1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 16.23, 20.11, 23.12, 31.15, 35.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 144| 16.23. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֲלֵהֶם הוּא אֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר יְהוָה שַׁבָּתוֹן שַׁבַּת־קֹדֶשׁ לַיהוָה מָחָר אֵת אֲשֶׁר־תֹּאפוּ אֵפוּ וְאֵת אֲשֶׁר־תְּבַשְּׁלוּ בַּשֵּׁלוּ וְאֵת כָּל־הָעֹדֵף הַנִּיחוּ לָכֶם לְמִשְׁמֶרֶת עַד־הַבֹּקֶר׃", 20.11. "כִּי שֵׁשֶׁת־יָמִים עָשָׂה יְהוָה אֶת־הַשָּׁמַיִם וְאֶת־הָאָרֶץ אֶת־הַיָּם וְאֶת־כָּל־אֲשֶׁר־בָּם וַיָּנַח בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי עַל־כֵּן בֵּרַךְ יְהוָה אֶת־יוֹם הַשַּׁבָּת וַיְקַדְּשֵׁהוּ׃", 23.12. "שֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים תַּעֲשֶׂה מַעֲשֶׂיךָ וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי תִּשְׁבֹּת לְמַעַן יָנוּחַ שׁוֹרְךָ וַחֲמֹרֶךָ וְיִנָּפֵשׁ בֶּן־אֲמָתְךָ וְהַגֵּר׃", 31.15. "שֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים יֵעָשֶׂה מְלָאכָה וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי שַׁבַּת שַׁבָּתוֹן קֹדֶשׁ לַיהוָה כָּל־הָעֹשֶׂה מְלָאכָה בְּיוֹם הַשַּׁבָּת מוֹת יוּמָת׃", 35.2. "וַיֵּצְאוּ כָּל־עֲדַת בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל מִלִּפְנֵי מֹשֶׁה׃", 35.2. "שֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים תֵּעָשֶׂה מְלָאכָה וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי יִהְיֶה לָכֶם קֹדֶשׁ שַׁבַּת שַׁבָּתוֹן לַיהוָה כָּל־הָעֹשֶׂה בוֹ מְלָאכָה יוּמָת׃", | 16.23. "And he said unto them: ‘This is that which the LORD hath spoken: To-morrow is a solemn rest, a holy sabbath unto the LORD. Bake that which ye will bake, and seethe that which ye will seethe; and all that remaineth over lay up for you to be kept until the morning.’", 20.11. "for in six days the LORD made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and rested on the seventh day; wherefore the LORD blessed the sabbath day, and hallowed it.", 23.12. "Six days thou shalt do thy work, but on the seventh day thou shalt rest; that thine ox and thine ass may have rest, and the son of thy handmaid, and the stranger, may be refreshed.", 31.15. "Six days shall work be done; but on the seventh day is a sabbath of solemn rest, holy to the LORD; whosoever doeth any work in the sabbath day, he shall surely be put to death.", 35.2. "Six days shall work be done, but on the seventh day there shall be to you a holy day, a sabbath of solemn rest to the LORD; whosoever doeth any work therein shall be put to death.", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 2.2-2.3, 9.24-9.27 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •(artapanus), source of greek wisdom •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 80, 81, 82; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 144| 2.2. "וַיְכַל אֱלֹהִים בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי מְלַאכְתּוֹ אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה וַיִּשְׁבֹּת בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי מִכָּל־מְלַאכְתּוֹ אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה׃", 2.2. "וַיִּקְרָא הָאָדָם שֵׁמוֹת לְכָל־הַבְּהֵמָה וּלְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּלְכֹל חַיַּת הַשָּׂדֶה וּלְאָדָם לֹא־מָצָא עֵזֶר כְּנֶגְדּוֹ׃", 2.3. "וַיְבָרֶךְ אֱלֹהִים אֶת־יוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי וַיְקַדֵּשׁ אֹתוֹ כִּי בוֹ שָׁבַת מִכָּל־מְלַאכְתּוֹ אֲשֶׁר־בָּרָא אֱלֹהִים לַעֲשׂוֹת׃", 9.24. "וַיִּיקֶץ נֹחַ מִיֵּינוֹ וַיֵּדַע אֵת אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה־לוֹ בְּנוֹ הַקָּטָן׃", 9.25. "וַיֹּאמֶר אָרוּר כְּנָעַן עֶבֶד עֲבָדִים יִהְיֶה לְאֶחָיו׃", 9.26. "וַיֹּאמֶר בָּרוּךְ יְהֹוָה אֱלֹהֵי שֵׁם וִיהִי כְנַעַן עֶבֶד לָמוֹ׃", 9.27. "יַפְתְּ אֱלֹהִים לְיֶפֶת וְיִשְׁכֹּן בְּאָהֳלֵי־שֵׁם וִיהִי כְנַעַן עֶבֶד לָמוֹ׃", | 2.2. "And on the seventh day God finished His work which He had made; and He rested on the seventh day from all His work which He had made.", 2.3. "And God blessed the seventh day, and hallowed it; because that in it He rested from all His work which God in creating had made.", 9.24. "And Noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his youngest son had done unto him.", 9.25. "And he said: Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren.", 9.26. "And he said: Blessed be the LORD, the God of Shem; And let Canaan be their servant.", 9.27. "God enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem; And let Canaan be their servant.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 11.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 80, 81, 82| 11.17. "וְיָרַדְתִּי וְדִבַּרְתִּי עִמְּךָ שָׁם וְאָצַלְתִּי מִן־הָרוּחַ אֲשֶׁר עָלֶיךָ וְשַׂמְתִּי עֲלֵיהֶם וְנָשְׂאוּ אִתְּךָ בְּמַשָּׂא הָעָם וְלֹא־תִשָּׂא אַתָּה לְבַדֶּךָ׃", | 11.17. "And I will come down and speak with thee there; and I will take of the spirit which is upon thee, and will put it upon them; and they shall bear the burden of the people with thee, that thou bear it not thyself alone.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, Amos, 1.6, 1.11, 1.13, 2.11 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek syntax, anarthrous nouns Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 249| 1.6. "כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה עַל־שְׁלֹשָׁה פִּשְׁעֵי עַזָּה וְעַל־אַרְבָּעָה לֹא אֲשִׁיבֶנּוּ עַל־הַגְלוֹתָם גָּלוּת שְׁלֵמָה לְהַסְגִּיר לֶאֱדוֹם׃", 1.11. "כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה עַל־שְׁלֹשָׁה פִּשְׁעֵי אֱדוֹם וְעַל־אַרְבָּעָה לֹא אֲשִׁיבֶנּוּ עַל־רָדְפוֹ בַחֶרֶב אָחִיו וְשִׁחֵת רַחֲמָיו וַיִּטְרֹף לָעַד אַפּוֹ וְעֶבְרָתוֹ שְׁמָרָה נֶצַח׃", 1.13. "כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה עַל־שְׁלֹשָׁה פִּשְׁעֵי בְנֵי־עַמּוֹן וְעַל־אַרְבָּעָה לֹא אֲשִׁיבֶנּוּ עַל־בִּקְעָם הָרוֹת הַגִּלְעָד לְמַעַן הַרְחִיב אֶת־גְּבוּלָם׃", 2.11. "וָאָקִים מִבְּנֵיכֶם לִנְבִיאִים וּמִבַּחוּרֵיכֶם לִנְזִרִים הַאַף אֵין־זֹאת בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל נְאֻם־יְהוָה׃", | 1.6. "Thus saith the LORD: For three transgressions of Gaza, yea, for four, I will not reverse it: because they carried away captive a whole captivity, to deliver them up to Edom.", 1.11. "Thus saith the LORD: For three transgressions of Edom, yea, for four, I will not reverse it: because he did pursue his brother with the sword, and did cast off all pity, and his anger did tear perpetually, and he kept his wrath for ever.", 1.13. "Thus saith the LORD: For three transgressions of the children of Ammon, yea, for four, I will not reverse it: because they have ripped up the women with child of Gilead, that they might enlarge their border.", 2.11. "And I raised up of your sons for prophets, And of your young men for Nazirites. Is it not even thus, O ye children of Israel? Saith the LORD.", |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 27.1, 29.13, 40.12, 61.1, 64.1-64.2, 65.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •devil greek martyr acts •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy •(artapanus), source of greek wisdom •(artapanus), use by greek philosophers •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 75; Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 92; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 73; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 314| 27.1. "כִּי עִיר בְּצוּרָה בָּדָד נָוֶה מְשֻׁלָּח וְנֶעֱזָב כַּמִּדְבָּר שָׁם יִרְעֶה עֵגֶל וְשָׁם יִרְבָּץ וְכִלָּה סְעִפֶיהָ׃", 27.1. "בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִפְקֹד יְהוָה בְּחַרְבוֹ הַקָּשָׁה וְהַגְּדוֹלָה וְהַחֲזָקָה עַל לִוְיָתָן נָחָשׁ בָּרִחַ וְעַל לִוְיָתָן נָחָשׁ עֲקַלָּתוֹן וְהָרַג אֶת־הַתַּנִּין אֲשֶׁר בַּיָּם׃", 29.13. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֲדֹנָי יַעַן כִּי נִגַּשׁ הָעָם הַזֶּה בְּפִיו וּבִשְׂפָתָיו כִּבְּדוּנִי וְלִבּוֹ רִחַק מִמֶּנִּי וַתְּהִי יִרְאָתָם אֹתִי מִצְוַת אֲנָשִׁים מְלֻמָּדָה׃", 40.12. "מִי־מָדַד בְּשָׁעֳלוֹ מַיִם וְשָׁמַיִם בַּזֶּרֶת תִּכֵּן וְכָל בַּשָּׁלִשׁ עֲפַר הָאָרֶץ וְשָׁקַל בַּפֶּלֶס הָרִים וּגְבָעוֹת בְּמֹאזְנָיִם׃", 61.1. "שׂוֹשׂ אָשִׂישׂ בַּיהוָה תָּגֵל נַפְשִׁי בֵּאלֹהַי כִּי הִלְבִּישַׁנִי בִּגְדֵי־יֶשַׁע מְעִיל צְדָקָה יְעָטָנִי כֶּחָתָן יְכַהֵן פְּאֵר וְכַכַּלָּה תַּעְדֶּה כֵלֶיהָ׃", 61.1. "רוּחַ אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה עָלָי יַעַן מָשַׁח יְהוָה אֹתִי לְבַשֵּׂר עֲנָוִים שְׁלָחַנִי לַחֲבֹשׁ לְנִשְׁבְּרֵי־לֵב לִקְרֹא לִשְׁבוּיִם דְּרוֹר וְלַאֲסוּרִים פְּקַח־קוֹחַ׃", 64.1. "בֵּית קָדְשֵׁנוּ וְתִפְאַרְתֵּנוּ אֲשֶׁר הִלְלוּךָ אֲבֹתֵינוּ הָיָה לִשְׂרֵפַת אֵשׁ וְכָל־מַחֲמַדֵּינוּ הָיָה לְחָרְבָּה׃", 64.1. "כִּקְדֹחַ אֵשׁ הֲמָסִים מַיִם תִּבְעֶה־אֵשׁ לְהוֹדִיעַ שִׁמְךָ לְצָרֶיךָ מִפָּנֶיךָ גּוֹיִם יִרְגָּזוּ׃", 64.2. "בַּעֲשׂוֹתְךָ נוֹרָאוֹת לֹא נְקַוֶּה יָרַדְתָּ מִפָּנֶיךָ הָרִים נָזֹלּוּ׃", 65.4. "הַיֹּשְׁבִים בַּקְּבָרִים וּבַנְּצוּרִים יָלִינוּ הָאֹכְלִים בְּשַׂר הַחֲזִיר ופרק [וּמְרַק] פִּגֻּלִים כְּלֵיהֶם׃", | 27.1. "In that day the LORD with his sore and great and strong sword will punish leviathan the slant serpent, and leviathan the tortuous serpent; and He will slay the dragon that is in the sea.", 29.13. "And the Lord said: Forasmuch as this people draw near, and with their mouth and with their lips do honour Me, But have removed their heart far from Me, And their fear of Me is a commandment of men learned by rote;", 40.12. "Who hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand, And meted out heaven with the span, And comprehended the dust of the earth in a measure, And weighed the mountains in scales, And the hills in a balance?", 61.1. "The spirit of the Lord God is upon me; Because the LORD hath anointed me To bring good tidings unto the humble; He hath sent me to bind up the broken-hearted, To proclaim liberty to the captives, And the opening of the eyes to them that are bound;", 64.1. "As when fire kindleth the brush-wood, and the fire causeth the waters to boil; to make Thy name known to Thine adversaries, that the nations might tremble at Thy presence,", 64.2. "when Thou didst tremendous things which we looked not for— Oh that Thou wouldest come down, that the mountains might quake at Thy presence!—", 65.4. "That sit among the graves, and lodge in the vaults; that eat swine’s flesh, and broth of abominable things is in their vessels;", |
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6. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 19.16 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 81| 19.16. "וְאֵת יֵהוּא בֶן־נִמְשִׁי תִּמְשַׁח לְמֶלֶךְ עַל־יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאֶת־אֱלִישָׁע בֶּן־שָׁפָט מֵאָבֵל מְחוֹלָה תִּמְשַׁח לְנָבִיא תַּחְתֶּיךָ׃", | 19.16. "and Jehu the son of Nimshi shalt thou anoint to be king over Israel; and Elisha the son of Shaphat of Abel-meholah shalt thou anoint to be prophet in thy room.", |
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7. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 132, 131 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 152 | 131. Began to give birth, hankering to bear |
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| 8. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 336; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 346; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 336 |
| 9. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 346 |
| 10. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophy as part of religion Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 48 |
11. Aeschylus, Suppliant Women, 277-282, 284-290, 283 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 16| 283. εἰκὼς πέπληκται τεκτόνων πρὸς ἀρσένων· | |
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| 12. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 336; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 346; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 336 |
| 13. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 26 |
| 14. Euripides, Hippolytus, 1253-1254 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389 |
15. Aristophanes, The Women Celebrating The Thesmophoria, 284-285 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 222| 285. τὸ πόπανον, ὅπως λαβοῦσα θύσω τοῖν θεοῖν. | |
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| 16. Herodotus, Histories, 5.92.7 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles (greek), haliartos (or orchomenos?), oracle of teiresias Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 528 |
| 17. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 150, 151 |
18. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389| 741c. τὸν ἐθέλοντα ἢ μὴ κληροῦσθαι, ὡς πρῶτον μὲν τῆς γῆς ἱερᾶς οὔσης τῶν πάντων θεῶν, εἶτα ἱερέων τε καὶ ἱερειῶν εὐχὰς ποιησομένων ἐπὶ τοῖς πρώτοις θύμασι καὶ δευτέροις καὶ μέχρι τριῶν, τὸν πριάμενον ἢ ἀποδόμενον ὧν ἔλαχεν οἰκοπέδων ἢ γηπέδων τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοις πρέποντα πάσχειν πάθη· γράψαντες δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς θήσουσι κυπαριττίνας μνήμας εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον καταγεγραμμένας, πρὸς τούτοις δʼ ἔτι φυλακτήρια τούτων, ὅπως ἂν γίγνηται, | 741c. or refuse an allotment on the understanding that, first, the land is sacred to all the gods, and further, that prayers shall be made at the first, second, and third sacrifices by the priests and priestesses,—therefore the man who buys or sells the house-plot or land-plot allotted to him must suffer the penalty attached to this sin. The officials shall inscribe on tablets of cypress-wood written records for future reference, and shall place them in the shrines; furthermore, |
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19. Aristophanes, Frogs, 940 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 335; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 335| 940. οἰδοῦσαν ὑπὸ κομπασμάτων καὶ ῥημάτων ἐπαχθῶν, | |
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20. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 678, 680, 679 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 250| 679. περιῆλθε τοὺς βωμοὺς ἅπαντας ἐν κύκλῳ, | |
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| 21. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 39 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389 |
| 22. Callimachus, Fragments, 398, 465 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 386; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 386 |
| 23. Theophrastus, Research On Plants, 3.3.1 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389 |
24. Lycophron, Alexandra, 1047-1052, 1054-1055, 1461-1474, 1053 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 314| 1053. ὅταν κατικμαίνοντες Ἀλθαίνου ῥοαῖς | |
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| 25. Theocritus, Idylls, 7.43-7.44 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 389 |
| 26. Callimachus, Fragments, 398, 465 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 386; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 386 |
| 27. Aristobulus Cassandreus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 171 |
| 28. Callimachus, Fragments, 398, 465 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 386; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 386 |
| 29. Callimachus, Aetia, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 385, 388; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 385, 388 |
| 30. Callimachus, Epigrams, 26, 28, 5, 56, 6 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 377, 384; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 377, 384 |
| 31. Callimachus, Epigrams, 26, 28, 5, 56, 6 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 377, 384; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 377, 384 |
| 32. Ezekiel The Tragedian, Exagoge, 12, 35, 155 (3rd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 171 |
| 33. Cicero, Philippicae, 11.24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 12 |
| 34. Cicero, Orator, 232 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
| 35. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 13.11.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 12 |
36. Cicero, Republic, 1.21-1.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37| 1.21. Tum Philus: Nihil novi vobis adferam, neque quod a me sit cogitatum aut inventum; nam memoria teneo C. Sulpicium Gallum, doctissimum, ut scitis, hominem, cum idem hoc visum diceretur et esset casu apud M. Marcellum, qui cum eo consul fuerat, sphaeram, quam M. Marcelli avus captis Syracusis ex urbe locupletissima atque ornatissima sustulisset, cum aliud nihil ex tanta praeda domum suam deportavisset, iussisse proferri; cuius ego sphaerae cum persaepe propter Archimedi gloriam nomen audissem, speciem ipsam non sum tanto opere admiratus; erat enim illa venustior et nobilior in volgus, quam ab eodem Archimede factam posuerat in templo Virtutis Marcellus idem. 1.22. Sed posteaquam coepit rationem huius operis scientissime Gallus exponere, plus in illo Siculo ingenii, quam videretur natura humana ferre potuisse, iudicavi fuisse. Dicebat enim Gallus sphaerae illius alterius solidae atque plenae vetus esse inventum, et eam a Thalete Milesio primum esse tornatam, post autem ab Eudoxo Cnidio, discipulo, ut ferebat, Platonis, eandem illam astris stellisque, quae caelo inhaererent, esse descriptam; cuius omnem ornatum et descriptionem sumptam ab Eudoxo multis annis post non astrologiae scientia, sed poetica quadam facultate versibus Aratum extulisse. Hoc autem sphaerae genus, in quo solis et lunae motus inessent et earum quinque stellarum, quae errantes et quasi vagae nominarentur, in illa sphaera solida non potuisse finiri, atque in eo admirandum esse inventum Archimedi, quod excogitasset, quem ad modum in dissimillimis motibus inaequabiles et varios cursus servaret una conversio. Hanc sphaeram Gallus cum moveret, fiebat, ut soli luna totidem conversionibus in aere illo, quot diebus in ipso caelo, succederet, ex quo et in caelo sphaera solis fieret eadem illa defectio et incideret luna tum in eam metam, quae esset umbra terrae, cum sol e regione | |
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37. Cicero, On Duties, 2.76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 2.76. Laudat Africanum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinens. Quidni laudet? Sed in illo alia maiora; laus abstinentiae non hominis est solum, sed etiam temporum illorum. Omni Macedonum gaza, quae fuit maxima, potitus est Paulus tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. At hic nihil domum suam intulit praeter memoriam nominis sempiternam. Imitatus patrem Africanus nihilo locupletior Carthagine eversa. Quid? qui eius collega fuit in censura. L. Mummius, numquid copiosior, cum copiosissimam urbem funditus sustulisset? Italiam ornare quam domum suam maluit; quamquam Italia ornata domus ipsa mihi videtur ornatior. | 2.76. Panaetius praises Africanus for his integrity in public life. Why should he not? But Africanus had other and greater virtues. The boast of official integrity belongs not to that man alone but also to his times. When Paulus got possession of all the wealth of Macedon â and it was enormous â he brought into our treasury so much money that the spoils of a single general did away with the need for a tax on property in Rome for all time to come. But to his own house he brought nothing save the glory of an immortal name. Africanus emulated his father's example and was none the richer for his overthrow of Carthage. And what shall we say of Lucius Mummius, his colleague in the censorship? Was he one penny the richer when he had destroyed to its foundations the richest of cities? He preferred to adorn Italy rather than his own house. And yet by the adornment of Italy his own house was, as it seems to me, still more splendidly adorned. |
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38. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37 | 2.88. Suppose a traveller to carry into Scythia or Britain the orrery recently constructed by our friend Posidonius, which at each revolution reproduces the same motions of the sun, the moon and the five planets that take place in the heavens every twenty-four hundred, would any single native doubt that this orrery was the work of a rational being? This thinkers however raise doubts about the world itself from which all things arise and have their being, and debate whether it is the produce of chance or necessity of some sort, or of divine reason and intelligence; they think more highly of the achievement of Archimedes in making a model of the revolutions of the firmament than of that of nature in creating them, although the perfection of the original shows a craftsmanship many times as great as does the counterfeit. |
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39. Cicero, On Divination, 1.11, 1.72, 1.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •divination (greek and roman), natural vs. artificial •artists, greek Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 95; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 3, 5| 1.11. Ego vero, inquam, philosophiae, Quinte, semper vaco; hoc autem tempore, cum sit nihil aliud, quod lubenter agere possim, multo magis aveo audire, de divinatione quid sentias. Nihil, inquit, equidem novi, nec quod praeter ceteros ipse sentiam; nam cum antiquissimam sententiam, tum omnium populorum et gentium consensu conprobatam sequor. Duo sunt enim dividi genera, quorum alterum artis est, alterum naturae. 1.72. in quo haruspices, augures coniectoresque numerantur. Haec inprobantur a Peripateticis, a Stoicis defenduntur. Quorum alia sunt posita in monumentis et disciplina, quod Etruscorum declarant et haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri, vestri etiam augurales, alia autem subito ex tempore coniectura explicantur, ut apud Homerum Calchas, qui ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratus est, et ut in Sullae scriptum historia videmus, quod te inspectante factum est, ut, cum ille in agro Nolano inmolaret ante praetorium, ab infima ara subito anguis emergeret, cum quidem C. Postumius haruspex oraret illum, ut in expeditionem exercitum educeret; id cum Sulla fecisset, tum ante oppidum Nolam florentissuma Samnitium castra cepit. 1.88. Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur. | 1.11. Really, my dear Quintus, said I, I always have time for philosophy. Moreover, since there is nothing else at this time that I can do with pleasure, I am all the more eager to hear what you think about divination.There is, I assure you, said he, nothing new or original in my views; for those which I adopt are not only very old, but they are endorsed by the consent of all peoples and nations. There are two kinds of divination: the first is dependent on art, the other on nature. 1.72. But those methods of divination which are dependent on conjecture, or on deductions from events previously observed and recorded, are, as I have said before, not natural, but artificial, and include the inspection of entrails, augury, and the interpretation of dreams. These are disapproved of by the Peripatetics and defended by the Stoics. Some are based upon records and usage, as is evident from the Etruscan books on divination by means of inspection of entrails and by means of thunder and lightning, and as is also evident from the books of your augural college; while others are dependent on conjecture made suddenly and on the spur of the moment. An instance of the latter kind is that of Calchas in Homer, prophesying the number of years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows. We find another illustration of conjectural divination in the history of Sulla in an occurrence which you witnessed. While he was offering sacrifices in front of his head-quarters in the Nolan district a snake suddenly came out from beneath the altar. The soothsayer, Gaius Postumius, begged Sulla to proceed with his march at once. Sulla did so and captured the strongly fortified camp of the Samnites which lay in front of the town of Nola. 1.88. Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried. |
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40. Cicero, Pro Murena, 31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 31. verum haec Cato nimium nos nos y2 : vos cett. nostris verbis magna facere demonstrat et oblitos esse bellum illud omne Mithridaticum cum mulierculis esse gestum. quod ego longe secus existimo, iudices; deque eo pauca disseram; neque enim causa in hoc continetur. nam si omnia bella quae cum Graecis gessimus contemnenda sunt, derideatur de rege Pyrrho triumphus M'. Manlii Curi, de Philippo T. Titi Flaminini Flaminini Manutius : Flamini codd., de Aetolis M. Marci Fulvi, de rege Perse L. Lucii Pauli, de Pseudophilippo Q. Quinti Metelli, de Corinthiis L. Lucii Mummi. sin sin s : si mei haec bella gravissima victoriaeque eorum bellorum gratissimae gratissimae Lag. 13: gravissimae mei fuerunt, cur Asiaticae nationes atque ille a te hostis contemnitur? atqui ex veterum rerum monumentis vel maximum bellum populum Romanum cum Antiocho cum rege Antiocho Priscian. ( K. iii. p. 74) gessisse video; cuius belli victor L. Lucio Scipio aequa parta aequa parta Kayser : si qua parta (partha S ) codd. : aequiparata Madvig cum P. fratre gloria, quam laudem ille Africa oppressa cognomine ipso prae se ferebat, eandem hic sibi ex Asiae nomine adsumpsit. | |
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| 41. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.55-2.1.57, 2.2.4, 2.2.86-2.2.87, 2.2.89-2.2.119, 2.4.72-2.4.75, 2.4.80, 2.4.82, 2.4.84-2.4.85, 2.4.93, 2.4.97, 2.4.120-2.4.121, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 32, 33, 45, 54 |
42. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •(artapanus), source of greek wisdom •(artapanus), use by greek philosophers Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 171 | 1.10. Those in Jerusalem and those in Judea and the senate and Judas,To Aristobulus, who is of the family of the anointed priests, teacher of Ptolemy the king, and to the Jews in Egypt,Greeting, and good health.' |
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43. Polybius, Histories, 9.10, 9.10.1-9.10.13, 21.30.9, 39.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 32, 37, 38| 9.10.1. οὐκ ἐκ τῶν ἔξω κοσμεῖται πόλις, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῆς τῶν οἰκούντων ἀρετῆς. 9.10.2. ἐκρίθη μὲν οὖν διὰ τοῦτο τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὰ προειρημένα μετακομίζειν εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πατρίδα καὶ μηδὲν ἀπολιπεῖν· 9.10.3. πότερα δʼ ὀρθῶς τοῦτο καὶ συμφερόντως αὑτοῖς ἔπραξαν ἢ τἀναντία, πολὺς ἂν εἴη λόγος, πλείων γε μὴν εἰς τὸ μὴ δεόντως σφίσι πεπρᾶχθαι μηδʼ ἀκμὴν νῦν πράττεσθαι τοῦτο τοὔργον. 9.10.4. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τοιούτων ὁρμηθέντες προεβίβασαν τὴν πατρίδα, δῆλον ὡς εἰκότως ταῦτα μετέφερον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, διʼ ὧν ηὐξήθησαν. 9.10.5. εἰ δʼ ἁπλουστάτοις χρώμενοι βίοις καὶ πορρωτάτω τῆς ἐν τούτοις περιττότητος καὶ πολυτελείας ἀφεστῶτες ὅμως ἐπεκράτουν τούτων αἰεὶ παρʼ οἷς ὑπῆρχε πλεῖστα καὶ κάλλιστα τὰ τοιαῦτα, πῶς οὐ νομιστέον εἶναι τὸ γινόμενον ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἁμάρτημα; 9.10.6. τὸ γὰρ ἀπολιπόντας τὰ τῶν νικώντων ἔθη τὸν τῶν ἡττωμένων ζῆλον ἀναλαμβάνειν, προσεπιδραττομένους ἅμα καὶ τὸν ἐξακολουθοῦντα τοῖς τοιούτοις φθόνον, ὃ πάντων ἐστὶ φοβερώτατον ταῖς ὑπεροχαῖς, ὁμολογούμενον ἂν εἴποι τις εἶναι τῶν πραττόντων παράπτωμα. 9.10.7. οὐ γὰρ οὕτως ὁ θεώμενος οὐδέποτε μακαρίζει τοὺς τἀλλότρια κεκτημένους, ὡς ἐν τῷ φθονεῖν ἅμα καί τις ἔλεος αὐτὸν ὑποτρέχει τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀποβαλόντων. 9.10.8. ἐπὰν δὲ καὶ προβαίνῃ τὰ τῆς εὐκαιρίας καὶ πάντα συνάγῃ πρὸς αὑτὸν τὰ τῶν ἄλλων, καὶ ταῦτα συγκαλῇ τρόπον τινὰ τοὺς ἐστερημένους ἐπὶ θέαν, διπλάσιον γίνεται τὸ κακόν. 9.10.9. οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τοὺς πέλας ἐλεεῖν συμβαίνει τοὺς θεωμένους, ἀλλὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, ἀναμιμνησκομένους τῶν οἰκείων συμπτωμάτων. 9.10.10. ἐξ ὧν οὐ μόνον φθόνος, ἀλλʼ οἷον ὀργή τις ἐκκαίεται πρὸς τοὺς εὐτυχοῦντας· ἡ γὰρ τῶν ἰδίων περιπετειῶν ἀνάμνησις ὡς ἂν εἰ προτροπή τις ἐστι πρὸς τὸ κατὰ τῶν πραξάντων μῖσος. 9.10.11. τὸ μὲν οὖν τὸν χρυσὸν καὶ τὸν ἄργυρον ἁθροίζειν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἴσως ἔχει τινὰ λόγον· οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε τῶν καθόλου πραγμάτων ἀντιποιήσασθαι μὴ οὐ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἀδυναμίαν ἐνεργασαμένους, σφίσι δὲ τὴν τοιαύτην δύναμιν ἑτοιμάσαντας. 9.10.12. τὰ δʼ ἐκτὸς ὑπάρχοντα τῆς προειρημένης δυνάμεως ἦν ἐν τοῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τόποις ἅμα τῷ φθόνῳ καταλιπόντας ἐνδοξοτέραν ποιεῖν τὴν σφετέραν πατρίδα, μὴ γραφαῖς καὶ τύποις, ἀλλὰ σεμνότητι καὶ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ κοσμοῦντας αὐτήν. 9.10.13. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν τῶν μεταλαμβανόντων ἀεὶ τὰς δυναστείας, ἵνα μὴ σκυλεύοντες τὰς πόλεις κόσμον ὑπολαμβάνωσιν εἶναι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν πατρίσι τὰς ἀλλοτρίας συμφοράς· Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ μετακομίσαντες τὰ προειρημένα ταῖς μὲν ἰδιωτικαῖς κατασκευαῖς τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐκόσμησαν βίους, ταῖς δὲ δημοσίαις τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως. 21.30.9. ὁ δὲ Μάρκος παραλαβὼν τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν τοὺς μὲν Αἰτωλοὺς ἀφῆκεν ὑποσπόνδους, τὰ δʼ ἀγάλματα καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰς γραφὰς ἀπήγαγεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὄντα καὶ πλείω διὰ τὸ γεγονέναι βασίλειον Πύρρου τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν. | 9.10. 1. A city is not adorned by external splendours, but by the virtue of its inhabitants. . . .,2. The Romans, then, decided for this reason to transfer all these objects to their own city and leave nothing behind.,3. As to whether in doing so they acted rightly and in their own interest or the reverse, there is much to be said on both sides, but the more weighty arguments are in favour of their conduct having been wrong then and still being wrong.,4. For if they had originally relied on such things for the advancement of their country, they would evidently have been right in bringing to their home the kind of things which had contributed to their aggrandizement.,5. But if, on the contrary, while leading the simplest of lives, very far removed from all such superfluous magnificence, they were constantly victorious over those who possessed the greatest number and finest examples of such works, must we not consider that they committed a mistake?,6. To abandon the habits of the victors and to imitate those of the conquered, not only appropriating the objects, but at the same time attracting that envy which is inseparable from their possession, which is the one thing most to be dreaded by superiors in power, is surely an incontestable error.,7. For in no case is one who contemplates such works of art moved so much by admiration of the good fortune of those who have possessed themselves of the property of others, as by pity as well as envy for the original owners.,8. And when opportunities become ever more frequent, and the victor collects around him all the treasures of other peoples, and these treasures may be almost said to invite those who were robbed of them to come and inspect them, things are twice as bad.,9. For now spectators no longer pity their neighbours, but themselves, as they recall to mind their own calamities.,10. And hence not only envy, but a sort of passionate hatred for the favourites of fortune flares up, for the memories awakened of their own disaster move them to abhor the authors of it.,11. There were indeed perhaps good reasons for appropriating all the gold and silver: for it was impossible for them to aim at a world empire without weakening the resources of other peoples and strengthening their own.,12. But it was possible for them to leave everything which did not contribute to such strength, together with the envy attached to its possession, in its original place, and to add to the glory of their native city by adorning it not with paintings and reliefs but with dignity and magimity.,13. At any rate these remarks will serve to teach all those who succeed to empire, that they should not strip cities under the idea that the misfortunes of others are an ornament to their own country. The Romans on the present occasion, after transferring all these objects to Rome, used such as came from private houses to embellish their own homes, and those that were state property for their public buildings. IV. Affairs of Spain 9.10.1. A city is not adorned by external splendours, but by the virtue of its inhabitants. . . . 9.10.2. The Romans, then, decided for this reason to transfer all these objects to their own city and leave nothing behind. 9.10.3. As to whether in doing so they acted rightly and in their own interest or the reverse, there is much to be said on both sides, but the more weighty arguments are in favour of their conduct having been wrong then and still being wrong. 9.10.4. For if they had originally relied on such things for the advancement of their country, they would evidently have been right in bringing to their home the kind of things which had contributed to their aggrandizement. 9.10.5. But if, on the contrary, while leading the simplest of lives, very far removed from all such superfluous magnificence, they were constantly victorious over those who possessed the greatest number and finest examples of such works, must we not consider that they committed a mistake? 9.10.6. To abandon the habits of the victors and to imitate those of the conquered, not only appropriating the objects, but at the same time attracting that envy which is inseparable from their possession, which is the one thing most to be dreaded by superiors in power, is surely an incontestable error. 9.10.7. For in no case is one who contemplates such works of art moved so much by admiration of the good fortune of those who have possessed themselves of the property of others, as by pity as well as envy for the original owners. 9.10.8. And when opportunities become ever more frequent, and the victor collects around him all the treasures of other peoples, and these treasures may be almost said to invite those who were robbed of them to come and inspect them, things are twice as bad. 9.10.9. For now spectators no longer pity their neighbours, but themselves, as they recall to mind their own calamities. 9.10.10. And hence not only envy, but a sort of passionate hatred for the favourites of fortune flares up, for the memories awakened of their own disaster move them to abhor the authors of it. 9.10.11. There were indeed perhaps good reasons for appropriating all the gold and silver: for it was impossible for them to aim at a world empire without weakening the resources of other peoples and strengthening their own. 9.10.12. But it was possible for them to leave everything which did not contribute to such strength, together with the envy attached to its possession, in its original place, and to add to the glory of their native city by adorning it not with paintings and reliefs but with dignity and magimity. 9.10.13. At any rate these remarks will serve to teach all those who succeed to empire, that they should not strip cities under the idea that the misfortunes of others are an ornament to their own country. The Romans on the present occasion, after transferring all these objects to Rome, used such as came from private houses to embellish their own homes, and those that were state property for their public buildings. IV. Affairs of Spain 21.30.9. Fulvius, having entered Ambracia, allowed the Aetolians to depart under flag of truce; but carried away all the decorative objects, statues, and pictures, of which there were a considerable number, as the town had once been the royal seat of Pyrrhus. 39.6. 1. The Roman general, after the general assembly had left Achaea, repaired the Isthmian course and adorned the temples at Delphi and Olympia, and on the following days visited the different cities, honoured in each of them and receiving testimonies of the gratitude due to him.,2. It was only natural indeed that he should be treated with honour both in public and in private.,3. For his conduct had been unexacting and unsullied and he had dealt leniently with the whole situation, though he had such great opportunities and such absolute power in Greece.,4. If, indeed, he was thought to be guilty of any deflection from his duty I at least put it down not to his own initiative, but to the friends who lived with him.,5. The most notable instance was that of the cavalrymen of Chalcis whom he slew. II. Affairs of Egypt |
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| 44. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.46, 5.66 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •arts, roman anxiety about greek Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 61; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36 |
45. Septuagint, Judith, 8.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •helios, greek god, representations of in jewish art Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 5 | 8.18. "For never in our generation, nor in these present days, has there been any tribe or family or people or city of ours which worshiped gods made with hands, as was done in days gone by -- |
