας καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας. ἄγαλμα δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ ἀνάθημα τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ φύτευμα παντελῶς οὐδὲν οἷον ἀλσῶδες ἤ τι τοιοῦτον. διατρίβουσι δ' ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς νύκτας καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἱερεῖς ἁγνείας τινὰς ἁγνεύοντες καὶ τὸ παράπαν οἶνον οὐ πίνοντες ἐν" 2.43 πίστεως τοῦτο τοῖς ἡμετέροις τὸ γέρας ἔδωκεν. ἐτίμα γὰρ ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος, ὡς καί φησιν ̔Εκαταῖος περὶ ἡμῶν, ὅτι διὰ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν καὶ πίστιν, ἣν αὐτῷ παρέσχον ̓Ιουδαῖοι, τὴν Σαμαρεῖτιν χώραν προσέθηκεν ἔχειν αὐτοῖς ἀφορολόγητον.
2.49 ὁ δὲ Φιλομήτωρ Πτολεμαῖος καὶ ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν βασιλείαν ὅλην τὴν ἑαυτῶν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπίστευσαν, καὶ στρατηγοὶ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως ἦσαν ̓Ονίας καὶ Δοσίθεος ̓Ιουδαῖοι, ὧν ̓Απίων σκώπτει τὰ ὀνόματα, δέον τὰ ἔργα θαυμάζειν καὶ μὴ λοιδορεῖν, ἀλλὰ χάριν αὐτοῖς ἔχειν, ὅτι διέσωσαν τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἧς ὡς πολίτης ἀντιποιεῖται. 2.51 τοῦ παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίων πρεσβευτοῦ καὶ παρόντος.” ὀρθῶς δὲ ποιῶν φαίην ἂν καὶ μάλα δικαίως: ὁ γὰρ Φύσκων ἐπικληθεὶς Πτολεμαῖος ἀποθανόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Φιλομήτορος ἀπὸ Κυρήνης ἐξῆλθε Κλεοπάτραν ἐκβαλεῖν βουλόμενος τῆς βασιλείας 2.52 ετ φιλιος ρεγις, υτ ιπσε ρεγνυμ ινιυστε σιβιμετ αππλιξαρετ; προπτερ ηαεξ εργο ονιας αδυερσυς ευμ βελλυμ προ ξλεοπατρα συσξεπιτ ετ φιδεμ, θυαμ ηαβυιτ ξιρξα ρεγες, νεθυαθυαμ ιν νεξεσσιτατε δεσερυιτ. 2.53 τεστις αυτεμ δευς ιυστιτιαε ειυς μανιφεστυς αππαρυιτ; ναμ φψσξον πτολομαευς ξυμ αδυερσυμ εχερξιτυμ θυιδεμ ονιαε πυγναρε πραεσυμερετ, ομνες υερο ιυδαεος ιν ξιυιτατε ποσιτος ξυμ φιλιις ετ υχοριβυς ξαπιενς νυδος ατθυε υινξτος ελεπηαντις συβιεξισσετ, υτ αβ εις ξονξυλξατι δεφιξερεντ, ετ αδ ηοξ ετιαμ βεστιας ιπσας δεβριασσετ, ιν ξοντραριυμ θυαε πραεπαραυερατ ευενερυντ. 2.54 ελεπηαντι ενιμ ρελινθυεντες σιβι απποσιτος ιυδαεος ιμπετυ φαξτο συπερ αμιξος ειυς μυλτος εχ ιπσις ιντερεμερυντ. ετ ποστ ηαεξ πτολομαευς θυιδεμ ασπεξτυμ τερριβιλεμ ξοντεμπλατυς εστ προηιβεντεμ σε, υτ ιλλις νοξερετ 2.55 ηομινιβυς, ξονξυβινα υερο συα ξαρισσιμα, θυαμ αλιι θυιδεμ ιτηαξαμ, αλιι υερο ηιρενεν δενομιναντ, συππλιξαντε νε τανταμ ιμπιετατεμ περαγερετ, ει ξονξεσσιτ ετ εχ ηις θυαε ιαμ εγερατ υελ αξτυρυς ερατ παενιτεντιαμ εγιτ. υνδε ρεξτε ηανξ διεμ ιυδαει αλεχανδρια ξονστιτυτι εο θυοδ απερτε α δεο σαλυτεμ προμερυερυντ ξελεβραρε νοσξυντυρ.
2.164 οὐκοῦν ἄπειροι μὲν αἱ κατὰ μέρος τῶν ἐθῶν καὶ τῶν νόμων παρὰ τοῖς ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις διαφοραί, * κεφαλαιωδῶς ἂν ἐπίοι τις: οἱ μὲν γὰρ μοναρχίαις, οἱ δὲ ταῖς ὀλίγων δυναστείαις, ἄλλοι δὲ' "2.165 τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἐπέτρεψαν τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν πολιτευμάτων. ὁ δ' ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης εἰς μὲν τούτων οὐδοτιοῦν ἀπεῖδεν, ὡς δ' ἄν τις εἴποι βιασάμενος τὸν λόγον θεοκρατίαν ἀπέδειξε τὸ πολίτευμα" 2.185 καὶ τίς ἂν καλλίων ἢ δικαιοτέρα γένοιτο τῆς θεὸν μὲν ἡγεμόνα τῶν ὅλων πεποιημένης, τοῖς ἱερεῦσι δὲ κοινῇ μὲν τὰ μέγιστα διοικεῖν ἐπιτρεπούσης, τῷ δὲ πάντων ἀρχιερεῖ πάλιν αὖ πεπιστευκυίας' "
2.187 θεὸν μάλιστα θεραπείαν ἐνεχείρισεν. τοῦτο δ' ἦν καὶ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἀκριβὴς ἐπιμέλεια: καὶ γὰρ ἐπόπται πάντων καὶ δικασταὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων καὶ κολασταὶ τῶν κατεγνωσμένων οἱ ἱερεῖς ἐτάχθησαν." 2.193 Εἷς ναὸς ἑνὸς θεοῦ, φίλον γὰρ ἀεὶ παντὶ τὸ ὅμοιον, κοινὸς ἁπάντων κοινοῦ θεοῦ ἁπάντων. τοῦτον θεραπεύσουσιν μὲν διὰ παντὸς οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἡγήσεται δὲ τούτων ὁ πρῶτος ἀεὶ κατὰ γένος. 2.194 οὗτος μετὰ τῶν συνιερέων θύσει τῷ θεῷ, φυλάξει τοὺς νόμους, δικάσει περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, κολάσει τοὺς ἐλεγχθέντας. ὁ τούτῳ μὴ πειθόμενος ὑφέξει δίκην ὡς εἰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀσεβῶν.' ' None | sup>
1.54 Now, both these methods of knowledge I may very properly pretend to in the composition of both my works; for, as I said, I have translated the Antiquities out of our sacred books; which I easily could do, since I was a priest by my birth, and have studied that philosophy which is contained in those writings;
1.186 Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows:—“Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; 1.187 one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; 1.188 although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.”
1.193 He adds farther, that “when the Macedonians came to them into that country, and demolished the old temples and the altars, they assisted them in demolishing them all; but for not assisting them in rebuilding them they either underwent losses, or sometimes obtained forgiveness.” He adds, farther, that “these men deserve to be admired on that account.” 1.194 He also speaks of the mighty populousness of our nation, and says that “the Persians formerly carried away many ten thousands of our people to Babylon; as also that not a few ten thousands were removed after Alexander’s death into Egypt and Phoenicia, by reason of the sedition that was arisen in Syria.”
1.197 “There are many strong places and villages (says he) in the country of Judea: but one strong city there is, about fifty furlongs in circumference, which is inhabited by a hundred and twenty thousand men, or thereabouts: they call it Jerusalem.
1.199 upon these there is a light that is never extinguished, neither by night nor by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein; nothing at all is there planted, neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein both nights and days, performing certain purifications, and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple.”
2.43 for, as Hecateus says concerning us, “Alexander honored our nation to such a degree that, for the equity and the fidelity which the Jews exhibited to him, he permitted them to hold the country of Samaria free from tribute.
2.49 and as for Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, they committed their whole kingdom to Jews, when Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the generals of their whole army; but certainly instead of reproaching them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pretends to be; 2.51 Yes, do I venture to say, and that he did rightly and very justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy who was called Physco, upon the death of his brother Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out of their kingdom, 2.52 that he might obtain it for himself unjustly. For this cause then it was that Onias undertook a war against him on Cleopatra’s account; nor would he desert that trust the royal family had reposed in him in their distress. 2.53 Accordingly, God gave a remarkable attestation to his righteous procedure; for when Ptolemy Physco had the presumption to fight against Onias’s army, and had caught all the Jews that were in the city Alexandria, with their children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when he had made those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved contrary to his preparations; 2.54 for these elephants left the Jews who were exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physco’s friends, and slew a great number of them; nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost, which prohibited his hurting those men; 2.55 his very concubine, whom he loved so well (some call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making supplication to him, that he would not perpetrate so great a wickedness. So he complied with her request, and repented of what he either had already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the Alexandrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from God.
2.164 Now there are innumerable differences in the particular customs and laws that are among all mankind, which a man may briefly reduce under the following heads:—Some legislators have permitted their governments to be under monarchies, others put them under oligarchies, and others under a republican form; 2.165 but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy, by ascribing the authority and the power to God,
2.185 And where shall we find a better or more righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be the governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself!
2.187 These men had the main care of the law and of the other parts of the people’s conduct committed to them; for they were the priests who were ordained to be the inspectors of all, and the judges in doubtful cases, and the punishers of those that were condemned to suffer punishment.