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46. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 2.1-2.2, 10.214-10.216 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nilsson, martin, on greek calendar •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 344; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 152; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 344| 2.1. Regia Solis erat sublimibus alta columnis, 2.2. clara micante auro flammasque imitante pyropo: 10.214. Non satis hoc Phoebo est (is enim fuit auctor honoris): 10.215. ipse suos gemitus foliis inscribit, et AI AI 10.216. flos habet inscriptum, funestaque littera dicta est. | |
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47. Ovid, Amores, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36| 3.2.31. Talia pinguntur succinctae crura Dianae | |
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48. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 2.4, 3.401-3.402 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 378; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 43; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 378| 2.4. rend= 3.401. Si Venerem Cous nusquam posuisset Apelles, 3.402. rend= | |
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| 49. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 3.3.31 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 378; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 378 |
50. Ovid, Fasti, 4.654, 4.659, 4.663, 6.277-6.280 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) •greek, art Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 314; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37| 4.654. sternitur in duro vellus utrumque solo. 4.659. veste rudi tectus supra nova vellera corpus 4.663. Faunus adest, oviumque premens pede vellera duro 6.277. arte Syracosia suspensus in aere clauso 6.278. stat globus, immensi parva figura poli, 6.279. et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis 6.280. terra; quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit, | 4.654. Both the fleeces were spread on the hard soil. 4.659. Dressed in rough clothes he lay down on fresh fleeces, 4.663. Faunus appeared, and pressing the fleece with a hard hoof, 6.277. There’s a globe suspended, enclosed by Syracusan art, 6.278. That’s a small replica of the vast heavens, 6.279. And the Earth’s equidistant from top and bottom. 6.280. Which is achieved by its spherical shape. |
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| 51. Varro, Ap. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, 4.31 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •helios, greek god, representations of in jewish art Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 5 |
| 52. Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 373 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 378; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 378 |
53. Ovid, Tristia, 2.427-2.430, 2.528, 3.1.70-3.1.72 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition •greek, art Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 12, 31; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329| 2.427. sic sua lascivo cantata est saepe Catullo 2.428. femina, cui falsum Lesbia nomen erat; 2.429. nec contentus ea, multos vulgavit amores, 2.430. in quibus ipse suum fassus adulterium est. 2.528. et modo maternis tecta videtur aquis, | |
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| 54. Horace, Epodes, 16.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 33 |
| 55. Horace, Letters, 2.1.192-2.1.193 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
| 56. Livy, History, 1.20.4, 2.10.12, 5.47.3, 6.4.2, 25.40.3, 25.40.2, 25.40.1, 26.21.8, 26.21.7, 26.27.14, 26.29-30.11, 26.32, 27.16.7, 27.16.8, 27.25.7, 29.11.13, 34.3, 34.4, 37.57.14, 37.57.13, 38.43.5, 38.43.3, 38.43.4, 38.43.2, 38.44.5, 38.44.6, 39.4, 39.5.14, 39.5.13, 39.5.15, 39.5.16, 39.6.7, 39.6.9, 39.6.8, 40.29.2, 40.29.4, 40.29.3, 40.29.6, 40.29.5, 40.29.7, 40.29.8, 40.29.9, 40.29.10, 40.29.11, 40.29.14, 40.29.13, 40.29.12, 43.4.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 |
| 57. Horace, Odes, 1.6.2, 3.30.1-3.30.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334, 378; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334, 378 |
| 58. Propertius, Elegies, 2.25.3-2.25.4, 2.28.29, 2.34.87-2.34.88, 3.9.11, 4.2.1-4.2.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture •greek, art Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329, 378; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36, 43; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329, 378 |
| 59. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 34 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •arts, roman anxiety about greek Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 61 |
| 60. Catullus, Poems, 65.16, 116.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 330, 331, 386; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 330, 331, 386 |
| 61. Seneca The Elder, Suasoriae, 3.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 340; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 340 |
| 62. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 61 |
| 63. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 1.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31 |
| 64. Sallust, Catiline, 54.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 32, 33 |
65. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.70-2.71 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31 | 2.70. 1. The sixth division of his religious institutions was devoted to those the Romans call Salii, whom Numa himself appointed out of the patricians, choosing twelve young men of the most graceful appearance. These are the Salii whose holy things are deposited on the Palatine hill and who are themselves called the (Salii) Palatini; for the (Salii) Agonales, by some called the Salii Collini, the repository of whose holy things is on the Quirinal hill, were appointed after Numa's time by King Hostilius, in pursuance of a vow he had made in the war against the Sabines. All these Salii are a kind of dancers and singers of hymns in praise of the gods of war.,2. Their festival falls about the time of the Panathenaea, in the month which they call March, and is celebrated at the public expense for many days, during which they proceed through the city with their dances to the Forum and to the Capitol and to many other places both private and public. They wear embroidered tunics girt about with wide girdles of bronze, and over these are fastened, with brooches, robes striped with scarlet and bordered with purple, which they call trabeae; this garment is peculiar to the Romans and a mark of the greatest honour. On their heads they wear apices, as they are called, that is, high caps contracted into the shape of a cone, which the Greeks call kyrbasiai.,3. They have each of them a sword hanging at their girdle and in their right hand they hold a spear or a staff or something else of the sort, and on their left arm a Thracian buckler, which resembles a lozenge-shaped shield with its sides drawn in, such as those are said to carry who among the Greeks perform the sacred rites of the Curetes.,4. And, in my opinion at least, the Salii, if the word be translated into Greek, are Curetes, whom, because they are kouroi or "young men," we call by that name from their age, whereas the Romans call them Salii from their lively motions. For to leap and skip is by them called salire; and for the same reason they call all other dancers saltatores, deriving their name from the Salii, because their dancing also is attended by much leaping and capering.,5. Whether I have been well advised or not in giving them this appellation, anyone who pleases may gather from their actions. For they execute their movements in arms, keeping time to a flute, sometimes all together, sometimes by turns, and while dancing sing certain traditional hymns. But this dance and exercise performed by armed men and the noise they make by striking their bucklers with their daggers, if we may base any conjectures on the ancient accounts, was originated by the Curetes. I need not mention the legend which is related concerning them, since almost everybody is acquainted with it. 2.71. 1. Among the vast number of bucklers which both the Salii themselves bear and some of their servants carry suspended from rods, they say there is one that fell from heaven and was found in the palace of Numa, though no one had brought it thither and no buckler of that shape had ever before been known among the Italians; and that for both these reasons the Romans concluded that this buckler had been sent by the gods.,2. They add that Numa, desiring that it should be honoured by being carried through the city on holy days by the most distinguished young men and that annual sacrifices should be offered to it, but at the same time being fearful both of the plot of his enemies and of its disappearance by theft, caused many other bucklers to be made resembling the one which fell from heaven, Mamurius, an artificer, having undertaken the work; so that, as a result of the perfect resemblance of the man-made imitations, the shape of the buckler sent by the gods was rendered inconspicuous and difficult to be distinguished by those who might plot to possess themselves of it.,3. This dancing after the manner of the Curetes was a native institution among the Romans and was held in great honour by them, as I gather from many other indications and especially from what takes place in their processions both in the Circus and in the theatres.,4. For in all of them young men clad in handsome tunics, with helmets, swords and bucklers, march in file. These are the leaders of the procession and are called by the Romans, from a game of which the Lydians seem to have been the inventors, ludiones; they show merely a certain resemblance, in my opinion, to the Salii, since they do not, like the Salii, do any of the things characteristic of the Curetes, either in their hymns or dancing. And it was necessary that the Salii should be free men and native Romans and that both their fathers and mothers should be living; whereas the others are of any condition whatsoever. But why should I say more about them? |
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66. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 3.16-3.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 25 | 3.16. Since it is through the Arrangement that we set in order the topics we have invented so that there may be a definite place for each in the delivery, we must see how kind of method one should follow in the process of arranging. The kinds of Arrangement are two: one arising from the principles of rhetoric, the other accommodated to particular circumstances. Our Arrangement will be based on the principles of rhetoric when we observe instructions that I have set forth in Book I â to use the Introduction, Statement of Facts, Division, Proof, Refutation, and Conclusion, and in speaking to follow the order enjoined above. It is likewise on the principles of the art that we shall be basing our Arrangement, not only of the whole case throughout the discourse, but also of the individual arguments, according to Proposition, Reason, Proof of the Reason, Embellishment, and Résumé, as I have explained in Book II. 3.17. This Arrangement, then, is twofold â one for the whole speech, and the other for the individual arguments â and is based upon the principles of rhetoric. But there is also another Arrangement, which, when we must depart from the order imposed by the rules of the art, is accommodated to circumstance in accordance with the speaker's judgement; for example, if we should begin our speech with the Statement of Facts, or with some very strong argument, or the reading of some documents; or if straightway after the Introduction we should use the Proof and then the Statement of Facts; or if we should make some other change of this kind in the order. But none of these changes ought to be made except when our cause demands them. For if the ears of the audience seem to have been deafened and their attention wearied by the wordiness of our adversaries, we can advantageously omit the Introduction, and begin the speech with either the Statement of Facts or some strong argument. Then, if it is advantageous â for it is not always necessary â one may recur to the idea intended for the Introduction. If our cause seems to present so great a difficulty that no one can listen to the Introduction with patience, we shall begin with the Statement of Facts and then recur to the idea intended for the Introduction. If the Statement of Facts is not quite plausible, we shall begin with some strong argument. It is often necessary to employ such changes and transpositions when the cause itself obliges us to modify with art the Arrangement prescribed by the rules of the art. 3.18. In the Proof and Refutation of arguments it is appropriate to adopt an Arrangement of the following sort: (1) the strongest arguments should be placed at the beginning and at the end of the pleading; (2) those of medium force, and also those that are neither useless to the discourse nor essential to the proof, which are weak if presented separately and individually, but become strong and plausible when conjoined with the others, should be placed in the middle. For immediately after the facts have been stated the hearer waits to see whether the cause can by some means be proved, and that is why we ought straightway to present some strong argument. (3) And as for the rest, since what has been said last is easily committed to memory, it is useful, when ceasing to speak, to leave some very strong argument fresh in the hearer's mind. This arrangement of topics in speaking, like the arraying of soldiers in battle, can readily bring victory. 3.19. Many have said that the faculty of greatest use to the speaker and the most valuable for persuasion is Delivery. For my part, I should not readily say that any one of the five faculties is the most important; that an exceptionally great usefulness resides in the delivery I should boldly affirm. For skilful invention, elegant style, the artistic management of the parts comprising the case, and the careful memory of all these will be of no more value without delivery, than delivery alone and independent of these. Therefore, because no one has written carefully on this subject â all have thought it scarcely possible for voice, mien, and gesture to be lucidly described, as appertaining to our sense-experience â and because the mastery of delivery is a very important requisite for speaking, the whole subject, as I believe, deserves serious consideration. Delivery, then, includes Voice Quality and Physical Movement. Voice Quality has a certain character of its own, acquired by method and application. 3.20. It has three aspects: Volume, Stability, and Flexibility. Vocal volume is primarily the gift of nature; cultivation augments it somewhat, but chiefly conserves it. Stability is primarily gained by cultivation; declamatory exercise augments it somewhat, but chiefly conserves it. Vocal flexibility â the ability in speaking to vary the intonations of the voice at pleasure â is primarily achieved by declamatory exercise. Thus with regard to vocal volume, and in a degree also to stability, since one is the gift of nature and the other is acquired by cultivation, it is pointless to give any other advice than that the method of cultivating the voice should be sought from those skilled in this art. It seems, however, that I must discuss stability in the degree that it is conserved by a system of declamation, and also vocal flexibility (this is especially necessary to the speaker), because it too is acquired by the discipline of declamation. 3.21. We can, then, in speaking conserve stability mainly by using for the Introduction a voice as calm and composed as possible. For the windpipe is injured if filled with a violent outburst of sound before it has been soothed by soft intonations. And it is appropriate to use rather long pauses â the voice is refreshed by respiration and the windpipe is rested by silence. We should also relax from continual use of the full voice and pass to the tone of conversation; for, as the result of changes, no one kind of tone is spent, and we are complete in the entire range. Again, we ought to avoid piercing exclamations, for a shock that wounds the windpipe is produced by shouting which is excessively sharp and shrill, and the brilliance of the voice is altogether used up by one outburst. Again, at the end of the speech it is proper to deliver long periods in one unbroken breath, for then the throat becomes warm, the windpipe is filled, and the voice, which has been used in a variety of tones, is restored to a kind of uniform and constant tone. How often must we be duly thankful to nature, as here! Indeed what we declare to be beneficial for conserving the voice applies also to agreeableness of delivery, and, as a result, what benefits our voice likewise finds favour in the hearer's taste. 3.22. A useful thing for stability is a calm tone in the Introduction. What is more disagreeable than the full voice in the Introduction to a discourse? Pauses strengthen the voice. They also render the thoughts more clear-cut by separating them, and leave the hearer time to think. Relaxation from a continuous full tone conserves the voice, and the variety gives extreme pleasure to the hearer too, since now the conversational tone holds the attention and now the full voice rouses it. Sharp exclamation injures the voice and likewise jars the hearer, for it has about it something ignoble, suited rather to feminine outcry than to manly dignity in speaking. At the end of the speech a sustained flow is beneficial to the voice. And does not this, too, most vigorously stir the hearer at the Conclusion of the entire discourse? Since, then, the same means serve stability of the voice and agreeableness of delivery, my present discussion will have dealt with both at once, offering as it does the observations that have seemed appropriate on stability, and the related observations on agreeableness. The rest I shall set forth somewhat later, in its proper place. 3.23. Now the flexibility of the voice, since it depends entirely on rhetorical rules, deserves our more careful consideration. The aspects of Flexibility are Conversational Tone, Tone of Debate, and Tone of Amplification. The Tone of Conversation is relaxed, and is closest to daily speech. The Tone of Debate is energetic, and is suited to both proof and refutation. The Tone of Amplification either rouses the hearer to wrath or moves him to pity. Conversational Tone comprises four kinds: the Dignified, The Explicative, the Narrative, and the Facetious. The Dignified, or Serious, Tone of Conversation is marked by some degree of impressiveness and by vocal restraint. The Explicative in a calm voice explains how something could or could not have been brought to pass. The Narrative sets forth events that have occurred or might have occurred. The Facetious can on the basis of some circumstance elicit a laugh which is modest and refined. In the Tone of Debate are distinguishable the Sustained and the Broken. The Sustained is full-voiced and accelerated delivery. The Broken Tone of Debate is punctuated repeatedly with short, intermittent pauses, and is vociferated sharply. 3.24. The Tone of Amplification includes the Hortatory and the Pathetic. The Hortatory, by amplifying some fault, incites the hearer to indignation. The Pathetic, by amplifying misfortunes, wins the hearer over to pity. Since, then, vocal flexibility is divided into three tones, and these in turn subdivide into eight others, it appears that we must explain what delivery is appropriate to each of these eight subdivisions. (1) For the Dignified Conversational Tone it will be proper to use the full throat but the calmest and most subdued voice possible, yet not in such a fashion that we pass from the practice of the orator to that of the tragedian. (2) For the Explicative Conversational Tone one ought to use a rather thin-toned voice, and frequent pauses and intermissions, so that we seem by means of the delivery itself to implant and engrave in the hearer's mind the points we are making in our explanation. (3) For the Narrative Conversational Tone varied intonations are necessary, so that we seem to recount everything just as it took place. Our delivery will be somewhat rapid when we narrate what we wish to show was done vigorously, and it will be slower when we narrate something else done in leisurely fashion. Then, corresponding to the content of the words, we shall modify the delivery in all the kinds of tone, now to sharpness, now to kindness, or now to sadness, and now to gaiety. If in the Statement of Facts there occur any declarations, demands, replies, or exclamations of astonishment concerning the facts we are narrating, we shall give careful attention to expressing with the voice the feelings and thoughts of each personage. |
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| 67. Livy, Per., 52, 3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 95 |
| 68. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.22-1.4.23 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 336; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 336 |
69. New Testament, Acts, 1.21, 2.17, 2.34-2.36, 2.38, 4.33, 5.9, 6.7-6.8, 7.33, 7.59, 8.5, 8.10, 8.14-8.25, 9.14, 10.1-10.22, 10.33, 10.36, 11.17-11.18, 11.21, 11.23, 12.5, 12.7, 12.11, 12.24, 13.5, 13.44, 13.48, 14.10, 14.25, 15.11, 15.17, 15.40, 16.6-16.7, 16.10-16.15, 16.25-16.34, 17.27, 18.4, 18.8-18.9, 18.25-18.26, 19.5, 19.17, 19.20, 20.25, 20.28, 20.32, 21.14, 21.20, 22.16, 27.43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek syntax, anarthrous nouns •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy •artemidorus of daldis, greek writer Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 78, 79; Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 240, 241, 244, 245, 247, 248, 249, 252; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 123| 1.21. δεῖ οὖν τῶν συνελθόντων ἡμῖν ἀνδρῶν ἐν παντὶ χρόνῳ ᾧ εἰσῆλθεν καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς, 2.17. 2.34. οὐ γὰρ Δαυεὶδ ἀνέβη εἰς τοὺς οὐρανούς, λέγει δὲ αὐτός 2.35. 2.36. ἀσφαλῶς οὖν γινωσκέτω πᾶς οἶκος Ἰσραὴλ ὅτι καὶ κύριον αὐτὸν καὶ χριστὸν ἐποίησεν ὁ θεός, τοῦτον τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὃν ὑμεῖς ἐσταυρώσατε. 2.38. ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί; Πέτρος δὲ πρὸς αὐτούς Μετανοήσατε, καὶ βαπτισθήτω ἕκαστος ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ εἰς ἄφεσιν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὑμῶν, καὶ λήμψεσθε τὴν δωρεὰν τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος· 4.33. καὶ δυνάμει μεγάλῃ ἀπεδίδουν τὸ μαρτύριον οἱ ἀπόστολοι τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ τῆς ἀναστάσεως, χάρις τε μεγάλη ἦν ἐπὶ πάντας αὐτούς. 5.9. ὁ δὲ Πέτρος πρὸς αὐτήν Τί ὅτι συνεφωνήθη ὑμῖν πειράσαι τὸ πνεῦμα Κυρίου; ἰδοὺ οἱ πόδες τῶν θαψάντων τὸν ἄνδρα σου ἐπὶ τῇ θύρᾳ καὶ ἐξοίσουσίν σε. 6.7. Καὶ ὁ λόγος τοῦ θεοῦ ηὔξανεν, καὶ ἐπληθύνετο ὁ ἀριθμὸς τῶν μαθητῶν ἐν Ἰερουσαλὴμ σφόδρα, πολύς τε ὄχλος τῶν ἱερέων ὑπήκουον τῇ πίστει. 6.8. Στέφανος δὲ πλήρης χάριτος καὶ δυνάμεως ἐποίει τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα μεγάλα ἐν τῷ λαῷ. 7.33. εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ κύριος Λῦσον τὸ ὑπόδημα τῶν ποδῶν σου, ὁ γὰρ τόπος ἐφʼ ᾧ ἕστηκας γῆ ἁγία ἐστίν. 7.59. καὶ ἐλιθοβόλουν τὸν Στέφανον ἐπικαλούμενον καὶ λέγοντα Κύριε Ἰησοῦ, δέξαι τὸ πνεῦμά μου· 8.5. Φίλιππος δὲ κατελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν τῆς Σαμαρίας ἐκήρυσσεν αὐτοῖς τὸν χριστόν. 8.10. ᾧ προσεῖχον πάντες ἀπὸ μικροῦ ἕως μεγάλου λέγοντες Οὗτός ἐστιν ἡ Δύναμις τοῦ θεοῦ ἡ καλουμένη Μεγάλη. 8.14. Ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ ἐν Ἰεροσολύμοις ἀπόστολοι ὅτι δέδεκται ἡ Σαμαρία τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ ἀπέστειλαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς Πέτρον καὶ Ἰωάνην, 8.15. οἵτινες καταβάντες pb n="264"/ προσηύξμιλεστονε ν͂quot16quot υνιτ͂quotϝερσεquot́gtαντο περὶ αὐτῶν ὅπως λάβωσιν πνεῦμα ἅγιον· οὐδέπω 8.16. γὰρ ἦν ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ αὐτῶν ἐπιπεπτωκός, μόνον δὲ βεβαπτισμένοι ὑπῆρχον εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ. 8.17. τότε ἐπετίθεσαν τὰς χεῖρας ἐπʼ αὐτούς, καὶ ἐλάμβανον πνεῦμα ἅγιον. 8.18. Ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Σίμων ὅτι διὰ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως τῶν χειρῶν τῶν ἀποστόλων δίδοται τὸ πνεῦμα προσήνεγκεν αὐτοῖς χρήματα λέγων Δότε κἀμοὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην ἵνα ᾧ ἐὰν ἐπιθῶ τὰς χεῖ 8.19. ρας λαμβάνῃ πνεῦμα ἅγιον. 8.20. Πέτρος δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν Τὸ ἀργύριόν σου σὺν σοὶ εἴη εἰς ἀπώλειαν, ὅτι τὴν δωρεὰν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνόμισας διὰ χρημάτων κτᾶσθαι. 8.21. οὐκ ἔστιν σοι μερὶς οὐδὲ κλῆρος ἐν τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ, ἡ γὰρκαρδία σου οὐκ ἔστιν εὐθεῖα ἔναντι τοῦ θεοῦ. 8.22. μετανόησον οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς κακίας σου ταύτης, καὶ δεήθητι τοῦ κυρίου εἰ ἄρα ἀφεθήσεταί σοι ἡ ἐπίνοια τῆς καρδίας σου· 8.23. εἰς γὰρ χολὴν πικρίας καὶσύνδεσμον ἀδικίας ὁρῶ σε ὄντα. 8.24. ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ Σίμων εἶπεν Δεήθητε ὑμεῖς ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πρὸς τὸν κύριον ὅπως μηδὲν ἐπέλθῃ ἐπʼ ἐμὲ ὧν εἰρήκατε. 8.25. Οἱ μὲν οὖν διαμαρτυράμενοι καὶ λαλήσαντες τὸν λόγον τοῦ κυρίου ὑπέστρεφον εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα, πολλάς τε κώμας τῶν Σαμαρειτῶν εὐηγγελίζοντο. 9.14. καὶ ὧδε ἔχει ἐξουσίαν παρὰ τῶν ἀρχιερέων δῆσαι πάντας τοὺς ἐπικαλουμένους τὸ ὄνομά σου. 10.1. Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρίᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς, 10.2. εὐσεβὴς καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν σὺν παντὶ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, ποιῶν ἐλεημοσύνας πολλὰς τῷ λαῷ καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ παντός, 10.3. εἶδεν ἐν ὁράματι φανερῶς ὡσεὶ περὶ ὥραν ἐνάτην τῆς ἡμέρας ἄγγελον τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ εἰπόντα αὐτῷ Κορνήλιε. 10.4. ὁ δὲ ἀτενίσας αὐτῷ καὶ ἔμφοβος γενόμενος εἶπεν Τί ἐστιν, κύριε; εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῷ Αἱ προσευχαί σου καὶ αἱ ἐλεημοσύναι σου ἀνέβησαν εἰς μνημόσυνον ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ· 10.5. καὶ νῦν πέμψον ἄνδρας εἰς Ἰόππην καὶ μετάπεμψαι Σίμωνά τινα ὃς ἐπικαλεῖται Πέτρος· 10.6. οὗτος ξενίζεται παρά τινι Σίμωνι βυρσεῖ, ᾧ ἐστὶν οἰκία παρὰ θάλασσαν. 10.7. ὡς δὲ ἀπῆλθεν ὁ ἄγγελος ὁ λαλῶν αὐτῷ, φωνήσας δύο τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ στρατιώτην εὐσεβῆ τῶν προσκαρτερούντων αὐτῷ 10.8. καὶ ἐξηγησάμενος ἅπαντα αὐτοῖς ἀπέστειλεν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν Ἰόππην. 10.9. Τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον ὁδοιπορούντων ἐκείνων καὶ τῇ πόλει ἐγγιζόντων ἀνέβη Πέτρος ἐπὶ τὸ δῶμα προσεύξασθαι περὶ ὥραν ἕκτην. 10.10. ἐγένετο δὲ πρόσπεινος καὶ ἤθελεν γεύσασθαι· παρασκευαζόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐγένετο ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἔκστασις, 10.11. καὶ θεωρεῖ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνεῳγμένον καὶ καταβαῖνον σκεῦός τι ὡς ὀθόνην μεγάλην τέσσαρσιν ἀρχαῖς καθιέμενον ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, 10.12. ἐν ᾧ ὑπῆρχεν πάντα τὰ τετράποδα καὶ ἑρπετὰ τῆς γῆς καὶ πετεινὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. 10.13. καὶ ἐγένετο φωνὴ πρὸς αὐτόν Ἀναστάς, Πέτρε, θῦσον καὶ φάγε. 10.14. ὁ δὲ Πέτρος εἶπεν Μηδαμῶς, κύριε, ὅτι οὐδέποτε ἔφαγον πᾶν κοινὸν καὶ ἀκάθαρτον. 10.15. καὶ φωνὴ πάλιν ἐκ δευτέρου πρὸς αὐτόν Ἃ ὁ θεὸς ἐκαθάρισεν σὺ μὴ κοίνου. 10.16. τοῦτο δὲ ἐγένετο ἐπὶ τρίς, καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνελήμφθη τὸ σκεῦος εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν. 10.17. Ὡς δὲ ἐν ἑαυτῷ διηπόρει ὁ Πέτρος τί ἂν εἴη τὸ ὅραμα ὃ εἶδεν, ἰδοὺ οἱ ἄνδρες οἱ ἀπεσταλμένοι ὑπὸ τοῦ Κορνηλίου διερωτήσαντες τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Σίμωνος ἐπέστησαν ἐπὶ τὸν πυλῶνα, 10.18. καὶ φωνήσαντες ἐπύθοντο εἰ Σίμων ὁ ἐπικαλούμενος Πέτρος ἐνθάδε ξενίζεται. 10.19. Τοῦ δὲ Πέτρου διενθυμουμένου περὶ τοῦ ὁράματος εἴπεν τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰδοὺ ἄνδρες δύο ζητοῦντές σε· 10.20. ἀλλὰ ἀναστὰς κατάβηθι καὶ πορεύου σὺν αὐτοῖς μηδὲν διακρινόμενος, ὅτι ἐγὼ ἀπέσταλκα αὐτούς. 10.21. καταβὰς δὲ Πέτρος πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας εἶπεν Ἰδοὺ ἐγώ εἰμι ὃν ζητεῖτε· τίς ἡ αἰτία διʼ ἣν πάρεστε; 10.22. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Κορνήλιος ἑκατοντάρχης, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν μαρτυρούμενός τε ὑπὸ ὅλου τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἐχρηματίσθη ὑπὸ ἀγγέλου ἁγίου μεταπέμψασθαί σε εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκοῦσαι ῥήματα παρὰ σοῦ. 10.33. ἐξαυτῆς οὖν ἔπεμψα πρὸς σέ, σύ τε καλῶς ἐποίησας παραγενόμενος. νῦν οὖν πάντες ἡμεῖς ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ πάρεσμεν ἀκοῦσαι πάντα τὰ προστεταγμένα σοι ὑπὸ τοῦ κυρίου. 10.36. τὸν λόγον ἀπέστειλεν τοῖς υἱοῖς Ἰσραὴλ εὐαγγελιζόμενος εἰρήνην διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ· οὗτός ἐστιν πάντων κύριος. 11.17. εἰ οὖν τὴν ἴσην δωρεὰν ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ὡς καὶ ἡμῖν πιστεύσασιν ἐπὶ τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, ἐγὼ τίς ἤμην δυνατὸς κωλῦσαι τὸν θεόν; 11.18. ἀκούσαντες δὲ ταῦτα ἡσύχασαν καὶ ἐδόξασαν τὸν θεὸν λέγοντες Ἄρα καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ὁ θεὸς τὴν μετάνοιαν εἰς ζωὴν ἔδωκεν. 11.21. καὶ ἦν χεὶρ Κυρίου μετʼ αὐτῶν, πολύς τε ἀριθμὸς ὁ πιστεύσας ἐπέστρεψεν ἐπὶ τὸν κύριον. 11.23. ὃς παραγενόμενος καὶ ἰδὼν τὴν χάριν τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐχάρη καὶ παρεκάλει πάντας τῇ προθέσει τῆς καρδίας προσμένειν [ἐν] τῷ κυρίῳ, 12.5. ὁ μὲν οὖν Πέτρος ἐτηρεῖτο ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ· προσευχὴ δὲ ἦν ἐκτενῶς γινομένη ὑπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας πρὸς τὸν θεὸν περὶ αὐτοῦ. 12.7. καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄγγελος Κυρίου ἐπέστη, καὶ φῶς ἔλαμψεν ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι· πατάξας δὲ τὴν πλευρὰν τοῦ Πέτρου ἤγειρεν αὐτὸν λέγων Ἀνάστα ἐν τάχει· καὶ ἐξέπεσαν αὐτοῦ αἱ ἁλύσεις ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν. 12.11. καὶ ὁ Πέτρος ἐν ἑαυτῷ γενόμενος εἶπεν Νῦν οἶδα ἀληθῶς ὅτι ἐξαπέστειλεν ὁ κύριος τὸν ἄγγελον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐξείλατό με ἐκ χειρὸς Ἡρῴδου καὶ πάσης τῆς προσδοκίας τοῦ λαοῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων. 12.24. Ὁ δὲ λόγος τοῦ κυρίου ηὔξανεν καὶ ἐπληθύνετο. 13.5. καὶ γενόμενοι ἐν Σαλαμῖνι κατήγγελλον τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς τῶν Ἰουδαίων· εἶχον δὲ καὶ Ἰωάννην ὑπηρέτην. 13.44. Τῷ δὲ ἐρχομένῳ σαββάτῳ σχε δὸν πᾶσα ἡ πόλις συνήχθη ἀκοῦσαι τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ. 13.48. ἀκούοντα δὲ τὰ ἔθνη ἔχαιρον καὶ ἐδόξαζον τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ ἐπίστευσαν ὅσοι ἦσαν τεταγμένοι εἰς ζωὴν αἰώνιον· 14.10. Ἀνάστηθι ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας σου ὀρθός· καὶ ἥλατο καὶ περιεπάτει. 14.25. καὶ λαλήσαντες ἐν Πέργῃ τὸν λόγον κατέβησαν εἰς Ἀτταλίαν, 15.11. ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς χάριτος τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ πιστεύομεν σωθῆναι καθʼ ὃν τρόπον κἀκεῖνοι. 15.17. 15.40. Παῦλος δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος Σίλαν ἐξῆλθεν παραδοθεὶς τῇ χάριτι τοῦ κυρίου ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, 16.6. Διῆλθον δὲ τὴν Φρυγίαν καὶ Γαλατικὴν χώραν, κωλυθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος λαλῆσαι τὸν λόγον ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ, 16.7. ἐλθόντες δὲ κατὰ τὴν Μυσίαν ἐπείραζον εἰς τὴν Βιθυνίαν πορευθῆναι καὶ οὐκ εἴασεν αὐτοὺς τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰησοῦ· 16.10. ὡς δὲ τὸ ὅραμα εἶδεν, εὐθέως ἐζητήσαμεν ἐξελθεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, συνβιβάζοντες ὅτι προσκέκληται ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς εὐαγγελίσασθαι αὐτούς. 16.11. Ἀναχθέντες οὖν ἀπὸ Τρῳάδος εὐθυδρομήσαμεν εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην, τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ εἰς Νέαν Πόλιν, 16.12. κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Φιλίππους, ἥτις ἐστὶν πρώτη τῆς μερίδος Μακεδονίας πόλις, κολωνία. Ἦμεν δὲ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει διατρίβοντες ἡμέρας τινάς. 16.13. τῇ τε ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων ἐξήλθομεν ἔξω τῆς πύλης παρὰ ποταμὸν οὗ ἐνομίζομεν προσευχὴν εἶναι, καὶ καθίσαντες ἐλαλοῦμεν ταῖς συνελθούσαις γυναιξίν. 16.14. καί τις γυνὴ ὀνόματι Λυδία, πορφυρόπωλις πόλεως Θυατείρων σεβομένη τὸν θεόν, ἤκουεν, ἧς ὁ κύριος διήνοιξεν τὴν καρδίαν προσέχειν τοῖς λαλουμένοις ὑπὸ Παύλου. 16.15. ὡς δὲ ἐβαπτίσθη καὶ ὁ οἶκος αὐτῆς, παρεκάλεσεν λέγουσα Εἰ κεκρίκατέ με πιστὴν τῷ κυρίῳ εἶναι, εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὸν οἶκόν μου μένετε· καὶ παρεβιάσατο ἡμᾶς. 16.25. Κατὰ δὲ τὸ μεσονύκτιον Παῦλος καὶ Σίλας προσευχόμενοι ὕμνουν τὸν θεόν, ἐπηκροῶντο δὲ αὐτῶν οἱ δέσμιοι· 16.26. ἄφνω δὲ σεισμὸς ἐγένετο μέγας ὥστε σαλευθῆναι τὰ θεμέλια τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου, ἠνεῴχθησαν δὲ [παραχρῆμα] αἱ θύραι πᾶσαι, καὶ πάντων τὰ δεσμὰ ἀνέθη. 16.27. ἔξυπνος δὲ γενόμενος ὁ δεσμοφύλαξ καὶ ἰδὼν ἀνεῳγμένας τὰς θύρας τῆς φυλακῆς σπασάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν ἤμελλεν ἑαυτὸν ἀναιρεῖν, νομίζων ἐκπεφευγέναι τοὺς δεσμίους. 16.28. ἐφώνησεν δὲ Παῦλος μεγάλῃ φωνῇ λέγων. Μηδὲν πράξῃς σεαυτῷ κακόν, ἅπαντες γάρ ἐσμεν ἐνθάδε. 16.29. αἰτήσας δὲ φῶτα εἰσεπήδησεν, καὶ ἔντρομος γενόμενος προσέπεσεν τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ Σίλᾳ, 16.30. καὶ προαγαγὼν αὐτοὺς ἔξω ἔφη Κύριοι, τί με δεῖ ποιεῖν ἵνα σωθῶ; 16.31. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Πίστευσον ἐπὶ τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν, καὶ σωθήσῃ σὺ καὶ ὁ οἶκός σου. 16.32. καὶ ἐλάλησαν αὐτῷ τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ σὺν πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐτοῦ. 16.33. καὶ παραλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τῆς νυκτὸς ἔλουσεν ἀπὸ τῶν πληγῶν, καὶ ἐβαπτίσθη αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ αὐτοῦ ἅπαντες παραχρῆμα, 16.34. ἀναγαγών τε αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸν οἶκον παρέθηκεν τράπεζαν, καὶ ἠγαλλιάσατο πανοικεὶ πεπιστευκὼς τῷ θεῷ. 17.27. ζητεῖν τὸν θεὸν εἰ ἄρα γε ψηλαφήσειαν αὐτὸν καὶ εὕροιεν, καί γε οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου ἡμῶν ὑπάρχοντα. 18.4. ἔπειθέν τε Ἰουδαίους καὶ Ἕλληνας. 18.8. Κρίσπος δὲ ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος ἐπίστευσεν τῷ κυρίῳ σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀκούοντες ἐπίστευον καὶ ἐβαπτίζοντο. 18.9. Εἶπεν δὲ ὁ κύριος ἐν νυκτὶ διʼ ὁράματος τῷ Παύλῳ Μὴ φοβοῦ, ἀλλὰ λάλει καὶ μὴ σιωπήσῃς, 18.25. οὗτος ἦν κατηχημένος τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ κυρίου, καὶ ζέων τῷ πνεύματι ἐλάλει καὶ ἐδίδασκεν ἀκριβῶς τὰ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ἐπιστάμενος μόνον τὸ βάπτισμα Ἰωάνου. 18.26. οὗτός τε ἤρξατο παρρησιάζεσθαι ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ· ἀκούσαντες δὲ αὐτοῦ Πρίσκιλλα καὶ Ἀκύλας προσελάβοντο αὐτὸν καὶ ἀκριβέστερον αὐτῷ ἐξέθεντο τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ. 19.5. ἀκούσαντες δὲ ἐβαπτίσθησαν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ· 19.17. τοῦτο δὲ ἐγένετο γνωστὸν πᾶσιν Ἰουδαίοις τε καὶ Ἕλλησιν τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν τὴν Ἔφεσον, καὶ ἐπέπεσεν φόβος ἐπὶ πάντας αὐτούς, καὶ ἐμεγαλύνετο τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ. 19.20. Οὕτως κατὰ κράτος τοῦ κυρίου ὁ λόγος ηὔξανεν καὶ ἴσχυεν. 20.25. καὶ νῦν ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ οἶδα ὅτι οὐκέτι ὄψεσθε τὸ πρόσωπόν μου ὑμεῖς πάντες ἐν οἷς διῆλθον κηρύσσων τὴν βασιλείαν· 20.28. προσέχετε ἑαυτοῖς καὶ παντὶ τῷ ποιμνίῳ, ἐν ᾧ ὑμᾶς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἔθετο ἐπισκόπους, ποιμαίνειντὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ θεοῦ, ἣν περιεποιήσατο διὰ τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ ἰδίου. 20.32. καὶ τὰ νῦν παρατίθεμαι ὑμᾶς τῷ κυρίῳ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῦ τῷ δυναμένῳ οἰκοδομῆσαι καὶ δοῦναι τὴν κληρονομίαν ἐν τοῖς ἡγιασμένοις πᾶσιν. 21.14. μὴ πειθομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἡσυχάσαμεν εἰπόντες Τοῦ κυρίου τὸ θέλημα γινέσθω. 21.20. οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες ἐδόξαζον τὸν θεόν, εἶπάν τε αὐτῷ Θεωρεῖς, ἀδελφέ, πόσαι μυριάδες εἰσὶν ἐν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τῶν πεπιστευκότων, καὶ πάντες ζηλωταὶ τοῦ νόμου ὑπάρχουσιν· 22.16. καὶ νῦν τί μέλλεις; ἀναστὰς βάπτισαι καὶ ἀπόλουσαι τὰς ἁμαρτίας σου ἐπικαλεσάμενος τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ. 27.43. ὁ δὲ ἑκατοντάρχης βουλόμενος διασῶσαι τὸν Παῦλον ἐκώλυσεν αὐτοὺς τοῦ βουλήματος, ἐκέλευσέν τε τοὺς δυναμένους κολυμβᾷν ἀπορίψαντας πρώτους ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ἐξιέναι, | 1.21. of the men therefore who have accompanied us all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and went out among us, 2.17. 'It will be in the last days, says God, I will pour out my Spirit on all flesh. Your sons and your daughters will prophesy. Your young men will see visions. Your old men will dream dreams. 2.34. For David didn't ascend into the heavens, but he says himself, 'The Lord said to my Lord, "Sit by my right hand, 2.35. Until I make your enemies the footstool of your feet."' 2.36. "Let all the house of Israel therefore know assuredly that God has made him both Lord and Christ, this Jesus whom you crucified." 2.38. Peter said to them, "Repent, and be baptized, everyone of you, in the name of Jesus Christ for the forgiveness of sins, and you will receive the gift of the Holy Spirit. 4.33. With great power, the apostles gave their testimony of the resurrection of the Lord Jesus. Great grace was on them all. 5.9. But Peter asked her, "How is it that you have agreed together to tempt the Spirit of the Lord? Behold, the feet of those who have buried your husband are at the door, and they will carry you out." 6.7. The word of God increased and the number of the disciples multiplied in Jerusalem exceedingly. A great company of the priests were obedient to the faith. 6.8. Stephen, full of faith and power, performed great wonders and signs among the people. 7.33. The Lord said to him, 'Take your sandals off of your feet, for the place where you stand is holy ground. 7.59. They stoned Stephen as he called out, saying, "Lord Jesus, receive my Spirit!" 8.5. Philip went down to the city of Samaria, and proclaimed to them the Christ. 8.10. to whom they all listened, from the least to the greatest, saying, "This man is that great power of God." 8.14. Now when the apostles who were at Jerusalem heard that Samaria had received the word of God, they sent Peter and John to them, 8.15. who, when they had come down, prayed for them, that they might receive the Holy Spirit; 8.16. for as yet he had fallen on none of them. They had only been baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. 8.17. Then they laid their hands on them, and they received the Holy Spirit. 8.18. Now when Simon saw that the Holy Spirit was given through the laying on of the apostles' hands, he offered them money, 8.19. saying, "Give me also this power, that whoever I lay my hands on may receive the Holy Spirit." 8.20. But Peter said to him, "May your silver perish with you, because you thought you could obtain the gift of God with money! 8.21. You have neither part nor lot in this matter, for your heart isn't right before God. 8.22. Repent therefore of this, your wickedness, and ask God if perhaps the thought of your heart may be forgiven you. 8.23. For I see that you are in the gall of bitterness and in the bondage of iniquity." 8.24. Simon answered, "Pray for me to the Lord, that none of the things which you have spoken come on me." 8.25. They therefore, when they had testified and spoken the word of the Lord, returned to Jerusalem, and preached the gospel to many villages of the Samaritans. 9.14. Here he has authority from the chief priests to bind all who call on your name." 10.1. Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment, 10.2. a devout man, and one who feared God with all his house, who gave gifts for the needy generously to the people, and always prayed to God. 10.3. At about the ninth hour of the day, he clearly saw in a vision an angel of God coming to him, and saying to him, "Cornelius!" 10.4. He, fastening his eyes on him, and being frightened, said, "What is it, Lord?"He said to him, "Your prayers and your gifts to the needy have gone up for a memorial before God. 10.5. Now send men to Joppa, and get Simon, who is surnamed Peter. 10.6. He lodges with one Simon, a tanner, whose house is by the seaside." 10.7. When the angel who spoke to him had departed, Cornelius called two of his household servants and a devout soldier of those who waited on him continually. 10.8. Having explained everything to them, he sent them to Joppa. 10.9. Now on the next day as they were on their journey, and got close to the city, Peter went up on the housetop to pray at about noon. 10.10. He became hungry and desired to eat, but while they were preparing, he fell into a trance. 10.11. He saw heaven opened and a certain container descending to him, like a great sheet let down by four corners on the earth, 10.12. in which were all kinds of four-footed animals of the earth, wild animals, reptiles, and birds of the sky. 10.13. A voice came to him, "Rise, Peter, kill and eat!" 10.14. But Peter said, "Not so, Lord; for I have never eaten anything that is common or unclean." 10.15. A voice came to him again the second time, "What God has cleansed, you must not make unholy." 10.16. This was done three times, and immediately the vessel was received up into heaven. 10.17. Now while Peter was very perplexed in himself what the vision which he had seen might mean, behold, the men who were sent by Cornelius, having made inquiry for Simon's house, stood before the gate, 10.18. and called and asked whether Simon, who was surnamed Peter, was lodging there. 10.19. While Peter thought about the vision, the Spirit said to him, "Behold, three men seek you. 10.20. But arise, get down, and go with them, doubting nothing; for I have sent them." 10.21. Peter went down to the men, and said, "Behold, I am he whom you seek. Why have you come?" 10.22. They said, "Cornelius, a centurion, a righteous man and one who fears God, and well spoken of by all the nation of the Jews, was directed by a holy angel to invite you to his house, and to listen to what you say. 10.33. Therefore I sent to you at once, and it was good of you to come. Now therefore we are all here present in the sight of God to hear all things that have been commanded you by God." 10.36. The word which he sent to the children of Israel, preaching good news of peace by Jesus Christ -- he is Lord of all -- 11.17. If then God gave to them the same gift as us, when we believed in the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I, that I could withstand God?" 11.18. When they heard these things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, "Then God has also granted to the Gentiles repentance to life!" 11.21. The hand of the Lord was with them, and a great number believed and turned to the Lord. 11.23. who, when he had come, and had seen the grace of God, was glad. He exhorted them all, that with purpose of heart they would remain near to the Lord. 12.5. Peter therefore was kept in the prison, but constant prayer was made by the assembly to God for him. 12.7. Behold, an angel of the Lord stood by him, and a light shone in the cell. He struck Peter on the side, and woke him up, saying, "Stand up quickly!" His chains fell off from his hands. 12.11. When Peter had come to himself, he said, "Now I truly know that the Lord has sent out his angel and delivered me out of the hand of Herod, and from everything the Jewish people were expecting." 12.24. But the word of God grew and multiplied. 13.5. When they were at Salamis, they proclaimed the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews. They had also John as their attendant. 13.44. The next Sabbath almost the whole city was gathered together to hear the word of God. 13.48. As the Gentiles heard this, they were glad, and glorified the word of God. As many as were appointed to eternal life believed. 14.10. said with a loud voice, "Stand upright on your feet!" He leaped up and walked. 14.25. When they had spoken the word in Perga, they went down to Attalia. 15.11. But we believe that we are saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus, just as they are." 15.17. That the rest of men may seek after the Lord; All the Gentiles who are called by my name, Says the Lord, who does all these things. 15.40. but Paul chose Silas, and went out, being commended by the brothers to the grace of God. 16.6. When they had gone through the region of Phrygia and Galatia, they were forbidden by the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia. 16.7. When they had come opposite Mysia, they tried to go into Bithynia, but the Spirit didn't allow them. 16.10. When he had seen the vision, immediately we sought to go out to Macedonia, concluding that the Lord had called us to preach the gospel to them. 16.11. Setting sail therefore from Troas, we made a straight course to Samothrace, and the day following to Neapolis; 16.12. and from there to Philippi, which is a city of Macedonia, the first of the district, a Roman colony. We were staying some days in this city. 16.13. On the Sabbath day we went forth outside of the city by a riverside, where we supposed there was a place of prayer, and we sat down, and spoke to the women who had come together. 16.14. A certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one who worshiped God, heard us; whose heart the Lord opened to listen to the things which were spoken by Paul. 16.15. When she and her household were baptized, she begged us, saying, "If you have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house, and stay." She urged us. 16.25. But about midnight Paul and Silas were praying and singing hymns to God, and the prisoners were listening to them. 16.26. Suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison were shaken; and immediately all the doors were opened, and everyone's bonds were loosened. 16.27. The jailer, being roused out of sleep and seeing the prison doors open, drew his sword and was about to kill himself, supposing that the prisoners had escaped. 16.28. But Paul cried with a loud voice, saying, "Don't harm yourself, for we are all here!" 16.29. He called for lights and sprang in, and, fell down trembling before Paul and Silas, 16.30. and brought them out and said, "Sirs, what must I do to be saved?" 16.31. They said, "Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and you will be saved, you and your household." 16.32. They spoke the word of the Lord to him, and to all who were in his house. 16.33. He took them the same hour of the night, and washed their stripes, and was immediately baptized, he and all his household. 16.34. He brought them up into his house, and set food before them, and rejoiced greatly, with all his household, having believed in God. 17.27. that they should seek the Lord, if perhaps they might reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from each one of us. 18.4. He reasoned in the synagogue every Sabbath, and persuaded Jews and Greeks. 18.8. Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his house. Many of the Corinthians, hearing, believed and were baptized. 18.9. The Lord said to Paul in the night by a vision, "Don't be afraid, but speak and don't be silent; 18.25. This man had been instructed in the way of the Lord; and being fervent in spirit, he spoke and taught accurately the things concerning Jesus, although he knew only the baptism of John. 18.26. He began to speak boldly in the synagogue. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him aside, and explained to him the way of God more accurately. 19.5. When they heard this, they were baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. 19.17. This became known to all, both Jews and Greeks, who lived at Ephesus. Fear fell on them all, and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified. 19.20. So the word of the Lord was growing and becoming mighty. 20.25. Now, behold, I know that you all, among whom I went about preaching the Kingdom of God, will see my face no more. 20.28. Take heed, therefore, to yourselves, and to all the flock, in which the Holy Spirit has made you overseers, to shepherd the assembly of the Lord and God which he purchased with his own blood. 20.32. Now, brothers, I entrust you to God, and to the word of his grace, which is able to build up, and to give you the inheritance among all those who are sanctified. 21.14. When he would not be persuaded, we ceased, saying, "The Lord's will be done." 21.20. They, when they heard it, glorified God. They said to him, "You see, brother, how many thousands there are among the Jews of those who have believed, and they are all zealous for the law. 22.16. Now why do you wait? Arise, be baptized, and wash away your sins, calling on the name of the Lord.' 27.43. But the centurion, desiring to save Paul, stopped them from their purpose, and commanded that those who could swim should throw themselves overboard first to go to the land; |
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| 70. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.9.112-2.9.120, 2.39.282 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), astarte (i.e., aphrodite) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 411, 541 |
| 71. Juvenal, Satires, 1.53.3, 3.60-3.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •arts, roman anxiety about greek •martial on greek poetry Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 395; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 60 |
| 72. Longinus, On The Sublime, 3.1, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 335, 389; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 335, 389 |
| 73. Lucan, Pharsalia, 9.336 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343 |
| 74. Martial, Epigrams, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 61 |
| 75. Martial, Epigrams, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 385, 386, 387; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 385, 386, 387 |
| 76. Martial, Spectacula, 2.1-2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 332, 333, 334; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 332, 333, 334 |
77. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.43, 31.47-31.53, 31.71, 31.99, 31.105-31.106, 31.112, 31.155, 33.41, 38.38 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia •greek, art •martial on greek poetry Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 395; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 | 31.43. "Yes," you say, "for the majority of them are Romans and who would think of touching them? But those who stand beside them here are Macedonians, while these over here are Spartans, and by heavens, it is these we touch." And yet all that stood here formerly, or the most of them at any rate, you will admit were erected in acknowledgement of a benefaction, whereas of those now receiving honour many are being courted owing to their political power. Now the question which of the two classes has the greater right to be held in higher regard I will pass over; but this further question, which of the two classes â assuming that the honours granted are not to belong rightfully to all â can more reasonably be expected to take them on the basis of so uncertain a title, this question, I say, even these men themselves know well how to answer. For all know how much more permanent a benefaction is than power, for there is no strength which time does not destroy, but it destroys no benefaction. 31.47. Now perhaps some one will say that the statues belong to the city. Yes, and the land also belongs to the city, but none the less every one who possesses any has full authority over what is his own. Speaking in a political sense, if anyone inquires who owns the Island or who owns Caria, he will be told that the Rhodians own it. But if you ask in a different sense about this specific estate here or this field, it is clear that you will learn the name of the private owner. So also with the statues; in a general sense men say that they belong to the people of Rhodes, but in the particular or special sense they say that this or that statue belongs to So-andâso or to So-andâso, naming whatever man it has been given to. And yet, whereas in the case of estates, houses, and other possessions, you cannot learn who owns them unless you inquire, the statue has an inscription on it and preserves not only the name but also the lineaments of the man to whom it was first given, so that it is possible to step near and at once know whose it is. I refer to those on which the truth is still given. 31.48. Moreover, the plea that they stand on public property is most absurd, if this is really held to be an indication that they do not belong to those who received them, but to the city. Why, if that be true, it will be possible to say that also the things which are on sale in the centre of the market-place belong to the commonwealth, and that the boats, no doubt, do belong, not to their possessors, but to the city, just because they are lying in the harbours. Then, too, an argument which I heard a man advance, as a very strong one in support of that position, I am not disposed to conceal from you: he said that you have made an official list of your statues. What, pray, is the significance of that? Why, the country lying opposite us, Carpathos yonder, the mainland, the other islands, and in general many possessions can be found which the city has listed in its public records, but they have been parcelled out among individuals. 31.49. And in fine, even if each man who has been honoured does not in this sense 'possess' his statue as he would possess anything else he has acquired, it cannot for that reason be said that it belongs to him any the less or that he suffers no wrong when you give his statue to another. For you will find countless senses in which we say that a thing 'belongs' to an individual and very different senses too, for instance, a priesthood, a public office, a wife, citizenship, none of which their possessors are at liberty either to sell or to use in any way they like. 31.50. But certainly a common principle of justice is laid down in regard to them all, to the effect that anything whatsoever which any one has received justly â whether he happens to have got it once for all or for a specified time, just as, for instance, he obtains public offices â that is his secure possession and nobody can deprive him of it. How, then, is it possible to have anything more justly, than when a man who has proved himself good and worthy of gratitude receives honour in return for many noble deeds? Or from whom could he receive it that has fuller authority and is greater than the democracy of Rhodes and your city? For it is no trifling consideration that it was not the Calymnians who gave it, or those ill-advised Caunians; just as in private business the better and more trustworthy you prove the man to be from whom you obtain any possession, the stronger your title to it is, and by so much more no one can dispute it. Yet any city which one might mention is in every way better and more trustworthy than one private citizen, even if he has the highest standing, and arrangements made by the state are more binding than those which are negotiated privately. 31.51. Then consider, further, that all men regard those agreements as having greater validity which are made with the sanction of the state and are entered in the city's records; and it is impossible for anything thus administered to be annulled, either in case one buys a piece of land from another, a boat or a slave, or if a man makes a loan to another, or frees a slave, or makes gift to any one. How in the world, then, has it come to pass that these transactions carry a greater security than any other? It is because the man who has handled any affair of his in this way has made the city a witness to the transaction. 31.52. In heaven's name, will it then be true that, while anything a person may get from a private citizen by acting through the state cannot possibly be taken from him, yet what one has received, not only by a state decree, but also as a gift of the people, shall not be inalienable? And whereas an action taken in this way by anybody else will never be annulled by the authority of the state, yet shall the state, in the offhand way we observe here, cancel what it has itself done? â and that too, not by taking it away in the same manner in which it was originally given, that is, by the commonwealth officially, but by letting one man, if he happens to be your chief magistrate, have the power to do so? 31.53. And besides, there are official records of those transactions of which I have spoken; for the decrees by which honours are given are recorded, I take it, and remain on public record for all time. For though repaying a favour is so strictly guarded among you, yet taking it back from the recipients is practised with no formality at all. Then, while the one action cannot be taken except by a decree passed by you as a body, yet the other comes to pass by a sort of custom, even though it is the will of only one person. Note, however, that, as I said, these matters have been recorded officially, not only in the decrees, but also upon the statues themselves, on which we find both the name of the man who received the honour and the statement that the assembly has bestowed it, and, again, that these statues are set up on public property. 31.71. Come, then, if any one were to question the magistrate who is set over you, who commands that the inscription be erased and another man's name engraved in its place, asking: "What does this mean? Ye gods, has this man been found guilty of having done the city some terrible wrong so many years after the deed?" In heaven's name, do you not think that he would be deterred, surely if he is a man of common decency? For my part I think that even the mason will blush for shame. And then if children or kinsmen of the great man should happen to appear, what floods of tears do you think they will shed when some one begins to obliterate the name? 31.99. Neither can we be so sure, moreover, that such treatment might not be brought about by some persons through hatred, I mean if it so happens that one of your chief magistrates has a grudge against any of his predecessors. You have heard how the Theagenes incident, at any rate, grew out of political envy and jealousy. For even if they urge that now they follow this practice only in the case of the old statues, yet as time goes on, just as ever happens in the case of all bad habits, this one too will of necessity grow worse and worse. The reason is that it is utterly impossible to call the culprit to account because the whole business from first to last lies in his hands. "Yes, by heavens," you say, "but the kinsmen will certainly put a stop to it." Well then, if the kinsmen happen to be absent or to have had no knowledge of the matter, what do we propose to do when they do learn of it? Will it be necessary to chisel out again the man's name which someone has been in a hurry to insert? 31.105. So much for that. Well then, neither can it be said that the persons you honour are more numerous; for the mere number of the statues standing which date from that time reveals the truth. And apart from that, who would say that those who are zealous to serve the state are now more numerous than then? Oh yes! you may say, "but we simply must honour the commanders who rule over us, one and all." What of it? Do not also the Athenians, Spartans, Byzantines, and Mytilenaeans pay court to these same? But nevertheless, whenever they decide to set up in bronze one of these, they do so, and they manage to find the cost. 31.106. Indeed I once heard a certain Rhodian remark â "The position of those people is not comparable to ours. For all that they, the Athenians excepted, possess is liberty and the Athenians have no great possessions either; but our city is the envy of all because it is the most prosperous, and consequently it needs a greater number of loyal friends. Furthermore, none of the Romans particularly cares to have a statue among those peoples, but they do not despise that honour here." 31.112. Then again, whereas the Eleans, who are not superior in other respects to any of the other Peloponnesians, put so high a value upon their own position, are you Rhodians so afraid of all your casual visitors that you think if you fail to set up some one person in bronze, you will lose your freedom? But if your freedom is in so precarious a state that it can be stripped from you on any petty pretext, it would in every way be better for you to be slaves forthwith. So too when men's bodies are so dangerously ill that there is no longer hope for their recovery, death is better than life. 31.155. For instance, many people assert that the statues of the Rhodians are like actors. For just as every actor makes his entrance as one character at one time and at another as another, so likewise your statues assume different rôles at different times and stand almost as if they were acting a part. For instance, one and the same statue, they say, is at one time a Greek, at another time a Roman, and later on, if it so happens, a Macedonian or a Persian; and what is more, with some statues the deception is so obvious that the beholder at once is aware of the deceit. For in fact, clothing, foot-gear, and everything else of that kind expose the fraud. 33.41. well then, suppose that a man were to judge you too by the sound that came to him from a distance, what kind of men would he guess you were and what your occupation? For you haven't the capacity for tending either cattle or sheep! And would any one call you colonists from Argos, as you claim to be, or more likely colonists of those abominable Aradians? Would he call you Greeks, or the most licentious of Phoenicians? I believe it is more appropriate for a man of sense to plug his ears with wax in a city like yours than if he chanced to be sailing past the Sirens. For there one faced the risk of death, but here it is licentiousness, insolence, the most extreme corruption that threatens. 38.38. In truth such marks of distinction, on which you plume yourselves, not only are objects of utter contempt in the eyes of all persons of discernment, but especially in Rome they excite laughter and, what is still more humiliating, are called "Greek failings!" And failings they are indeed, men of Nicomedia, though not Greek, unless some one will claim that in this special particular they are Greek, namely, that those Greeks of old, both Athenians and Spartans, once laid counterclaims to glory. However, I may have said already that their doings were not mere vain conceit but a struggle for real empire â though nowadays you may fancy somehow that they were making a valiant struggle for the right to lead the procession, like persons in some mystic celebration putting up a sham battle over something not really theirs. |
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78. New Testament, 1 Peter, 5.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •devil greek martyr acts Found in books: Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 89| 5.8. Νήψατε, γρηγορήσατε. ὁ ἀντίδικος ὑμῶν διάβολος ὡς λέων ὠρυόμενος περιπατεῖ ζητῶν καταπιεῖν· | 5.8. Be sober and self-controlled. Be watchful. Your adversary the devil, walks around like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour. |
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| 79. New Testament, Apocalypse, 12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •devil greek martyr acts Found in books: Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 97 |
| 80. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 12, 22, 30, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 527, 528, 531, 541 |
81. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 11.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 472| 11.19. δεῖ γὰρ καὶ αἱρέσεις ἐν ὑμῖν εἶναι· ἵνα [καὶ] οἱ δόκιμοι φανεροὶ γένωνται ἐν ὑμῖν. | 11.19. For there also mustbe factions among you, that those who are approved may be revealedamong you. |
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82. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.5.20, 6.3.45, 10.1.58, 10.1.96 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329, 331, 341; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329, 331, 341 | 1.5.20. Older authors used it but rarely even before vowels, saying aedus or ircus, while its conjunction with consots was for a long time avoided, as in words such as Graccus or triumpus. Then for a short time it broke out into excessive use, witness such spelling as chorona, chenturia or praecho, which may still be read in certain inscriptions: the well-known epigram of Catullus will be remembered in this connexion. |
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| 83. Tosefta, Sotah, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 314 |
84. Plutarch, Lucullus, 41.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31| 41.5. πλὴν τοσοῦτο μόνον αἰτουμένῳ συνεχώρησαν εἰπεῖν πρὸς ἕνα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐναντίον ἐκείνων, ὅτι τήμερον ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι δειπνήσοι· τοῦτο γάρ τις εἶχε τῶν πολυτελῶν οἴκων ὄνομα· καὶ τοῦτο σεσοφισμένος ἐλελήθει τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἑκάστῳ γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, δειπνητηρίῳ τεταγμένον ἦν τίμημα δείπνου, καὶ χορηγίαν ἰδίαν καὶ παρασκευὴν ἕκαστον εἶχεν, ὥστε τοὺς δούλους ἀκούσαντας, ὅπου βούλεται δειπνεῖν, εἰδέναι, πόσον δαπάνημα καὶ ποῖόν τι κόσμῳ καὶ διαθέσει γενέσθαι δεῖ τὸ δεῖπνον εἰώθει δὲ δειπνεῖν ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι πέντε μυριάδων· | 41.5. |
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85. New Testament, Ephesians, 1.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 79| 1.21. ὑπεράνω πάσης ἀρχῆς καὶ ἐξουσίας καὶ δυνάμεως καὶ κυριότητος καὶ παντὸς ὀνόματος ὀνομαζομένου οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ αἰῶνι τούτῳ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι· | 1.21. far above all rule, and authority, and power, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come. |
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86. Tacitus, Histories, 4.83-4.84, 4.84.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter •divinities (greek and roman), artemis agrotera Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 92, 344 | 4.83. The origin of this god has not yet been generally treated by our authors: the Egyptian priests tell the following story, that when King Ptolemy, the first of the Macedonians to put the power of Egypt on a firm foundation, was giving the new city of Alexandria walls, temples, and religious rites, there appeared to him in his sleep a vision of a young man of extraordinary beauty and of more than human stature, who warned him to send his most faithful friends to Pontus and bring his statue hither; the vision said that this act would be a happy thing for the kingdom and that the city that received the god would be great and famous: after these words the youth seemed to be carried to heaven in a blaze of fire. Ptolemy, moved by this miraculous omen, disclosed this nocturnal vision to the Egyptian priests, whose business it is to interpret such things. When they proved to know little of Pontus and foreign countries, he questioned Timotheus, an Athenian of the clan of the Eumolpidae, whom he had called from Eleusis to preside over the sacred rites, and asked him what this religion was and what the divinity meant. Timotheus learned by questioning men who had travelled to Pontus that there was a city there called Sinope, and that not far from it there was a temple of Jupiter Dis, long famous among the natives: for there sits beside the god a female figure which most call Proserpina. But Ptolemy, although prone to superstitious fears after the nature of kings, when he once more felt secure, being more eager for pleasures than religious rites, began gradually to neglect the matter and to turn his attention to other things, until the same vision, now more terrible and insistent, threatened ruin upon the king himself and his kingdom unless his orders were carried out. Then Ptolemy directed that ambassadors and gifts should be despatched to King Scydrothemis â he ruled over the people of Sinope at that time â and when the embassy was about to sail he instructed them to visit Pythian Apollo. The ambassadors found the sea favourable; and the answer of the oracle was not uncertain: Apollo bade them go on and bring back the image of his father, but leave that of his sister. 4.84. When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis. |
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| 87. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 10.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 375; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 375 |