2.193 24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God; for likeness is the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to all men, because he is the common God of all men. His priests are to be continually about his worship, over whom he that is the first by his birth is to be their ruler perpetually. 2.194 His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself. ' ' None |
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24. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian rabbis, sages, antagonism towards Hasmoneans • Hasmonean Rule/Rulers • Hasmoneans, antagonism between Babylonian rabbis and descendants of royalty • Hasmoneans, attitudes to, of Palestinian rabbis • Yannai, Hasmonean king, conflicting images of • Yehuda, Rav, antagonism to Hasmoneans • kings, Hasmonean • polemics, of Babylonian rabbis against Hasmonean aristocrats
Found in books: Fraade (2011), Legal Fictions: Studies of Law and Narrative in the Discursive Worlds of Ancient Jewish Sectarians and Sages, 301; Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 65, 66; Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 24, 27, 28
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2.2 הַמֶּלֶךְ לֹא דָן וְלֹא דָנִין אוֹתוֹ, לֹא מֵעִיד וְלֹא מְעִידִין אוֹתוֹ, לֹא חוֹלֵץ וְלֹא חוֹלְצִין לְאִשְׁתּוֹ. לֹא מְיַבֵּם וְלֹא מְיַבְּמִין לְאִשְׁתּוֹ. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, אִם רָצָה לַחֲלֹץ אוֹ לְיַבֵּם, זָכוּר לָטוֹב. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אֵין שׁוֹמְעִין לוֹ. וְאֵין נוֹשְׂאִין אַלְמָנָתוֹ. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, נוֹשֵׂא הַמֶּלֶךְ אַלְמָנָתוֹ שֶׁל מֶלֶךְ, שֶׁכֵּן מָצִינוּ בְדָוִד שֶׁנָּשָׂא אַלְמָנָתוֹ שֶׁל שָׁאוּל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמואל ב יב) וָאֶתְּנָה לְךָ אֶת בֵּית אֲדֹנֶיךָ וְאֶת נְשֵׁי אֲדֹנֶיךָ בְּחֵיקֶךָ:'' None | sup>
2.2 The king can neither judge nor be judged, he cannot testify and others cannot testify against him. He may not perform halitzah, nor may others perform halitzah for his wife. He may not contract levirate marriage nor may his brothers contract levirate marriage with his wife. Rabbi Judah says: “If he wished to perform halitzah or to contract levirate marriage his memory is a blessing.” They said to him: “They should not listen to him.” None may marry his widow. Rabbi Judah says: “The king may marry the widow of a king, for so have we found it with David, who married the widow of Saul, as it says, “And I gave you my master’s house and my master’s wives into your embrace” (II Samuel 12:8).'' None |
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25. Mishnah, Shekalim, 1.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmoneans, and temple tax • Hasmoneans, attitude towards religious benefaction of non-Judeans
Found in books: Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 144; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 89
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1.5 אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁאָמְרוּ, אֵין מְמַשְׁכְּנִין נָשִׁים וַעֲבָדִים וּקְטַנִּים, אִם שָׁקְלוּ מְקַבְּלִין מִיָּדָן. הַנָּכְרִי וְהַכּוּתִי שֶׁשָּׁקְלוּ, אֵין מְקַבְּלִין מִיָּדָן. וְאֵין מְקַבְּלִין מִיָּדָן קִנֵּי זָבִין וְקִנֵּי זָבוֹת וְקִנֵּי יוֹלְדוֹת, וְחַטָאוֹת וַאֲשָׁמוֹת. (אֲבָל) נְדָרִים וּנְדָבוֹת, מְקַבְּלִין מִיָּדָן. זֶה הַכְּלָל, כָּל שֶׁנִּדָּר וְנִדָּב, מְקַבְּלִין מִיָּדָן. כָּל שֶׁאֵין נִדָּר וְנִדָּב אֵין מְקַבְּלִין מִיָּדָן. וְכֵן הוּא מְפֹרָשׁ עַל יְדֵי עֶזְרָא, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (עזרא ד) לֹא לָכֶם וְלָנוּ לִבְנוֹת בַּיִת לֵאלֹהֵינוּ:'' None | sup>
1.5 Even though they said, “they don’t exact pledges from women, slaves or minors, yet if they paid the shekel it is accepted from them. If a non-Jew or a Samaritan paid the shekel they do not accept it from them. And they do not accept from them the bird-offerings of zavin or bird-offerings of zavot or bird-offerings of women after childbirth, Or sin-offerings or guilt-offerings. But vow-offerings and freewill-offerings they do accept from them. This is the general rule: all offerings which can be made as a vow-offering or a freewill-offering they do accept from them, but offerings which cannot be made as a vow-offering or a freewill-offering they do not accept from them. And thus it is explicitly stated by Ezra, as it is said: “You have nothing to do with us to build a house unto our God” (Ezra 4:3).'' None |
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26. New Testament, Matthew, 22.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean dynasty, Essene opposition to • Hasmoneans
Found in books: Ganzel and Holtz (2020), Contextualizing Jewish Temples, 162; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 14, 87
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22.16 καὶ ἀποστέλλουσιν αὐτῷ τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτῶν μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν λέγοντας Διδάσκαλε, οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἀληθὴς εἶ καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν ἀληθείᾳ διδάσκεις, καὶ οὐ μέλει σοι περὶ οὐδενός, οὐ γὰρ βλέπεις εἰς πρόσωπον ἀνθρώπων·'' None | sup>
22.16 They sent their disciples to him, along with the Herodians, saying, "Teacher, we know that you are honest, and teach the way of God in truth, no matter who you teach, for you aren\'t partial to anyone. '' None |
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27. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Hasmonean Rule/Rulers • Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean period • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans (dynasty, period) • Judaea (Judea), Hasmonean • Maccabees/Maccabean, Maccabean/Hasmonean Revolt
Found in books: Fraade (2011), Legal Fictions: Studies of Law and Narrative in the Discursive Worlds of Ancient Jewish Sectarians and Sages, 341; Gordon (2020), Land and Temple: Field Sacralization and the Agrarian Priesthood of Second Temple Judaism, 196; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 170; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 74, 277; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 336; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 94; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 48
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28. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian rabbis, sages, antagonism towards Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, antagonism between Babylonian rabbis and descendants of royalty • Yannai, Hasmonean king, conflicting images of
Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 61; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 64
| 29a והשקיף בה שתים ושלש שעות ולא העלוהו,אמאי לא העלוהו והאמר רב יהודה אמר רב טעה בכל הברכות כלן אין מעלין אותו בברכת הצדוקים מעלין אותו חיישינן שמא מין הוא,שאני שמואל הקטן דאיהו תקנה,וניחוש דלמא הדר ביה אמר אביי גמירי טבא לא הוי בישא,ולא והכתיב (יחזקאל יח, כד) ובשוב צדיק מצדקתו ועשה עול ההוא רשע מעיקרו אבל צדיק מעיקרו לא,ולא והא תנן אל תאמין בעצמך עד יום מותך שהרי יוחנן כ"ג שמש בכהונה גדולה שמנים שנה ולבסוף נעשה צדוקי,אמר אביי הוא ינאי הוא יוחנן רבא אמר ינאי לחוד ויוחנן לחוד ינאי רשע מעיקרו ויוחנן צדיק מעיקרו הניחא לאביי אלא לרבא קשיא,אמר לך רבא צדיק מעיקרו נמי דלמא הדר ביה אי הכי אמאי לא אסקוהו,שאני שמואל הקטן דאתחיל בה דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב ואיתימא רבי יהושע בן לוי לא שנו אלא שלא התחיל בה אבל התחיל בה גומרה:,הני שבע דשבתא כנגד מי א"ר חלפתא בן שאול כנגד שבעה קולות שאמר דוד על המים,הני תשע דר"ה כנגד מי א"ר יצחק דמן קרטיגנין כנגד תשעה אזכרות שאמרה חנה בתפלתה דאמר מר בראש השנה נפקדה שרה רחל וחנה,הני עשרים וארבע דתעניתא כנגד מי א"ר חלבו כנגד כ"ד רננות שאמר שלמה בשעה שהכניס ארון לבית קדשי הקדשים אי הכי כל יומא נמי נמרינהו אימת אמרינהו שלמה ביומא דרחמי אנן נמי ביומא דרחמי אמרי להו:,רבי יהושע אומר מעין שמנה עשרה: מאי מעין שמנה עשרה רב אמר מעין כל ברכה וברכה ושמואל אמר הביננו ה\' אלהינו לדעת דרכיך ומול את לבבנו ליראתך ותסלח לנו להיות גאולים ורחקנו ממכאובינו ודשננו בנאות ארצך ונפוצותינו מארבע תקבץ והתועים על דעתך ישפטו ועל הרשעים תניף ידיך וישמחו צדיקים בבנין עירך ובתקון היכלך ובצמיחת קרן לדוד עבדך ובעריכת נר לבן ישי משיחך טרם נקרא אתה תענה ברוך אתה ה\' שומע תפלה,לייט עלה אביי אמאן דמצלי הביננו,אמר רב נחמן אמר שמואל כל השנה כולה מתפלל אדם הביננו חוץ ממוצאי שבת וממוצאי ימים טובים מפני שצריך לומר הבדלה בחונן הדעת,מתקיף לה רבה בר שמואל ונימרה ברכה רביעית בפני עצמה מי לא תנן ר"ע אומר אומרה ברכה רביעית בפני עצמה ר\' אליעזר אומר בהודאה,אטו כל השנה כולה מי עבדינן כר\' עקיבא דהשתא נמי נעביד כל השנה כולה מאי טעמא לא עבדינן כר"ע תמני סרי תקון תשסרי לא תקון הכא נמי שבע תקון תמני לא תקון,מתקיף לה מר זוטרא ונכללה מכלל הביננו ה\' אלהינו המבדיל בין קדש לחול קשיא:,אמר רב ביבי בר אביי כל השנה כולה מתפלל אדם הביננו חוץ מימות הגשמים מפני שצריך לומר שאלה בברכת השנים מתקיף לה מר זוטרא ונכללה מכלל ודשננו בנאות ארצך ותן טל ומטר,אתי לאטרודי אי הכי הבדלה בחונן הדעת נמי אתי לאטרודי,אמרי התם כיון דאתיא בתחלת צלותא לא מטריד הכא כיון דאתיא באמצע צלותא מטריד,מתקיף לה רב אשי ונימרה בשומע תפלה דא"ר תנחום אמר רב אסי טעה ולא הזכיר גבורות גשמים בתחיית המתים מחזירין אותו שאלה בברכת השנים אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה בשומע תפלה והבדלה בחונן הדעת אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה על הכוס טעה שאני:,גופא א"ר תנחום אמר רב אסי טעה ולא הזכיר גבורות גשמים בתחיית המתים מחזירין אותו שאלה בברכת השנים אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה בשומע תפלה והבדלה בחונן הדעת אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה על הכוס,מיתיבי טעה ולא הזכיר גבורות גשמים בתחיית המתים מחזירין אותו שאלה בברכת השנים מחזירין אותו והבדלה בחונן הדעת אין מחזירין אותו מפני שיכול לאומרה על הכוס,ל"ק הא ביחיד הא בצבור,בצבור מ"ט לא משום דשמעה משליח צבור אי הכי האי מפני שיכול לאומרה בשומע תפלה מפני ששומע משליח צבור מיבעי ליה,אלא אידי ואידי ביחיד ול"ק הא דאדכר קודם שומע תפלה'' None | 29a and scrutinized it, in an attempt to remember the blessing for two or three hours, and they did not remove him from serving as prayer leader.,The Gemara asks: Why did they not remove him? Didn’t Rav Yehuda say that Rav said: One who was serving as the prayer leader before the congregation and erred in reciting any of the blessings, they do not remove him from serving as the prayer leader. However, one who erred while reciting the blessing of the heretics they remove him, as we suspect that perhaps he is a heretic and intentionally omitted the blessing to avoid cursing himself. Why, then, did they not remove Shmuel HaKatan?,The Gemara answers: Shmuel HaKatan is different because he instituted this blessing and there is no suspicion of him.,The Gemara continues: Let us suspect that perhaps he reconsidered and, although he had been righteous, he had a change of heart? Abaye said: We learned through tradition that a good person does not become wicked.,The Gemara challenges this: And does he not become wicked? Isn’t it explicitly written: “And when the righteous one returns from his righteousness and does wicked like all of the abominations that the wicked one has done, will he live? All of the righteous deeds that he has done will not be remembered given the treachery that he has carried out, and in his sin that he has transgressed, for these he shall die” (Ezekiel 18:24)? Abaye responds: That verse refers to a righteous individual who was initially wicked and repented, but ultimately returned to his evil ways. However, one who is initially righteous does not become wicked.,The Gemara asks: And does he not become wicked? Didn’t we learn in a mishna: Do not be sure of yourself until the day you die, as Yoḥa the High Priest served in the High Priesthood for eighty years and ultimately became a Sadducee. Even one who is outstanding in his righteousness can become a heretic.,Abaye responded: He is Yannai he is Yoḥa. In other words, from its inception, the entire Hasmonean dynasty had the same positive attitude toward the Sadducees, and there was no distinction between Yoḥa Hyrcanus and Alexander Yannai. Yoḥa the High Priest had Sadducee leanings from the outset. Rava said: Yannai is distinct and Yoḥa is distinct. They did not share the same position in this regard. Yannai was wicked from the outset and Yoḥa was righteous from the outset. If so, it works out well according to Abaye’s opinion; however, according to Rava’s opinion, it is difficult. How could Yoḥa, a righteous individual, have changed and turned wicked?,The Gemara responds: Rava could have said to you: There is also room for concern that one who is righteous from the outset will perhaps reconsider and turn wicked, as was the case with Yoḥa the High Priest. If so, the original question is difficult: Why did they not remove Shmuel HaKatan from serving as the prayer leader?,The Gemara answers: The case of Shmuel HaKatan is different, as he began reciting the blessing of the heretics and while reciting it he became confused and forgot the end of the blessing. Consequently, he was not suspected of heretical leanings. Indeed, Rav Yehuda said that Rav, and some say that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, said: They only taught that one who errs while reciting the blessing of the heretics is removed in a case where he did not begin reciting it. But if he began reciting it, then we allow him to collect his thoughts and finish reciting it.,To this point, the Gemara discussed allusions to the nineteen blessings that constitute the weekday Amida prayer. The Gemara asks: Corresponding to what were these seven blessings of the Shabbat Amida prayer instituted? The Gemara answers: Rabbi Ḥalafta ben Shaul said: Corresponding to the seven “voices” which David mentioned on the waters; in other words, the seven times that “the voice of God” is mentioned in Psalms 29, which served as the source for the weekday prayer.,The Gemara asks further: Corresponding to what were these nine blessings of the Rosh HaShana additional prayer instituted? Rabbi Yitzḥak of Kartignin said: They correspond to the nine mentions of God’s name that Hannah said in her prayer (I Samuel 2:10). The connection between Hannah’s prayer and Rosh HaShana is based on what the Master said: On Rosh HaShana, Sarah, Rachel, and Hannah were remembered and the divine decree that they would conceive their sons was issued.,The Gemara continues: Corresponding to what were these twenty-four blessings of the Amida prayer of the fast days instituted? Rabbi Ḥelbo said: They correspond to the twenty-four “songs” that Solomon said when he brought the ark into the Holy of Holies during the dedication of the Temple, as there are twenty-four expressions of song, prayer, and supplication there (I Kings 8). The Gemara asks: If so, then let us say these twenty-four blessing every day. The Gemara answers: When did Solomon say them? On a day of supplication for mercy. We, too, say them on a day of supplication for mercy.,We learned in the mishna that Rabbi Yehoshua says that each day one recites an abridged version of the prayer of eighteen blessings. The Gemara asks: What is the abridged version of the prayer of eighteen blessings? There are different opinions. Rav said: One recites an abridged version of each and every blessing. Shmuel said: An abridged version of the prayer of eighteen blessings refers to a blessing composed specifically to be recited in place of the thirteen middle blessings. It contains references to each of the thirteen middle blessings. The formula for that blessing is: Grant us understanding, Lord our God, to know Your ways, and sensitize our hearts so that we may revere You, and forgive us so that we may be redeemed, and keep us far from our suffering, and satisfy us with the pastures of Your land, and gather our scattered people from the four corners of the earth, and those who go astray shall be judged according to Your will, and raise Your hand against the wicked, and may the righteous rejoice in the rebuilding of Your city, and the restoration of Your Sanctuary, and in the flourishing of Your servant David, and in establishing a light for Your Messiah, son of Yishai. Before we call, may You answer. Blessed are You, Lord, Who listens to prayer.”,Although Shmuel mentioned this abridged prayer, Abaye would curse anyone who recited the prayer: Grant us understanding, as he held that one may recite it only in exigent circumstances (Rabbi Ḥael, Me’iri).,The Gemara further restricts the occasions when one may recite the abridged prayer. Rav Naḥman said that Shmuel said: One may recite: Grant us understanding throughout the entire year, except for in the evening prayer at the conclusion of Shabbat and at the conclusion of Festivals, because he must recite the prayer of distinction havdala in the blessing: Who graciously grants knowledge.,Rabba bar Shmuel strongly objects to this: After reciting the three initial blessings, let us say havdala as an independent fourth blessing, and afterwards recite the prayer of Grant us understanding. This is feasible. Didn’t we learn in a mishna that Rabbi Akiva says: He says havdala as an independent fourth blessing? Rabbi Eliezer says: He says havdala in the blessing of thanksgiving.,The Gemara responds: Do we practice in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Akiva throughout the entire year regarding this issue, that we will also practice this way now? Throughout the entire year, what is the reason that we do not practice in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Akiva? Because they instituted eighteen blessings, they did not institute nineteen. Here too, they instituted seven blessings, they did not institute eight. Therefore, the possibility to recite havdala as an independent fourth blessing is rejected.,Mar Zutra strongly objects to this: Let us include havdala in the framework of the abridged blessing: Grant us understanding, Lord our God, Who distinguishes between sacred and profane. No response was offered to this objection, and it remains difficult.,Rav Beivai bar Abaye said: There is an additional restriction that applies to the abridged prayer. One may recite Grant us understanding throughout the entire year, except during the rainy season, because he must recite the request for rain in the blessing of the years. Mar Zutra strongly objects to this: Let us include the request for rain in the framework of the abridged blessing: And satisfy us with the pastures of Your land, and grant dew and rain.,The Gemara responds: That is unfeasible, as he will become confused by introducing a new element to the standard formula of the blessing. The Gemara asks: If so, by introducing havdala in the framework of the abridged blessing in the section alluding to the blessing, Who graciously grants knowledge, he will also become confused. Why did the Gemara fail to respond to Mar Zutra’s strong objection with regard to havdala in that manner?,The Gemara answers: They say that these cases are different: There, regarding havdala, since the introduction of the new element comes at the beginning of the prayer, he will not become confused. Here, since the request for rain comes in the middle of the prayer, he will become confused.,Rav Ashi strongly objects to this: If so, let us say the request for rain in the framework of the abridged blessing in the section alluding to the blessing Who listens to prayer. As Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rav Asi said: One who erred and did not mention the might of the rains in the blessing on the revival of the dead, we require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it. However, one who erred and failed to recite the request for rain in the ninth blessing of the Amida, the blessing of the years, we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it because he can recite it in the blessing Who listens to prayer. And one who erred and failed to recite havdala in the blessing Who graciously grants knowledge, we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, as he can recite havdala over the cup of wine. One can ask for rain in the blessing Who listens to prayer, and, consequently, can introduce it at the end of the abridged blessing without becoming confused. The Gemara responds: One who erred is different, and only then does he have the option to ask for rain in the blessing Who listens to prayer. Ab initio, the request for rain may not be inserted there.,The statement that Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rav Asi said was incidental to the previous discussion. The Gemara attempts to understand the matter itself. Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rav Asi said: One who erred and did not mention the might of the rains in the blessing on the revival of the dead, we require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it. However, one who erred and failed to recite the request for rain in the blessing of the years, we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it because he can recite it in the blessing Who listens to prayer. And one who erred and failed to recite havdala in the blessing Who graciously grants knowledge, we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, as he can recite havdala over the cup of wine.,The Gemara raised an objection based on what was taught in the Tosefta: One who erred and did not mention the might of the rains in the blessing on the revival of the dead, we require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it. One who erred and failed to recite the request for rain in the blessing of the years, we require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it. However, one who erred and failed to recite havdala in the blessing Who graciously grants knowledge, we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, as he can recite havdala over the cup of wine. The Tosefta contradicts the statement of Rabbi Tanḥum with regard to one who erred and failed to recite the request for rain in the blessing of the years.,The Gemara responds: This is not difficult. This case, where we require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, refers to a situation where he is praying as an individual. While that case, where we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, refers to a situation where he is praying as part of a congregation.,The Gemara raises a difficulty: When praying as part of a congregation, what is the reason that he need not need return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it? Because he can fulfill his obligation when he hears it from the communal prayer leader in the repetition of the Amida prayer. If so, Rabbi Tanḥum’s formulation is imprecise. That which he said that he need not return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it because he can recite it in the blessing: Who listens to prayer, should have been: Because he hears it from the communal prayer leader. This proves that the attempt to rebuff the challenge from the Tosefta to Rabbi Tanḥum was incorrect.,Rather, both this statement of Rabbi Tanḥum and that statement in the Tosefta refer to one praying as an individual, and it is, nevertheless, not difficult. This case, where we do not require him to return to the beginning of the prayer and repeat it, refers to a case where he recalls his error before he reaches the blessing: Who listens to prayer, in which case he can ask for rain in that blessing.'' None |
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29. Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian rabbis, sages, antagonism towards Hasmoneans • Bavli, representation of Hasmoneans • Dead Sea and area, and the Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean dynasty, Dead Sea territory of • Hasmoneans, antagonism between Babylonian rabbis and descendants of royalty • Hasmoneans, attitudes to, of Palestinian rabbis • Josephus Dead Sea area, Hasmonean expansion in • Nabataea/Nabataeans,war with Hasmoneans • Yannai, Hasmonean king, conflicting images of • polemics, of Babylonian rabbis against Hasmonean aristocrats
Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 63, 64; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 225