88. Tacitus, Annals, 1.74, 4.74, 13.8, 13.58, 15.53, 15.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 25, 33, 83| 1.74. Nec multo post Granium Marcellum praetorem Bithyniae quaestor ipsius Caepio Crispinus maiestatis postulavit, subscribente Romano Hispone: qui formam vitae iniit, quam postea celebrem miseriae temporum et audaciae hominum fecerunt. nam egens, ignotus, inquies, dum occultis libellis saevitiae principis adrepit, mox clarissimo cuique periculum facessit, potentiam apud unum, odium apud omnis adeptus dedit exemplum, quod secuti ex pauperibus divites, ex contemptis metuendi perniciem aliis ac postremum sibi invenere. sed Marcellum insimulabat sinistros de Tiberio sermones habuisse, inevitabile crimen, cum ex moribus principis foedissima quaeque deligeret accusator obiectaretque reo. nam quia vera erant, etiam dicta credebantur. addidit Hispo statuam Marcelli altius quam Caesarum sitam, et alia in statua amputato capite Augusti effigiem Tiberii inditam. ad quod exarsit adeo, ut rupta taciturnitate proclamaret se quoque in ea causa laturum sententiam palam et iuratum, quo ceteris eadem necessitas fieret. manebant etiam tum vestigia morientis libertatis. igitur Cn. Piso 'quo' inquit 'loco censebis, Caesar? si primus, habebo quod sequar: si post omnis, vereor ne inprudens dissentiam.' permotus his, quantoque incautius efferverat, paenitentia patiens tulit absolvi reum criminibus maiestatis: de pecuniis repetundis ad reciperatores itum est. 4.74. Clarum inde inter Germanos Frisium nomen, dissimulante Tiberio damna ne cui bellum permitteret. neque senatus in eo cura an imperii extrema dehonestarentur: pavor internus occupaverat animos cui remedium adulatione quaerebatur. ita quamquam diversis super rebus consulerentur, aram clementiae, aram amicitiae effigiesque circum Caesaris ac Seiani censuere crebrisque precibus efflagitabant visendi sui copiam facerent. non illi tamen in urbem aut propinqua urbi degressi sunt: satis visum omittere insulam et in proximo Campaniae aspici. eo venire patres, eques, magna pars plebis, anxii erga Seianum cuius durior congressus atque eo per ambitum et societate consiliorum parabatur. satis constabat auctam ei adrogantiam foedum illud in propatulo servitium spectanti; quippe Romae sueti discursus et magnitudine urbis incertum quod quisque ad negotium pergat: ibi campo aut litore iacentes nullo discrimine noctem ac diem iuxta gratiam aut fastus ianitorum perpetiebantur donec id quoque vetitum: et revenere in urbem trepidi quos non sermone, non visu dignatus erat, quidam male alacres quibus infaustae amicitiae gravis exitus imminebat. 13.8. Sed apud senatum omnia in maius celebrata sunt sententiis eorum qui supplicationes et diebus supplicationum vestem principi triumphalem, utque ovans urbem iniret, effigiemque eius pari magnitudine ac Martis Vltoris eodem in templo censuere, praeter suetam adulationem laeti quod Domitium Corbulonem retinendae Armeniae praeposuerat videbaturque locus virtutibus patefactus. copiae Orientis ita dividuntur, ut pars auxiliarium cum duabus legionibus apud provinciam Syriam et legatum eius Quadratum Vmmidium remaneret, par civium sociorumque numerus Corbuloni esset additis cohortibus alisque quae in Cappadocia hiemabant. socii reges prout bello conduceret parere iussi: sed studia eorum in Corbulonem promptiora erant. qui ut instaret famae, quae in novis coeptis validissima est, itinere propere confecto apud Aegeas civitatem Ciliciae obvium Quadratum habuit, illuc progressum, ne, si ad accipiendas copias Syriam intravisset Corbulo, omnium ora in se verteret, corpore ingens, verbis magnificis et super experientiam sapientiamque etiam specie iium validus. 13.58. Eodem anno Ruminalem arborem in comitio, quae octingentos et triginta ante annos Remi Romulique infantiam texerat, mortuis ramalibus et arescente trunco deminutam prodigii loco habitum est, donec in novos fetus revivesceret. 15.53. Tandem statuere circensium ludorum die, qui Cereri celebratur, exequi destinata, quia Caesar rarus egressu domoque aut hortis clausus ad ludicra circi ventitabat promptioresque aditus erant laetitia spectaculi. ordinem insidiis composuerant, ut Lateranus, quasi subsidium rei familiari oraret, deprecabundus et genibus principis accidens prosterneret incautum premeretque, animi validus et corpore ingens; tum iacentem et impeditum tribuni et centuriones et ceterorum, ut quisque audentiae habuisset, adcurrerent trucidarentque, primas sibi partis expostulante Scaevino, qui pugionem templo Salutis in Etruria sive, ut alii tradidere, Fortunae Ferentino in oppido detraxerat gestabatque velut magno operi sacrum. interim Piso apud aedem Cereris opperiretur, unde eum praefectus Faenius et ceteri accitum ferrent in castra, comitante Antonia, Claudii Caesaris filia, ad eliciendum vulgi favorem, quod C. Plinius memorat. nobis quoquo modo traditum non occultare in animo fuit, quamvis absurdum videretur aut iem ad spem Antoniam nomen et periculum commodavisse aut Pisonem notum amore uxoris alii matrimonio se obstrinxisse, nisi si cupido domidi cunctis adfectibus flagrantior est. 15.74. Tum decreta dona et grates deis decernuntur, propriusque honos Soli, cui est vetus aedes apud circum in quo facinus parabatur, qui occulta coniurationis numine retexisset; utque circensium Cerealium ludicrum pluribus equorum cursibus celebraretur mensisque Aprilis Neronis cognomentum acciperet; templum Saluti extrueretur eo loci *ex quo Scaevinus ferrum prompserat. ipse eum pugionem apud Capitolium sacravit inscripsitque Iovi Vindici: in praesens haud animadversum; post arma Iulii Vindicis ad auspicium et praesagium futurae ultionis trahebatur. reperio in commentariis senatus Cerialem Anicium consulem designatum pro sententia dixisse ut templum divo Neroni quam maturrime publica pecunia poneretur. quod quidem ille decernebat tamquam mortale fastigium egresso et venerationem hominum merito, sed ipse prohibuit, ne interpretatione quorundam ad omen malum sui exitus verteretur: nam deum honor principi non ante habetur quam agere inter homines desierit. | 1.74. Before long, Granius Marcellus, praetor of Bithynia, found himself accused of treason by his own quaestor, Caepio Crispinus, with Hispo Romanus to back the charge. Caepio was the pioneer in a walk of life which the miseries of the age and effronteries of men soon rendered popular. Indigent, unknown, unresting, first creeping, with his private reports, into the confidence of his pitiless sovereign, then a terror to the noblest, he acquired the favour of one man, the hatred of all, and set an example, the followers of which passed from beggary to wealth, from being despised to being feared, and crowned at last the ruin of others by their own. He alleged that Marcellus had retailed sinister anecdotes about Tiberius: a damning indictment, when the accuser selected the foulest qualities of the imperial character, and attributed their mention to the accused. For, as the facts were true, they were also believed to have been related! Hispo added that Marcellus' own statue was placed on higher ground than those of the Caesars, while in another the head of Augustus had been struck off to make room for the portrait of Tiberius. This incensed the emperor to such a degree that, breaking through his taciturnity, he exclaimed that, in this case, he too would vote, openly and under oath, â the object being to impose a similar obligation on the rest. There remained even yet some traces of dying liberty. Accordingly Gnaeus Piso inquired: "In what order will you register your opinion, Caesar? If first, I shall have something to follow: if last of all, I fear I may inadvertently find myself on the other side." The words went home; and with a meekness that showed how profoundly he rued his unwary outburst, he voted for the acquittal of the defendant on the counts of treason. The charge of peculation went before the appropriate commission. 4.74. Thus the Frisian name won celebrity in Germany; while Tiberius, rather than entrust anyone with the conduct of the war, suppressed our losses. The senate, too, had other anxieties than a question of national dishonour on the confines of the empire: an internal panic had preoccupied all minds, and the antidote was being sought in sycophancy. Thus, although their opinion was being taken on totally unrelated subjects, they voted an altar of Mercy and an altar of Friendship with statues of the Caesar and Sejanus on either hand, and with reiterated petitions conjured the pair to vouchsafe themselves to sight. Neither of them, however, came down so far as Rome or the neighbourhood of Rome: it was deemed enough to emerge from their isle and present themselves to view on the nearest shore of Campania. To Campania went senators and knights, with a large part of the populace, their anxieties centred round Sejanus; access to whom had grown harder, and had therefore to be procured by interest and by a partnership in his designs. It was evident enough that his arrogance was increased by the sight of this repulsive servility so openly exhibited. At Rome, movement is the rule, and the extent of the city leaves it uncertain upon what errand the passer-by is bent: there, littering without distinction the plain or the beach, they suffered day and night alike the patronage or the insolence of his janitors, until that privilege, too, was vetoed, and they retraced their steps to the capital â those whom he had honoured neither by word nor by look, in fear and trembling; a few, over whom hung the fatal issue of that infelicitous friendship, with misplaced cheerfulness of heart. 13.8. But in the senate the whole incident was magnified in the speeches of the members, who proposed that there should be a national thanksgiving; that on the days of that thanksgiving the emperor should wear the triumphal robe; that he should enter the capital with an ovation; and that he should be presented with a statue of the same size as that of Mars the Avenger, and in the same temple. Apart from the routine of sycophancy, they felt genuine pleasure at his appointment of Domitius Corbulo to save Armenia: a measure which seemed to have opened a career to the virtues. The forces in the East were so divided that half the auxiliaries, with two legions, remained in the province of Syria under its governor Ummidius Quadratus, Corbulo being assigned an equal number of citizen and federate troops, with the addition of the auxiliary foot and horse wintering in Cappadocia. The allied kings were instructed to take their orders from either, as the exigencies of the war might require: their sympathies, however, leaned to the side of Corbulo. Anxious to strengthen that personal credit which is of supreme importance at the beginning of an enterprise, Corbulo made a rapid journey, and at the Cilician town of Aegeae was met by Quadratus; who had advanced so far, in the fear that, should his rival once have entered Syria to take over his forces, all eyes would be turned to this gigantic and grandiloquent soldier, hardly more imposing by his experience and sagacity than by the glitter of his unessential qualities. 13.58. In the same year, the tree in the Comitium, known as the Ruminalis, which eight hundred and thirty years earlier had sheltered the infancy of Remus and Romulus, through the death of its boughs and the withering of its stem, reached a stage of decrepitude which was regarded as a portent, until it renewed its verdure in fresh shoots. 15.53. At last they resolved to execute their purpose on the day of the Circensian Games when the celebration is in honour of Ceres; as the emperor who rarely left home and secluded himself in his palace or gardens, went regularly to the exhibitions in the Circus and could be approached with comparative ease owing to the gaiety of the spectacle. They had arranged a set programme for the plot. Lateranus, as though asking ficial help, would fall in an attitude of entreaty at the emperor's feet, overturn him while off his guard, and hold him down, being as he was a man of intrepid character and a giant physically. Then, as the victim lay prostrate and pinned, the tribunes, the centurions, and any of the rest who had daring enough, were to run up and do him to death; the part of protagonist being claimed by Scaevinus, who had taken down a dagger from the temple of Safety â of Fortune, according to other accounts â in the town of Ferentinum, and wore it regularly as the instrument sanctified to a great work. In the interval, Piso was to wait in the temple of Ceres; from which he would be summoned by the prefect Faenius and the others and carried to the camp: he would be accompanied by Claudius' daughter Antonia, with a view to eliciting the approval of the crowd. This is the statement of Pliny. For my own part, whatever his assertion may be worth, I was not inclined to suppress it, absurd as it may seem that either Antonia should have staked her name and safety on an empty expectation, or Piso, notoriously devoted to his wife, should have pledged himself to another marriage â unless, indeed, the lust of power burns more fiercely than all emotions combined. 15.74. offerings and thanks were then voted to Heaven, the Sun, who had an old temple in the Circus, where the crime was to be staged, receiving special honour for revealing by his divine power the secrets of the conspiracy. The Circensian Games of Ceres were to be celebrated with an increased number of horse-races; the month of April was to take the name of Nero; a temple of Safety was to be erected on the site . . . from which Scaevinus had taken his dagger. That weapon the emperor himself consecrated in the Capitol, and inscribed it:â To Jove the Avenger. At the time, the incident passed unnoticed: after the armed rising of the other"avenger," Julius Vindex, it was read as a token and a presage of coming retribution. I find in the records of the senate that Anicius Cerialis, consul designate, gave it as his opinion that a temple should be built to Nero the Divine, as early as possible and out of public funds. His motion, it is true, merely implied that the prince had transcended mortal eminence and earned the worship of mankind; but it was vetoed by that prince, because by other interpreters it might be wrested into an omen of, and aspiration for, his decease; for the honour of divine is not paid to the emperor until he has ceased to live and move among men. |
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| 89. Tacitus, Agricola, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31 |
| 90. Suetonius, Nero, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334 |
| 91. Suetonius, Iulius, 76.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37 |
| 92. Suetonius, Domitianus, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 343 |
93. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. | 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods. |
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| 94. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 337; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 337 |
95. Plutarch, Marcellus, 21.2-21.5, 28.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 33, 38| 21.2. ὅπλων δὲ βαρβαρικῶν καὶ λαφύρων ἐναίμων ἀνάπλεως οὖσα καὶ περιεστεφανωμένη θριάμβων ὑπομνήμασι καὶ τροπαίοις οὐχ ἱλαρὸν οὐδʼ ἄφοβον οὐδὲ δειλῶν ἦν θέαμα καὶ τρυφώντων θεατῶν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ Ἐπαμεινώνδας τὸ Βοιώτιον πεδίον Ἄρεως ὀρχήστραν, Ξενοφῶν δὲ τὴν Ἔφεσον πολέμου ἐργαστήριον, οὕτως ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τις τότε τὴν Ῥώμην κατὰ Πίνδαρον βαθυπτολέμου τέμενος Ἄρεως προσειπεῖν. 21.3. διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον εὐδοκίμησε παρὰ μὲν τῷ δήμῳ Μάρκελλος ἡδονὴν ἐχούσαις καὶ χάριν Ἑλληνικὴν καὶ πιθανότητα διαποικίλας ὄψεσι τὴν πόλιν, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις Φάβιος Μάξιμος, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐκίνησε τοιοῦτον οὐδὲ μετήνεγκεν ἐκ τῆς Ταραντίνοις πόλεως ἁλούσης, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χρήματα καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐξεφόρησε, τὰ δὲ ἀγάλματα μένειν εἴασεν, ἐπειπὼν τὸ μνημονευόμενον· 21.4. ἀπολείπωμεν γὰρ ἔφη, τοὺς θεοὺς τούτους τοῖς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους. Μάρκελλον δʼ ᾐτιῶντο πρῶτον μὲν ὡς ἐπίφθονον ποιοῦντα τὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν οἷον αἰχμαλώτων ἀγομένων ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ πομπευομένων, ἔπειτα ὅτι τὸν δῆμον εἰθισμένον πολεμεῖν ἢ γεωργεῖν, 21.5. τρυφῆς δὲ καὶ ῥᾳθυμίας ἄπειρον ὄντα καὶ κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδειον Ἡρακλέα, φαῦλον, ἄκομψον, τὰ μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν, μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν with Coraës, as in the Cimon , iv. 4: μέγιστά τε ἀγαθόν . σχολῆς ἐνέπλησε καὶ λαλιᾶς περὶ τεχνῶν καὶ τεχνιτῶν, ἀστεϊζόμενον καὶ διατρίβοντα πρὸς τούτῳ πολὺ μέρος τῆς ἡμέρας, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις ἐσεμνύνετο καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς τὰ καλὰ καὶ θαυμαστὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐπισταμένους τιμᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν Ῥωμαίους διδάξας. 28.1. παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχήν πρῶτον μὲν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ μέγα κίνημα πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ἔπαυσε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν ἐπελθὼν τὰς πόλεις· ἔπειτα ναὸν ἐκ τῶν Σικελικῶν λαφύρων ᾠκοδομημένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Δόξης καὶ Ἀρετῆς καθιερῶσαι βουλόμενος, καὶ κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἀξιούντων ἑνὶ ναῷ δύο θεοὺς περιέχεσθαι, πάλιν ἤρξατο προσοικοδομεῖν ἕτερον, οὐ ῥᾳδίως φέρων τὴν γεγενημένην ἀντίκρουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ οἰωνιζόμενος. | 21.2. but filled full of barbaric arms and bloody spoils, and crowned round about with memorials and trophies of triumphs, she was not a gladdening or a reassuring sight, nor one for unwarlike and luxurious spectators. Indeed, as Epaminondas called the Boeotian plain a dancing floor of Ares, and as Xenophon Hell. iii. 4,17. speaks of Ephesus as a work-shop of war, so, it seems to me, one might at that time have called Rome, in the language of Pindar, a precinct of much-warring Ares. Pyth. ii. 1 f. 21.3. Therefore with the common people Marcellus won more favour because he adorned the city with objects that had Hellenic grace and charm and fidelity; but with the elder citizens Fabius Maximus was more popular. For he neither disturbed nor brought away anything of this sort from Tarentum, when that city was taken, but while he carried off the money and the other valuables, he suffered the statues to remain in their places, adding the well-known saying: 21.4. Let us leave these gods in their anger for the Tarentines. Cf. the Fabius Maximus , xxii. 5. And they blamed Marcellus, first, because he made the city odious, in that not only men, but even gods were led about in her triumphal processions like captives; and again, because, when the people was accustomed only to war or agriculture, 21.5. and was inexperienced in luxury and ease, but, like the Heracles of Euripides, was Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true, A fragment of the lost Licymnius of Euripides (Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. 2 p. 507). he made them idle and full of glib talk about arts and artists, so that they spent a great part of the day in such clever disputation. Notwithstanding such censure, Marcellus spoke of this with pride even to the Greeks, declaring that he had taught the ignorant Romans to admire and honour the wonderful and beautiful productions of Greece. 28.1. After assuming his office, he first quelled a great agitation for revolt in Etruria, and visited and pacified the cities there; next, he desired to dedicate to Honour and Virtue a temple that he had built out of his Sicilian spoils, hut was prevented by the priests, who would not consent that two deities should occupy one temple; he therefore began to build another temple adjoining the first, although he resented the priests’ opposition and regarded it as ominous. |
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| 96. Statius, Thebais, 8.373-8.374 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 344; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 344 |
| 97. Statius, Siluae, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 344; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 344 |
| 98. Silius Italicus, Punica, 2.414, 3.298, 13.79-13.81, 14.136-14.138 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition •greek, art •martial on greek poetry Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 378; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 395; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 12; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 378 |
| 99. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54 |
100. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 2.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 328| 2.5.1. τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ Ἡρακλῆς εἰς Τίρυνθα ἦλθε, καὶ τὸ προσταττόμενον ὑπὸ Εὐρυσθέως ἐτέλει. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐπέταξεν αὐτῷ τοῦ Νεμέου λέοντος τὴν δορὰν κομίζειν· τοῦτο δὲ ζῷον ἦν ἄτρωτον, ἐκ Τυφῶνος γεγεννημένον. 2 -- πορευόμενος οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν λέοντα ἦλθεν εἰς Κλεωνάς, καὶ ξενίζεται παρὰ ἀνδρὶ χερνήτῃ Μολόρχῳ. καὶ θύειν ἱερεῖον θέλοντι εἰς ἡμέραν ἔφη τηρεῖν τριακοστήν, καὶ ἂν μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς θήρας σῶος ἐπανέλθῃ, Διὶ σωτῆρι θύειν, ἐὰν δὲ ἀποθάνῃ, τότε ὡς 3 -- ἥρωι ἐναγίζειν. εἰς δὲ τὴν Νεμέαν ἀφικόμενος καὶ τὸν λέοντα μαστεύσας ἐτόξευσε τὸ πρῶτον· ὡς δὲ ἔμαθεν ἄτρωτον ὄντα, ἀνατεινάμενος τὸ ῥόπαλον ἐδίωκε. συμφυγόντος δὲ εἰς ἀμφίστομον 1 -- σπήλαιον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἑτέραν ἐνῳκοδόμησεν 2 -- εἴσοδον, διὰ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας ἐπεισῆλθε τῷ θηρίῳ, καὶ περιθεὶς τὴν χεῖρα τῷ τραχήλῳ κατέσχεν ἄγχων ἕως ἔπνιξε, καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων ἐκόμιζεν εἰς Κλεωνάς. 3 -- καταλαβὼν δὲ τὸν Μόλορχον ἐν τῇ τελευταίᾳ τῶν ἡμερῶν ὡς νεκρῷ μέλλοντα τὸ ἱερεῖον ἐναγίζειν, σωτῆρι θύσας Διὶ ἦγεν εἰς Μυκήνας τὸν λέοντα. Εὐρυσθεὺς δὲ καταπλαγεὶς 4 -- αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀνδρείαν ἀπεῖπε τὸ λοιπὸν 5 -- αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσιέναι, δεικνύειν δὲ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐκέλευε τοὺς ἄθλους. φασὶ δὲ ὅτι δείσας καὶ πίθον ἑαυτῷ χαλκοῦν εἰσκρυβῆναι ὑπὸ γῆν 6 -- κατεσκεύασε, καὶ πέμπων κήρυκα Κοπρέα Πέλοπος τοῦ Ἠλείου ἐπέταττε τοὺς ἄθλους. οὗτος δὲ Ἴφιτον κτείνας, φυγὼν εἰς Μυκήνας καὶ τυχὼν παρʼ Εὐρυσθέως καθαρσίων ἐκεῖ κατῴκει. | |
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| 101. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 994-995, 993 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 335; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 335 |
102. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38| 22.2. πυρὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔδοσαν τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ κωλύσαντος, ὡς λέγεται, δύο δὲ ποιησάμενοι λιθίνας σοροὺς ὑπὸ τὸ Ἰάνοκλον ἔθηκαν, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχουσαν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ἃς ἐγράψατο μὲν αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τοὺς κύρβεις, ἐκδιδάξας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔτι ζῶν τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ πάντων ἕξιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐνεργασάμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐκέλευσε συνταφῆναι μετὰ τοῦ σώματος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐν ἀψύχοις γράμμασι φρουρουμένων τῶν ἀπορρήτων. | 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. |
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103. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.5.20, 6.3.45, 10.1.58, 10.1.96 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 329, 331, 341; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 329, 331, 341 | 1.5.20. Older authors used it but rarely even before vowels, saying aedus or ircus, while its conjunction with consots was for a long time avoided, as in words such as Graccus or triumpus. Then for a short time it broke out into excessive use, witness such spelling as chorona, chenturia or praecho, which may still be read in certain inscriptions: the well-known epigram of Catullus will be remembered in this connexion. |
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| 104. Suetonius, Augustus, 28, 28.3-30.2, 29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 60 |
| 105. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 92 |
| 106. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 4.3, 4.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divination (greek and roman), natural vs. artificial •artemidorus of daldis, greek writer Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 4; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 123 |
| 107. Plutarch, Cicero, 26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 335; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 335 |
| 108. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
| 109. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38 |
| 110. Aristobulus Milesius, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 171, 172 |
| 111. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.42, 4.4, 8.194, 15.19.1, 29.57, 33.142, 34.22, 34.34, 34.36, 34.40, 34.45, 34.69, 35.4, 35.6, 35.24, 35.27, 35.66, 35.85-35.86, 35.91, 35.93, 35.97, 35.120, 35.128, 35.157 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial on greek poetry •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia •greek, art •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 395; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 43, 54, 83; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334 |
112. New Testament, Mark, 1.4-1.5, 1.7, 1.24, 1.34, 2.13, 2.25, 3.1, 3.28, 5.1-5.20, 5.24, 5.42, 6.6, 6.14-6.29, 6.37, 7.3, 7.12, 7.24-7.30, 8.5, 8.15, 8.27, 8.29, 9.5, 9.11, 9.19, 9.21-9.23, 9.28-9.29, 10.1-10.2, 10.18, 10.33, 10.36-10.39, 10.47, 10.49-10.52, 11.22, 11.31, 12.19-12.24, 12.26, 12.35-12.37, 12.41-12.44, 13.7-13.37, 14.1, 14.11, 14.31, 14.39, 14.44, 14.46-14.48, 14.52-14.65, 14.68-14.71, 15.4, 15.6-15.16, 15.24-15.25, 15.36, 15.44, 16.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek syntax, participles Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 142, 145, 150| 1.4. ἐγένετο Ἰωάνης ὁ βαπτίζων ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ κηρύσσων βάπτισμα μετανοίας εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν. 1.5. καὶ ἐξεπορεύετο πρὸς αὐτὸν πᾶσα ἡ Ἰουδαία χώρα καὶ οἱ Ἰεροσολυμεῖται πάντες, καὶ ἐβαπτίζοντο ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ Ἰορδάνῃ ποταμῷ ἐξομολογούμενοι τὰς ἁμαρτίας αὐτῶν. 1.7. καὶ ἐκήρυσσεν λέγων Ἔρχεται ὁ ἰσχυρότερός μου ὀπίσω [μου], οὗ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἱκανὸς κύψας λῦσαι τὸν ἱμάντα τῶν ὑποδημάτων αὐτοῦ· 1.24. λέγων Τί ἡμῖν καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ Ναζαρηνέ; ἦλθες ἀπολέσαι ἡμᾶς; οἶδά σε τίς εἶ, ὁ ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ. 1.34. καὶ ἐθεράπευσεν πολλοὺς κακῶς ἔχοντας ποικίλαις νόσοις, καὶ δαιμόνια πολλὰ ἐξέβαλεν, καὶ οὐκ ἤφιεν λαλεῖν τὰ δαιμόνια, ὅτι ᾔδεισαν αὐτὸν [Χριστὸν εἶναι]. 2.13. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν πάλιν παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν· καὶ πᾶς ὁ ὄχλος ἤρχετο πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς. 2.25. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Οὐδέποτε ἀνέγνωτε τί ἐποίησεν Δαυεὶδ ὅτε χρείαν ἔσχεν καὶ ἐπείνασεν αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ μετʼ αὐτοῦ; 3.1. Καὶ εἰσῆλθεν πάλιν εἰς συναγωγήν, καὶ ἦν ἐκεῖ ἄνθρωπος ἐξηραμμένην ἔχων τὴν χεῖρα· 3.28. Ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πάντα ἀφεθήσεται τοῖς υἱοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων, τὰ ἁμαρτήματα καὶ αἱ βλασφημίαι ὅσα ἐὰν βλασφημήσωσιν· 5.1. Καὶ ἦλθον εἰς τὸ πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν Γερασηνῶν. 5.2. καὶ ἐξελθόντος αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ πλοίου [εὐθὺς] ὑπήντησεν αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν μνημείων ἄνθρωπος ἐν πνεύματι ἀκαθάρτῳ, 5.3. ὃς τὴν κατοίκησιν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν, καὶ οὐδὲ ἁλύσει οὐκέτι οὐδεὶς ἐδύνατο αὐτὸν δῆσαι 5.4. διὰ τὸ αὐτὸν πολλάκις πέδαις καὶ ἁλύσεσι δεδέσθαι καὶ διεσπάσθαι ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἁλύσεις καὶ τὰς πέδας συντετρίφθαι, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἴσχυεν αὐτὸν δαμάσαι· 5.5. καὶ διὰ παντὸς νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ἦν κράζων καὶ κατακόπτων ἑαυτὸν λίθοις. 5.6. καὶ ἰδὼν τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἔδραμεν καὶ προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν, 5.7. καὶ κράξας φωνῇ μεγάλῃ λέγει Τί ἐμοὶ καὶ σοί, Ἰησοῦ υἱὲ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου; ὁρκίζω δε τὸν θεόν, μή με βασανίσῃς. 5.8. ἔλεγεν γὰρ αὐτῷ Ἔξελθε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἀκάθαρτον ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. 5.9. καὶ ἐπηρώτα αὐτόν Τί ὄνομά σοι; καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Λεγιὼν ὄνομά μοι, ὅτι πολλοί ἐσμεν· 5.10. καὶ παρεκάλει αὐτὸν πολλὰ ἵνα μὴ αὐτὰ ἀποστείλῃ ἔξω τῆς χώρας. 5.11. Ἦν δὲ ἐκεῖ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἀγέλη χοίρων μεγάλη βοσκομένη· 5.12. καὶ παρεκάλεσαν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Πέμψον ἡμᾶς εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, ἵνα εἰς αὐτοὺς εἰσέλθωμεν. 5.13. καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς. καὶ ἐξελθόντα τὰ πνεύματα τὰ ἀκάθαρτα εἰσῆλθον εἰς τοὺς χοίρους, καὶ ὥρμησεν ἡ ἀγέλη κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, ὡς δισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐπνίγοντο ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ. 5.14. Καὶ οἱ βόσκοντες αὐτοὺς ἔφυγον καὶ ἀπήγγειλαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ εἰς τοὺς ἀγρούς· καὶ ἦλθον ἰδεῖν τί ἐστιν τὸ γεγονός. 5.15. καὶ ἔρχονται πρὸς τὸν Ἰησοῦν, καὶ θεωροῦσιν τὸν δαιμονιζόμενον καθήμενον ἱματισμένον καὶ σωφρονοῦντα, τὸν ἐσχηκότα τὸν λεγιῶνα, καὶ ἐφοβήθησαν. 5.16. καὶ διηγήσαντο αὐτοῖς οἱ ἰδόντες πῶς ἐγένετο τῷ δαιμονιζομένῳ καὶ περὶ τῶν χοίρων. 5.17. καὶ ἤρξαντο παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπελθεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν ὁρίων αὐτῶν. 5.18. Καὶ ἐμβαίνοντος αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ πλοῖον παρεκάλει αὐτὸν ὁ δαιμονισθεὶς ἵνα μετʼ αὐτοῦ ᾖ. 5.19. καὶ οὐκ ἀφῆκεν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ λέγει αὐτῷ Ὕπαγε εἰς τὸν οἶκόν σου πρὸς τοὺς σούς, καὶ ἀπάγγειλον αὐτοῖς ὅσα ὁ κύριός σοι πεποίηκεν καὶ ἠλέησέν σε. 5.20. καὶ ἀπῆλθεν καὶ ἤρξατο κηρύσσειν ἐν τῇ Δεκαπόλει ὅσα ἐποίησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς, καὶ πάντες ἐθαύμαζον. 5.24. καὶ ἀπῆλθεν μετʼ αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ ὄχλος πολύς, καὶ συνέθλιβον αὐτόν. 5.42. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνέστη τὸ κοράσιον καὶ περιεπάτει, ἦν γὰρ ἐτῶν δώδεκα. καὶ ἐξέστησαν εὐθὺς ἐκστάσει μεγάλῃ. 6.6. καὶ ἐθαύμασεν διὰ τὴν ἀπιστίαν αὐτῶν. Καὶ περιῆγεν τὰς κώμας κύκλῳ διδάσκων. 6.14. Καὶ ἤκουσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἡρῴδης, φανερὸν γὰρ ἐγένετο τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἔλεγον ὅτι Ἰὼάνης ὁ βαπτίζων ἐγήγερται ἐκ νεκρῶν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐνεργοῦσιν αἱ δυνάμεις ἐν αὐτῷ· 6.15. ἄλλοι δὲ ἔλεγον ὅτι Ἠλείας ἐστίν· ἄλλοι δὲ ἔλεγον ὅτι προφήτης ὡς εἷς τῶν προφητῶν. 6.16. ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Ἡρῴδης ἔλεγεν Ὃν ἐγὼ ἀπεκεφάλισα Ἰωάνην, οὗτος ἠγέρθη. 6.17. Αὐτὸς γὰρ ὁ Ἡρῴδης ἀποστείλας ἐκράτησεν τὸν Ἰωάνην καὶ ἔδησεν αὐτὸν ἐν φυλακῇ διὰ Ἡρῳδιάδα τὴν γυναῖκα Φιλίππου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ, ὅτι αὐτὴν ἐγάμησεν· 6.18. ἔλεγεν γὰρ ὁ Ἰωάνης τῷ Ἡρῴδῃ ὅτι Οὐκ ἔξεστίν σοι ἔχειν τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου. 6.19. ἡ δὲ Ἡρῳδιὰς ἐνεῖχεν αὐτῷ καὶ ἤθελεν αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι, καὶ οὐκ ἠδυνατο· 6.20. ὁ γὰρ Ἡρῴδης ἐφοβεῖτο τὸν Ἰωάνην, εἰδὼς αὐτὸν ἄνδρα δίκαιον καὶ ἅγιον, καὶ συνετήρει αὐτόν, καὶ ἀκούσας αὐτοῦ πολλὰ ἠπόρει, καὶ ἡδέως αὐτοῦ ἤκουεν. 6.21. Καὶ γενομένης ἡμέρας εὐκαίρου ὅτε Ἡρῴδης τοῖς γενεσίοις αὐτοῦ δεῖπνον ἐποίησεν τοῖς μεγιστᾶσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς χιλιάρχοις καὶ τοῖς πρώτοις τῆς Γαλιλαίας, 6.22. καὶ εἰσελθούσης τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ Ἡρῳδιάδος καὶ ὀρχησαμένης, ἤρεσεν τῷ Ἡρῴδῃ καὶ τοῖς συνανακειμένοις. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς εἶπεν τῷ κορασίῳ Αἴτησόν με ὃ ἐὰν θέλῃς, καὶ δώσω σοι· 6.23. καὶ ὤμοσεν αὐτῇ Ὅτι ἐάν με αἰτήσῃς δώσω σοι ἕως ἡμίσους τῆς βασιλείας μου. 6.24. καὶ ἐξελθοῦσα εἶπεν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτῆς Τί αἰτήσωμαι; ἡ δὲ εἶπεν Τὴν κεφαλὴν Ἰωάνου τοῦ βαπτίζοντος. 6.25. καὶ εἰσελθοῦσα εὐθὺς μετὰ σπουδῆς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ᾐτήσατο λέγουσα Θέλω ἵνα ἐξαυτῆς δῷς μοι ἐπὶ πίνακι τὴν κεφαλὴν Ἰωάνου τοῦ βαπτιστοῦ. 6.26. καὶ περίλυπος γενόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς διὰ τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τοὺς ἀνακειμένους οὐκ ἠθέλησεν ἀθετῆσαι αὐτήν· 6.27. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀποστείλας ὁ βασιλεὺς σπεκουλάτορα ἐπέταξεν ἐνέγκαι τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἀπεκεφάλισεν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ 6.28. καὶ ἤνεγκεν τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ πίνακι καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτὴν τῷ κορασίῳ, καὶ τὸ κοράσιον ἔδωκεν αὐτὴν τῇ μητρὶ αὐτῆς. 6.29. καὶ ἀκούσαντες οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἦλθαν καὶ ἦραν τὸ πτῶμα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἔθηκαν αὐτὸ ἐν μνημείῳ. 6.37. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Δότε αὐτοῖς ὑμεῖς φαγεῖν. καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Ἀπελθόντες ἀγοράσωμεν δηναρίων διακοσίων ἄρτους καὶ δώσομεν αὐτοῖς φαγεῖν; 7.3. —οἱ γὰρ Φαρισαῖοι καὶ πάντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἐὰν μὴ πυγμῇ νίψωνται τὰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἐσθίουσιν, κρατοῦντες τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, 7.12. οὐκέτι ἀφίετε αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ποιῆσαι τῷ πατρὶ ἢ τῇ μητρί, 7.24. Ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἀναστὰς ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὰ ὅρια Τύρου [καὶ Σιδῶνος]. Καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς οἰκίαν οὐδένα ἤθελεν γνῶναι, καὶ οὐκ ἠδυνάσθη λαθεῖν· 7.25. ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ἀκούσασα γυνὴ περὶ αὐτοῦ, ἧς εἶχεν τὸ θυγάτριον αὐτῆς πνεῦμα ἀκάθαρτον, ἐλθοῦσα προσέπεσεν πρὸς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ· 7.26. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ ἦν Ἑλληνίς, Συροφοινίκισσα τῷ γένει· καὶ ἠρώτα αὐτὸν ἵνα τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐκβάλῃ ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτῆς. 7.27. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτῇ Ἄφες πρῶτον χορτασθῆναι τὰ τέκνα, οὐ γάρ ἐστιν καλὸν λαβεῖν τὸν ἄρτον τῶν τέκνων καὶ τοῖς κυναρίοις βαλεῖν. 7.28. ἡ δὲ ἀπεκρίθη καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Ναί, κύριε, καὶ τὰ κυνάρια ὑποκάτω τῆς τραπέζης ἐσθίουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ψιχίων τῶν παιδίων. 7.29. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῇ Διὰ τοῦτον τὸν λόγον ὕπαγε, ἐξελήλυθεν ἐκ τῆς θυγατρός σου τὸ δαιμόνιον. 7.30. καὶ ἀπελθοῦσα εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῆς εὗρεν τὸ παιδίον βεβλημένον ἐπὶ τὴν κλίνην καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐξεληλυθός. 8.5. καὶ ἠρώτα αὐτούς Πόσους ἔχετε ἄρτους; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Ἑπτά. 8.15. καὶ διεστέλλετο αὐτοῖς λέγων Ὁρᾶτε, βλέπετε ἀπὸ τῆς ζύμης τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ τῆς ζύμης Ἡρῴδου. 8.27. Καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὰς κώμας Καισαρίας τῆς Φιλίππου· καὶ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ ἐπηρώτα τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ λέγων αὐτοῖς Τίνα με λέγουσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι εἶναι; 8.29. καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπηρώτα αὐτούς Ὑμεῖς δὲ τίνα με λέγετε εἶναι; ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Πέτρος λέγει αὐτῷ Σὺ εἶ ὁ χριστός. 9.5. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Πέτρος λέγει τῷ Ἰησοῦ Ῥαββεί, καλόν ἐστιν ἡμᾶς ὧδε εἶναι, καὶ ποιήσωμεν τρεῖς σκηνάς, σοὶ μίαν καὶ Μωυσεῖ μίαν καὶ Ἠλείᾳ μίαν. 9.11. καὶ ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν λέγοντες Ὅτι λέγουσιν οἱ γραμματεῖς ὅτι Ἠλείαν δεῖ ἐλθεῖν πρῶτον; 9.19. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτοῖς λέγει Ὦ γενεὰ ἄπιστος, ἕως πότε πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἔσομαι; ἕως πότε ἀνέξομαι ὑμῶν; φέρετε αὐτὸν πρός με. 9.21. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ Πόσος χρόνος ἐστὶν ὡς τοῦτο γέγονεν αὐτῷ; ὁ δὲ εἶπεν Ἐκ παιδιόθεν· 9.22. καὶ πολλάκις καὶ εἰς πῦρ αὐτὸν ἔβαλεν καὶ εἰς ὕδατα ἵνα ἀπολέσῃ αὐτόν· ἀλλʼ εἴ τι δύνῃ, βοήθησον ἡμῖν σπλαγχνισθεὶς ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς. 9.23. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Τό Εἰ δύνῃ, πάντα δυνατὰ τῷ πιστεύοντι. 9.28. καὶ εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ εἰς οἶκον οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐπηρώτων αὐτόν Ὅτι ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἠδυνήθημεν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτό; 9.29. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τοῦτο τὸ γένος ἐν οὐδενὶ δύναται ἐξελθεῖν εἰ μὴ ἐν προσευχῇ . 10.1. Καὶ ἐκεῖθεν ἀναστὰς ἔρχεται εἰς τὰ ὅρια τῆς Ἰουδαίας καὶ πέραν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου, καὶ συνπορεύονται πάλιν ὄχλοι πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ ὡς εἰώθει πάλιν ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς. 10.2. Καὶ [προσελθόντες Φαρισαῖοι] ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν εἰ ἔξεστιν ἀνδρὶ γυναῖκα ἀπολῦσαι, πειράζοντες αὐτόν. 10.18. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Τί με λέγεις ἀγαθόν; οὐδεὶς ἀγαθὸς εἰ μὴ εἷς ὁ θεός. 10.33. ὅτι Ἰδοὺ ἀναβαίνομεν εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα, καὶ ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου παραδοθήσεται τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς γραμματεῦσιν, καὶ κατακρινοῦσιν αὐτὸν θανάτῳ καὶ παραδώσουσιν αὐτὸν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν 10.36. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τί θέλετε ποιήσω ὑμῖν; 10.37. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Δὸς ἡμῖν ἵνα εἷς σου ἐκ δεξιῶν καὶ εἷς ἐξ ἀριστερῶν καθίσωμεν ἐν τῇ δόξῃ σου. 10.38. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Οὐκ οἴδατε τί αἰτεῖσθε· δύνασθε πιεῖν τὸ ποτήριον ὃ ἐγὼ πίνω, ἢ τὸ βάπτισμα ὃ ἐγὼ βαπτίζομαι βαπτισθῆναι; 10.39. οἱ δὲ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Δυνάμεθα. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τὸ ποτήριον ὃ ἐγὼ πίνω πίεσθε καὶ τὸ βάπτισμα ὃ ἐγὼ βαπτίζομαι βαπτισθήσεσθε, 10.47. καὶ ἀκούσας ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ναζαρηνός ἐστιν ἤρξατο κράζειν καὶ λέγειν Υἱὲ Δαυεὶδ Ἰησοῦ, ἐλέησόν με. 10.49. καὶ στὰς ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Φωνήσατε αὐτόν. καὶ φωνοῦσι τὸν τυφλὸν λέγοντες αὐτῷ Θάρσει, ἔγειρε, φωνεῖ σε. 10.50. ὁ δὲ ἀποβαλὼν τὸ ἱμάτιον αὐτοῦ ἀναπηδήσας ἦλθεν πρὸς τὸν Ἰησοῦν. 10.51. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Τί σοι θέλεις ποιήσω; ὁ δὲ τυφλὸς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ῥαββουνεί, ἵνα ἀναβλέψω. 10.52. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ὕπαγε, ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε. καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνέβλεψεν, καὶ ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ. 11.22. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Ἰησοῦς λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἔχετε πίστιν θεοῦ· 11.31. καὶ διελογίζοντο πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς λέγοντες Ἐὰν εἴπωμεν Ἐξ οὐρανοῦ, ἐρεῖ Διὰ τί [οῦν] οὐκ ἐπιστεύσατε αὐτῷ; 12.19. Διδάσκαλε, Μωυσῆς ἔγραψεν ἡμῖν ὅτι ἐάν τινος ἀδελφὸς ἀποθάνῃ καὶ καταλίπῃ γυναῖκα καὶ μὴ ἀφῇ τέκνον, ἵνα λάβῃ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ ἐξαναστήσῃ σπέρμα τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ. 12.20. ἑπτὰ ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν· καὶ ὁ πρῶτος ἔλαβεν γυναῖκα, καὶ ἀποθνήσκων οὐκ ἀφῆκεν σπέρμα· 12.21. καὶ ὁ δεύτερος ἔλαβεν αὐτήν, καὶ ἀπέθανεν μὴ καταλιπὼν σπέρμα, καὶ ὁ τρίτος ὡσαύτως· 12.22. καὶ οἱ ἑπτὰ οὐκ ἀφῆκαν σπέρμα· ἔσχατον πάντων καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἀπέθανεν. 12.23. ἐν τῇ ἀναστάσει τίνος αὐτῶν ἔσται γυνή; οἱ γὰρ ἑπτὰ ἔσχον αὐτὴν γυναῖκα. 12.24. ἔφη αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰησοῦς Οὐ διὰ τοῦτο πλανᾶσθε μὴ εἰδότες τὰς γραφὰς μηδὲ τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ θεοῦ; 12.26. περὶ δὲ τῶν νεκρῶν ὅτι ἐγείρονται οὐκ ἀνέγνωτε ἐν τῇ βίβλῳ Μωυσέως ἐπὶ τοῦ βάτου πῶς εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ θεὸς λέγων Ἐγὼ ὁ θεὸς Ἀβραὰμ καὶ θεὸς Ἰσαὰκ καὶ θεὸς Ἰακώβ; 12.35. Καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἔλεγεν διδάσκων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ Πῶς λέγουσιν οἱ γραμματεῖς ὅτι ὁ χριστὸς υἱὸς Δαυείδ ἐστιν; 12.36. αὐτὸς Δαυεὶδ εἶπεν ἐν τῷ πνεύματι τῷ ἁγίῳ Εἶπεν Κύριος τῷ κυρίῳ μου Κάθου ἐκ δεξιῶν μου ἕως ἂν θῶ τοὺς ἐχθρούς σου ὑποκάτω τῶν ποδῶν σου· 12.37. αὐτὸς Δαυεὶδ λέγει αὐτὸν κύριον, καὶ πόθεν αὐτοῦ ἐστὶν υἱός; Καὶ ὁ πολὺς ὄχλος ἤκουεν αὐτοῦ ἡδέως. 12.41. Καὶ καθίσας κατέναντι τοῦ γαζοφυλακίου ἐθεώρει πῶς ὁ ὄχλος βάλλει χαλκὸν εἰς τὸ γαζοφυλάκιον· καὶ πολλοὶ πλούσιοι ἔβαλλον πολλά· 12.42. καὶ ἐλθοῦσα μία χήρα πτωχὴ ἔβαλεν λεπτὰ δύο, ὅ ἐστιν κοδράντης. 12.43. καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι ἡ χήρα αὕτη ἡ πτωχὴ πλεῖον πάντων ἔβαλεν τῶν βαλλόντων εἰς τὸ γαζοφυλάκιον· 12.44. πάντες γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ περισσεύοντος αὐτοῖς ἔβαλον, αὕτη δὲ ἐκ τῆς ὑστερήσεως αὐτῆς πάντα ὅσα εἶχεν ἔβαλεν, ὅλον τὸν βίον αὐτῆς. 13.7. ὅταν δὲ ἀκούσητε πολέμους καὶ ἀκοὰς πολέμων, μὴ θροεῖσθε· δεῖ γενέσθαι, ἀλλʼ οὔπω τὸ τέλος. 13.8. ἐγερθήσεται γὰρ ἔθνος ἐπʼ ἔθνος καὶ βασιλεία ἐπὶ βασιλείαν, ἔσονται σεισμοὶ κατὰ τόπους, ἔσονται λιμοί· ἀρχὴ ὠδίνων ταῦτα. 13.9. βλέπετε δὲ ὑμεῖς ἑαυτούς· παραδώσουσιν ὑμᾶς εἰς συνέδρια καὶ εἰς συναγωγὰς δαρήσεσθε καὶ ἐπὶ ἡγεμόνων καὶ βασιλέων σταθήσεσθε ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς. 13.10. καὶ εἰς πάντα τὰ ἔθνη πρῶτον δεῖ κηρυχθῆναι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον. 13.11. καὶ ὅταν ἄγωσιν ὑμᾶς παραδιδόντες, μὴ προμεριμνᾶτε τί λαλήσητε, ἀλλʼ ὃ ἐὰν δοθῇ ὑμῖν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τοῦτο λαλεῖτε, οὐ γάρ ἐστε ὑμεῖς οἱ λαλοῦντες ἀλλὰ τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον. 13.12. καὶ παραδώσει ἀδελφὸς ἀδελφὸν εἰς θάνατον καὶ πατὴρ τέκνον, καὶ ἐπαναστήσονται τέκνα ἐπὶ γονεῖς καὶ θανατώσουσιν αὐτούς· 13.13. καὶ ἔσεσθε μισούμενοι ὑπὸ πάντων διὰ τὸ ὄνομά μου. ὁ δὲ ὑπομείνας εἰς τέλος οὗτος σωθήσεται. 13.14. Ὅταν δὲ ἴδητε τὸ βδέλυγμα τῆς ἐρημώσεως ἑστηκότα ὅπου οὐ δεῖ, ὁ ἀναγινώσκων νοείτω, τότε οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ φευγέτωσαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη, 13.15. ὁ ἐπὶ τοῦ δώματος μὴ καταβάτω μηδὲ εἰσελθάτω τι ἆραι ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας αὐτοῦ, 13.16. καὶ ὁ εἰς τὸν ἀγρὸν μὴ ἐπιστρεψάτω εἰς τὰ ὀπίσω ἆραι τὸ ἱμάτιον αὐτοῦ. 13.17. οὐαὶ δὲ ταῖς ἐν γαστρὶ ἐχούσαις καὶ ταῖς θηλαζούσαις ἐν ἐκείναις ταῖς ἡμέραις. 13.18. προσεύχεσθε δὲ ἵνα μὴ γένηται χειμῶνος· 13.19. ἔσονται γὰρ αἱ ἡμέραι ἐκεῖναι θλίψις οἵα οὐ γέγονεν τοιαύτη ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς κτίσεως ἣν ἔκτισεν ὁ θεὸς ἕως τοῦ νῦν καὶ οὐ μὴ γένηται. 13.20. καὶ εἰ μὴ ἐκολόβωσεν Κύριος τὰς ἡμέρας, οὐκ ἂν ἐσώθη πᾶσα σάρξ· ἀλλὰ διὰ τοὺς ἐκλεκτοὺς οὓς ἐξελέξατο ἐκολόβωσεν τὰς ἡμέρας. 13.21. Καὶ τότε ἐάν τις ὑμῖν εἴπῃ Ἴδε ὧδε ὁ χριστός Ἴδε ἐκεῖ, μὴ πιστεύετε· 13.22. ἐγερθήσονται γὰρ ψευδόχριστοι καὶ ψευδοπροφῆται καὶ δώσουσιν σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα πρὸς τὸ ἀποπλανᾷν εἰ δυνατὸν τοὺς ἐκλεκτούς· 13.23. ὑμεῖς δὲ βλέπετε· προείρηκα ὑμῖν πάντα. 13.24. Ἀλλὰ ἐν ἐκείναις ταῖς ἡμέραις μετὰ τὴν θλίψιν ἐκείνην ὁ ἥλιος σκοτισθήσεται, καὶ ἡ σελήνη οὐ δώσει τὸ φέγγος αὐτῆς, 13.25. καὶ οἱ ἀστέρες ἔσονται ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ πίπτοντες, καὶ αἱ δυνάμεις αἱ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς σαλευθήσονται. 13.26. καὶ τότε ὄψονται τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐρχόμενον ἐν νεφέλαις μετὰ δυνάμεως πολλῆς καὶ δόξης· 13.27. καὶ τότε ἀποστελεῖ τοὺς ἀγγέλους καὶ ἐπισυνάξει τοὺς ἐκλεκτοὺς [αὐτοῦ] ἐκ τῶν τεσσάρων ἀνέμων ἀπʼ ἄκρου γῆς ἕως ἄκρου οὐρανοῦ. 13.28. Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς συκῆς μάθετε τὴν παραβολήν· ὅταν ἤδη ὁ κλάδος αὐτῆς ἁπαλὸς γένηται καὶ ἐκφύῃ τὰ φύλλα, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐγγὺς τὸ θέρος ἐστίν· 13.29. οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὅταν ἴδητε ταῦτα γινόμενα, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐγγύς ἐστιν ἐπὶ θύραις. 13.30. ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐ μὴ παρέλθῃ ἡ γενεὰ αὕτη μέχρις οὗ ταῦτα πάντα γένηται. 13.31. ὁ οὐρανὸς καὶ ἡ γῆ παρελεύσονται, οἱ δὲ λόγοι μου οὐ παρελεύσονται. 13.32. Περὶ δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἢ τῆς ὥρας οὐδεὶς οἶδεν, οὐδὲ οἱ ἄγγελοι ἐν οὐρανῷ οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός, εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ. 13.33. βλέπετε ἀγρυπνεῖτε, οὐκ οἴδατε γὰρ πότε ὁ καιρός [ἐστιν]· 13.34. ὡς ἄνθρωπος ἀπόδημος ἀφεὶς τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ δοὺς τοῖς δούλοις αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἑκάστῳ τὸ ἔργον αὐτοῦ, καὶ τῷ θυρωρῷ ἐνετείλατο ἵνα γρηγορῇ. 13.35. γρηγορεῖτε οὖν, οὐκ οἴδατε γὰρ πότε ὁ κύριος τῆς οἰκίας ἔρχεται, ἢ ὀψὲ ἢ μεσονύκτιον ἢ ἀλεκτοροφωνίας ἢ πρωί, 13.36. μὴ ἐλθὼν ἐξέφνης εὕρῃ ὑμᾶς καθεύδοντας· 13.37. ὃ δὲ ὑμῖν λέγω πᾶσιν λέγω, γρηγορεῖτε. 14.1. ΗΝ ΔΕ ΤΟ ΠΑΣΧΑ καὶ τὰ ἄζυμα μετὰ δύο ἡμέρας. Καὶ ἐζήτουν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς πῶς αὐτὸν ἐν δόλῳ κρατήσαντες ἀποκτείνωσιν, 14.11. οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες ἐχάρησαν καὶ ἐπηγγείλαντο αὐτῷ ἀργύριον δοῦναι. καὶ ἐζήτει πῶς αὐτὸν εὐκαίρως παραδοῖ. 14.31. ὁ δὲ ἐκπερισσῶς ἐλάλει Ἐὰν δέῃ με συναποθανεῖν σοι, οὐ μή σε ἀπαρνήσομαι. ὡσαύτως [δὲ] καὶ πάντες ἔλεγον. 14.39. καὶ πάλιν ἀπελθὼν προσηύξατο [τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον εἰπών]. 14.44. δεδώκει δὲ ὁ παραδιδοὺς αὐτὸν σύσσημον αὐτοῖς λέγων Ὃν ἂν φιλήσω αὐτός ἐστιν· κρατήσατε αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπάγετε ἀσφαλῶς. 14.46. οἱ δὲ ἐπέβαλαν τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ καὶ ἐκράτησαν αὐτόν. 14.47. εἷς δέ [τις] τῶν παρεστηκότων σπασάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν ἔπαισεν τὸν δοῦλον τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἀφεῖλεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ὠτάριον. 14.48. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ὡς ἐπὶ λῃστὴν ἐξήλθατε μετὰ μαχαιρῶν καὶ ξύλων συλλαβεῖν με, 14.52. ὁ δὲ καταλιπὼν τὴν σινδόνα γυμνὸς ἔφυγεν. 14.53. Καὶ ἀπήγαγον τὸν Ἰησοῦν πρὸς τὸν ἀρχιερέα, καὶ συνέρχονται πάντες οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς. 14.54. καὶ ὁ Πέτρος ἀπὸ μακρόθεν ἠκολούθησεν αὐτῷ ἕως ἔσω εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, καὶ ἦν συνκαθήμενος μετὰ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν καὶ θερμαινόμενος πρὸς τὸ φῶς. 14.55. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ ὅλον τὸ συνέδριον ἐζήτουν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ μαρτυρίαν εἰς τὸ θανατῶσαι αὐτόν, καὶ οὐχ ηὕρισκον· 14.56. πολλοὶ γὰρ ἐψευδομαρτύρουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἴσαι αἱ μαρτυρίαι οὐκ ἦσαν. 14.57. καί τινες ἀναστάντες ἐψευδομαρτύρουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ λέγοντες 14.58. ὅτι Ἡμεῖς ἠκούσαμεν αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ὅτι Ἐγὼ καταλύσω τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον τὸν χειροποίητον καὶ διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ἄλλον ἀχειροποίητον οἰκοδομήσω· 14.59. καὶ οὐδὲ οὕτως ἴση ἦν ἡ μαρτυρία αὐτῶν. 14.60. καὶ ἀναστὰς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς εἰς μέσον ἐπηρώτησεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν λέγων Οὐκ ἀποκρίνῃ οὐδέν, τί οὗτοί σου καταμαρτυροῦσιν; 14.61. ὁ δὲ ἐσιώπα καὶ οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο οὐδέν. πάλιν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐπηρώτα αὐτὸν καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Σὺ εἶ ὁ χριστὸς ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ εὐλογητοῦ; 14.62. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν Ἐγώ εἰμι, καὶ ὄψεσθε τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκ δεξιῶν καθήμενον τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ ἐρχόμενον μετὰ τῶν νεφελῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. 14.63. ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς διαρήξας τοὺς χιτῶνας αὐτοῦ λέγει Τί ἔτι χρείαν ἔχομεν μαρτύρων; 14.64. ἠκούσατε τῆς βλασφημίας; τί ὑμῖν φαίνεται; οἱ δὲ πάντες κατέκριναν αὐτὸν ἔνοχον εἶναι θανάτου. 14.65. Καὶ ἤρξαντό τινες ἐμπτύειν αὐτῷ καὶ περικαλύπτειν αὐτοῦ τὸ πρόσωπον καὶ κολαφίζειν αὐτὸν καὶ λέγειν αὐτῷ Προφήτευσον, καὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται ῥαπίσμασιν αὐτὸν ἔλαβον. 14.68. ὁ δὲ ἠρνήσατο λέγων Οὔτε οἶδα οὔτε ἐπίσταμαι σὺ τί λέγεις, καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἔξω εἰς τὸ προαύλιον. 14.69. καὶ ἡ παιδίσκη ἰδοῦσα αὐτὸν ἤρξατο πάλιν λέγειν τοῖς παρεστῶσιν ὅτι Οὗτος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐστίν. 14.70. ὁ δὲ πάλιν ἠρνεῖτο. καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν πάλιν οἱ παρεστῶτες ἔλεγον τῷ Πέτρῳ Ἀληθῶς ἐξ αὐτῶν εἶ, καὶ γὰρ Γαλιλαῖος εἶ· 14.71. ὁ δὲ ἤρξατο ἀναθεματίζειν καὶ ὀμνύναι ὅτι Οὐκ οἶδα τὸν ἄνθρωπον τοῦτον ὃν λέγετε. 15.4. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος πάλιν ἐπηρώτα αὐτὸν [λέγων] Οὐκ ἀποκρίνῃ οὐδέν; ἴδε πόσα σου κατηγοροῦσιν. 15.6. Κατὰ δὲ ἑορτὴν ἀπέλυεν αὐτοῖς ἕνα δέσμιον ὃν παρῃτοῦντο. 15.7. ἦν δὲ ὁ λεγόμενος Βαραββᾶς μετὰ τῶν στασιαστῶν δεδεμένος οἵτινες ἐν τῇ στάσει φόνον πεποιήκεισαν. 15.8. καὶ ἀναβὰς ὁ ὄχλος ἤρξατο αἰτεῖσθαι καθὼς ἐποίει αὐτοῖς. 15.9. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς λέγων Θέλετε ἀπολύσω ὑμῖν τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Ἰουδαίων; 15.10. ἐγίνωσκεν γὰρ ὅτι διὰ φθόνον παραδεδώκεισαν αὐτὸν [οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς]. 15.11. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς ἀνέσεισαν τὸν ὄχλον ἵνα μᾶλλον τὸν Βαραββᾶν ἀπολύσῃ αὐτοῖς. 15.12. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος πάλιν ἀποκριθεὶς ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Τί οὖν ποιήσω [ὃν] λέγετε τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Ἰουδαίων; 15.13. οἱ δὲ πάλιν ἔκραξαν Σταύρωσον αὐτόν. 15.14. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Τί γὰρ ἐποίησεν κακόν; οἱ δὲ περισσῶς ἔκραξαν Σταύρωσον αὐτόν. 15.15. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος βουλόμενος τῷ ὄχλῳ τὸ ἱκανὸν ποιῆσαι ἀπέλυσεν αὐτοῖς τὸν Βαραββᾶν, καὶ παρέδωκεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν φραγελλώσας ἵνα σταυρωθῇ. 15.16. Οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν ἔσω τῆς αὐλῆς, ὅ ἐστιν πραιτώριον, καὶ συνκαλοῦσιν ὅλην τὴν σπεῖραν. 15.24. καὶ σταυροῦσιν αὐτὸν καὶ διαμερίζονται τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, βάλλοντες κλῆρον ἐπʼ αὐτὰ τίς τί ἄρῃ. 15.25. ἦν δὲ ὥρα τρίτη καὶ ἐσταύρωσαν αὐτόν. 15.36. δραμὼν δέ τις γεμίσας σπόγγον ὄξους περιθεὶς καλάμῳ ἐπότιζεν αὐτόν, λέγων Ἄφετε ἴδωμεν εἰ ἔρχεται Ἠλείας καθελεῖν αὐτόν. 15.44. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος ἐθαύμασεν εἰ ἤδη τέθνηκεν, καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τὸν κεντυρίωνα ἐπη ρώτησεν αὐτὸν εἰ ἤδη ἀπέθανεν· 16.6. ὁ δὲ λέγει αὐταῖς Μὴ ἐκθαμβεῖσθε· Ἰησοῦν ζητεῖτε τὸν Ναζαρηνὸν τὸν ἐσταυρωμένον· ἠγέρθη, οὐκ ἔστιν ὧδε· ἴδε ὁ τόπος ὅπου ἔθηκαν αὐτόν· | 1.4. John came baptizing in the wilderness and preaching the baptism of repentance for forgiveness of sins. 1.5. All the country of Judea and all those of Jerusalem went out to him. They were baptized by him in the Jordan river, confessing their sins. 1.7. He preached, saying, "After me comes he who is mightier than I, the thong of whose sandals I am not worthy to stoop down and loosen. 1.24. saying, "Ha! What do we have to do with you, Jesus, you Nazarene? Have you come to destroy us? I know you who you are: the Holy One of God!" 1.34. He healed many who were sick with various diseases, and cast out many demons. He didn't allow the demons to speak, because they knew him. 2.13. He went out again by the seaside. All the multitude came to him, and he taught them. 2.25. He said to them, "Did you never read what David did, when he had need, and was hungry -- he, and they who were with him? 3.1. He entered again into the synagogue, and there was a man there who had his hand withered. 3.28. Most assuredly I tell you, all of the sons of men's sins will be forgiven them, including their blasphemies with which they may blaspheme; 5.1. They came to the other side of the sea, into the country of the Gadarenes. 5.2. When he had come out of the boat, immediately there met him out of the tombs a man with an unclean spirit, 5.3. who had his dwelling in the tombs. Nobody could bind him any more, not even with chains, 5.4. because he had been often bound with fetters and chains, and the chains had been torn apart by him, and the fetters broken in pieces. Nobody had the strength to tame him. 5.5. Always, night and day, in the tombs and in the mountains, he was crying out, and cutting himself with stones. 5.6. When he saw Jesus from afar, he ran and bowed down to him, 5.7. and crying out with a loud voice, he said, "What have I to do with you, Jesus, you Son of the Most High God? I adjure you by God, don't torment me." 5.8. For he said to him, "Come out of the man, you unclean spirit!" 5.9. He asked him, "What is your name?"He said to him, "My name is Legion, for we are many." 5.10. He begged him much that he would not send them away out of the country. 5.11. Now there was on the mountainside a great herd of pigs feeding. 5.12. All the demons begged him, saying, "Send us into the pigs, that we may enter into them." 5.13. At once Jesus gave them permission. The unclean spirits came out and entered into the pigs. The herd of about two thousand rushed down the steep bank into the sea, and they were drowned in the sea. 5.14. Those who fed them fled, and told it in the city and in the country. The people came to see what it was that had happened. 5.15. They came to Jesus, and saw him who had been possessed by demons sitting, clothed, and in his right mind, even him who had the legion; and they were afraid. 5.16. Those who saw it declared to them how it happened to him who was possessed by demons, and about the pigs. 5.17. They began to beg him to depart from their region. 5.18. As he was entering into the boat, he who had been possessed by demons begged him that he might be with him. 5.19. He didn't allow him, but said to him, "Go to your house, to your friends, and tell them what great things the Lord has done for you, and how he had mercy on you." 5.20. He went his way, and began to proclaim in Decapolis how Jesus had done great things for him, and everyone marveled. 5.24. He went with him, and a great multitude followed him, and they pressed upon him on all sides. 5.42. Immediately the young lady rose up, and walked, for she was twelve years old. They were amazed with great amazement. 6.6. He marveled because of their unbelief. He went around the villages teaching. 6.14. King Herod heard this, for his name had become known, and he said, "John the Baptizer has risen from the dead, and therefore these powers are at work in him." 6.15. But others said, "It is Elijah." Others said, "It is the Prophet, or like one of the prophets." 6.16. But Herod, when he heard this, said, "This is John, whom I beheaded. He has risen from the dead." 6.17. For Herod himself had sent out and arrested John, and bound him in prison for the sake of Herodias, his brother Philip's wife, for he had married her. 6.18. For John said to Herod, "It is not lawful for you to have your brother's wife." 6.19. Herodias set herself against him, and desired to kill him, but she couldn't, 6.20. for Herod feared John, knowing that he was a righteous and holy man, and kept him safe. When he heard him, he did many things, and he heard him gladly. 6.21. Then a convenient day came, that Herod on his birthday made a supper for his nobles, the high officers, and the chief men of Galilee. 6.22. When the daughter of Herodias herself came in and danced, she pleased Herod and those sitting with him. The king said to the young lady, "Ask me whatever you want, and I will give it to you." 6.23. He swore to her, "Whatever you shall ask of me, I will give you, up to half of my kingdom." 6.24. She went out, and said to her mother, "What shall I ask?"She said, "The head of John the Baptizer." 6.25. She came in immediately with haste to the king, and asked, "I want you to give me right now the head of John the Baptizer on a platter." 6.26. The king was exceedingly sorry, but for the sake of his oaths, and of his dinner guests, he didn't wish to refuse her. 6.27. Immediately the king sent out a soldier of his guard, and commanded to bring John's head, and he went and beheaded him in the prison, 6.28. and brought his head on a platter, and gave it to the young lady; and the young lady gave it to her mother. 6.29. When his disciples heard this, they came and took up his corpse, and laid it in a tomb. 6.37. But he answered them, "You give them something to eat."They asked him, "Shall we go and buy two hundred denarii worth of bread, and give them something to eat?" 7.3. (For the Pharisees, and all the Jews, don't eat unless they wash their hands and forearms, holding to the tradition of the elders. 7.12. then you no longer allow him to do anything for his father or his mother, 7.24. From there he arose, and went away into the borders of Tyre and Sidon. He entered into a house, and didn't want anyone to know it, but he couldn't escape notice. 7.25. For a woman, whose little daughter had an unclean spirit, having heard of him, came and fell down at his feet. 7.26. Now the woman was a Greek, a Syrophoenician by race. She begged him that he would cast the demon out of her daughter. 7.27. But Jesus said to her, "Let the children be filled first, for it is not appropriate to take the children's bread and throw it to the dogs." 7.28. But she answered him, "Yes, Lord. Yet even the dogs under the table eat the children's crumbs." 7.29. He said to her, "For this saying, go your way. The demon has gone out of your daughter." 7.30. She went away to her house, and found the child lying on the bed, with the demon gone out. 8.5. He asked them, "How many loaves do you have?"They said, "Seven." 8.15. He charged them, saying, "Take heed: beware of the yeast of the Pharisees and the yeast of Herod." 8.27. Jesus went out, with his disciples, into the villages of Caesarea Philippi. On the way he asked his disciples, "Who do men say that I am?" 8.29. He said to them, "But who do you say that I am?"Peter answered, "You are the Christ." 9.5. Peter answered Jesus, "Rabbi, it is good for us to be here. Let's make three tents: one for you, one for Moses, and one for Elijah." 9.11. They asked him, saying, "Why do the scribes say that Elijah must come first?" 9.19. He answered him, "Unbelieving generation, how long shall I be with you? How long shall I bear with you? Bring him to me." 9.21. He asked his father, "How long has it been since this has come to him?"He said, "From childhood. 9.22. often it has cast him both into the fire and into the water, to destroy him. But if you can do anything, have compassion on us, and help us." 9.23. Jesus said to him, "If you can believe, all things are possible to him who believes." 9.28. When he had come into the house, his disciples asked him privately, "Why couldn't we cast it out?" 9.29. He said to them, "This kind can come out by nothing, except by prayer and fasting." 10.1. He arose from there and came into the borders of Judea and beyond the Jordan. Multitudes came together to him again. As he usually did, he was again teaching them. 10.2. Pharisees came to him testing him, and asked him, "Is it lawful for a man to divorce his wife?" 10.18. Jesus said to him, "Why do you call me good? No one is good except one -- God. 10.33. "Behold, we are going up to Jerusalem. The Son of Man will be delivered to the chief priests and the scribes. They will condemn him to death, and will deliver him to the Gentiles. 10.36. He said to them, "What do you want me to do for you?" 10.37. They said to him, "Grant to us that we may sit, one at your right hand, and one at your left hand, in your glory." 10.38. But Jesus said to them, "You don't know what you are asking. Are you able to drink the cup that I drink, and to be baptized with the baptism that I am baptized with?" 10.39. They said to him, "We are able."Jesus said to them, "You shall indeed drink the cup that I drink, and you shall be baptized with the baptism that I am baptized with; 10.47. When he heard that it was Jesus the Nazarene, he began to cry out, and say, "Jesus, you son of David, have mercy on me!" 10.49. Jesus stood still, and said, "Call him."They called the blind man, saying to him, "Cheer up! Get up. He is calling you!" 10.50. He, casting away his cloak, sprang up, and came to Jesus. 10.51. Jesus asked him, "What do you want me to do for you?"The blind man said to him, "Rhabboni, that I may see again." 10.52. Jesus said to him, "Go your way. Your faith has made you well." Immediately he received his sight, and followed Jesus in the way. 11.22. Jesus answering said to them, "Have faith in God. 11.31. They reasoned with themselves, saying, "If we should say, 'From heaven;' he will say, 'Why then did you not believe him?' 12.19. "Teacher, Moses wrote to us, 'If a man's brother dies, and leaves a wife behind him, and leaves no children, that his brother should take his wife, and raise up offspring for his brother.' 12.20. There were seven brothers. The first took a wife, and dying left no offspring. 12.21. The second took her, and died, leaving no children behind him. The third likewise; 12.22. and the seven took her and left no children. Last of all the woman also died. 12.23. In the resurrection, when they rise, whose wife will she be of them? For the seven had her as a wife." 12.24. Jesus answered them, "Isn't this because you are mistaken, not knowing the Scriptures, nor the power of God? 12.26. But about the dead, that they are raised; haven't you read in the book of Moses, about the Bush, how God spoke to him, saying, 'I am the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob?' 12.35. Jesus responded, as he taught in the temple, "How is it that the scribes say that the Christ is the son of David? 12.36. For David himself said in the Holy Spirit, 'The Lord said to my Lord, Sit at my right hand, Until I make your enemies the footstool of your feet.' 12.37. Therefore David himself calls him Lord, so how can he be his son?"The common people heard him gladly. 12.41. Jesus sat down opposite the treasury, and saw how the multitude cast money into the treasury. Many who were rich cast in much. 12.42. A poor widow came, and she cast in two small brass coins, which make a quadrans. 12.43. He called his disciples to himself, and said to them, "Most assuredly I tell you, this poor widow gave more than all those who are giving into the treasury, 12.44. for they all gave out of their abundance, but she, out of her poverty, gave all that she had to live on." 13.7. "When you hear of wars and rumors of wars, don't be troubled. For those must happen, but the end is not yet. 13.8. For nation will rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom. There will be earthquakes in various places. There will be famines and troubles. These things are the beginning of birth pains. 13.9. But watch yourselves, for they will deliver you up to councils. You will be beaten in synagogues. You will stand before rulers and kings for my sake, for a testimony to them. 13.10. The gospel must first be preached to all the nations. 13.11. When they lead you away and deliver you up, don't be anxious beforehand, or premeditate what you will say, but say whatever will be given you in that hour. For it is not you who speak, but the Holy Spirit. 13.12. "Brother will deliver up brother to death, and the father his child. Children will rise up against parents, and cause them to be put to death. 13.13. You will be hated by all men for my name's sake, but he who endures to the end, the same will be saved. 13.14. But when you see the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel the prophet, standing where it ought not (let the reader understand), then let those who are in Judea flee to the mountains, 13.15. and let him who is on the housetop not go down, nor enter in, to take anything out of his house. 13.16. Let him who is in the field not return back to take his cloak. 13.17. But woe to those who are with child and to those who nurse babies in those days! 13.18. Pray that your flight won't be in the winter. 13.19. For in those days there will be oppression, such as there has not been the like from the beginning of the creation which God created until now, and never will be. 13.20. Unless the Lord had shortened the days, no flesh would have been saved; but for the elect's sake, whom he chose, he shortened the days. 13.21. Then if anyone tells you, 'Look, here is the Christ!' or, 'Look, there!' don't believe it. 13.22. For there will arise false christs and false prophets, and will show signs and wonders, that they may lead astray, if possible, even the chosen ones. 13.23. But you watch. "Behold, I have told you all things beforehand. 13.24. But in those days, after that oppression, the sun will be darkened, the moon will not give its light, 13.25. the stars will be falling from the sky, and the powers that are in the heavens will be shaken. 13.26. Then they will see the Son of Man coming in clouds with great power and glory. 13.27. Then he will send out his angels, and will gather together his elect from the four winds, from the ends of the earth to the ends of the sky. 13.28. "Now from the fig tree, learn this parable. When the branch has now become tender, and puts forth its leaves, you know that the summer is near; 13.29. even so you also, when you see these things coming to pass, know that it is near, at the doors. 13.30. Most assuredly I say to you, this generation will not pass away until all these things happen. 13.31. Heaven and earth will pass away, but my words will not pass away. 13.32. But of that day or that hour no one knows, not even the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but only the Father. 13.33. Watch, keep alert, and pray; for you don't know when the time is. 13.34. "It is like a man, traveling to another country, having left his house, and given authority to his servants, and to each one his work, and also commanded the doorkeeper to keep watch. 13.35. Watch therefore, for you don't know when the lord of the house is coming, whether at evening, or at midnight, or when the rooster crows, or in the morning; 13.36. lest coming suddenly he might find you sleeping. 13.37. What I tell you, I tell all: Watch." 14.1. It was now two days before the feast of the Passover and the unleavened bread, and the chief priests and the scribes sought how they might sieze him by deception, and kill him. 14.11. They, when they heard it, were glad, and promised to give him money. He sought how he might conveniently deliver him. 14.31. But he spoke all the more, "If I must die with you, I will not deny you." They all said the same thing. 14.39. Again he went away, and prayed, saying the same words. 14.44. Now he who betrayed him had given them a sign, saying, "Whoever I will kiss, that is he. Seize him, and lead him away safely." 14.46. They laid their hands on him, and seized him. 14.47. But a certain one of those who stood by drew his sword, and struck the servant of the high priest, and cut off his ear. 14.48. Jesus answered them, "Have you come out, as against a robber, with swords and clubs to seize me? 14.52. but he left the linen cloth, and fled from them naked. 14.53. They led Jesus away to the high priest. All the chief priests, the elders, and the scribes came together with him. 14.54. Peter had followed him from a distance, until he came into the court of the high priest. He was sitting with the officers, and warming himself in the light of the fire. 14.55. Now the chief priests and the whole council sought witnesses against Jesus to put him to death, and found none. 14.56. For many gave false testimony against him, and their testimony didn't agree with each other. 14.57. Some stood up, and gave false testimony against him, saying, 14.58. "We heard him say, 'I will destroy this temple that is made with hands, and in three days I will build another made without hands.'" 14.59. Even so, their testimony did not agree. 14.60. The high priest stood up in the midst, and asked Jesus, "Have you no answer? What is it which these testify against you?" 14.61. But he stayed quiet, and answered nothing. Again the high priest asked him, "Are you the Christ, the Son of the Blessed?" 14.62. Jesus said, "I AM. You will see the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of Power, and coming with the clouds of the sky." 14.63. The high priest tore his clothes, and said, "What further need have we of witnesses? 14.64. You have heard the blasphemy! What do you think?" They all condemned him to be worthy of death. 14.65. Some began to spit on him, and to cover his face, and to beat him with fists, and to tell him, "Prophesy!" The officers struck him with the palms of their hands. 14.68. But he denied it, saying, "I neither know, nor understand what you are saying." He went out on the porch, and the cock crowed. 14.69. The maid saw him, and began again to tell those who stood by, "This is one of them." 14.70. But he again denied it. After a little while again those who stood by said to Peter, "You truly are one of them, for you are a Galilean, and your speech shows it." 14.71. But he began to curse, and to swear, "I don't know this man of whom you speak!" 15.4. Pilate again asked him, "Have you no answer? See how many things they testify against you!" 15.6. Now at the feast he used to release to them one prisoner, whom they asked of him. 15.7. There was one called Barabbas, bound with those who had made insurrection, men who in the insurrection had committed murder. 15.8. The multitude, crying aloud, began to ask him to do as he always did for them. 15.9. Pilate answered them, saying, "Do you you want me to release to you the King of the Jews?" 15.10. For he perceived that for envy the chief priests had delivered him up. 15.11. But the chief priests stirred up the multitude, that he should release Barabbas to them instead. 15.12. Pilate again asked them, "What then should I do to him whom you call the King of the Jews?" 15.13. They cried out again, "Crucify him!" 15.14. Pilate said to them, "Why, what evil has he done?"But they cried out exceedingly, "Crucify him!" 15.15. Pilate, wishing to please the multitude, released Barabbas to them, and handed over Jesus, when he had flogged him, to be crucified. 15.16. The soldiers led him away within the court, which is the Praetorium; and they called together the whole cohort. 15.24. Crucifying him, they parted his garments among them, casting lots on them, what each should take. 15.25. It was the third hour, and they crucified him. 15.36. One ran, and filling a sponge full of vinegar, put it on a reed, and gave it to him to drink, saying, "Let him be. Let's see whether Elijah comes to take him down." 15.44. Pilate marveled if he were already dead; and summoning the centurion, he asked him whether he had been dead long. 16.6. He said to them, "Don't be amazed. You seek Jesus, the Nazarene, who has been crucified. He has risen. He is not here. Behold, the place where they laid him! |
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113. New Testament, Matthew, 23.2-23.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 81| 23.2. Ἐπὶ τῆς Μωυσέως καθέδρας ἐκάθισαν οἱ γραμματεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι. 23.3. πάντα οὖν ὅσα ἐὰν εἴπωσιν ὑμῖν ποιήσατε καὶ τηρεῖτε, κατὰ δὲ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν μὴ ποιεῖτε, λέγουσιν γὰρ καὶ οὐ ποιοῦσιν. | 23.2. saying, "The scribes and the Pharisees sat on Moses' seat. 23.3. All things therefore whatever they tell you to observe, observe and do, but don't do their works; for they say, and don't do. |
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114. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 28.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54| 28.11. μόνα τὰ βιβλία τοῦ βασιλέως φιλογραμματοῦσι τοῖς υἱέσιν ἐπέτρεψεν ἐξελέσθαι, καὶ διανέμων ἀριστεῖα τῆς μάχης Αἰλίῳ Τουβέρωνι τῷ γαμβρῷ φιάλην ἔδωκε πέντε λιτρῶν ὁλκήν. | 28.11. It was only the books of the king that he allowed his sons, who were devoted to learning, to choose out for themselves, and when he was distributing rewards for valour in the battle, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a bowl of five pounds weight. |
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115. Plutarch, Brutus, 9.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83| 9.8. αἴτιοι δὲ τούτων οἱ Καίσαρος κόλακες ἄλλας τε τιμὰς ἐπιφθόνους ἀνευρίσκοντες αὐτῷ καὶ διαδήματα τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι νύκτωρ ἐπιτιθέντες, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπαξόμενοι βασιλέα προσειπεῖν ἀντὶ δικτάτορος. | 9.8. |
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116. New Testament, Luke, 22.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •devil greek martyr acts Found in books: Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 95| 22.3. Εἰσῆλθεν δὲ Σατανᾶς εἰς Ἰούδαν τὸν καλούμενον Ἰσκαριώτην, ὄντα ἐκ τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ τῶν δώδεκα· | 22.3. Satan entered into Judas, who was surnamed Iscariot, who was numbered with the twelve. |
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117. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 7.1, 42.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36| 7.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ Μετέλλου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τελευτήσαντος καὶ τὴν ἱερωσύνην περιμάχητον οὖσαν Ἰσαυρικοῦ καὶ Κάτλου μετιόντων, ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μέγιστον ἐν βουλῇ δυναμένων, οὐχ ὑπεῖξεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἀλλὰ καταβὰς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀντιπαρήγγελλεν. 42.2. πέμπειν δὲ πολλοὺς εἰς Ῥώμην μισθουμένους καὶ προκαταλαμβάνοντας οἰκίας ὑπατεύουσι καὶ στρατηγοῦσιν ἐπιτηδείους, ὡς εὐθὺς ἄρξοντες μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον. μάλιστα δὲ ἐσφάδαζον οἱ ἱππεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ἠσκημένοι περιττῶς ὅπλων λαμπρότησι καὶ τροφαῖς ἵππων καὶ κάλλει σωμάτων, μέγα φρονοῦντες καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, ἑπτακισχίλιοι πρὸς χιλίους τοὺς Καίσαρος ὄντες. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ τῶν πεζῶν πλῆθος οὐκ ἀγχώμαλον, ἀλλὰ τετρακισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι παρετάττοντο δισμυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις. | 7.1. 42.2. |
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| 118. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles (greek), haliartos (or orchomenos?), oracle of teiresias Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 527 |
| 119. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 6.190 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divination (greek and roman), natural vs. artificial Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 4 |
120. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.34.4-1.34.5, 2.10.2, 2.27.6, 2.32.6, 7.3.1, 8.9.1, 9.18.4, 9.33.1, 9.39.6, 10.34.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) •divinities (greek and roman), artemis •divinities (greek and roman), artemis agrotera •oracles (greek), haliartos (or orchomenos?), oracle of teiresias Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 287, 314, 344, 527, 541, 654, 687| 1.34.4. ἔστι δὲ Ὠρωπίοις πηγὴ πλησίον τοῦ ναοῦ, ἣν Ἀμφιαράου καλοῦσιν, οὔτε θύοντες οὐδὲν ἐς αὐτὴν οὔτʼ ἐπὶ καθαρσίοις ἢ χέρνιβι χρῆσθαι νομίζοντες· νόσου δὲ ἀκεσθείσης ἀνδρὶ μαντεύματος γενομένου καθέστηκεν ἄργυρον ἀφεῖναι καὶ χρυσὸν ἐπίσημον ἐς τὴν πηγήν, ταύτῃ γὰρ ἀνελθεῖν τὸν Ἀμφιάραον λέγουσιν ἤδη θεόν. Ἰοφῶν δὲ Κνώσσιος τῶν ἐξηγητῶν χρησμοὺς ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ παρείχετο, Ἀμφιάραον χρῆσαι φάμενος τοῖς ἐς Θήβας σταλεῖσιν Ἀργείων. ταῦτα τὰ ἔπη τὸ ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐπαγωγὸν ἀκρατῶς εἶχε· χωρὶς δὲ πλὴν ὅσους ἐξ Ἀπόλλωνος μανῆναι λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον, μάντεών γʼ οὐδεὶς χρησμολόγος ἦν, ἀγαθοὶ δὲ ὀνείρατα ἐξηγήσασθαι καὶ διαγνῶναι πτήσεις ὀρνίθων καὶ σπλάγχνα ἱερείων. 1.34.5. δοκῶ δὲ Ἀμφιάραον ὀνειράτων διακρίσει μάλιστα προ ς κεῖσθαι· δῆλος δέ, ἡνίκα ἐνομίσθη θεός, διʼ ὀνειράτων μαντικὴν καταστησάμενος. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν καθήρασθαι νομίζουσιν ὅστις ἦλθεν Ἀμφιαράῳ χρησόμενος· ἔστι δὲ καθάρσιον τῷ θεῷ θύειν, θύουσι δὲ καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ πᾶσιν ὅσοις ἐστὶν ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ τὰ ὀνόματα· προεξειργασμένων δὲ τούτων κριὸν θύσαντες καὶ τὸ δέρμα ὑποστρωσάμενοι καθεύδουσιν ἀναμένοντες δήλωσιν ὀνείρατος. 2.10.2. ἐντεῦθέν ἐστιν ὁδὸς ἐς ἱερὸν Ἀσκληπιοῦ. παρελθοῦσι δὲ ἐς τὸν περίβολον ἐν ἀριστερᾷ διπλοῦν ἐστιν οἴκημα· κεῖται δὲ Ὕπνος ἐν τῷ προτέρῳ, καί οἱ πλὴν τῆς κεφαλῆς ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἔτι λείπεται. τὸ ἐνδοτέρω δὲ Ἀπόλλωνι ἀνεῖται Καρνείῳ, καὶ ἐς αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστι πλὴν τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔσοδος. κεῖται δὲ ἐν τῇ στοᾷ κήτους ὀστοῦν θαλασσίου μεγέθει μέγα καὶ μετʼ αὐτὸ ἄγαλμα Ὀνείρου καὶ Ὕπνος κατακοιμίζων λέοντα, Ἐπιδώτης δὲ ἐπίκλησιν. ἐς δὲ τὸ Ἀσκληπιεῖον ἐσιοῦσι καθʼ ἕτερον τῆς ἐσόδου τῇ μὲν Πανὸς καθήμενον ἄγαλμά ἐστι, τῇ δὲ Ἄρτεμις ἕστηκεν. 2.27.6. ὁπόσα δὲ Ἀντωνῖνος ἀνὴρ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ἐποίησεν, ἔστι μὲν Ἀσκληπιοῦ λουτρόν, ἔστι δὲ ἱερὸν θεῶν οὓς Ἐπιδώτας ὀνομάζουσιν· ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ Ὑγείᾳ ναὸν καὶ Ἀσκληπιῷ καὶ Ἀπόλλωνι ἐπίκλησιν Αἰγυπτίοις. καὶ ἦν γὰρ στοὰ καλουμένη Κότυος, καταρρυέντος δέ οἱ τοῦ ὀρόφου διέφθαρτο ἤδη πᾶσα ἅτε ὠμῆς τῆς πλίνθου ποιηθεῖσα· ἀνῳκοδόμησε καὶ ταύτην. Ἐπιδαυρίων δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν μάλιστα ἐταλαιπώρουν, ὅτι μήτε αἱ γυναῖκες ἐν σκέπῃ σφίσιν ἔτικτον καὶ ἡ τελευτὴ τοῖς κάμνουσιν ὑπαίθριος ἐγίνετο· ὁ δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἐπανορθούμενος κατεσκευάσατο οἴκησιν· ἐνταῦθα ἤδη καὶ ἀποθανεῖν ἀνθρώπῳ καὶ τεκεῖν γυναικὶ ὅσιον. 2.32.6. κατιόντων δὲ αὐτόθεν Λυτηρίου Πανός ἐστιν ἱερόν· Τροιζηνίων γὰρ τοῖς τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔχουσιν ἔδειξεν ὀνείρατα ἃ εἶχεν ἄκεσιν λοιμοῦ πιέσαντος τὴν Τροιζηνίαν, Ἀθηναίους δὲ μάλιστα. διαβὰς δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Τροιζηνίαν ναὸν ἂν ἴδοις Ἴσιδος καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτὸν Ἀφροδίτης Ἀκραίας· τὸν μὲν ἅτε ἐν μητροπόλει τῇ Τροιζῆνι Ἁλικαρνασσεῖς ἐποίησαν, τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἴσιδος ἀνέθηκε Τροιζηνίων δῆμος. 7.3.1. Κολοφώνιοι δὲ τὸ μὲν ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Κλάρῳ καὶ τὸ μαντεῖον ἐκ παλαιοτάτου γενέσθαι νομίζουσιν· ἐχόντων δὲ ἔτι τὴν γῆν Καρῶν ἀφικέσθαι φασὶν ἐς αὐτὴν πρώτους τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Κρῆτας, Ῥάκιον καὶ ὅσον εἵπετο ἄλλο τῷ Ῥακίῳ καὶ ὅσον ἔτι πλῆθος, ἔχον τὰ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ καὶ ναυσὶν ἰσχῦον· τῆς δὲ χώρας τὴν πολλὴν ἐνέμοντο ἔτι οἱ Κᾶρες. Θερσάνδρου δὲ τοῦ Πολυνείκους καὶ Ἀργείων ἑλόντων Θήβας καὶ ἄλλοι τε αἰχμάλωτοι καὶ ἡ Μαντὼ τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἐκομίσθησαν ἐς Δελφούς· Τειρεσίαν δὲ κατὰ τὴν πορείαν τὸ χρεὼν ἐπέλαβεν ἐν τῇ Ἁλιαρτίᾳ. 8.9.1. ἔστι δὲ Μαντινεῦσι ναὸς διπλοῦς μάλιστά που κατὰ μέσον τοίχῳ διειργόμενος· τοῦ ναοῦ δὲ τῇ μὲν ἄγαλμά ἐστιν Ἀσκληπιοῦ, τέχνη δὲ Ἀλκαμένους , τὸ δὲ ἕτερον Λητοῦς ἐστιν ἱερὸν καὶ τῶν παίδων· Πραξιτέλης δὲ τὰ ἀγάλματα εἰργάσατο τρίτῃ μετὰ Ἀλκαμένην ὕστερον γενεᾷ. τούτων πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ Μοῦσαι καὶ Μαρσύας αὐλῶν. ἐνταῦθα ἀνὴρ ἐπείργασται στήλῃ Πολύβιος ὁ Λυκόρτα· 9.18.4. ἐν Μυσίᾳ τῇ ὑπὲρ Καΐκου πόλισμά ἐστι Πιονίαι, τὸν δὲ οἰκιστὴν οἱ ἐνταῦθα Πίονιν τῶν τινα ἀπογόνων τῶν Ἡρακλέους φασὶν εἶναι· μελλόντων δὲ ἐναγίζειν αὐτῷ καπνὸς αὐτόματος ἄνεισιν ἐκ τοῦ τάφου. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν συμβαίνοντα εἶδον, Θηβαῖοι δὲ καὶ Τειρεσίου μνῆμα ἀποφαίνουσι, πέντε μάλιστα καὶ δέκα ἀπωτέρω σταδίοις ἢ Οἰδίποδος τοῖς παισίν ἐστιν ὁ τάφος· ὁμολογοῦντες δὲ καὶ οὗτοι συμβῆναι Τειρεσίᾳ τὴν τελευτὴν ἐν τῇ Ἁλιαρτίᾳ, τὸ παρὰ σφίσιν ἐθέλουσιν εἶναι κενὸν μνῆμα. 9.33.1. ἐν Ἁλιάρτῳ δὲ τοῦ τε Λυσάνδρου μνῆμα καὶ Κέκροπος τοῦ Πανδίονός ἐστιν ἡρῷον. τὸ δὲ ὄρος τὸ Τιλφούσιον καὶ ἡ Τιλφοῦσα καλουμένη πηγὴ σταδίους μάλιστα Ἁλιάρτου πεντήκοντα ἀπέχουσι. λέγεται δὲ ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων Ἀργείους μετὰ τῶν Πολυνείκους παίδων ἑλόντας Θήβας ἐς Δελφοὺς τῷ θεῷ καὶ ἄλλα τῶν λαφύρων καὶ Τειρεσίαν ἄγειν, καὶ—εἴχετο γὰρ δίψῃ—καθʼ ὁδόν φασιν αὐτὸν πιόντα ἀπὸ τῆς Τιλφούσης ἀφεῖναι τὴν ψυχήν· καὶ ἔστι τάφος αὐτῷ πρὸς τῇ πηγῇ. 9.39.6. καθʼ ἑκάστην δὲ τῶν θυσιῶν ἀνὴρ μάντις παρὼν ἐς τοῦ ἱερείου τὰ σπλάγχνα ἐνορᾷ, ἐνιδὼν δὲ προθεσπίζει τῷ κατιόντι εἰ δὴ αὐτὸν εὐμενὴς ὁ Τροφώνιος καὶ ἵλεως δέξεται. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἄλλων ἱερείων τὰ σπλάγχνα οὐχ ὁμοίως δηλοῖ τοῦ Τροφωνίου τὴν γνώμην· ἐν δὲ νυκτὶ ᾗ κάτεισιν ἕκαστος, ἐν ταύτῃ κριὸν θύουσιν ἐς βόθρον, ἐπικαλούμενοι τὸν Ἀγαμήδην. θυμάτων δὲ τῶν πρότερον πεφηνότων αἰσίων λόγος ἐστὶν οὐδείς, εἰ μὴ καὶ τοῦδε τοῦ κριοῦ τὰ σπλάγχνα τὸ αὐτὸ θέλοι λέγειν· ὁμολογούντων δὲ καὶ τούτων, τότε ἕκαστος ἤδη κάτεισιν εὔελπις, κάτεισι δὲ οὕτω. 10.34.7. Ἐλατείας δὲ ὅσον σταδίους εἴκοσιν ἀφέστηκεν Ἀθηνᾶς ἐπίκλησιν Κραναίας ἱερόν· ἡ δὲ ὁδὸς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἀναντεστέρα ὡς ἀνιᾶν τὸ μηδὲν καὶ λεληθέναι μᾶλλον αὐτῆς τὸ ἄναντες. λόφος δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῷ πέρατι τὰ πλείω μὲν ἀπότομος, οὐ μέντοι ἄγαν ἢ μεγέθους ἔχων ἐστὶν ἢ ὕψους· ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ λόφῳ τὸ ἱερὸν πεποίηται, καὶ στοαί τέ εἰσι καὶ οἰκήσεις διὰ τῶν στοῶν, ἔνθα οἰκοῦσιν οἷς τὴν θεὸν θεραπεύειν καθέστηκε, καὶ ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τῷ ἱερωμένῳ. | 1.34.4. The Oropians have near the temple a spring, which they call the Spring of Amphiaraus; they neither sacrifice into it nor are wont to use it for purifications or for lustral water. But when a man has been cured of a disease through a response the custom is to throw silver and coined gold into the spring, for by this way they say that Amphiaraus rose up after he had become a god. Iophon the Cnossian, a guide, produced responses in hexameter verse, saying that Amphiaraus gave them to the Argives who were sent against Thebes . These verses unrestrainedly appealed to popular taste. Except those whom they say Apollo inspired of old none of the seers uttered oracles, but they were good at explaining dreams and interpreting the flights of birds and the entrails of victims. 1.34.5. My opinion is that Amphiaraus devoted him self most to the exposition of dreams. It is manifest that, when his divinity was established, it was a dream oracle that he set up. One who has come to consult Amphiaraus is wont first to purify himself. The mode of purification is to sacrifice to the god, and they sacrifice not only to him but also to all those whose names are on the altar. And when all these things have been first done, they sacrifice a ram, and, spreading the skin under them, go to sleep and await enlightenment in a dream. 2.10.2. From here is a way to a sanctuary of Asclepius. On passing into the enclosure you see on the left a building with two rooms. In the outer room lies a figure of Sleep, of which nothing remains now except the head. The inner room is given over to the Carnean Apollo; into it none may enter except the priests. In the portico lies a huge bone of a sea-monster, and after it an image of the Dream-god and Sleep, surnamed Epidotes (Bountiful), lulling to sleep a lion. Within the sanctuary on either side of the entrance is an image, on the one hand Pan seated, on the other Artemis standing. 2.27.6. A Roman senator, Antoninus, made in our own day a bath of Asclepius and a sanctuary of the gods they call Bountiful. 138 or 161 A.D. He made also a temple to Health, Asclepius, and Apollo, the last two surnamed Egyptian. He moreover restored the portico that was named the Portico of Cotys, which, as the brick of which it was made had been unburnt, had fallen into utter ruin after it had lost its roof. As the Epidaurians about the sanctuary were in great distress, because their women had no shelter in which to be delivered and the sick breathed their last in the open, he provided a dwelling, so that these grievances also were redressed. Here at last was a place in which without sin a human being could die and a woman be delivered. 2.32.6. On going down from here you come to a sanctuary of Pan Lyterius (Releasing), so named because he showed to the Troezenian magistrates dreams which supplied a cure for the epidemic that had afflicted Troezenia, and the Athenians more than any other people. Having crossed the sanctuary, you can see a temple of Isis, and above it one of Aphrodite of the Height. The temple of Isis was made by the Halicarnassians in Troezen , because this is their mother-city, but the image of Isis was dedicated by the people of Troezen . 7.3.1. The people of Colophon suppose that the sanctuary at Clarus, and the oracle, were founded in the remotest antiquity. They assert that while the Carians still held the land, the first Greeks to arrive were Cretans under Rhacius, who was followed by a great crowd also; these occupied the shore and were strong in ships, but the greater part of the country continued in the possession of the Carians. When Thebes was taken by Thersander, the son of Polyneices, and the Argives, among the prisoners brought to Apollo at Delphi was Manto. Her father Teiresias had died on the way, in Haliartia, 8.9.1. The Mantineans possess a temple composed of two parts, being divided almost exactly at the middle by a wall. In one part of the temple is an image of Asclepius, made by Alcamenes; the other part is a sanctuary of Leto and her children, and their images were made by Praxiteles two generations after Alcamenes. On the pedestal of these are figures of Muses together with Marsyas playing the flute. Here there is a figure of Polybius, the son of Lycortas, carved in relief upon a slab, of whom I shall make fuller mention later on. See Paus. 8.30-48 9.18.4. In Mysia beyond the Caicus is a town called Pioniae, the founder of which according to the inhabitants was Pionis, one of the descendants of Heracles. When they are going to sacrifice to him as to a hero, smoke of itself rises up out of the grave. This occurrence, then, I have seen happening. The Thebans show also the tomb of Teiresias, about fifteen stades from the grave of the children of Oedipus. The Thebans themselves agree that Teiresias met his end in Haliartia, and admit that the monument at Thebes is a cenotaph. 9.33.1. In Haliartus too there is the tomb of Lysander and a hero-shrine of Cecrops the son of Pandion. Mount Tilphusius and the spring called Tilphusa are about fifty stades away from Haliartus. The Greeks declare that the Argives, along with the sons of Polyneices, after capturing Thebes , were bringing Teiresias and some other of the spoil to the god at Delphi , when Teiresias, being thirsty, drank by the wayside of the Tilphusa, and forthwith gave up the ghost; his grave is by the spring. 9.39.6. At each sacrifice a diviner is present, who looks into the entrails of the victim, and after an inspection prophesies to the person descending whether Trophonius will give him a kind and gracious reception. The entrails of the other victims do not declare the mind of Trophonius so much as a ram, which each inquirer sacrifices over a pit on the night he descends, calling upon Agamedes. Even though the previous sacrifices have appeared propitious, no account is taken of them unless the entrails of this ram indicate the same; but if they agree, then the inquirer descends in good hope. The procedure of the descent is this. 10.34.7. About twenty stades away from Elateia is a sanctuary of Athena surnamed Cranaea. The road to it slopes upwards, but so gentle is the ascent that it causes no fatigue—in fact one scarcely notices it. At the end of the road is a hill which, though for the most part precipitous, is neither very large nor very high. On this hill the sanctuary has been built, with porticoes and dwellings through them, where live those whose duty it is to wait on the god, chief of whom is the priest. |
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| 121. Gellius, Attic Nights, 4.5.1-4.5.5, 6.1.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36, 83 |
| 122. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.15.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36 |
123. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 2.22 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 31| 2.22. ὃν δὲ διέτριβεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χρόνον, πολὺς δὲ οὗτος ἐγένετο, ἔστ' ἂν ἀγγελθῇ τῷ βασιλεῖ ξένους ἥκειν, “ὦ Δάμι” ἔφη ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, “ἔστι τι γραφική;” “εἴ γε” εἶπε “καὶ ἀλήθεια.” “πράττει δὲ τί ἡ τέχνη αὕτη;” “τὰ χρώματα” ἔφη “ξυγκεράννυσιν, ὁπόσα ἐστί, τὰ κυανᾶ τοῖς βατραχείοις καὶ τὰ λευκὰ τοῖς μέλασι καὶ τὰ πυρσὰ τοῖς ὠχροῖς.” “ταυτὶ δὲ” ἦ δ' ὃς “ὑπὲρ τίνος μίγνυσιν; οὐ γὰρ ὑπὲρ μόνου τοῦ ἄνθους, ὥσπερ αἱ κήριναι.” “ὑπὲρ μιμήσεως” ἔφη “καὶ τοῦ κύνα τε ἐξεικάσαι καὶ ἵππον καὶ ἄνθρωπον καὶ ναῦν καὶ ὁπόσα ὁρᾷ ὁ ἥλιος: ἤδη δὲ καὶ τὸν ἥλιον αὐτὸν ἐξεικάζει τοτὲ μὲν ἐπὶ τεττάρων ἵππων, οἷος ἐνταῦθα λέγεται φαίνεσθαι, τοτὲ δ' αὖ καὶ διαπυρσεύοντα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, ἐπειδὰν αἰθέρα ὑπογράφῃ καὶ θεῶν οἶκον.” “μίμησις οὖν ἡ γραφική, ὦ Δάμι;” “τί δὲ ἄλλο;” εἶπεν “εἰ γὰρ μὴ τοῦτο πράττοι, γελοία δόξει χρώματα ποιοῦσα εὐήθως.” “τὰ δ' ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ” ἔφη “βλεπόμενα, ἐπειδὰν αἱ νεφέλαι διασπασθῶσιν ἀπ' ἀλλήλων, τοὺς κενταύρους καὶ τραγελάφους καὶ, νὴ Δί', οἱ λύκοι τε καὶ οἱ ἵπποι, τί φήσεις; ἆρ' οὐ μιμητικῆς εἶναι ἔργα;” “ἔοικεν,” ἔφη. “ζωγράφος οὖν ὁ θεός, ὦ Δάμι, καὶ καταλιπὼν τὸ πτηνὸν ἅρμα, ἐφ' οὗ πορεύεται διακοσμῶν τὰ θεῖά τε καὶ ἀνθρώπεια, κάθηται τότε ἀθύρων τε καὶ γράφων ταῦτα, ὥσπερ οἱ παῖδες ἐν τῇ ψάμμῳ;” ἠρυθρίασεν ὁ Δάμις ἐς οὕτως ἄτοπον ἐκπεσεῖν δόξαντος τοῦ λόγου. οὐχ ὑπεριδὼν οὖν αὐτὸν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, οὐδὲ γὰρ πικρὸς πρὸς τὰς ἐλέγξεις ἦν, “ἀλλὰ μὴ τοῦτο” ἔφη “βούλει λέγειν, ὦ Δάμι, τὸ ταῦτα μὲν ἄσημά τε καὶ ὡς ἔτυχε διὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ φέρεσθαι τόγε ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ, ἡμᾶς δὲ φύσει τὸ μιμητικὸν ἔχοντας ἀναρρυθμίζειν τε αὐτὰ καὶ ποιεῖν;” “μᾶλλον” ἔφη “τοῦτο ἡγώμεθα, ὦ ̓Απολλώνιε, πιθανώτερον γὰρ καὶ πολλῷ βέλτιον.” “διττὴ ἄρα ἡ μιμητική, ὦ Δάμι, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἡγώμεθα οἵαν τῇ χειρὶ ἀπομιμεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ νῷ, γραφικὴν δὲ εἶναι ταύτην, τὴν δ' αὖ μόνῳ τῷ νῷ εἰκάζειν.” “οὐ διττήν,” ἔφη ὁ Δάμις “ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν τελεωτέραν ἡγεῖσθαι προσήκει γραφικήν γε οὖσαν, ἣ δύναται καὶ τῷ νῷ καὶ τῇ χειρὶ ἐξεικάσαι, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν ἐκείνης μόριον, ἐπειδὴ ξυνίησι μὲν καὶ μιμεῖται τῷ νῷ καὶ μὴ γραφικός τις ὤν, τῇ χειρὶ δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἐς τὸ γράφειν αὐτὰ χρήσαιτο.” “ἆρα,” ἔφη “ὦ Δάμι, πεπηρωμένος τὴν χεῖρα ὑπὸ πληγῆς τινος ἢ νόσου;” “μὰ Δί'” εἶπεν “ἀλλ' ὑπὸ τοῦ μήτε γραφίδος τινὸς ἧφθαι, μήτε ὀργάνου τινὸς ἢ χρώματος, ἀλλ' ἀμαθῶς ἔχειν τοῦ γράφειν.” “οὐκοῦν,” ἔφη “ὦ Δάμι, ἄμφω ὁμολογοῦμεν μιμητικὴν μὲν ἐκ φύσεως τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἥκειν, τὴν γραφικὴν δὲ ἐκ τέχνης. τουτὶ δ' ἂν καὶ περὶ τὴν πλαστικὴν φαίνοιτο. τὴν δὲ δὴ ζωγραφίαν αὐτὴν οὔ μοι δοκεῖς μόνον τὴν διὰ τῶν χρωμάτων ἡγεῖσθαι, καὶ γὰρ ἓν χρῶμα ἐς αὐτὴν ἤρκεσε τοῖς γε ἀρχαιοτέροις τῶν γραφέων καὶ προϊοῦσα τεττάρων εἶτα πλειόνων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ γραμμὴν καὶ τὸ ἄνευ χρώματος, ὃ δὴ σκιᾶς τε ξύγκειται καὶ φωτός, ζωγραφίαν προσήκει καλεῖν: καὶ γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς ὁμοιότης τε ὁρᾶται εἶδός τε καὶ νοῦς καὶ αἰδὼς καὶ θρασύτης, καίτοι χηρεύει χρωμάτων ταῦτα, καὶ οὔτε αἷμα ἐνσημαίνει οὔτε κόμης τινὸς ἢ ὑπήνης ἄνθος, ἀλλὰ μονοτρόπως ξυντιθέμενα τῷ τε ξανθῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἔοικε καὶ τῷ λευκῷ, κἂν τούτων τινὰ τῶν ̓Ινδῶν λευκῇ τῇ γραμμῇ γράψωμεν, μέλας δήπου δόξει, τὸ γὰρ ὑπόσιμον τῆς ῥινὸς καὶ οἱ ὀρθοὶ βόστρυχοι καὶ ἡ περιττὴ γένυς καὶ ἡ περὶ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς οἷον ἔκπληξις μελαίνει τὰ ὁρώμενα καὶ ̓Ινδὸν ὑπογράφει τοῖς γε μὴ ἀνοήτως ὁρῶσιν. ὅθεν εἴποιμ' ἂν καὶ τοὺς ὁρῶντας τὰ τῆς γραφικῆς ἔργα μιμητικῆς δεῖσθαι: οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐπαινέσειέ τις τὸν γεγραμμένον ἵππον ἢ ταῦρον μὴ τὸ ζῷον ἐνθυμηθείς, ᾧ εἴκασται, οὐδ' ἂν τὸν Αἴαντά τις τὸν Τιμομάχου ἀγασθείη, ὃς δὴ ἀναγέγραπται αὐτῷ μεμηνώς, εἰ μὴ ἀναλάβοι τι ἐς τὸν νοῦν Αἴαντος εἴδωλον καὶ ὡς εἰκὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεκτονότα τὰ ἐν τῇ Τροίᾳ βουκόλια καθῆσθαι ἀπειρηκότα, βουλὴν ποιούμενον καὶ ἑαυτὸν κτεῖναι. ταυτὶ δέ, ὦ Δάμι, τὰ τοῦ Πώρου δαίδαλα μήτε χαλκευτικῆς μόνον ἀποφαινώμεθα, γεγραμμένοις γὰρ εἴκασται, μήτε γραφικῆς, ἐπειδὴ ἐχαλκεύθη, ἀλλ' ἡγώμεθα σοφίσασθαι αὐτὰ γραφικόν τε καὶ χαλκευτικὸν ἕνα ἄνδρα, οἷον δή τι παρ' ̔Ομήρῳ τὸ τοῦ ̔Ηφαίστου περὶ τὴν τοῦ ̓Αχιλλέως ἀσπίδα ἀναφαίνεται. μεστὰ γὰρ καὶ ταῦτα ὀλλύντων τε καὶ ὀλλυμένων, καὶ τὴν γῆν ᾑματῶσθαι φήσεις χαλκῆν οὖσαν.” | 2.22. While he was waiting in the Temple, — and it took a long time for the king to be informed that strangers had arrived, — Apollonius said: O Damis, is there such a thing as painting? Why yes, he answered, if there be any such thing as truth. And what does this art do? It mixes together, replied Damis, all the colors there are, blue with green, and white with black, and red with yellow. And for what reason, said the other, does it mix these? For it isn't merely to get a color, like dyed wax. It is, said Damis, for the sake of imitation, and to get a likeness of a dog, or a horse, or a man, or a ship, or of anything else under the sun; and what is more, you see the sun himself represented, sometimes borne upon a four horse car, as he is said to be seen here, and sometimes again traversing the heaven with his torch, in case you are depicting the ether and the home of the gods. Then, O Damis, painting is imitation? And what else could it be? said he: for if it did not effect that, it would voted to be an idle playing with colors. And, said the other, the things which are seen in heaven, whenever the clouds are torn away from one another, I mean the centaurs and stag-antelopes, yes, and the wolves too, and the horses, what have you got to say about them? Are we not to regard them as works of imitation? It would seem so, he replied. Then, Damis, God is a painter, and has left his winged chariot, upon which he travels, as he disposes of affairs human and divine, and he sits down on these occasions to amuse himself by drawing these pictures, as children make figures in the sand. Damis blushed, for he felt that his argument was reduced to such an absurdity. But Apollonius, on his side, had no wish to humiliate him, for he was not unfeeling in his refutations of people, and said: But I am sure, Damis, you did not mean that; rather that these figures flit through the heaven not only without meaning, but, so far as providence is concerned, by mere chance; while we who by nature are prone to imitation rearrange and create them in these regular figures. We may, he said, rather consider this to be the case, O Apollonius, for it is more probable, and a much sounder idea. Then, O Damis, the mimetic art is twofold, and we may regard the one kind as an employment of the hands and mind in producing imitations, and declare that this is painting, whereas the other kind consists in making likenesses with the mind alone. Not twofold, replied Damis, for we ought to regard the former as the more perfect and more complete kind, being anyhow painting and a faculty of making likenesses with the help both of mind and hand; but we must regard the other kind as a department that, since its possessor perceives and imitates with the mind, without having the delineative faculty, and would never use his hand in depicting its objects. Then, said Apollonius, you mean, Damis, that the hand may be disabled by a blow or by disease? No, he answered, but it is disabled, because it has never handled pencil nor any instrument or color, and has never learned to draw. Then, said the other, we are both of us, Damis, agreed that man owes his mimetic faculty to nature, but his power of painting to art. And the same would appear to be true of plastic art. But, methinks, you would not confine painting itself to the mere use of colors, for a single color was often found sufficient for this purpose by our older painters; and as the art advanced, it employed four, and later, yet more; but we must also concede the name of a painting to an outline drawn without any color at all, and composed merely of shadow and light. For in such designs we see a resemblance, we see form and expression, and modesty and bravery, although they are altogether devoid of color; and neither blood is represented, nor the color of a man's hair or beard; nevertheless these compositions in monochrome are likenesses of people either tawny or white, and if we drew one of these Indians with a pencil without color, yet he would be known for a negro, for his flat nose, and his stiff curling locks and prominent jaw, and a certain gleam about his eyes, would give a black look to the picture and depict an Indian to the eyes of all those who have intelligence. And for this reason I should say that those who look at works of painting and drawing require a mimetic faculty; for no one could appreciate or admire a picture of a horse or of a bull, unless he had formed an idea of the picture represented. Nor again could one admire a picture of Ajax, by the painter Timomachus, which represents him in a state of madness, unless one had conceived in one's mind first an idea or notion of Ajax, and had entertained the probability that after killing the flocks in Troy he would sit down exhausted and even meditate suicide. But these elaborate works of Porus we cannot, Damis, regard as works of brass founding alone, for they are cast in brass; so let us regard them as the chefs d'oeuvre of a man who is both painter and brass-founder at once, and as similar to the work of Hephaestus upon the shield of Achilles, as revealed in Homer. For they are crowded together in that work too men slaying and slain, and you would say that the earth was stained with gore, though it is made of brass. |
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| 124. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 8.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •art, in anc. greek novels Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 118 |
| 125. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 3.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •artemidorus of daldis, greek writer Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 123 |
| 126. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 5.14, 7.20.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 471 |
127. Justin, First Apology, 11.1, 26.1, 26.3-26.5, 31.8, 32.1, 56.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85 | 26. And, thirdly, because after Christ's ascension into heaven the devils put forward certain men who said that they themselves were gods; and they were not only not persecuted by you, but even deemed worthy of honours. There was a Samaritan, Simon, a native of the village called Gitto, who in the reign of Claudius C sar, and in your royal city of Rome, did mighty acts of magic, by virtue of the art of the devils operating in him. He was considered a god, and as a god was honoured by you with a statue, which statue was erected on the river Tiber, between the two bridges, and bore this inscription, in the language of Rome: - Simoni Deo Sancto, To Simon the holy God. And almost all the Samaritans, and a few even of other nations, worship him, and acknowledge him as the first god; and a woman, Helena, who went about with him at that time, and had formerly been a prostitute, they say is the first idea generated by him. And a man, Meder, also a Samaritan, of the town Capparet a, a disciple of Simon, and inspired by devils, we know to have deceived many while he was in Antioch by his magical art. He persuaded those who adhered to him that they should never die, and even now there are some living who hold this opinion of his. And there is Marcion, a man of Pontus, who is even at this day alive, and teaching his disciples to believe in some other god greater than the Creator. And he, by the aid of the devils, has caused many of every nation to speak blasphemies, and to deny that God is the maker of this universe, and to assert that some other being, greater than He, has done greater works. All who take their opinions from these men, are, as we before said, called Christians; just as also those who do not agree with the philosophers in their doctrines, have yet in common with them the name of philosophers given to them. And whether they perpetrate those fabulous and shameful deeds - the upsetting of the lamp, and promiscuous intercourse, and eating human flesh - we know not; but we do know that they are neither persecuted nor put to death by you, at least on account of their opinions. But I have a treatise against all the heresies that have existed already composed, which, if you wish to read it, I will give you. |
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| 128. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 2.2, 24.2, 27.4, 35.2, 35.5-35.6, 38.2, 39.5, 46.1, 48.2, 48.8, 49.6, 52.3, 53.6, 61.1, 62.3-62.5, 78.10, 80.3-80.4, 82.1, 82.3, 91.3, 103.3-103.4, 111.4, 113.3, 120.6, 139.4, 140.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 471 |
| 129. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 1.1.13, 3.7.1-3.7.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nature and art, in the greek novels Found in books: Cueva et al. (2018a), Re-Wiring the Ancient Novel. Volume 1: Greek Novels, 133 |
130. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.6, 4.3.3-4.3.5, 5.3.2-5.3.3, 6.22, 9.39, 10.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 330, 331, 375; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 12; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 330, 331, 375 | 3.6. To Annius Severus, Out of a legacy which I have come in for I have just bought a Corinthian bronze, small it is true, but a charming and sharply-cut piece of work, so far as I have any knowledge of art, and that, as in everything else perhaps, is very slight. But as for the statue in question even I can appreciate its merits. For it is a nude, and neither conceals its faults, if there are any, nor hides at all its strong points. It represents an old man in a standing posture; the bones, muscles, nerves, veins, and even the wrinkles appear quite life-like; the hair is thin and scanty on the forehead; the brow is broad; the face wizened; the neck thin; the shoulders are bowed; the breast is flat, and the belly hollow. The back too gives the same impression of age, as far as a back view can. The bronze itself, judging by the genuine colour, is old and of great antiquity. In fact, in every respect it is a work calculated to catch the eye of a connoisseur and to delight the eye of an amateur, and this is what tempted me to purchase it, although I am the merest novice. But I bought it not to keep it at home - for as yet I have no Corinthian art work in my house - but that I might put it up in my native country in some frequented place, and I specially had in mind the Temple of Jupiter. For the statue seems to me to be worthy of the temple, and the gift to be worthy of the god. So I hope that you will show me your usual kindness when I give you a commission, and that you will undertake the following for me. Will you order a pedestal to be made, of any marble you like, to be inscribed with my name and titles, if you think the latter ought to be mentioned? I will send you the statue as soon as I can find anyone who is not overburdened with luggage, or I will bring myself along with it, as I dare say you would prefer me to do. For, if only my duties allow me, I am intending to run down thither. You are glad that I promise to come, but you will frown when I add that I can only stay a few days. For the business which hitherto has kept me from getting away will not allow of my being absent any longer. Farewell. 6.22. To Tiro. A case has just been heard which is of great importance to all who are to govern provinces, and to all who entrust themselves too implicitly to their friends. Lustricius Bruttianus, after detecting Montanus Atticinus, his colleague, in a number of criminal offences, wrote a letter to Caesar. Atticinus thereupon added to his misdeeds by accusing the friend whom he had deceived. A judicial examination was granted, and I was one of the judges. Each party pleaded his own case, but in a summary fashion and without going into detail, a method of pleading by which the truth is easily got at. Bruttianus produced his will, which he declared was in the handwriting of Atticinus, for, by so doing, he proved the intimacy of their friendship, and the necessity he was under of complaining of one who had previously been so dear to him. He read a list of disgraceful offences, which were clearly proved, and when Atticinus found that he could not disprove them, he dealt with him in such a way as to appear a rascal when he was excusing himself, and a villain when he was accusing Bruttianus. For it transpired that he had bribed the slave of Bruttianus's secretary, intercepted the diaries and cut out passages therefrom, thus, by a piece of shameful wickedness, making capital out of his own offences against his friend. Caesar acted most nobly, for he at once put the question, not about Bruttianus, but Atticinus. The latter was found guilty and banished to an island, while Bruttianus received a well-earned tribute to his integrity, and he also won a reputation for the way he saw the matter through. For after he had cleared his good name as quickly as possible, he carried the war boldly into the enemy's camp and thus proved himself to be as resolute as he was honourable and upright. I have written you this letter to warn you, now that you have gone out to be a provincial governor, * to rely as far as possible on yourself, and to trust no one too implicitly. I also want you to know that if - which Heaven forbid - anyone should play you false, there is punishment ready waiting for the offender. However, be continually on your guard that the necessity may not arise, for though it is gratifying to get one's revenge, the gratification is no compensation for the annoyance of having been tricked. Farewell. 9.39. To Mustius. I have been warned by the haruspices to put into better repair and enlarge the temple of Ceres, which stands on my estate, as it is very old and cramped for room, and on one day in the year attracts great crowds of people. For on the Ides of September all the population of the country-side flocks thither; much business is transacted, many vows are registered and paid, but there is no place near where people can take refuge either from storm or heat. I think, therefore, that I shall be showing my generosity, and at the same time display my piety, if I rebuild the temple as handsomely as possible and add to it a portico, the former for the use of the goddess, the latter for the people who attend there. So I should like you to buy me four columns of any kind of marble you think fit, as well as sufficient marble for the pavement and walls. I shall also have to get made or buy a statue of the goddess, for the old one, which was made of wood, has lost some of its limbs through age. As for the portico, I don't think there is anything that I need ask you for at present, unless it be that you should sketch me a plan to suit the situation of the place. The portico cannot be carried all round the temple, inasmuch as on one side of the floor of the building there is a river with very steep banks, and on the other there runs a road. Beyond the road, there is a spacious meadow which would be a very suitable place to build the portico, as it is right opposite the temple, unless you can think of a better plan - you who make a practice of overcoming natural difficulties by your professional skill. Farewell. 10.8. To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0 |
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131. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.6, 4.3.3-4.3.5, 5.3.2-5.3.3, 6.22, 9.39, 10.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 330, 331, 375; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 12; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 330, 331, 375 | 3.6. To Annius Severus, Out of a legacy which I have come in for I have just bought a Corinthian bronze, small it is true, but a charming and sharply-cut piece of work, so far as I have any knowledge of art, and that, as in everything else perhaps, is very slight. But as for the statue in question even I can appreciate its merits. For it is a nude, and neither conceals its faults, if there are any, nor hides at all its strong points. It represents an old man in a standing posture; the bones, muscles, nerves, veins, and even the wrinkles appear quite life-like; the hair is thin and scanty on the forehead; the brow is broad; the face wizened; the neck thin; the shoulders are bowed; the breast is flat, and the belly hollow. The back too gives the same impression of age, as far as a back view can. The bronze itself, judging by the genuine colour, is old and of great antiquity. In fact, in every respect it is a work calculated to catch the eye of a connoisseur and to delight the eye of an amateur, and this is what tempted me to purchase it, although I am the merest novice. But I bought it not to keep it at home - for as yet I have no Corinthian art work in my house - but that I might put it up in my native country in some frequented place, and I specially had in mind the Temple of Jupiter. For the statue seems to me to be worthy of the temple, and the gift to be worthy of the god. So I hope that you will show me your usual kindness when I give you a commission, and that you will undertake the following for me. Will you order a pedestal to be made, of any marble you like, to be inscribed with my name and titles, if you think the latter ought to be mentioned? I will send you the statue as soon as I can find anyone who is not overburdened with luggage, or I will bring myself along with it, as I dare say you would prefer me to do. For, if only my duties allow me, I am intending to run down thither. You are glad that I promise to come, but you will frown when I add that I can only stay a few days. For the business which hitherto has kept me from getting away will not allow of my being absent any longer. Farewell. 6.22. To Tiro. A case has just been heard which is of great importance to all who are to govern provinces, and to all who entrust themselves too implicitly to their friends. Lustricius Bruttianus, after detecting Montanus Atticinus, his colleague, in a number of criminal offences, wrote a letter to Caesar. Atticinus thereupon added to his misdeeds by accusing the friend whom he had deceived. A judicial examination was granted, and I was one of the judges. Each party pleaded his own case, but in a summary fashion and without going into detail, a method of pleading by which the truth is easily got at. Bruttianus produced his will, which he declared was in the handwriting of Atticinus, for, by so doing, he proved the intimacy of their friendship, and the necessity he was under of complaining of one who had previously been so dear to him. He read a list of disgraceful offences, which were clearly proved, and when Atticinus found that he could not disprove them, he dealt with him in such a way as to appear a rascal when he was excusing himself, and a villain when he was accusing Bruttianus. For it transpired that he had bribed the slave of Bruttianus's secretary, intercepted the diaries and cut out passages therefrom, thus, by a piece of shameful wickedness, making capital out of his own offences against his friend. Caesar acted most nobly, for he at once put the question, not about Bruttianus, but Atticinus. The latter was found guilty and banished to an island, while Bruttianus received a well-earned tribute to his integrity, and he also won a reputation for the way he saw the matter through. For after he had cleared his good name as quickly as possible, he carried the war boldly into the enemy's camp and thus proved himself to be as resolute as he was honourable and upright. I have written you this letter to warn you, now that you have gone out to be a provincial governor, * to rely as far as possible on yourself, and to trust no one too implicitly. I also want you to know that if - which Heaven forbid - anyone should play you false, there is punishment ready waiting for the offender. However, be continually on your guard that the necessity may not arise, for though it is gratifying to get one's revenge, the gratification is no compensation for the annoyance of having been tricked. Farewell. 9.39. To Mustius. I have been warned by the haruspices to put into better repair and enlarge the temple of Ceres, which stands on my estate, as it is very old and cramped for room, and on one day in the year attracts great crowds of people. For on the Ides of September all the population of the country-side flocks thither; much business is transacted, many vows are registered and paid, but there is no place near where people can take refuge either from storm or heat. I think, therefore, that I shall be showing my generosity, and at the same time display my piety, if I rebuild the temple as handsomely as possible and add to it a portico, the former for the use of the goddess, the latter for the people who attend there. So I should like you to buy me four columns of any kind of marble you think fit, as well as sufficient marble for the pavement and walls. I shall also have to get made or buy a statue of the goddess, for the old one, which was made of wood, has lost some of its limbs through age. As for the portico, I don't think there is anything that I need ask you for at present, unless it be that you should sketch me a plan to suit the situation of the place. The portico cannot be carried all round the temple, inasmuch as on one side of the floor of the building there is a river with very steep banks, and on the other there runs a road. Beyond the road, there is a spacious meadow which would be a very suitable place to build the portico, as it is right opposite the temple, unless you can think of a better plan - you who make a practice of overcoming natural difficulties by your professional skill. Farewell. 10.8. To Trajan. When, Sir, your late father, * both by a very fine speech and by setting them a most honourable example himself, urged every citizen to deeds of liberality, I sought permission from him to transfer to a neighbouring township all the statues of the emperors which had come into my possession by various bequests and were kept just as I had received them ill my distant estates, and to add thereto a statue of himself. He granted the request and made most flattering references to myself, and I immediately wrote to the decurions asking them to assign me a plot of ground upon which I might erect a temple ** at my own cost, and they offered to let me choose the site myself as a mark of appreciation of the task I had undertaken. But first my own ill-health, then your father's illness, and subsequently the anxieties of the office you bestowed upon me, have prevented my proceeding with the work. However, I think the present is a convenient opportunity for getting on with it, for my month of duty ends on the Kalends of September and the following month contains a number of holidays. I ask, therefore, as a special favour, that you will allow me to adorn with your statue the work which I am about to begin ; and secondly, that in order to complete it as soon as possible, you will grant me leave of absence. It would be alien to my frank disposition if I were to conceal from your goodness the fact that you will, if you grant me leave, be incidentally aiding very materially my private fices. The rent of my estates in that district exceeds 400,000 sesterces, and if the new tets are to be settled in time for the next pruning, the letting of the farms must not be any further delayed. Besides, the succession of bad vintages we have had forces me to consider the question of making certain abatements, and I cannot enter into that question unless I am on the spot. So, Sir, if for these reasons you grant me leave for thirty days, I shall owe to your kindness the speedy fulfilment of a work of loyalty and the settlement of my private fices. I cannot reduce the length of leave I ask for to narrower limits, inasmuch as the township and the estates I have spoken of are more than a hundred and fifty miles from Rome. 0 |