| 66a Your ox was used by a man for an act of bestiality and is therefore unfit for an offering, and the other, the owner of the ox, is silent, the witness is deemed credible. And the tanna of the mishna also taught (Bekhorot 41a): And with regard to an animal that was used for a transgression or that killed, if this is attested to by one witness or by the owner, he is deemed credible. The Gemara clarifies this case: What are the circumstances of this case of the mishna, where the knowledge is established by one witness? If the owner admits to the claim, this is the same as: By the owner. Rather, is it not referring to a case where the owner remains silent?,The Gemara comments: And each of these statements of Abaye is necessary. As, had he taught us only that first case, where the witness said someone ate forbidden fat, one might have said that he is deemed credible for the following reason: Were it not for the fact that he himself was convinced that he had committed a transgression, he would not commit the transgression of bringing a non-sacred animal to the Temple courtyard on the basis of the testimony of one witness. Consequently, his silence is evidently an admission.,But if the witness said: Your ritually pure foods were rendered ritually impure, and the accused was silent, we would say: The reason that he is silent and refrains from denying the claim is that he thinks he is not suffering any significant loss, as the food is fit for him to eat on his days of ritual impurity, because he is not required to destroy ritually impure foods.,And had Abaye taught us only the case of: Your ritually pure food was rendered ritually impure, one might have said that the reason this witness is deemed credible is that he causes him a loss on his days of ritual impurity, and therefore his silence is tantamount to a confession. But in the case of: His ox was used by a man for an act of bestiality, the owner of the ox can say with regard to his animal: Not all the oxen stand ready to be sacrificed as an offering on the altar. Perhaps one would think that the owner does not bother denying the claim because he merely forfeits the possibility of sacrificing his ox as an offering, which he considers an inconsequential matter. It is only if there were two witnesses to the act that the animal is put to death, whereas here there was only one witness. It is therefore necessary for Abaye to specify all these cases.,§ A dilemma was raised before the Sages: If a husband is told by one witness that his wife committed adultery, and the husband remains silent, what is the halakha? Abaye said: The witness is deemed credible. Rava said: He is not deemed credible. Why not? Because it is a matter involving forbidden relations, and there is no matter of testimony for forbidden sexual relations that can be attested to by fewer than two witnesses.,Abaye said: From where do I say this claim of mine? It happened that there was a certain blind man who would review mishnayot before Mar Shmuel. One day the blind man was late for him and was not arriving. Mar Shmuel sent a messenger after him to assist him. While the messenger was going to the blind man’s house by one way, the blind man arrived at the house of study by a different route, and therefore the messenger missed him and reached his house. When the messenger came back, he said that he had been to the blind man’s house and saw that his wife committed adultery. The blind man came before Mar Shmuel to inquire whether he must pay heed to this testimony. Mar Shmuel said to him: If this messenger is trusted by you, go and divorce her, but if not, do not divorce her.,Abaye comments: What, is it not correct to say that this means that if he is trusted by you that he is not a thief but is a valid witness, you must rely on him? This would prove that a single witness can testify in a case of this kind. And Rava explains that Mar Shmuel meant: If he is trusted by you like two witnesses, go and divorce her, but if not, do not divorce her. Consequently, Rava maintains that this episode affords no proof.,And Abaye said: From where do I say this claim of mine? As it is taught in a baraita: An incident occurred with King Yannai, who went to the region of Koḥalit in the desert and conquered sixty cities there. And upon his return he rejoiced with a great happiness over his victory. And he subsequently summoned all the Sages of the Jewish people and said to them: Our ancestors in their poverty would eat salty foods when they were busy with the building of the Temple; we too shall eat salty foods in memory of our ancestors. And they brought salty food on tables of gold, and ate.,And there was one person present, a scoffer, a man of an evil heart and a scoundrel called Elazar ben Po’ira. And Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the hearts of the Pharisees, the Sages, are against you. In other words, they harbor secret resentment against you and do not like you. The king replied: And what shall I do to clarify this matter? Elazar responded: Have them stand by wearing the frontplate between your eyes. Since the frontplate bears the Divine Name, they should stand in its honor. Yannai, who was a member of the priestly Hasmonean family, also served as High Priest, who wears the frontplate. He had the Pharisees stand by wearing the frontplate between his eyes.,Now there was a certain elder present called Yehuda ben Gedidya, and Yehuda ben Gedidya said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the crown of the monarchy suffices for you, i.e., you should be satisfied that you are king. Leave the crown of the priesthood for the descendants of Aaron. The Gemara explains this last comment: As they would say that Yannai’s mother was taken captive in Modi’in, and she was therefore disqualified from marrying into the priesthood, which meant that Yannai was a ḥalal. And the matter was investigated and was not discovered, i.e., they sought witnesses for that event but none were found. And the Sages of Israel were expelled in the king’s rage, due to this rumor.,And Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, such is the judgment of a common person in Israel. In other words, merely expelling a slanderer is appropriate if the subject of the slander is a commoner. But you are a king and a High Priest. Is this your judgment as well? Yannai replied: And what should I do? Elazar responded: If you listen to my advice, crush them. Yannai countered: But what will become of the Torah? He retorted: Behold, it is wrapped and placed in the corner. Anyone who wishes to study can come and study. We have no need for the Sages.,The Gemara interjects: Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: Immediately, heresy was injected into Yannai, as he should have said to Elazar ben Po’ira: This works out well with regard to the Written Torah, as it can be studied by all on their own, but what will become of the Oral Torah? The Oral Torah is transmitted only by the Sages. The baraita continues: Immediately, the evil arose and caught fire through Elazar ben Po’ira, and all the Sages of the Jewish people were killed. And the world was desolate of Torah until Shimon ben Shataḥ came and restored the Torah to its former glory. This completes the baraita.,Abaye asks: What are the circumstances of this case? How did those who conducted the investigation refute the rumor that Yannai’s mother had been taken captive? If we say that two witnesses said that she was taken captive, and two others said that she was not taken captive, what did you see that you rely on these who said that she was not taken captive? Instead, rely on these who said that she was taken captive. In such a scenario, one cannot say definitively that the matter was investigated and found to be false.,Rather, it must be referring to one witness who testified she was taken captive, and two testified that she was not taken captive. And the reason that the lone witness is not deemed credible is only that he is contradicted by the other two, from which it may be inferred that if not for that fact, he would be deemed credible. This supports Abaye’s claim that an uncontested lone witness is deemed credible in a case of this kind.,And Rava could reply that this incident affords no proof, for the following reason: Actually, one can say that there were two witnesses who testified that she was captured and two who testified that she was not, and the case was decided in accordance with that which Rav Aḥa bar Rav Minyumi says in a different context, that it is referring to conspiring witnesses. The second pair of witnesses did not contradict the testimony of the first pair but established them as liars by stating that the first pair were not there to witness the event. This serves to disqualify the testimony of the first pair altogether. Here too, it is referring to witnesses who rendered the first set conspiring witnesses.,And if you wish, say that this is in accordance with the version of the story stated by Rabbi Yitzḥak, as Rabbi Yitzḥak says: They replaced Yannai’s mother with a maidservant. The first witnesses saw that Yannai’s mother was about to be taken captive, but the second pair revealed that she had actually been replaced with a maidservant, thereby negating the testimony of the first set.,Rava says:'' None |
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30. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian rabbis, sages, antagonism towards Hasmoneans • Bavli, representation of Hasmoneans • Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, antagonism between Babylonian rabbis and descendants of royalty • Hasmoneans, attitudes to, of Palestinian rabbis • Yannai, Hasmonean king, conflicting images of • polemics, of Babylonian rabbis against Hasmonean aristocrats
Found in books: Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 318; Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 12, 13; Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 64
| 64b as Rabbi Yishmael states only there, in the mishna, that three se’a of barley are reaped on Shabbat, as in that case when one limits the amount available for eating, he likewise limits the amount of reaping. But here, when one limits the amount of eating by bringing the two figs, he also increases the amount of reaping. Therefore is it certain that we bring the ill person the three figs attached by a single stem.,The mitzva of the omer is to bring the barley reaped for the meal offering from fields proximate to Jerusalem. If the barley did not ripen in the fields proximate to Jerusalem, one brings it from any place in Eretz Yisrael. There was an incident where the omer came from Gaggot Tzerifin and the wheat for the two loaves on Shavuot came from the valley of Ein Sokher.,What is the reason that the barley reaped for the omer meal offering should ideally be brought from fields proximate to Jerusalem? The Gemara answers: If you wish, say that it is because the verse states: “And if you bring a meal offering of first fruits to the Lord, you shall bring for the meal offering of your first fruits grain in the ear parched with fire, even groats of the fresh ear karmel” (Leviticus 2:14). This indicates that the grain should be soft and fresh. Consequently it should be brought from close by, not from a place where it might become stale and hardened during a long journey.,And if you wish, say instead that the reason is due to the principle that one does not postpone performance of the mitzvot. When presented with the opportunity to perform a mitzva, one should perform it immediately. Therefore, the barley for the mitzva of the omer meal offering in the Temple should be brought from the first crop encountered outside of Jerusalem.,§ The mishna teaches: There was an incident where the omer came from Gaggot Tzerifin and the two loaves on Shavuot came from the valley of Ein Sokher. The Sages taught a baraita that provides the background of this event: When the kings of the Hasmonean monarchy besieged each other in their civil war, Hyrcanus was outside of Jerusalem, besieging it, and Aristoblus was inside. On each and every day they would lower dinars in a box from inside the city, and those on the outside would send up animals for them to bring the daily offerings in the Temple.,A certain elderly man was there, in Jerusalem, who was familiar with Greek wisdom. He communicated to those on the outside by using words understood only by those proficient in Greek wisdom. The elderly man said to them: As long as they are engaged with the Temple service, they will not be delivered into your hands. Upon hearing this, on the following day, when they lowered dinars in a box, they sent up a pig to them. Once the pig reached halfway up the wall, it inserted its hooves into the wall and Eretz Yisrael shuddered four hundred parasangs by four hundred parasangs.,When the Sages saw this, they said at that time: Cursed is he who raises pigs, and cursed is he who teaches his son Greek wisdom. And it is with regard to that time of civil war, in which the land was destroyed, that we learned: An incident occurred in which the omer, the measure of barley brought as a communal offering on the sixteenth of Nisan, came from Gaggot Tzerifim, and the two loaves offered on Shavuot came from the valley of Ein Sokher. Since no fresh barley grain was found in the fields immediately surrounding Jerusalem, it had to be brought from these outlying areas.,§ The Gemara relates another tradition with regard to that occasion when the omer came from Gaggot Tzerifin and the two loaves from the valley of Ein Sokher: When it came time to bring the omer meal offering, they did not know from where they could bring the omer grain, as all the surrounding fields were looted and ruined. The court publicly proclaimed their difficulty. A certain deaf-mute ḥersha came forward and stretched out one hand toward a roof, gag in Hebrew, and one hand toward a hut atzerifa. Mordekhai said to the Sages: Is there a place that is called Gaggot Tzerifin or Tzerifin Gaggot? They checked and found that there was such a place, and it contained fields of barley from which they were able to bring the omer meal offering.,A similar incident occurred when they needed to bring the two loaves, and they did not know from where to bring the grain. Again the court publicly proclaimed their difficulty, and a certain deaf-mute came forward and stretched out one hand toward his eye a’eineih and one hand toward a door latch assikhera. Mordekhai said to the Sages: And is there a place that is called: Ein Sokher, or Sokher Ayin? They checked and found that there was such a place, and it contained fields of wheat from which they were able to bring the two loaves.,The Gemara relates another story that demonstrates Mordekhai’s wisdom: Once, a certain three women brought three nests for their obligatory offerings of pairs of pigeons or doves (see Leviticus 15:29). One of them said: This offering is for my ziva; and one said: This if for my yamma; and the last one said: This is for my ona.,The Sages understood from the first woman’s statement: For my ziva, that she had experienced a discharge of uterine blood when not expecting her menstrual period, which would give her the status of an actual zava. From the second woman’s statement: For my yamma, they understood: My actual yamma, i.e., she was also a ziva, as yam can mean: Sea, or a flow of blood. From the third woman’s statement: For my ona, they came to the conclusion that she needed to bring a sacrifice for her time ona of completing her purification process from being a zava. Accordingly, they understood that all these women were obligated to bring one sin offering and one burnt offering.,Mordekhai said to the other Sages: Perhaps the first woman was endangered in the course of her menstrual flow zov. Similarly, perhaps the second woman was endangered at sea yam. Finally, perhaps the third woman was endangered through her eye ayin, as ayin is phonetically similar to ona. According to these explanations, each woman sought to bring a voluntary offering to give thanks to God for being saved from danger. If so, the appropriate offering in each case is not a sin offering, as they are all burnt offerings. It was checked and they found that Mordekhai’s interpretation was in fact correct.'99b the apparent dereliction of the study of Torah is its foundation, e.g., if one breaks off his studies in order to participate in a funeral or a wedding procession. This is derived from a verse, as it is written: “And the Lord said to Moses: Hew for yourself two tablets of stone like the first, and I will write upon the tablets the words that were on the first tablets, which asher you broke” (Exodus 34:1). The word “asher” is an allusion to the fact that that the Holy One, Blessed be He, said to Moses: Your strength is true yishar koḥakha in that you broke the tablets, as the breaking of the first tablets led to the foundation of the Torah through the giving of the second tablets.,And Reish Lakish says: With regard to a Torah scholar who sinned, he is not disgraced in public, as it is stated: “Therefore, you shall stumble in the day, and the prophet also shall stumble with you in the night” (Hosea 4:5). One can derive from the verse that if a prophet or any other Torah scholar stumbles and sins, one should conceal his offense like the night and not punish him in public.,And Reish Lakish says: Anyone who causes himself to forget even one matter from his studies violates a prohibition, as it is stated with regard to the receiving of the Torah on Mount Sinai: “Only observe for yourself, and guard your soul diligently, lest you forget the matters that your eyes saw, and lest they depart from your heart all the days of your life, but you should make them known to your children and to your children’s children” (Deuteronomy 4:9). And this is in accordance with the principle that Rabbi Avin says that Rabbi Ile’a says, as Rabbi Avin says that Rabbi Ile’a says: Wherever it is stated: Observe, or: Lest, or: Do not, it is nothing other than a prohibition.,Ravina says: One who forgets his studies violates two prohibitions, as the verse uses both the term “observe” and the term “lest,” and these are two prohibitions. Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: He violates three prohibitions, as it is stated: “Only observe for yourself, and guard your soul diligently, lest you forget the matters that your eyes saw.” The term “Guard your soul” is derived from the same root as “observe” and is considered an additional prohibition.,The Gemara qualifies this statement: One might have thought this applies even to one who forgot his Torah knowledge due to circumstances beyond his control. Therefore, the verse states: “And lest they depart from your heart.” This indicates that the verse is speaking of one who willingly causes them to depart from his heart. Rabbi Dostai, son of Rabbi Yannai, says: One might have thought that this applies even if his studies were too hard for him to remember. Therefore, the verse states: “Only,” which excludes one who is unable to recall his studies.,Rabbi Yoḥa and Rabbi Elazar both say: The Torah was given in forty days, when Moses ascended to Mount Sinai to receive it, and similarly the soul of man is formed in forty days, as the formation of the fetus in the womb takes forty days from the time of conception. This teaches that anyone who preserves his Torah studies, his soul is likewise preserved, and anyone who does not preserve his Torah studies, his soul is not preserved either.,The school of Rabbi Yishmael taught: This can be illustrated by a parable, as it is comparable to a person who delivered a sparrow to his slave for safekeeping, and said to him: Are you under the impression that if you lose it I will take from you an issar, a small coin, which is the value of the bird? It is not so; I will take your soul from you as punishment, meaning I will kill you. Similarly, one who fails to preserve the Torah entrusted to him will be severely punished.,There were two tables in the Entrance Hall, on the inside of the Entrance Hall, next to the entrance to the Temple, i.e., next to the entrance to the Sanctuary. One was of marble and one was of gold. On the table of marble, the priests place the new shewbread that has been baked, before its entrance into the Sanctuary, so that the loaves may cool a little from the heat of the oven and not spoil. And when the old shewbread is removed from the shewbread Table it is placed on the table of gold upon its exit from the Sanctuary, where it remains until the frankincense is burned on the altar.,The reason the shewbread is placed on a gold table when it is removed, rather than on a marble or silver table, is that one elevates to a higher level in matters of sanctity and one does not downgrade. Since it is set on the gold shewbread Table all week, it cannot be downgraded to a marble or silver table upon its removal. And there was one Table of gold within the Sanctuary, upon which the shewbread is always found.,The mishna describes the manner in which it is ensured that the shewbread is constantly on the Table: And four priests enter, two with the two arrangements of the new shewbread in their hands and two with the two bowls of frankincense in their hands. And four priests precede them, entering the Sanctuary before them, two to take the two arrangements of the old shewbread from the Table, and two to take the two bowls of frankincense.,Those bringing the new shewbread into the Sanctuary stand in the north and their faces are to the south, and those removing the old shewbread stand in the south and their faces are to the north. These priests draw the old shewbread from the Table and those priests place the new shewbread on the Table, and for each handbreadth of this old shewbread that is removed from the Table a handbreadth of that new shewbread is placed upon the Table, so that the Table is never without loaves upon it, as it is stated: “And you shall set upon the Table shewbread before Me always” (Exodus 25:30).,Rabbi Yosei says: Even if these priests were to remove the shewbread from the Table entirely, and only afterward those priests were to place the new shewbread upon the Table, this too would fulfill the requirement that the shewbread always be on the Table. It is unnecessary to ensure the uninterrupted presence of the shewbread upon the Table, as long as it does not remain a single night without shewbread upon it.,The mishna describes the manner in which the shewbread is distributed: The priests who carried the old shewbread loaves came out of the Sanctuary and placed them on the table of gold that was in the Entrance Hall. The priests then burned on the altar the frankincense that was in the bowls. And the loaves were subsequently distributed to the priests. This occurred on Shabbat, the day that the priestly watch that served in the Temple during the preceding week was replaced by the priestly watch that would serve during the following week. The shewbread was distributed to the priests of both watches.,If Yom Kippur occurs on Shabbat, the loaves are distributed at night, at the conclusion of the fast, since they may not be eaten during the day. If Yom Kippur occurs on Friday, i.e., when the holy day begins on Thursday evening, the goat sin offering of Yom Kippur is eaten by the priests at night, i.e., on Friday night, as it may be eaten only on the day that it is sacrificed or during the following night, until midnight. And since there is no possibility of cooking the meat, as one may not cook on Yom Kippur or Shabbat, the Babylonians, i.e., priests who had emigrated from Babylonia, eat it when it is raw, due to the fact that they are broad-minded with regard to their food, i.e., they are not particular and will eat meat even when it is not cooked.,it is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Yosei says: Even if the priest removed the old shewbread on the morning of Shabbat, and arranged the new shewbread toward evening, there is nothing wrong with that. Rather, how do I realize the meaning of the verse: “And you shall set upon the Table shewbread before Me always” (Exodus 25:30)? This means that the Table should not be left overnight without bread upon it.,The baraita teaches that according to Rabbi Yosei, even if the old shewbread remained on the Table for a short while in the morning, and the new shewbread was placed on the Table toward evening, and even though it did not reside constantly on the Table, this fulfills the requirement that the shewbread should always be on the Table. Rabbi Ami says: From Rabbi Yosei’s statement we may learn that even if a person learned only one chapter of the Mishna in the morning and one chapter of the Mishna in the evening, he has thereby fulfilled the mitzva of: “This Torah scroll shall not depart from your mouth, and you shall contemplate in it day and night, that you may take heed to do according to all that is written in it, for then you shall make your ways prosperous, and then you shall have good success” (Joshua 1:8).,Rabbi Yoḥa says in the name of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai: Even if a person recited only the recitation of Shema in the morning and in the evening, he has fulfilled the mitzva of: “This Torah scroll shall not depart from your mouth.” And it is prohibited to state this matter in the presence of ignoramuses amei ha’aretz, as they are likely to get the impression that there is no need to study Torah beyond this. And Rava says: On the contrary, it is a mitzva to state this matter in the presence of ignoramuses, as they will realize that if merely reciting the Shema leads to such a great reward, all the more so how great is the reward of those who study Torah all day and night.,Ben Dama, son of Rabbi Yishmael’s sister, asked Rabbi Yishmael: In the case of one such as I, who has learned the entire Torah, what is the halakha with regard to studying Greek wisdom? Rabbi Yishmael recited this verse about him: “This Torah scroll shall not depart from your mouth, and you shall contemplate in it day and night.” Go and search for an hour that is neither part of the day nor part of the night, and learn Greek wisdom in it.,The Gemara notes: And this statement of Rabbi Yishmael’s disagrees with the opinion of Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani, as Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani says that Rabbi Yonatan says: This verse is neither an obligation nor a mitzva, but a blessing. Rabbi Yonatan explains: The Holy One, Blessed be He, saw Joshua and observed that the words of Torah were very precious to him, as it is stated: “And the Lord spoke to Moses face-to-face…and his servant Joshua, son of Nun, a young man, did not depart from the Tent” (Exodus 33:11). The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to Joshua: Joshua, are the words of Torah so precious to you? I bless you that “this Torah scroll shall not depart from your mouth.”,The tanna of the school of Rabbi Yishmael teaches: The words of Torah should not be considered as an obligation upon you, i.e., one should not treat Torah study as a burden, but at the same time you are not permitted to exempt yourself from them.,Ḥizkiyya said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “He delivers the afflicted due to His affliction, and opens their ear by tribulation; and also He has allured you out of a narrow opening to a broad place without confines below it, and that which is set on your table is full of fatness” (Job 36:15–16)? Come and see that the attribute of flesh and blood is unlike the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He. The attribute of flesh and blood is that a person allures another from the paths of life to the paths of death, but the Holy One, Blessed be He, allures the person from the paths of death to the paths of life, as it is stated: “And also He has allured you out of a narrow opening,” i.e., from Gehenna, the opening of which is narrow so that its smoke is collected ' None |
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31. Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean • Josephus, significance of depiction of Hasmoneans
Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 135; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 154
57a נימא תלתא תנאי הוו לא תרי תנאי הוו ותנא קמא דר\' שמעון היינו ר\' יוסי ותנא קמא דר\' יוסי היינו ר\' שמעון ומאי אף אקמייתא,ת"ר בן בוהיין נתן פיאה לירק ובא אביו ומצאן לעניים שהיו טעונין ירק ועומדין על פתח הגינה אמר להם בני השליכו מעליכם ואני נותן לכם כפליים במעושר לא מפני שעיני צרה אלא מפני שאמרו חכמים אין נותנין פיאה לירק,למה ליה למימרא להו לא מפני שעיני צרה כי היכי דלא לימרו דחויי קא מדחי לן,ת"ר בראשונה היו מניחין עורות קדשים בלשכת בית הפרוה לערב היו מחלקין אותן לאנשי בית אב והיו בעלי זרועות נוטלין אותן בזרוע התקינו שיהיו מחלקין אותן מערב שבת לע"ש דאתיין כולהו משמרות ושקלן בהדדי,ועדיין היו גדולי כהונה נוטלין אותן בזרוע עמדו בעלים והקדישום לשמים,אמרו לא היו ימים מועטים עד שחיפו את ההיכל כולו בטבלאות של זהב שהן אמה על אמה כעובי דינר זהב ולרגל היו מקפלין אותן ומניחין אותן על גב מעלה בהר הבית כדי שיהו עולי רגלים רואין שמלאכתם נאה ואין בה דלם,תנא אבא שאול אומר קורות של שקמה היו ביריחו והיו בעלי זרועות נוטלין אותן בזרוע עמדו בעלים והקדישום לשמים,עליהם ועל כיוצא בהם אמר אבא שאול בן בטנית משום אבא יוסף בן חנין אוי לי מבית בייתוס אוי לי מאלתן אוי לי מבית חנין אוי לי מלחישתן אוי לי מבית קתרוס אוי לי מקולמוסן אוי לי מבית ישמעאל בן פיאכי אוי לי מאגרופן שהם כהנים גדולים ובניהן גיזברין וחתניהם אמרכלין ועבדיהן חובטין את העם במקלות,תנו רבנן ארבע צווחות צוחה עזרה ראשונה צאו מכאן בני עלי שטימאו היכל ה\' ועוד צווחה צא מיכן יששכר איש כפר ברקאי שמכבד את עצמו ומחלל קדשי שמים דהוה כריך ידיה בשיראי ועביד עבודה,ועוד צווחה העזרה שאו שערים ראשיכם ויכנס ישמעאל בן פיאכי תלמידו של פנחס וישמש בכהונה גדולה ועוד צווחה העזרה שאו שערים ראשיכם ויכנס יוחנן בן נרבאי תלמידו של פנקאי וימלא כריסו מקדשי שמים,אמרו עליו על יוחנן בן נרבאי שהיה אוכל ג\' מאות עגלים ושותה ג\' מאות גרבי יין ואוכל ארבעים סאה גוזלות בקינוח סעודה אמרו כל ימיו של יוחנן בן נרבאי לא נמצא נותר במקדש מאי סלקא ביה ביששכר איש כפר ברקאי אמרי מלכא ומלכתא הוו יתבי מלכא אמר גדיא יאי ומלכתא אמרה אימרא יאי אמרו מאן מוכח כהן גדול דקא מסיק קרבנות כל יומא אתא איהו'57b אחוי בידיה אי גדיא יאי יסק לתמידא אמר מלכא הואיל ולא הוי ליה אימתא דמלכותא ניפסקו לימיניה יהב שוחד ופסקיה לשמאליה שמע מלכא ופסקיה לימיניה אמר רב יוסף בריך רחמנא דאשקליה ליששכר איש כפר ברקאי למיטרפסיה מיניה בהאי עלמא,אמר רב אשי יששכר איש כפר ברקאי לא תנא מתניתין דתנן ר"ש אומר כבשים קודמים לעזים בכל מקום יכול מפני שמובחרין במינן ת"ל (ויקרא ד, לב) אם כבש יביא קרבנו מלמד ששניהן שקולין כאחד רבינא אמר אפילו מקרא נמי לא קרא דכתיב (ויקרא ג, ז) אם כבש אם עז אי בעי כבש לייתיה אי בעי עז לייתיה:,| 57a Let us say that there are three tanna’im who dispute this point: The two unattributed opinions, each of which is referring to two vegetables, and the opinion common to Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Shimon that includes all three vegetables. The Gemara rejects this: No, there are only two tanna’im who dispute the point, and the first tanna whose opinion appears before the opinion of Rabbi Shimon is Rabbi Yosei. And the first tanna whose opinion appears before the opinion of Rabbi Yosei is Rabbi Shimon. And what is the meaning of the word even in both their statements? They agree with regard to the first vegetable, turnips; however, they disagree with regard to the second, and replace it with another vegetable.,The Gemara cites an episode from the Tosefta. The Sages taught: The son of a man named Bohayan designated for the poor the produce in the corner in a garden of vegetables, and his father Bohayan found the poor laden with vegetables and standing at the opening of the garden on their way out. He said to them: My sons, cast the vegetables that you have gathered from upon yourselves and I will give you twice the amount in tithed produce, and you will be no worse off. Not because I begrudge you what you have taken. Rather, it is because the Sages say: One does not designate for the poor the produce in the corner in a garden of vegetables. Therefore, the vegetables that you took require tithing.,The Gemara asks: Why was it necessary for him to say to them: Not because I begrudge you what you have taken? It would have been sufficient to offer them tithed produce. The Gemara answers that he said it so they would not say: He is putting us off, taking what we collected now, but later he will not fulfill his commitment.,Apropos the people of Jericho, the Gemara relates that powerful people would steal wood from them. The Sages taught: Initially, the priests would place the hides that were flayed from animals consecrated as offerings of the most sacred order, which were given to the priests, in the Parva chamber. In the evening, they would distribute them to the members of the family of priests serving in the Temple that day. And the powerful priests among them would take them by force before they could be distributed. The Rabbis decreed that they would distribute them each Shabbat eve, because then all the families of both priestly watches came and took their part together. All the families from both the watch that was beginning its service and the one ending its service were together when they divided the hides. The powerful priests were unable to take the hides by force.,Yet still the prominent priests by virtue of their lineage would take them by force. Due to their prominence, the members of the rest of the watch dared not challenge them. When they realized that there was no equitable distribution, the owners of the sacrifices (Me’iri) arose and consecrated the hides to Heaven so the priests could not take them.,The Sages said: Not a few days passed before they had plated the entire sanctuary with golden tablets with the proceeds from the redemption and sale of the hides. These plates were one cubit by one cubit and as thick as a golden dinar. And when the people assembled for the Festival pilgrimage they would remove the tablets and place them on a stair of the Temple Mount so that the pilgrims would see that the craftsmanship of the tablets was beautiful and without flaw dalam. Afterward they replaced the tablets in the Sanctuary.,It was similarly taught that Abba Shaul says: There were sycamore tree trunks in Jericho, and powerful people would take them from their owners by force. The owners stood and consecrated these trunks to Heaven. It was with regard to these trunks and the branches that grew from them that the residents of Jericho acted against the will of the Sages.,With regard to the prominent priests and those like them, Abba Shaul ben Batnit said in the name of Abba Yosef ben Ḥanin: Woe is me due to the High Priests of the house of Baitos, woe is me due to their clubs. Woe is me due to the High Priests of the house of Ḥanin; woe is me due to their whispers and the rumors they spread. Woe is me due to the High Priests of the house of Katros; woe is me due to their pens that they use to write lies. Woe is me due to the servants of the High Priests of the house of Yishmael ben Piakhi; woe is me due to their fists. The power of these households stemmed from the fact that the fathers were High Priests, and their sons were the Temple treasurers, and their sons-in-law were Temple overseers amarkalin. And their servants strike the people with clubs, and otherwise act inappropriately.,Apropos the critique of several prominent priests, the Gemara relates that the Sages taught: The people in the Temple courtyard all cried four cries, as they were in agreement over various issues (Pardes Rimonim). The first cry was: Leave here, sons of Eli, who defiled God’s Sanctuary (see I Samuel 2:22). Subsequently the priesthood was transferred to the house of Zadok. And an additional cry: Leave here, Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai, who honors himself and desecrates the items consecrated to Heaven. Due to his delicate nature and his disrespect for the Temple service, he would wrap his hands in silk shirai and perform the service. This would invalidate the service because the silk was an interposition between his hands and the Temple vessels. Furthermore, his conduct demeaned the Temple service, as he demonstrated that he was unwilling to dirty his hands for it.,And the people in the Temple courtyard cried additionally: Lift your heads, O gates, and let the righteous Yishmael ben Piakhi, the student of Pinehas ben Elazar the priest, enter and serve as High Priest, although the members of this family were violent. And the people in the Temple courtyard cried additionally: Lift your heads, O gates, and let Yoḥa ben Narbbai, the student of Pinkai, enter and fill his belly with meat of offerings consecrated to Heaven, as he is worthy to eat offerings.,They said about Yoḥa ben Narbbai that he and his household would eat three hundred calves, and drink three hundred jugs of wine, and eat forty se’a of doves for dessert. They said: Throughout all the days of Yoḥa ben Narbbai there was no leftover sacrificial meat in the Temple, as he would make certain that someone ate it. The Gemara asks: What ultimately happened to Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai? They said: The king and the queen were sitting and talking. The king said that goat meat is better food, and the queen said lamb meat is better food. They said: Who can prove which one of us is correct? The High Priest can, as he offers sacrifices all day and tastes their meat. The High Priest had the right to take a portion from any sacrifice offered in the Temple, and therefore was well acquainted with the tastes of different meat. Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai came, and when they asked him this question,'57b he signaled contemptuously with his hand and said: If goat is better, let it be sacrificed as the daily offering. The daily offering is a lamb, proving that its meat is preferable to that of a goat. The king said: Since he not only disagrees with me but has no reverence for the monarchy, as evident from his contempt, sever his right hand. He gave a bribe and the official severed his left hand. The king heard that Yissakhar had deceived him and had the official sever his right hand as well. Rav Yosef said: Blessed is God Who took retribution mitarpesei from Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai in this world and did not wait to punish him more severely in the next world. His punishment fit the crime; because he would not dirty his hands with sacrificial blood and was overzealous in keeping his hands clean, both his hands were severed.,Rav Ashi said: Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai did not study the Mishna and was an ignoramus who did not know that this halakha is stated explicitly in the mishna. As we learned in a mishna: Rabbi Shimon says: Lambs take precedence over goats in every place they are mentioned in the Bible. I might have thought that this is because it is a more select species. Therefore, the verse states: “If he brings a lamb as his offering” (Leviticus 4:32). The Torah passage where bringing a lamb as a sin-offering is discussed appears after the passage describing the sin-offering of a goat. The inconsistent order teaches that both these animals are equal. Ravina said: Yissakhar did not even read the Bible properly, as it is written: “If a lamb” (Leviticus 4:32), “if a goat” (Leviticus 3:12), teaching: If one wishes let him bring a lamb; if one wishes let him bring a goat. There is no clear preference., ' None | |
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32. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Babylonian rabbis, sages, antagonism towards Hasmoneans • Hasmonean Rule/Rulers • Hasmoneans, antagonism between Babylonian rabbis and descendants of royalty • Hasmoneans, attitudes to, of Palestinian rabbis • Yannai, Hasmonean king, conflicting images of • Yehuda, Rav, antagonism to Hasmoneans • polemics, of Babylonian rabbis against Hasmonean aristocrats
Found in books: Fraade (2011), Legal Fictions: Studies of Law and Narrative in the Discursive Worlds of Ancient Jewish Sectarians and Sages, 328, 329; Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 65, 66, 67
| 19a ואין עשה דוחה לא תעשה ועשה אלא מן האירוסין אמאי יבא עשה וידחה לא תעשה,גזירה ביאה ראשונה אטו ביאה שניה,תניא נמי הכי אם קדמו ובעלו ביאה ראשונה קנו ואסור לקיימן בביאה שניה:,מת לו מת כו\': ת"ר (ויקרא כא, יב) ומן המקדש לא יצא לא יצא עמהן אבל יוצא הוא אחריהן כיצד הן נכסין והוא נגלה הן ניגלין והוא נכסה:,ויוצא עד פתח כו\': שפיר קאמר ר\' יהודה,אמר לך רבי מאיר אי הכי לביתו נמי לא אלא ה"ק מן המקדש לא יצא מקדושתו לא יצא וכיון דאית ליה הכירא לא אתי למינגע,ורבי יהודה אגב מרריה דילמא מקרי ואתי ונגע:,כשהוא מנחם: ת"ר כשהוא עובר בשורה לנחם את אחרים סגן ומשוח שעבר בימינו וראש בית אב ואבלים וכל העם משמאלו וכשהוא עומד בשורה ומתנחם מאחרים סגן מימינו וראש בית אב וכל העם משמאלו,אבל משוח שעבר לא אתי גביה מ"ט חלשא דעתיה סבר קא חדי בי א"ר פפא ש"מ מהא מתניתא תלת שמע מינה היינו סגן היינו ממונה ושמע מינה אבלים עומדין וכל העם עוברין ושמע מינה אבלים לשמאל המנחמין הן עומדין,ת"ר בראשונה היו אבלים עומדין וכל העם עוברין והיו ב\' משפחות בירושלים מתגרות זו בזו זאת אומרת אני עוברת תחלה וזאת אומרת אני עוברת תחלה התקינו שיהא העם עומדין ואבלים עוברין:,(חזר והלך וסיפר סימן):,אמר רמי בר אבא החזיר רבי יוסי את הדבר ליושנו בציפורי שיהיו אבלים עומדין וכל העם עוברין ואמר רמי בר אבא התקין רבי יוסי בציפורי שלא תהא אשה מהלכת בשוק ובנה אחריה משום מעשה שהיה ואמר רמי בר אבא התקין ר\' יוסי בציפורי שיהיו נשים מספרות בבית הכסא משום ייחוד,אמר רב מנשיא בר עות שאילית את רבי יאשיה רבה בבית עלמין דהוצל ואמר לי אין שורה פחותה מעשרה בני אדם ואין אבלים מן המנין בין שאבלים עומדין וכל העם עוברין בין שאבלים עוברין וכל העם עומדין:,כשהוא מתנחם כו\': איבעיא להו כי מנחם הוא אחריני היכי אמר להו ת"ש והוא אומר תתנחמו היכי דמי אילימא כי מנחמי אחריני לדידיה אמר להו איהו תתנחמו נחשא קא רמי להו אלא כי מנחם לאחריני אמר להו תתנחמו ש"מ:,מלך לא דן כו\': אמר רב יוסף לא שנו אלא מלכי ישראל אבל מלכי בית דוד דן ודנין אותן דכתיב (ירמיהו כא, יב) בית דוד כה אמר ה\' דינו לבקר משפט ואי לא דיינינן ליה אינהו היכי דייני והכתיב (צפניה ב, א) התקוששו וקושו ואמר ר"ל קשט עצמך ואחר כך קשט אחרים,אלא מלכי ישראל מ"ט לא משום מעשה שהיה דעבדיה דינאי מלכא קטל נפשא אמר להו שמעון בן שטח לחכמים תנו עיניכם בו ונדוננו שלחו ליה עבדך קטל נפשא שדריה להו שלחו לי\' תא אנת נמי להכא (שמות כא, כט) והועד בבעליו אמרה תורה יבא בעל השור ויעמוד על שורו,אתא ויתיב א"ל שמעון בן שטח ינאי המלך עמוד על רגליך ויעידו בך ולא לפנינו אתה עומד אלא לפני מי שאמר והיה העולם אתה עומד שנאמר (דברים יט, יז) ועמדו שני האנשים אשר להם הריב וגו\' אמר לו לא כשתאמר אתה אלא כמה שיאמרו חבריך'' None | 19a and there is a principle that a positive mitzva by itself does not override both a prohibition and a positive mitzva. But as for the ruling that he does not consummate levirate marriage with a widow from betrothal, why not? The positive mitzva to consummate levirate marriage should come and override the prohibition.,The Gemara answers: The first act of intercourse is prohibited by rabbinic decree due to the likelihood of a second act of intercourse. Although the first act of intercourse would fulfill the positive mitzva of consummating levirate marriage, which would override the prohibition against a High Priest’s engaging in intercourse with a widow, any further intercourse would not be in fulfillment of a mitzva, and would not override the prohibition. Therefore, due to the possibility that the High Priest and the yevama would engage in intercourse a second time, the Sages decreed that even the first act is forbidden.,The Gemara comments: This is also taught in a baraita: If the High Priest or one whose yevama is forbidden to him went ahead and engaged in a first act of intercourse with her, he acquired her as a wife, but it is prohibited to retain that woman as a wife for a second act of intercourse.,§ The mishna teaches with regard to the High Priest that if a relative of his died, he does not follow the bier carrying the corpse. The Sages taught in a baraita: The verse concerning the High Priest, which states: “And from the Temple he shall not emerge” (Leviticus 21:12), means: He shall not emerge with them as they escort the bier, but he emerges after them. How so? Once they are concealed from sight by turning onto another street, he is revealed on the street they departed, and when they are revealed, then he is concealed.,The mishna teaches Rabbi Meir’s opinion, that in the manner just described to escort the deceased, the High Priest emerges with them until the entrance of the gate of the city, which is contrasted with Rabbi Yehuda’s opinion that he does not leave the Temple at all. The Gemara comments: Rabbi Yehuda is saying well, and his statement is consistent with the straightforward meaning of the verse: “And from the Temple he shall not emerge” (Leviticus 21:12).,The Gemara responds: Rabbi Meir could have said to you: If so, that you understand the verse so narrowly, he should not go out to his house as well but should be required to stay in the Temple. Rather, this is what it is saying: “And from the Temple hamikdash he shall not emerge” means: From his sanctity mikedushato he shall not emerge by contracting ritual impurity, and since he has a distinctive indicator in that he does not walk together with those accompanying the bier, he will not come to touch the bier and contract impurity.,The Gemara asks: And how would Rabbi Yehuda respond? The Gemara explains: There is still cause for concern that on account of his bitterness due to the death of his loved one, perhaps it will happen that he comes and touches the bier. Therefore, a more restrictive regimen of separation is necessary.,The mishna teaches: And when he consoles others in their mourning when they return from burial, the way of all the people is that they pass by one after another and the mourners stand in a line and are consoled, and the appointed person stands in the middle, between him and the people. The Sages taught in a baraita (Tosefta 4:1) in a more detailed manner: When the High Priest passes by in the line to console others, the deputy High Priest and the former anointed High Priest, who had served temporarily and then stepped down, are on his right. And the head of the patrilineal family appointed over the priestly watch performing the sacrificial rites that day in the Temple; and the mourners; and all the people are on his left. And when he is standing in the line among the other mourners and is consoled by others, the deputy High Priest is on his right, and the head of the patrilineal family and all the people are on his left.,The Gemara infers: But the previously anointed one does not come before him. What is the reason? The High Priest will become distraught. He will think: He is happy about me in my bereaved state. Rav Pappa said: Learn from it, from this baraita, three matters. Learn from it that the deputy High Priest is the same as the appointed person, as the baraita is referring to the deputy High Priest in the same function described by the mishna as the appointed one. And learn from it that the way of consoling in a line is that the mourners stand and all the people pass by and console them. And learn from it that the custom is that the mourners stand to the left of the consolers.,The Sages taught in a baraita: Initially the mourners would stand, and all the people would pass by one after another and console them. And there were two families in Jerusalem who would fight with each other, as this one would say: We pass by first because we are more distinguished and important, and that one would say: We pass by first. Consequently, they decreed that the people should stand and the mourners pass by, and disputes would be avoided.,The Gemara presents a mnemonic for the following discussion: Returned; and walk; and converse.,Rami bar Abba says: Rabbi Yosei returned the matter to its former custom in Tzippori his city, that the mourners would stand and all the people would pass. And Rami bar Abba says: Rabbi Yosei instituted an ordice in Tzippori that a woman should not walk in the market and have her son following behind her; rather, he should walk in front of her, because of an incident that happened in which bandits abducted a child and assaulted the mother when she came searching for him in his place of captivity. And Rami bar Abba says: Rabbi Yosei instituted an ordice in Tzippori that women should converse in the bathroom, because of the restrictions on women being secluded with men. Since the public bathrooms there were outside the city a man might enter to take advantage of a woman, but he would be warded off by the women’s conversation.,Rav Menashya bar Ute says: I asked a question of Rabbi Yoshiya the Great in the cemetery of Huzal, and he said this halakha to me: There is no line for consoling mourners with fewer than ten people, and the mourners are not included in the count. This minimum number of consolers applies whether the mourners stand and all the people pass by, or the mourners pass by and all the people stand.,§ The mishna teaches: And when he is consoled by others in his mourning, all the people say to him: We are your atonement. And he says to them: May you be blessed from Heaven. A dilemma was raised before the Sages: When the High Priest consoles others, what should he say to them? Come and hear an answer from a baraita: And he says: May you be consoled. The Gemara asks: What are the circumstances in which he says this? If we say that when others console him in his mourning he says to them: May you be consoled, this does not make sense, because he would be throwing a curse at them by saying that they too will need to be consoled. Rather, it must mean: When he consoles others, he says to them: May you be consoled. Learn from the baraita that this is what he says to console others.,§ The mishna teaches: A king does not judge and is not judged. Rav Yosef says: They taught this halakha only with regard to the kings of Israel, who were violent and disobedient of Torah laws, but with regard to the kings of the house of David, the king judges and is judged, as it is written: “O house of David, so says the Lord: Execute justice in the morning” (Jeremiah 21:12). If they do not judge him, how can he judge? But isn’t it written: “Gather yourselves together, yea, gather together hitkosheshu vakoshu” (Zephaniah 2:1), and Reish Lakish says: This verse teaches a moral principle: Adorn kashet yourself first, and then adorn others, i.e., one who is not subject to judgment may not judge others. Since it is understood from the verse in Jeremiah that kings from the Davidic dynasty can judge others, it is implicit that they can also be judged.,The Gemara asks: But what is the reason that others do not judge the kings of Israel? It is because of an incident that happened, as the slave of Yannai the king killed a person. Shimon ben Shataḥ said to the Sages: Put your eyes on him and let us judge him. They sent word to Yannai: Your slave killed a person. Yannai sent the slave to them. They sent word to Yannai: You also come here, as the verse states with regard to an ox that gored a person to death: “He should be testified against with his owner” (Exodus 21:29). The Torah stated: The owner of the ox should come and stand over his ox.,The Gemara continues to narrate the incident: Yannai came and sat down. Shimon ben Shataḥ said to him: Yannai the king, stand on your feet and witnesses will testify against you. And it is not before us that you are standing, to give us honor, but it is before the One Who spoke and the world came into being that you are standing, as it is stated: “Then both the people, between whom the controversy is, shall stand before the Lord, before the priests and the judges that shall be in those days” (Deuteronomy 19:17). Yannai the king said to him: I will not stand when you alone say this to me, but according to what your colleagues say, and if the whole court tells me, I will stand.'' None |
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33. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, historicity of narratives concerning • kings, Hasmonean
Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 137; Kalmin (2014), Migrating tales: the Talmud's narratives and their historical context, 26; Rubenstein (2018), The Land of Truth: Talmud Tales, Timeless Teachings, 213
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34. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 81, 107-108, 110-111, 113-116, 119-120, 122
Tagged with subjects: • Hasmonean period • Hasmonean period, construction of fortresses during • Hasmoneans • Hasmoneans, Alexander Jannaeus • Hasmoneans, John Hyrcanus • Hasmoneans, Jonathan • Hasmoneans, Simon
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 277, 278; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 225, 226, 232, 234, 245, 322
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81 excellence of his designs. For oftentimes he would neglect his official business, and spend his time with the artists in his anxiety that they should complete everything in a manner worthy of the place to which the gifts were to be sent. So everything was carried out on a grand scale, in a manner
107 are bound by the rules of purity, lest they should touch anything which is unlawful. It was not without reason that the original founders of the city built it in due proportions, for they possessed clear insight with regard to what was required. For the country is extensive and beautiful. Some parts of it are level, especially the districts which belong to Samaria, as it is called, and which border on the land of the Idumeans, other parts are mountainous, especially (those which are contiguous to the land of Judea). The people therefore are bound to devote themselves to agriculture and the cultivation of the soil that by this means they may have a plentiful supply of crops. In this way'108 cultivation of every kind is carried on and an abundant harvest reaped in the whole of the aforesaid land. The cities which are large and enjoy a corresponding prosperity are well-populated, but they neglect the country districts, since all men are inclined to a life of enjoyment, for every one has a natural tendency towards the pursuit of pleasure.
110 in the city brought agriculture into disrepute: and so to prevent them from settling in the city, the king issued orders that they should not stay in it for more than twenty days. And in the same way he gave the judges written instructions, that if it was necessary to issue a summons against any one 111 who lived in the country, the case must be settled within five days. And since he considered the matter one of great importance, he appointed also legal officers for every district with their assistants, that the farmers and their advocates might not in the interests of business empty the granaries of the
113 great quantities and a rich pasturage for them. Wherefore they rightly recognize that the country districts need a large population, and the relations between the city and the villages are properly 114 regulated. A great quantity of spices and precious stones and gold is brought into the country by the Arabs. For the country is well adapted not only for agriculture but also for commerce, and the 115 city is rich in the arts and lacks none of the merchandise which is brought across the sea. It possesses too suitable and commodious harbours at Askalon, Joppa, and Gaza, as well as at Ptolemais which was founded by the King and holds a central position compared with the other places named, being not far distant from any of them. The country produces everything in abundance, 116 ince it is well watered in all directions and well protected from storms. The river Jordan, as it is called, which never runs dry, flows through the land. Originally (the country) contained not less than 60 million acres-though afterwards the neighbouring peoples made incursions against it - and 600,000 men were settled upon it in farms of a hundred acres each. The river like the Nile rises in harvest- time and irrigates a large portion of the land. Near the district belonging to the people of
119 We were told that from the neighbouring mountains of Arabia copper and iron were formerly obtained. This was stopped, however, at the time of the Persian rule, since the authorities of the time spread 120 abroad a false report that the working of the mines was useless and expensive, in order to prevent their country from being destroyed by the mining in these districts and possibly taken away from them owing to the Persian rule, since by the assistance of this false report they found an excuse for entering the district.I have now, my dear brother Philocrates, given you all the essential information upon this subject
122 carefully that of the Greeks as well. They were specially qualified therefore for serving on embassies and they undertook this duty whenever it was necessary. They possessed a great facility for conferences and the discussion of problems connected with the law. They espoused the middle course - and this is always the best course to pursue. They abjured the rough and uncouth manner, but they were altogether above pride and never assumed an air of superiority over others, and in conversation they were ready to listen and give an appropriate answer to every question. And all of them carefully observed this rule and were anxious above everything else to excel each other in ' None |
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35. Strabo, Geography, 16.2.34, 16.2.40
Tagged with subjects: • Dead Sea and area, and the Hasmonean dynasty • Hasmonean conquests • Hasmonean kingdom • Hasmonean period, conquest during • Mattathias the Hasmonean • Simon the Hasmonean • balsam (opobalsam), and the Hasmoneans
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997), Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, 137; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 47, 102; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 224; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 32
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16.2.34 The western extremities of Judaea towards Casius are occupied by Idumaeans, and by the lake Sirbonis. The Idumaeans are Nabataeans. When driven from their country by sedition, they passed over to the Jews, and adopted their customs. The greater part of the country along the coast to Jerusalem is occupied by the Lake Sirbonis, and by the tract contiguous to it; for Jerusalem is near the sea, which, as we have said, may be seen from the arsenal of Joppa. These districts (of Jerusalem and Joppa) lie towards the north; they are inhabited generally, and each place in particular, by mixed tribes of Egyptians, Arabians, and Phoenicians. of this description are the inhabitants of Galilee, of the plain of Jericho, and of the territories of Philadelphia and Samaria, surnamed Sebaste by Herod; but although there is such a mixture of inhabitants, the report most credited, one among many things believed respecting the temple and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, is, that the Egyptians were the ancestors of the present Jews.
16.2.40 When Judaea openly became subject to a tyrannical government, the first person who exchanged the title of priest for that of king was Alexander. His sons were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. While they were disputing the succession to the kingdom, Pompey came upon them by surprise, deprived them of their power, and destroyed their fortresses, first taking Jerusalem itself by storm. It was a stronghold, situated on a rock, well fortified and well supplied with water within, but externally entirely parched with drought. A ditch was cut in the rock, 60 feet in depth, and in width 250 feet. On the wall of the temple were built towers, constructed of the materials procured when the ditch was excavated. The city was taken, it is said, by waiting for the day of fast, on which the Jews were in the habit of abstaining from all work. Pompey availing himself of this, filled up the ditch, and threw bridges over it. He gave orders to raze all the walls, and he destroyed, as far as was in his power, the haunts of the robbers and the treasure-holds of the tyrants. Two of these forts, Thrax and Taurus, were situated in the passes leading to Jericho. Others were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Machaerus, Lysias, and those about Philadelphia, and Scythopolis near Galilee.'' None |
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