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| 132. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 55 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 33 |
| 133. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36 |
| 134. Tatian, Oration To The Greeks, 25 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 83, 84 |
| 135. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 9.27.20-9.27.21, 11.9.1, 11.19.2, 11.20, 11.22.2-11.22.4, 11.26.1, 11.27.4-11.27.8, 11.28.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 419 |
| 136. Lucian, The Hall, 6, 21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 33 |
| 137. Lucian, Toxaris Or Friendship, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods (egyptian, greek, and roman), artemis Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 154 |
| 138. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 79, 80 |
139. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 43.14.6, 43.45.3-43.45.4, 54.44, 56.29.1, 72.22.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia •arts, roman anxiety about greek Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 61; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 25, 36, 38, 83 | 43.14.6. And they decreed that a chariot of his should be placed on the Capitol facing the statue of Jupiter, that his statue in bronze should be mounted upon a likeness of the inhabited world, with an inscription to the effect that he was a demigod, and that his name should be inscribed upon the Capitol in place of that of Catulus on the ground that he had completed this temple after undertaking to call Catulus to account for the building of it. 43.45.3. Another likeness they set up in the temple of Quirinus with the inscription, "To the Invincible God," and another on the Capitol beside the former kings of Rome. 43.45.4. Now it occurs to me to marvel at the coincidence: there were eight such statues, â seven to the kings, and an eighth to the Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, â and they set up the statue of Caesar beside the last of these; and it was from this cause chiefly that the other Brutus, Marcus, was roused to plot against him. 56.29.1. During a horse-race at the Augustalia, which were celebrated in honour of his birthday, a madman seated himself in the chair which was dedicated to Julius Caesar, and taking his crown, put it on. This incident disturbed everybody, for it seemed to have some bearing upon Augustus, as, indeed, proved true. |
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| 140. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divination (greek and roman), natural vs. artificial Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 4 |
141. Origen, Against Celsus, 1.10, 1.50, 2.24, 2.27, 3.10-3.13, 3.37, 3.72, 5.61-5.63, 6.2, 6.49, 6.61 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy •(artapanus), source of greek wisdom Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 471, 472; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 144 | 1.10. In the next place, since our opponents keep repeating those statements about faith, we must say that, considering it as a useful thing for the multitude, we admit that we teach those men to believe without reasons, who are unable to abandon all other employments, and give themselves to an examination of arguments; and our opponents, although they do not acknowledge it, yet practically do the same. For who is there that, on betaking himself to the study of philosophy, and throwing himself into the ranks of some sect, either by chance, or because he is provided with a teacher of that school, adopts such a course for any other reason, except that he believes his particular sect to be superior to any other? For, not waiting to hear the arguments of all the other philosophers, and of all the different sects, and the reasons for condemning one system and for supporting another, he in this way elects to become a Stoic, e.g., or a Platonist, or a Peripatetic, or an Epicurean, or a follower of some other school, and is thus borne, although they will not admit it, by a kind of irrational impulse to the practice, say of Stoicism, to the disregard of the others; despising either Platonism, as being marked by greater humility than the others; or Peripateticism, as more human, and as admitting with more fairness than other systems the blessings of human life. And some also, alarmed at first sight about the doctrine of providence, from seeing what happens in the world to the vicious and to the virtuous, have rashly concluded that there is no divine providence at all, and have adopted the views of Epicurus and Celsus. 1.50. In the next place, as if the only event predicted were this, that He was to be the Judge of the righteous and the Punisher of the wicked, and as if neither the place of His birth, nor the sufferings which He was to endure at the hands of the Jews, nor His resurrection, nor the wonderful works which He was to perform, had been made the subject of prophecy, he continues: Why should it be you alone, rather than innumerable others, who existed after the prophecies were published, to whom these predictions are applicable? And desiring, I know not how, to suggest to others the possibility of the notion that they themselves were the persons referred to by the prophets, he says that some, carried away by enthusiasm, and others having gathered a multitude of followers, give out that the Son of God has come down from heaven. Now we have not ascertained that such occurrences are admitted to have taken place among the Jews. We have to remark then, in the first place, that many of the prophets have uttered predictions in all kinds of ways regarding Christ; some by means of dark sayings, others in allegories or in some other manner, and some also in express words. And as in what follows he says, in the character of the Jew addressing the converts from his own nation, and repeating emphatically and malevolently, that the prophecies referred to the events of his life may also suit other events as well, we shall state a few of them out of a greater number; and with respect to these, any one who chooses may say what he thinks fitted to ensure a refutation of them, and which may turn away intelligent believers from the faith. 2.24. After this, wishing to prove that the occurrences which befell Him were painful and distressing, and that it was impossible for Him, had He wished, to render them otherwise, he proceeds: Why does he mourn, and lament, and pray to escape the fear of death, expressing himself in terms like these: 'O Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from Me?' Now in these words observe the malignity of Celsus, how not accepting the love of truth which actuates the writers of the Gospels (who might have passed over in silence those points which, as Celsus thinks, are censurable, but who did not omit them for many reasons, which any one, in expounding the Gospel, can give in their proper place), he brings an accusation against the Gospel statement, grossly exaggerating the facts, and quoting what is not written in the Gospels, seeing it is nowhere found that Jesus lamented. And he changes the words in the expression, Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from Me, and does not give what follows immediately after, which manifests at once the ready obedience of Jesus to His Father, and His greatness of mind, and which runs thus: Nevertheless, not as I will, but as You will. Nay, even the cheerful obedience of Jesus to the will of His Father in those things which He was condemned to suffer, exhibited in the declaration, If this cup cannot pass from Me except I drink it, Your will be done, he pretends not to have observed, acting here like those wicked individuals who listen to the Holy Scriptures in a maligt spirit, and who talk wickedness with lofty head. For they appear to have heard the declaration, I kill, and they often make it to us a subject of reproach; but the words, I will make alive, they do not remember - the whole sentence showing that those who live amid public wickedness, and who work wickedly, are put to death by God, and that a better life is infused into them instead, even one which God will give to those who have died to sin. And so also these men have heard the words, I will smite; but they do not see these, and I will heal, which are like the words of a physician, who cuts bodies asunder, and inflicts severe wounds, in order to extract from them substances that are injurious and prejudicial to health, and who does not terminate his work with pains and lacerations, but by his treatment restores the body to that state of soundness which he has in view. Moreover, they have not heard the whole of the announcement, For He makes sore, and again binds up; but only this part, He makes sore. So in like manner acts this Jew of Celsus who quotes the words, O Father, would that this cup might pass from Me; but who does not add what follows, and which exhibits the firmness of Jesus, and His preparedness for suffering. But these matters, which afford great room for explanation from the wisdom of God, and which may reasonably be pondered over by those whom Paul calls perfect when he said, We speak wisdom among them who are perfect, we pass by for the present, and shall speak for a little of those matters which are useful for our present purpose. 2.27. After this he says, that certain of the Christian believers, like persons who in a fit of drunkenness lay violent hands upon themselves, have corrupted the Gospel from its original integrity, to a threefold, and fourfold, and many-fold degree, and have remodelled it, so that they might be able to answer objections. Now I know of no others who have altered the Gospel, save the followers of Marcion, and those of Valentinus, and, I think, also those of Lucian. But such an allegation is no charge against the Christian system, but against those who dared so to trifle with the Gospels. And as it is no ground of accusation against philosophy, that there exist Sophists, or Epicureans, or Peripatetics, or any others, whoever they may be, who hold false opinions; so neither is it against genuine Christianity that there are some who corrupt the Gospel histories, and who introduce heresies opposed to the meaning of the doctrine of Jesus. 3.10. But observe what he alleges as a proof of his statement: Christians at first were few in number, and held the same opinions; but when they grew to be a great multitude, they were divided and separated, each wishing to have his own individual party: for this was their object from the beginning. That Christians at first were few in number, in comparison with the multitudes who subsequently became Christian, is undoubted; and yet, all things considered, they were not so very few. For what stirred up the envy of the Jews against Jesus, and aroused them to conspire against Him, was the great number of those who followed Him into the wilderness - five thousand men on one occasion, and four thousand on another, having attended Him there, without including the women and children. For such was the charm of Jesus' words, that not only were men willing to follow Him to the wilderness, but women also, forgetting the weakness of their sex and a regard for outward propriety in thus following their Teacher into desert places. Children, too, who are altogether unaffected by such emotions, either following their parents, or perhaps attracted also by His divinity, in order that it might be implanted within them, became His followers along with their parents. But let it be granted that Christians were few in number at the beginning, how does that help to prove that Christians would be unwilling to make all men believe the doctrine of the Gospel? 3.11. He says, in addition, that all the Christians were of one mind, not observing, even in this particular, that from the beginning there were differences of opinion among believers regarding the meaning of the books held to be divine. At all events, while the apostles were still preaching, and while eye-witnesses of (the works of) Jesus were still teaching His doctrine, there was no small discussion among the converts from Judaism regarding Gentile believers, on the point whether they ought to observe Jewish customs, or should reject the burden of clean and unclean meats, as not being obligatory on those who had abandoned their ancestral Gentile customs, and had become believers in Jesus. Nay, even in the Epistles of Paul, who was contemporary with those who had seen Jesus, certain particulars are found mentioned as having been the subject of dispute - viz., respecting the resurrection, and whether it were already past, and the day of the Lord, whether it were near at hand or not. Nay, the very exhortation to avoid profane and vain babblings, and oppositions of science falsely so called: which some professing, have erred concerning the faith, is enough to show that from the very beginning, when, as Celsus imagines, believers were few in number, there were certain doctrines interpreted in different ways. 3.12. In the next place, since he reproaches us with the existence of heresies in Christianity as being a ground of accusation against it, saying that when Christians had greatly increased in numbers, they were divided and split up into factions, each individual desiring to have his own party; and further, that being thus separated through their numbers, they confute one another, still having, so to speak, one name in common, if indeed they still retain it. And this is the only thing which they are yet ashamed to abandon, while other matters are determined in different ways by the various sects. In reply to which, we say that heresies of different kinds have never originated from any matter in which the principle involved was not important and beneficial to human life. For since the science of medicine is useful and necessary to the human race, and many are the points of dispute in it respecting the manner of curing bodies, there are found, for this reason, numerous heresies confessedly prevailing in the science of medicine among the Greeks, and also, I suppose, among those barbarous nations who profess to employ medicine. And, again, since philosophy makes a profession of the truth, and promises a knowledge of existing things with a view to the regulation of life, and endeavours to teach what is advantageous to our race, and since the investigation of these matters is attended with great differences of opinion, innumerable heresies have consequently sprung up in philosophy, some of which are more celebrated than others. Even Judaism itself afforded a pretext for the origination of heresies, in the different acceptation accorded to the writings of Moses and those of the prophets. So, then, seeing Christianity appeared an object of veneration to men, not to the more servile class alone, as Celsus supposes, but to many among the Greeks who were devoted to literary pursuits, there necessarily originated heresies - not at all, however, as the result of faction and strife, but through the earnest desire of many literary men to become acquainted with the doctrines of Christianity. The consequence of which was, that, taking in different acceptations those discourses which were believed by all to be divine, there arose heresies, which received their names from those individuals who admired, indeed, the origin of Christianity, but who were led, in some way or other, by certain plausible reasons, to discordant views. And yet no one would act rationally in avoiding medicine because of its heresies; nor would he who aimed at that which is seemly entertain a hatred of philosophy, and adduce its many heresies as a pretext for his antipathy. And so neither are the sacred books of Moses and the prophets to be condemned on account of the heresies in Judaism. 3.13. Now, if these arguments hold good, why should we not defend, in the same way, the existence of heresies in Christianity? And respecting these, Paul appears to me to speak in a very striking manner when he says, For there must be heresies among you, that they who are approved may be made manifest among you. For as that man is approved in medicine who, on account of his experience in various (medical) heresies, and his honest examination of the majority of them, has selected the preferable system - and as the great proficient in philosophy is he who, after acquainting himself experimentally with the various views, has given in his adhesion to the best, - so I would say that the wisest Christian was he who had carefully studied the heresies both of Judaism and Christianity. Whereas he who finds fault with Christianity because of its heresies would find fault also with the teaching of Socrates, from whose school have issued many others of discordant views. Nay, the opinions of Plato might be chargeable with error, on account of Aristotle's having separated from his school, and founded a new one - on which subject we have remarked in the preceding book. But it appears to me that Celsus has become acquainted with certain heresies which do not possess even the name of Jesus in common with us. Perhaps he had heard of the sects called Ophites and Cainites, or some others of a similar nature, which had departed in all points from the teaching of Jesus. And yet surely this furnishes no ground for a charge against the Christian doctrine. 3.37. The Egyptians, then, having been taught to worship Antinous, will, if you compare him with Apollo or Zeus, endure such a comparison, Antinous being magnified in their estimation through being classed with these deities; for Celsus is clearly convicted of falsehood when he says, that they will not endure his being compared with Apollo or Zeus. Whereas Christians (who have learned that their eternal life consists in knowing the only true God, who is over all, and Jesus Christ, whom He has sent; and who have learned also that all the gods of the heathen are greedy demons, which flit around sacrifices and blood, and other sacrificial accompaniments, in order to deceive those who have not taken refuge with the God who is over all, but that the divine and holy angels of God are of a different nature and will from all the demons on earth, and that they are known to those exceedingly few persons who have carefully and intelligently investigated these matters) will not endure a comparison to be made between them and Apollo or Zeus, or any being worshipped with odour and blood and sacrifices; some of them, so acting from their extreme simplicity, not being able to give a reason for their conduct, but sincerely observing the precepts which they have received; others, again, for reasons not to be lightly regarded, nay, even of a profound description, and (as a Greek would say) drawn from the inner nature of things; and among the latter of these God is a frequent subject of conversation, and those who are honoured by God, through His only-begotten Word, with participation in His divinity, and therefore also in His name. They speak much, too, both regarding the angels of God and those who are opposed to the truth, but have been deceived; and who, in consequence of being deceived, call them gods or angels of God, or good demons, or heroes who have become such by the transference into them of a good human soul. And such Christians will also show, that as in philosophy there are many who appear to be in possession of the truth, who have yet either deceived themselves by plausible arguments, or by rashly assenting to what was brought forward and discovered by others; so also, among those souls which exist apart from bodies, both angels and demons, there are some which have been induced by plausible reasons to declare themselves gods. And because it was impossible that the reasons of such things could be discovered by men with perfect exactness, it was deemed safe that no mortal should entrust himself to any being as to God, with the exception of Jesus Christ, who is, as it were, the Ruler over all things, and who both beheld these weighty secrets, and made them known to a few. 3.72. In the next place, speaking as in the person of a teacher of our doctrine, he expresses himself as follows: Wise men reject what we say, being led into error, and ensnared by their wisdom. In reply to which we say that, since wisdom is the knowledge of divine and human things and of their causes, or, as it is defined by the word of God, the breath of the power of God, and a pure influence flowing from the glory of the Almighty; and the brightness of the everlasting light, and the unspotted mirror of the power of God, and the image of His goodness, Wisdom 7:25-26 no one who was really wise would reject what is said by a Christian acquainted with the principles of Christianity, or would be led into error, or ensnared by it. For true wisdom does not mislead, but ignorance does, while of existing things knowledge alone is permanent, and the truth which is derived from wisdom. But if, contrary to the definition of wisdom, you call any one whatever who dogmatizes with sophistical opinions wise, we answer that in conformity with what you call wisdom, such an one rejects the words of God, being misled and ensnared by plausible sophisms. And since, according to our doctrine, wisdom is not the knowledge of evil, but the knowledge of evil, so to speak, is in those who hold false opinions and who are deceived by them, I would therefore in such persons term it ignorance rather than wisdom. 5.61. After the above remarks he proceeds as follows: Let no one suppose that I am ignorant that some of them will concede that their God is the same as that of the Jews, while others will maintain that he is a different one, to whom the latter is in opposition, and that it was from the former that the Son came. Now, if he imagine that the existence of numerous heresies among the Christians is a ground of accusation against Christianity, why, in a similar way, should it not be a ground of accusation against philosophy, that the various sects of philosophers differ from each other, not on small and indifferent points, but upon those of the highest importance? Nay, medicine also ought to be a subject of attack, on account of its many conflicting schools. Let it be admitted, then, that there are among us some who deny that our God is the same as that of the Jews: nevertheless, on that account those are not to be blamed who prove from the same Scriptures that one and the same Deity is the God of the Jews and of the Gentiles alike, as Paul, too, distinctly says, who was a convert from Judaism to Christianity, I thank my God, whom I serve from my forefathers with a pure conscience. And let it be admitted also, that there is a third class who call certain persons carnal, and others spiritual,- I think he here means the followers of Valentinus - yet what does this avail against us, who belong to the Church, and who make it an accusation against such as hold that certain natures are saved, and that others perish in consequence of their natural constitution? And let it be admitted further, that there are some who give themselves out as Gnostics, in the same way as those Epicureans who call themselves philosophers: yet neither will they who annihilate the doctrine of providence be deemed true philosophers, nor those true Christians who introduce monstrous inventions, which are disapproved of by those who are the disciples of Jesus. Let it be admitted, moreover, that there are some who accept Jesus, and who boast on that account of being Christians, and yet would regulate their lives, like the Jewish multitude, in accordance with the Jewish law - and these are the twofold sect of Ebionites, who either acknowledge with us that Jesus was born of a virgin, or deny this, and maintain that He was begotten like other human beings - what does that avail by way of charge against such as belong to the Church, and whom Celsus has styled those of the multitude? He adds, also, that certain of the Christians are believers in the Sibyl, having probably misunderstood some who blamed such as believed in the existence of a prophetic Sibyl, and termed those who held this belief Sibyllists. 5.62. He next pours down upon us a heap of names, saying that he knows of the existence of certain Simonians who worship Helene, or Helenus, as their teacher, and are called Helenians. But it has escaped the notice of Celsus that the Simonians do not at all acknowledge Jesus to be the Son of God, but term Simon the power of God, regarding whom they relate certain marvellous stories, saying that he imagined that if he could become possessed of similar powers to those with which be believed Jesus to be endowed, he too would become as powerful among men as Jesus was among the multitude. But neither Celsus nor Simon could comprehend how Jesus, like a good husbandman of the word of God, was able to sow the greater part of Greece, and of barbarian lands, with His doctrine, and to fill these countries with words which transform the soul from all that is evil, and bring it back to the Creator of all things. Celsus knows, moreover, certain Marcellians, so called from Marcellina, and Harpocratians from Salome, and others who derive their name from Mariamme, and others again from Martha. We, however, who from a love of learning examine to the utmost of our ability not only the contents of Scripture, and the differences to which they give rise, but have also, from love to the truth, investigated as far as we could the opinions of philosophers, have never at any time met with these sects. He makes mention also of the Marcionites, whose leader was Marcion. 5.63. In the next place, that he may have the appearance of knowing still more than he has yet mentioned, he says, agreeably to his usual custom, that there are others who have wickedly invented some being as their teacher and demon, and who wallow about in a great darkness, more unholy and accursed than that of the companions of the Egyptian Antinous. And he seems to me, indeed, in touching on these matters, to say with a certain degree of truth, that there are certain others who have wickedly invented another demon, and who have found him to be their lord, as they wallow about in the great darkness of their ignorance. With respect, however, to Antinous, who is compared with our Jesus, we shall not repeat what we have already said in the preceding pages. Moreover, he continues, these persons utter against one another dreadful blasphemies, saying all manner of things shameful to be spoken; nor will they yield in the slightest point for the sake of harmony, hating each other with a perfect hatred. Now, in answer to this, we have already said that in philosophy and medicine sects are to be found warring against sects. We, however, who are followers of the word of Jesus, and have exercised ourselves in thinking, and saying, and doing what is in harmony with His words, when reviled, bless; being persecuted, we suffer it; being defamed, we entreat; and we would not utter all manner of things shameful to be spoken against those who have adopted different opinions from ours, but, if possible, use every exertion to raise them to a better condition through adherence to the Creator alone, and lead them to perform every act as those who will (one day) be judged. And if those who hold different opinions will not be convinced, we observe the injunction laid down for the treatment of such: A man that is a heretic, after the first and second admonition, reject, knowing that he that is such is subverted, and sins, being condemned of himself. Moreover, we who know the maxim, Blessed are the peacemakers, and this also, Blessed are the meek, would not regard with hatred the corrupters of Christianity, nor term those who had fallen into error Circes and flattering deceivers. 6.2. I have made these remarks in reply to the charges which Celsus and others bring against the simplicity of the language of Scripture, which appears to be thrown into the shade by the splendour of polished discourse. For our prophets, and Jesus Himself, and His apostles, were careful to adopt a style of address which should not merely convey the truth, but which should be fitted to gain over the multitude, until each one, attracted and led onwards, should ascend as far as he could towards the comprehension of those mysteries which are contained in these apparently simple words. For, if I may venture to say so, few have been benefited (if they have indeed been benefited at all) by the beautiful and polished style of Plato, and those who have written like him; while, on the contrary, many have received advantage from those who wrote and taught in a simple and practical manner, and with a view to the wants of the multitude. It is easy, indeed, to observe that Plato is found only in the hands of those who profess to be literary men; while Epictetus is admired by persons of ordinary capacity, who have a desire to be benefited, and who perceive the improvement which may be derived from his writings. Now we make these remarks, not to disparage Plato (for the great world of men has found even him useful), but to point out the aim of those who said: And my speech and my preaching was not with enticing words of man's wisdom, but in demonstration of the Spirit and of power, that our faith should not stand in the wisdom of men, but in the power of God. For the word of God declares that the preaching (although in itself true and most worthy of belief) is not sufficient to reach the human heart, unless a certain power be imparted to the speaker from God, and a grace appear upon his words; and it is only by the divine agency that this takes place in those who speak effectually. The prophet says in the sixty-seventh Psalm, that the Lord will give a word with great power to them who preach. If, then, it should be granted with respect to certain points, that the same doctrines are found among the Greeks as in our own Scriptures, yet they do not possess the same power of attracting and disposing the souls of men to follow them. And therefore the disciples of Jesus, men ignorant so far as regards Grecian philosophy, yet traversed many countries of the world, impressing, agreeably to the desire of the Logos, each one of their hearers according to his deserts, so that they received a moral amelioration in proportion to the inclination of their will to accept of that which is good. 6.49. Let us notice now what follows, where, expressing in a single word his opinion regarding the Mosaic cosmogony, without offering, however, a single argument in its support, he finds fault with it, saying: Moreover, their cosmogony is extremely silly. Now, if he had produced some credible proofs of its silly character, we should have endeavoured to answer them; but it does not appear to me reasonable that I should be called upon to demonstrate, in answer to his mere assertion, that it is not silly. If any one, however, wishes to see the reasons which led us to accept the Mosaic account, and the arguments by which it may be defended, he may read what we have written upon Genesis, from the beginning of the book up to the passage, And this is the book of the generation of men, where we have tried to show from the holy Scriptures themselves what the heaven was which was created in the beginning; and what the earth, and the invisible part of the earth, and that which was without form; and what the deep was, and the darkness that was upon it; and what the water was, and the Spirit of God which was borne over it; and what the light which was created, and what the firmament, as distinct from the heaven which was created in the beginning; and so on with the other subjects that follow. Celsus has also expressed his opinion that the narrative of the creation of man is exceedingly silly, without stating any proofs, or endeavouring to answer our arguments; for he had no evidence, in my judgment, which was fitted to overthrow the statement that man has been made in the image of God. He does not even understand the meaning of the Paradise that was planted by God, and of the life which man first led in it; and of that which resulted from accident, when man was cast forth on account of his sin, and was settled opposite the Paradise of delight. Now, as he asserts that these are silly statements, let him turn his attention not merely to each one of them (in general), but to this in particular, He placed the cherubim, and the flaming sword, which turned every way, to keep the way of the tree of life, and say whether Moses wrote these words with no serious object in view, but in the spirit of the writers of the old Comedy, who have sportively related that Prœtus slew Bellerophon, and that Pegasus came from Arcadia. Now their object was to create laughter in composing such stories; whereas it is incredible that he who left behind him laws for a whole nation, regarding which he wished to persuade his subjects that they were given by God, should have written words so little to the purpose, and have said without any meaning, He placed the cherubim, and the flaming sword, which turned every way, to keep the way of the tree of life, or made any other statement regarding the creation of man, which is the subject of philosophic investigation by the Hebrew sages. 6.61. Again, not understanding the meaning of the words, And God ended on the sixth day His works which He had made, and ceased on the seventh day from all His works which He had made: and God blessed the seventh day, and hallowed it, because on it He had ceased from all His works which He had begun to make; and imagining the expression, He ceased on the seventh day, to be the same as this, He rested on the seventh day, he makes the remark: After this, indeed, he is weary, like a very bad workman, who stands in need of rest to refresh himself! For he knows nothing of the day of the Sabbath and rest of God, which follows the completion of the world's creation, and which lasts during the duration of the world, and in which all those will keep festival with God who have done all their works in their six days, and who, because they have omitted none of their duties, will ascend to the contemplation (of celestial things), and to the assembly of righteous and blessed beings. In the next place, as if either the Scriptures made such a statement, or as if we ourselves so spoke of God as having rested from fatigue, he continues: It is not in keeping with the fitness of things that the first God should feel fatigue, or work with His hands, or give forth commands. Celsus says, that it is not in keeping with the fitness of things that the first God should feel fatigue. Now we would say that neither does God the Word feel fatigue, nor any of those beings who belong to a better and diviner order of things, because the sensation of fatigue is peculiar to those who are in the body. You can examine whether this is true of those who possess a body of any kind, or of those who have an earthly body, or one a little better than this. But neither is it consistent with the fitness of things that the first God should work with His own hands. If you understand the words work with His own hands literally, then neither are they applicable to the second God, nor to any other being partaking of divinity. But suppose that they are spoken in an improper and figurative sense, so that we may translate the following expressions, And the firmament shows forth His handywork, and the heavens are the work of Your hands, and any other similar phrases, in a figurative manner, so far as respects the hands and limbs of Deity, where is the absurdity in the words, God thus working with His own hands? And as there is no absurdity in God thus working, so neither is there in His issuing commands; so that what is done at His bidding should be beautiful and praiseworthy, because it was God who commanded it to be performed. |
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| 142. Pseudo-Justinus, Exhortation To The Greeks, 59 (3rd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •(artapanus), use by greek philosophers Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 82 |
143. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •helios, greek god, representations of in jewish art Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 5| 64a. הס שלא להזכיר בשם ה' שלא לימדו אביו ואמו,מיד הוציא יראתו מחיקו ומחבקה ומנשקה עד שנבקעה כריסו ונפלה יראתו לארץ ונפל הוא עליה לקיים מה שנאמר (ויקרא כו, ד) ונתתי פגריכם על פגרי גלוליכם בתר דאביקו ביה,ת"ש (נחמיה ט, ד) ויזעקו בקול גדול אל ה' אלהיהם מאי אמור אמר רב יהודה ואיתימא ר' יונתן בייא בייא היינו דאחרביה לביתא וקליא להיכלא וקטלינהו לצדיקי ואגלינהו לישראל מארעייהו ועדיין הוא מרקד בינן כלום יהבתיה לן אלא לקבולי ביה אגרא לא איהו בעינן ולא אגריה בעינן בתר דאביקו ביה,יתבו תלתא יומא בתעניתא בעו רחמי נפל להו פיתקא מרקיעא דהוה כתיב בה אמת,אמר רבי חנינא שמע מינה חותמו של הקדוש ברוך הוא אמת,נפק כגוריא דנורא מבית קדשי הקדשים אמר להו נביא לישראל היינו יצרא דע"ז בהדי דקתפסי ליה אישתמיט ביניתא מיניה ואזל קליה בארבע מאה פרסי אמרו היכי ניעבד דילמא משמיא מרחמי עליה,א"ל נביא שדיוהו בדודא דאברא וכסיוה באברא דשייף קליה דכתיב (זכריה ה, ח) ויאמר זאת הרשעה וישלך אותה אל תוך האיפה וישלך את האבן העופרת אל פיה,אמרי הואיל ועת רצון הוא ניבעי רחמי איצרא דעבירה בעו רחמי אימסר בידייהו,חבשוהו תלתא יומי איבעו ביעתא בת יומא לחולה ולא אשכחו אמרו היכי נעביד ניבעי פלגא פלגא מרקיעא לא יהבי כחלינהו לעיניה אהני ביה דלא איגרי איניש בקרובתיה,אמר רב יהודה אמר רב מעשה בנכרית אחת שהיתה חולה ביותר אמרה תעמוד ההיא אשה מחוליה תלך ותעבוד לכל ע"ז שבעולם עמדה (ועבדה) לכל ע"ז שבעולם כיון שהגיע לפעור שאלה לכומרים במה עובדין לזו אמרו לה אוכלין תרדין ושותין שכר ומתריזין בפניה אמרה מוטב שתחזור ההוא אשה לחוליה ולא תעבוד ע"ז בכך,אתם בית ישראל אינן כן (במדבר כה, ה) הנצמדים לבעל פעור כצמיד פתיל (דברים ד, ד) ואתם הדבקים בה' אלהיכם כשתי תמרות הדבוקות זו בזו,במתניתא תנא הנצמדים לבעל פעור כצמיד ע"י אשה ואתם הדבקים בה' אלהיכם דבוקים ממש,ת"ר מעשה בסבטא בן אלס שהשכיר חמורו לנכרית אחת כיון שהגיעה לפעור אמרה לו המתן עד שאכנס ואצא לאחר שיצאה אמר לה אף את המתיני עד שאכנס ואצא אמרה לו ולא יהודי אתה אמר לה ומאי איכפת ליך נכנס פער בפניו וקינח בחוטמו והיו משרתי ע"ז מקלסין לו ואומרים מעולם לא היה אדם שעבדו לזו בכך,הפוער עצמו לבעל פעור הרי זה עבודתו אע"ג דמיכוין לביזוי הזורק אבן למרקוליס זו היא עבודתו אע"ג דמיכוין למירגמיה,רב מנשה הוה קאזיל לבי תורתא אמרו לו ע"ז היא דקאי הכא שקל פיסא שדא ביה אמרו לו מרקוליס היא אמר להו הזורק אבן למרקוליס תנן,אתא שאל בי מדרשא א"ל הזורק אבן במרקוליס תנן אף על גב דמיכוין למירגמיה אמר להו איזיל אישקלה א"ל אחד הנוטלה ואחד הנותנה חייב כל חדא וחדא רווחא לחבירתה שביק:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big הנותן מזרעו למולך אינו חייב עד שימסור למולך ויעביר באש מסר למולך ולא העביר באש העביר באש ולא מסר למולך אינו חייב עד שימסור למולך ויעביר באש:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big קתני ע"ז וקתני מולך אמר רבי אבין תנן כמאן דאמר מולך לאו ע"ז היא דתניא אחד למולך ואחד לשאר ע"ז חייב רבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון אומר למולך חייב שלא למולך פטור,אמר אביי רבי אלעזר בר' שמעון ור' חנינא בן אנטיגנוס אמרו דבר אחד רבי אלעזר בר' שמעון הא דאמרן רבי חנינא בן אנטיגנוס דתניא רבי חנינא בן אנטיגנוס אומר מפני מה תפסה תורה לשון מולך כל שהמליכוהו עליהם אפי' צרור ואפי' קיסם,רבא אמר מולך עראי איכא בינייהו | 64a. b Hush, so as not to mention the name of the Lord /b (see Amos 6:10). The child did not want to even hear the mention of the name of the Lord, b which his father and his mother did not teach him. /b , b Immediately, /b the child b removed his god from his bosom and /b began b hugging it and kissing it, until his stomach burst /b from hunger, b and his god fell to the earth and he fell upon it, in fulfillment of that /b which b is stated: “And I shall cast your carcasses upon the carcasses of your idols” /b (Leviticus 26:30). This incident demonstrates that the Jewish people engaged in idol worship for its own sake. The Gemara answers: This also occurred b after /b the Jewish people b became attached to /b idol worship.,The Gemara suggests: b Come /b and b hear /b another proof, from the verse: b “And they cried in a loud voice to the Lord their God” /b (Nehemiah 9:4). b What did they say /b in that prayer? b Rav Yehuda says, and some say /b it is b Rav Yonatan /b who says: b Woe, woe [ i baya /i , i baya /i ], this /b evil inclination for idol worship b is what destroyed the Temple, and burned the Sanctuary, and murdered the righteous ones, and caused the Jewish people to be exiled from their land. And it still dances among us, /b i.e., it still affects us. b Didn’t You give it to us solely for /b the purpose of our b receiving reward /b for overcoming it? b We do not want it, nor do we not want its reward. /b Evidently, the Jewish people were drawn to idol worship itself, and they did not worship idols only in order to engage in forbidden sexual relations. The Gemara answers: This also occurred b after /b the Jewish people b became attached to /b idol worship.,The Gemara continues to relate the story of the prayer in the days of Nehemiah: The people b fasted for three days /b and b prayed for mercy. /b In response to their prayer b a note fell for them from the heavens in which was written: Truth, /b indicating that God accepted their request.,The Gemara makes a parenthetical observation. b Rabbi Ḥanina says: Conclude from it /b that b the seal of the Holy One, Blessed be He, is truth. /b , b The form of a fiery lion cub came forth from the chamber of the Holy of Holies. /b Zechariah, b the prophet, said to the Jewish people: This is the /b evil b inclination for idol worship. When they caught hold of it one of its hairs fell out, and /b it let out a shriek of pain that b was heard for four hundred parasangs [ i parsei /i ]. They said: What should we do /b to kill it? b Perhaps Heaven will have mercy upon it /b if we attempt to kill it, as it will certainly scream even more., b The prophet said to them: Throw it into a container /b made b of lead and cover it with lead, as /b lead b absorbs sound. As it is written: “And he said: This is the evil one. And he cast it down into the midst of the measure, and he cast a stone of lead upon its opening” /b (Zechariah 5:8). They followed this advice and were freed of the evil inclination for idol worship.,When they saw that the evil inclination for idol worship was delivered into their hands as they requested, the Sages b said: Since it is an auspicious time, let us pray for mercy concerning the /b evil b inclination for sin /b concerning sexual matters. b They prayed for mercy, and it was /b also b delivered into their hands. /b ,The Sages b imprisoned it for three days. /b At that time, people b searched for a one-day-old /b fresh b egg for the sick but could not find /b one. Since the inclination to reproduce was quashed, the chickens stopped laying eggs. b They said: What should we do? /b If b we pray for half, /b i.e., that only half its power be annulled, nothing will be achieved, because b Heaven does not grant half /b gifts, only whole gifts. What did they do? b They gouged /b out b its eyes, /b and this b was effective in /b limiting b it /b to the extent b that a person is no /b longer b aroused to /b commit incest with b his /b close b relatives. /b ,§ b Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: An incident /b occurred b involving a certain gentile woman who was very ill. She said: If that woman, /b referring to herself, b recovers from her illness, she will go and worship every /b object of b idol worship in the world. She recovered /b from her illness b and /b subsequently b worshipped every /b object of b idol worship in the world. When she arrived at Peor she asked the priests: How does one worship this /b idol? b They said to her: One eats spinach, /b which causes diarrhea, b and drinks beer, /b which also causes diarrhea, b and defecates before it. /b The woman b said: Better for that woman, /b referring to herself, b to return to her illness, and not worship an idol in such a manner. /b ,Rav Yehuda adds: b You, the house of Israel, are not like that /b woman who could not bear the repulsiveness of Ba’al-Peor. It is stated with regard to the attitude of the Jewish people toward idol worship: b “That have attached themselves [ i hanitzmadim /i ] to Ba’al-Peor” /b (Numbers 25:5), indicating a tight attachment, b like a tightly bound cover [ i ketzamid patil /i ] /b tied firmly onto a vessel. Yet with regard to the attitude of the Jewish people toward God it is stated: b “But you who did cleave [ i hadevekim /i ] to the Lord your God” /b (Deuteronomy 4:4), i.e., the connection between the Jewish people and God is b like two dates that /b are lightly b attached [ i hadevukot /i ] to one another /b but are not tightly pressed together.,This comparison b was taught in a i baraita /i /b but with the opposite conclusion: b “That have attached themselves [ i hanitzmadim /i ] to Ba’al-Peor” /b indicates a connection that is b like a bracelet [ i ketzamid /i ] on a woman’s arm, /b which is worn loosely. b “But you who did cleave to the Lord your God” /b means they b actually adhered /b to one another, i.e., there was a tight connection.,The Gemara relates another incident with regard to Ba’al-Peor. b The Sages taught: /b There was b an incident involving /b a Jew named b Sabbeta ben Alas, who rented out his donkey /b and his services b to a certain gentile woman. /b He was driving his donkey behind her, and b when she arrived at Peor, she said to him: Wait /b here b until I go in and come out. After she came out, he said to her: You too wait /b for me b until I go in and come out. She said to him: Aren’t you Jewish? /b Why, then, are you worshipping idols? b He said to her: And what do you care? He entered and defecated before /b the idol, b and wiped /b himself b with its nostril, /b as he wanted to demean the idol as much as possible. b But /b he was unsuccessful, as b the priests /b of Peor b were praising him and saying: No person has ever worshipped it /b before b with this /b excellent form of worship. Although he intended to demean Ba’al-Peor, he actually worshipped it.,The i halakha /i is that b one who defecates before Ba’al-Peor /b is obligated to bring a sin-offering to atone for idol worship, as b this is its /b typical form of b worship, even if he intends to demean /b the idol. Like-wise, b one who throws a stone at Mercury /b is obligated to bring an a sin-offering to atone for idol worship, as b this is its /b typical form of b worship, even if he intends to stone it. /b ,The Gemara relates: b Rav Menashe was going to /b a place called b Bei Torta. /b The people there b said to him: There is /b an object of b idol worship situated here /b in this pile of stones. Rav Menashe b picked up a stone and threw /b it b at /b the idol to demean it. b They said to him: It is Mercury, /b and it is worshipped by throwing stones at it. Rav Menashe b said to them: We learned /b in the mishna that b one who throws a stone at Mercury /b as a manner of worship is liable, whereas I intended to demean it.,Rav Menashe b went /b and b asked /b the Sages in b the study hall /b whether his interpretation of the mishna was correct. b They said to him: We learned /b in the mishna that b one who throws a stone at Mercury /b is liable, which implies that he is liable b even if he intends to stone it /b in order to demean it. Rav Menashe b said to /b the Sages: If so, b I will go and take /b back the stone I threw. b They said to him: Both one who removes it and one who places it is liable, /b as b each and every one /b of the stones taken away from Mercury b leaves space for another /b stone. Taking a stone away from Mercury provides a place for other stones to be thrown at it., strong MISHNA: /strong b One who gives of his offspring to Molekh, /b for which one is executed by stoning, b is not liable unless he hands over /b his child b to the /b priests of b Molekh and passes /b the child b through the fire. /b If b he handed over /b the child b to the /b priests of b Molekh but did not pass /b him b through the fire, /b or if b he passed /b him b through the fire but did not hand /b him b over to the /b priests of b Molekh, he is not liable, unless he hands /b the child b over to the /b priests of b Molekh and passes /b him b through the fire. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong The i halakhot /i of one’s liability for b idol worship are taught /b in the mishna above (60b), b and /b the i halakhot /i of one’s liability for the worship of b Molekh are taught /b separately, in this mishna. Therefore, b Rabbi Avin says: We learn /b this mishna b according to /b the opinion of b the one who says /b that the ritual of b Molekh is not idol worship /b but is a form of witchcraft or superstition, b as /b a dispute over this matter b is taught /b in a i baraita /i : Both b one /b who transfers his child b to the /b priests of b Molekh and one /b who transfers his child b for /b the purpose of worshipping b other idols /b are b liable. /b Molekh is cited merely as an example. b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, says: /b One who transfers his child b to the /b priests of b Molekh /b is b liable, /b but if he transfers him to another object of idol worship, b not to Molekh, /b he is b exempt. /b , b Abaye says: Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, and Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus said the same thing, /b i.e., they share the same halakhic opinion. The statement of b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, /b is b that which we said. Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus /b shares the same opinion, b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus says: For what /b reason b does the Torah use the term Molekh? /b It is to indicate that if one passes his child through fire in the worship of b any /b object b that /b people b enthroned [ i shehimlikhuhu /i ] over them /b as their king, referring to it as Molekh, he is liable, b even /b if it is merely b a pebble, or even a toothpick. /b The i baraita /i indicates that one who passes his child through fire in worship of an item that is not referred to as Molekh is not liable, in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon., b Rava says: /b They do not share the same opinion, as there is a practical difference b between /b their opinions in a case of b a temporary Molekh. /b According to Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, one is liable for passing his child through fire only if it is in worship of a permanent Molekh, whereas according to Rabbi Ḥanina ben Antigonus, one is liable for worshipping even a temporary Molekh. |
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144. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.11.9, 4.22.5 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 80, 85 | 4.11.9. He speaks as follows: And there is a certain Marcion of Pontus, who is even now still teaching his followers to think that there is some other God greater than the Creator. And by the aid of the demons he has persuaded many of every race of men to utter blasphemy, and to deny that the maker of this universe is the father of Christ, and to confess that some other, greater than he, was the creator. And all who followed them are, as we have said, called Christians, just as the name of philosophy is given to philosophers, although they may have no doctrines in common. 4.22.5. But Thebuthis, because he was not made bishop, began to corrupt it. He also was sprung from the seven sects among the people, like Simon, from whom came the Simonians, and Cleobius, from whom came the Cleobians, and Dositheus, from whom came the Dositheans, and Gorthaeus, from whom came the Goratheni, and Masbotheus, from whom came the Masbothaeans. From them sprang the Medrianists, and Marcionists, and Carpocratians, and Valentinians, and Basilidians, and Saturnilians. Each introduced privately and separately his own peculiar opinion. From them came false Christs, false prophets, false apostles, who divided the unity of the Church by corrupt doctrines uttered against God and against his Christ. |
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145. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •helios, greek god, representations of in jewish art Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 5| 69b. אין ישיבה בעזרה אלא למלכי בית דוד בלבד שנאמר (דברי הימים א יז, טז) ויבא המלך דוד וישב לפני ה' כדאמר רב חסדא בעזרת נשים הכא נמי בעזרת נשים,והיכא איתמר דרב חסדא אהא מיתיבי דתניא היכן קורין בו בעזרה ראב"י אומר בהר הבית שנאמר (נחמיה ח, ג) ויקרא בו לפני הרחוב אשר לפני שער המים ואמר רב חסדא בעזרת נשים,(נחמיה ח, ו) ויברך עזרא את ה' האלהים הגדול מאי גדול אמר רב יוסף אמר רב שגדלו בשם המפורש רב גידל אמר (דברי הימים א טז, לו) ברוך ה' אלהי ישראל מן העולם ועד העולם,אמר ליה אביי לרב דימי ודילמא שגידלו בשם המפורש א"ל אין אומרים שם המפורש בגבולים,ולא והכתיב (נחמיה ח, ד) ויעמוד עזרא הסופר על מגדל עץ אשר עשו לדבר ואמר רב גידל שגדלו בשם המפורש הוראת שעה היתה,(נחמיה ט, ד) ויצעקו אל ה' אלהים בקול גדול מאי אמור אמר רב ואיתימא ר' יוחנן בייא בייא היינו האי דאחרביה למקדשא וקליה להיכליה וקטלינהו לכולהו צדיקי ואגלינהו לישראל מארעהון ועדיין מרקד בינן כלום יהבתיה לן אלא לקבולי ביה אגרא לא איהו בעינן ולא אגריה בעינן,נפל להו פיתקא מרקיעא דהוה כתב בה אמת,אמר רב חנינא שמע מינה חותמו של הקב"ה אמת,אותיבו בתעניתא תלתא יומין ותלתא לילואתא מסרוהו ניהליהו נפק אתא כי גוריא דנורא מבית קדשי הקדשים אמר להו נביא לישראל היינו יצרא דעבודת כוכבים שנאמר (זכריה ה, ח) ויאמר זאת הרשעה,בהדי דתפסוה ליה אשתמיט ביניתא ממזייא ורמא קלא ואזל קליה ארבע מאה פרסי אמרו היכי נעביד דילמא חס ושלום מרחמי עליה מן שמיא אמר להו נביא שדיוהו בדודא דאברא וחפיוהו לפומיה באברא דאברא משאב שאיב קלא שנאמר (זכריה ה, ח) ויאמר זאת הרשעה וישלך אותה אל תוך האיפה וישלך את אבן העופרת אל פיה,אמרו הואיל ועת רצון הוא נבעי רחמי איצרא דעבירה בעו רחמי ואמסר בידייהו,אמר להו חזו דאי קטליתו ליה לההוא כליא עלמא חבשוהו תלתא יומי ובעו ביעתא בת יומא בכל ארץ ישראל ולא אשתכח אמרי היכי נעביד נקטליה כליא עלמא ניבעי רחמי אפלגא פלגא ברקיעא לא יהבי כחלינהו לעיניה ושבקוהו ואהני דלא מיגרי ביה לאיניש בקריבתה,במערבא מתנו הכי רב גידל אמר גדול שגדלו בשם המפורש ורב מתנא אמר (נחמיה ט, לב) האל הגדול הגבור והנורא,והא דרב מתנא מטייא לדרבי יהושע בן לוי דאמר רבי יהושע בן לוי למה נקרא שמן אנשי כנסת הגדולה שהחזירו עטרה ליושנה אתא משה אמר (דברים י, יז) האל הגדול הגבור והנורא אתא ירמיה ואמר נכרים מקרקרין בהיכלו איה נוראותיו לא אמר נורא אתא דניאל אמר נכרים משתעבדים בבניו איה גבורותיו לא אמר גבור,אתו אינהו ואמרו אדרבה זו היא גבורת גבורתו שכובש את יצרו שנותן ארך אפים לרשעים ואלו הן נוראותיו שאלמלא מוראו של הקב"ה היאך אומה אחת יכולה להתקיים בין האומות,ורבנן היכי עבדי הכי ועקרי תקנתא דתקין משה אמר רבי אלעזר מתוך שיודעין בהקב"ה שאמתי הוא לפיכך לא כיזבו בו,וקורא אחרי מות ואך בעשור ורמינהי מדלגין בנביא ואין מדלגין בתורה,לא קשיא כאן בכדי שיפסיק התורגמן כאן בכדי שלא יפסיק התורגמן,והא עלה קתני מדלגין בנביא ואין מדלגין בתורה ועד כמה מדלג בכדי שלא יפסיק התורגמן הא בתורה כלל כלל לא,אמר אביי לא קשיא כאן בענין אחד כאן בשני ענינין,והתניא מדלגין בתורה בענין אחד ובנביא בשני ענינין כאן וכאן בכדי שלא יפסיק התורגמן ואין מדלגין מנביא לנביא ובנביא של שנים עשר מדלגין | 69b. b Sitting in the /b Temple b courtyard is /b permitted b only for kings of the House of David, as it is stated: “Then King David went in and sat before the Lord” /b (I Chronicles 17:16)? How, then, could the High Priest have been sitting? The Gemara explains: b As Rav Ḥisda said /b in a similar context: This took place not in the Israelite courtyard, where the prohibition against sitting applies, but b in the women’s courtyard. Here, too, /b the reading was b in the women’s courtyard, /b where it is permitted to sit.,§ The Gemara clarifies: b And where was /b this statement b of Rav Ḥisda /b originally b stated? /b It was stated b in relation to the following: /b The Sages b raised an objection /b based on that b which was taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Where did they read /b the Torah scroll in fulfillment of the mitzva of assembly, in which the Torah is publicly read on the i Sukkot /i following the Sabbatical Year? It was read b in the /b Temple b courtyard. Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says: /b It is read b on the Temple Mount, as it is stated /b concerning the public reading performed by Ezra: b “And he read from it before the wide road that was before the Gate of the Water” /b (Nehemiah 8:3). b And Rav Ḥisda said: /b The courtyard referred to by the first i tanna /i is b the women’s courtyard. /b ,Apropos the verse in Nehemiah, the Gemara interprets an adjacent verse homiletically. It is stated: b “And Ezra blessed the Lord, the great God” /b (Nehemiah 8:6). The Gemara asks: b What is /b the meaning of b “great” /b here? b Rav Yosef said /b that b Rav said: /b It means b that he ascribed greatness to Him by /b enunciating God’s b explicit name. Rav Giddel said: /b He established that one should say at the conclusion of every blessing: b “Blessed be the Lord, God of Israel, from eternity to eternity” /b (I Chronicles 16:36)., b Abaye said to Rav Dimi: /b Why does Rav Giddel interpret it this way? b Perhaps /b the meaning of “great” is b that he ascribed greatness to Him by /b enunciating God’s b explicit name? /b Rav Dimi b said to him: The explicit name may not be enunciated in the provinces, /b i.e., outside the Temple courtyard.,The Gemara asks: b And /b is this really b not /b permitted? b Isn’t it written: “And Ezra the Scribe stood upon a pulpit of wood, which they had made for the purpose... /b and Ezra blessed the Lord, the great God” (Nehemiah 8:4-6); b and Rav Giddel said: /b “Great” in this verse means b that he ascribed greatness to Him by /b enunciating God’s b explicit name. /b Since this event took place outside the Temple (see Nehemiah 8:3), it suggests that God’s explicit name may indeed be enunciated outside the Temple. The Gemara answers: That cannot be proven from here because the permission to use God’s explicit name in that context b was a provisional edict /b issued in exigent circumstances, since the people had uniquely come together in a prayerful commitment to God.,The Gemara recounts the event described in the verses: The verse states: b And they cried with a loud voice to the Lord /b their b God /b (Nehemiah 9:4). b What was said? Rav said, and some say /b it was b Rabbi Yoḥa /b who said: b Woe, woe. It is this, /b i.e., the evil inclination for idol worship, b that destroyed the Temple, and burned its Sanctuary, and murdered all the righteous ones, and caused the Jewish people to be exiled from their land. And it still dances among us, /b i.e., it still affects us. b Didn’t You give it to us solely for the purpose of /b our b receiving reward /b for overcoming it? b We do not want it, and we do not want its reward. /b We are prepared to forgo the potential rewards for overcoming the evil inclination as long as it departs from us.,In response to their prayer b a note fell to them from the heavens upon which was written: Truth, /b indicating that God accepted their request.,The Gemara makes a parenthetical observation. b Rav Ḥanina said: Learn from this /b that b the seal of the Holy One, Blessed be He, is truth. /b ,In response to the indication of divine acceptance, b they observed a fast for three days and three nights, and He delivered /b the evil inclination b to them. A form of a fiery lion cub came forth from the chamber of the Holy of Holies. /b Zechariah b the prophet said to the Jewish people: This is the /b evil b inclination for idol worship, as it is stated /b in the verse that refers to this event: b “And he said: This is the evil one” /b (Zechariah 5:8). The use of the word “this” indicates that the evil inclination was perceived in a physical form., b When they caught hold of it one of its hairs fell, and it let out a shriek /b of pain b that was heard for four hundred parasangs. They said: What /b should b we do /b to kill it? b Perhaps, Heaven forfend, they will have mercy upon him from Heaven, /b since it cries out so much. b The prophet said to them: Throw it into a container /b made b of lead and seal the opening with lead, since lead absorbs sound. As it is stated: “And he said: This is the evil one. And he cast it down into the midst of the measure, and he cast a stone of lead upon its opening” /b (Zechariah 5:8). They followed this advice and were freed of the evil inclination for idol worship.,When they saw that the evil inclination for idol worship was delivered into their hands as they requested, the Sages b said: Since it is an auspicious time, let us pray also concerning the /b evil b inclination for sin /b in the area of sexual relationships. b They prayed, and it was /b also b delivered into their hands. /b ,Zechariah the prophet b said to them: See /b and understand b that if you kill /b this evil inclination b the world will be destroyed /b because as a result there will also no longer be any desire to procreate. They followed his warning, and instead of killing the evil inclination b they imprisoned it for three days. /b At that time, people b searched for a fresh egg throughout all of Eretz Yisrael and could not find /b one. Since the inclination to reproduce was quashed, the chickens stopped laying eggs. b They said: What /b should b we do? /b If b we kill it, the world will be destroyed. /b If b we pray for half, /b i.e., that only half its power be annulled, nothing will be achieved because b Heaven does not grant half /b gifts, only whole gifts. What did they do? b They gouged /b out b its eyes, /b effectively limiting its power, b and set it free. And /b this b was effective /b to the extent b that a person is no /b longer b aroused to /b commit incest with b his /b close b relatives. /b ,The Gemara returns to its discussion of the verse in Nehemiah cited above: b In the West, /b i.e., Eretz Yisrael, b they taught /b the debate concerning the verse “the Lord, the great God” b as follows: Rav Giddel said: “Great” /b means b that he ascribed greatness to Him by /b enunciating God’s b explicit name. And Rav Mattana said: /b They reinserted the following appellations of God into their prayers: b “The great, the mighty, and the awesome God” /b (Nehemiah 9:32).,The Gemara comments: b This /b interpretation that b Rav Mattana /b said b leans to, /b i.e., is consot with, the exposition b of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi. As Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: Why are /b the Sages of those generations b called the members of the Great Assembly? /b It is b because they returned the crown /b of the Holy One, Blessed be He, b to its former /b glory. How so? b Moses came /b and b said /b in his prayer: b “The great, the mighty, and the awesomeGod” /b (Deuteronomy 10:17). b Jeremiah /b the prophet b came and said: Gentiles, /b i.e., the minions of Nebuchadnezzar, b are carousing in His sanctuary; where is His awesomeness? /b Therefore, b he did not say awesome /b in his prayer: “The great God, the mighty Lord of Hosts, is His name” (Jeremiah 32:18). b Daniel came /b and b said: Gentiles are enslaving His children; where is His might? /b Therefore b he did not say mighty /b in his prayer: “The great and awesome God” (Daniel 9:4).,The members of the Great Assembly b came and said: On the contrary, this is the might of His might, /b i.e., this is the fullest expression of it, b that He conquers His inclination /b in b that He exercises patience toward the wicked. /b God’s anger is flared by the gentile nations’ enslavement of His people, yet He expresses tremendous might by suppressing His anger and holding back from punishing them immediately. Therefore, it is still appropriate to refer to God as mighty. b And these /b acts also express b His awesomeness: Were it not for the awesomeness of the Holy One, Blessed be He, how could one people, /b i.e., the Jewish people, who are alone and hated by the gentile nations, b survive among the nations? /b ,The Gemara asks: b And the Rabbis, /b i.e., Jeremiah and Daniel, b how could they do this and uproot an ordice instituted by Moses, /b the greatest teacher, who instituted the mention of these attributes in prayer? b Rabbi Elazar said: /b They did so b because they knew of the Holy One Blessed be He, that He is truthful /b and hates a lie. b Consequently, they did not speak falsely about Him. /b Since they did not perceive His attributes of might and awesomeness, they did not refer to them; therefore, they cannot be criticized for doing so.,§ It was taught in the mishna: b And he reads /b from the scroll the Torah portion beginning with the verse: b “After the death” /b (Leviticus 16:1), b and /b the portion beginning with the verse: b “But on the tenth” /b (Leviticus 23:26). Although both of these portions appear in the book of Leviticus, they are not adjacent to one another. Perforce, the High Priest skipped the sections in between the two portions. The Gemara b raises a contradiction: /b It is taught in a mishna in tractate i Megilla /i : b One /b may b skip /b sections when reading the i haftara /i b in the Prophets, but one /b may b not skip /b sections when reading b in the Torah. /b ,The Gemara answers: b This is not difficult: There, /b in the mishna in tractate i Megilla /i that teaches that one may not skip, the intention is that one should not skip if the sections are so far apart from one another that the delay caused by doing so will be b of such length that the translator /b who recites the Aramaic translation b will conclude /b his translation before the next section is reached. In that case, the community would have to remain in silence while waiting for the next section to be reached, which is considered disrespectful of the community’s honor. b Here, /b in the case of the mishna, where it is permitted to skip, the delay caused is b of such /b short b length that the translator will /b still b not conclude /b his translation before the new section is reached.,The Gemara challenges this resolution: b But it was taught concerning this /b statement in the continuation of that mishna: b One /b may b skip /b sections when reading b in the Prophets, and one /b may b not skip /b sections when reading b in the Torah. And how much /b may b one skip? /b One may skip b when the /b section skipped is b of /b such short b length that /b when the furling of the scroll is completed b the translator will /b still b not have concluded /b his translation. The i baraita /i implies that the qualification for the length of the section that may be skipped applies only to reading the Prophets, b but /b when reading b the Torah, /b one may b not /b skip b at all. /b The Gemara’s resolution is therefore refuted.,The Gemara offers a different resolution. b Abaye said: This is not difficult. Here, /b in the case of the mishna here, where it is permitted to skip, it is referring to when both sections b pertain to a single topic, /b and therefore the listeners will be unaware that sections were skipped. b There, /b in the mishna in tractate i Megilla /i , which teaches that one may not skip, it is referring to when the two sections b pertain to two /b different b topics. /b , b As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i : b One /b may b skip /b sections when reading b in the Torah /b when both sections read b pertain to one topic, and in the Prophets /b one may skip from one section to another even if they b pertain to two /b different b topics. /b Both b here and there, /b one may skip only b when /b the section skipped is b of such /b short b length that /b when furling is completed b the translator will /b still b not have concluded /b his translation. But b one /b may b not skip from one /b book of the b Prophets to another /b book of the b Prophets /b even if both pertain to the same topic, and even if the gap between them is short. However, b among the /b books of the b Twelve Prophets one may skip, /b as the twelve are considered one book for these purposes. |
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| 146. Libanius, Orations, 11.114 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 92 |
| 147. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 12.10-12.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54 |
| 148. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.16, 3.11.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 32, 43 |
| 149. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 17.9-17.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36 |
| 150. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 17.9-17.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36 |
| 151. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.16, 3.11.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 32, 43 |
| 152. Rufinus of Aquileia, In Suam Et Eusebii Caesariensis Latinam Ab Eo Factam Historiam, a b c d\n0 2(11).23 2(11).23 2(11) 23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), astarte (i.e., aphrodite) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 722 |
| 153. Servius, In Vergilii Georgicon Libros, 3.19 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 328 |
| 154. Jerome, Commentary On Isaiah, 18.65.4 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 314 |
| 155. Procopius, De Bellis, 3.2.24, 5.25.19-5.25.20 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36, 83 |
| 156. Papyri, P.Ups.8, 1.7, 1.68, 1.78-1.79, 1.119 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), astarte (i.e., aphrodite) •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 419, 420, 421 |
| 157. Papyri, P.Mich., 1.31 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis agrotera Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 344 |
| 158. Papyri, P.Louvre, None Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), astarte (i.e., aphrodite) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 411 |
| 159. Papyri, P.Eleph., 12.1453 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), astarte (i.e., aphrodite) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 411 |
| 160. Papyri, P.Cair.Zen., 1.59034, 3.59426 Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 92, 413, 414, 421, 422 |
| 161. Papyri, P.Berl., 3029 Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 423 |
| 162. Artifact, Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Antikensammlung, None Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 222 |
| 163. Artifact, Limc Ii, €Œasklepiosâ€, 96, 69 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 222 |
| 164. Artifact, Limc Viii, €Œteiresiasâ€, 11 Tagged with subjects: •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 287 |
| 165. Papyri, P.Demmemphis, 9 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), astarte (i.e., aphrodite) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 397 |
| 166. Artifact, Vienna, Khm, 1.1096 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 223 |
| 167. Artifact, Svoronos, Nationalmuseum, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 168. Artifact, Louvre, None Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 654 |
| 169. Artifact, Paris, Bibl. Nat., Cabinet Des Mã©Dailles, 422 Tagged with subjects: •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 287 |
| 170. Artifact, Patras, 208 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 222 |
| 171. Livy, Ap. Scholia In Lucanum, 2.593 Tagged with subjects: •helios, greek god, representations of in jewish art Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 5 |
| 172. Ptolemy, Epistle To Flora, 7.9 Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 86, 87 |
| 173. Artifact, Athens, Epigraphical Museum, 3942 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 223 |
| 174. Rutilius Namatianus Claudius, Itinerarium, 1.391-1.392 Tagged with subjects: •(artapanus), source of greek wisdom Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 144 |
175. Strabo, Geography, 6.3.1, 6.3.9, 8.6.23, 14.5.19, 16.2.35 Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) •divinities (greek and roman), artemis sarpedonia •helios, greek god, representations of in jewish art Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 5; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 314, 531; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37, 38 | 6.3.1. Iapygia Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape) the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred stadia. The distance from Metapontium is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor, which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess, the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city — the part that is near the isthmus — has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remts of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city. 6.3.9. From Barium to the Aufidus River, on which is the Emporium of the Canusitae is four hundred stadia and the voyage inland to Emporium is ninety. Near by is also Salapia, the seaport of the Argyrippini. For not far above the sea (in the plain, at all events) are situated two cities, Canusium and Argyrippa, which in earlier times were the largest of the Italiote cities, as is clear from the circuits of their walls. Now, however, Argyrippa is smaller; it was called Argos Hippium at first, then Argyrippa, and then by the present name Arpi. Both are said to have been founded by Diomedes. And as signs of the dominion of Diomedes in these regions are to be seen the Plain of Diomedes and many other things, among which are the old votive offerings in the sanctuary of Athene at Luceria — a place which likewise was in ancient times a city of the Daunii, but is now reduced — and, in the sea near by, two islands that are called the Islands of Diomedes, of which one is inhabited, while the other, it is said, is desert; on the latter, according to certain narrators of myths, Diomedes was caused to disappear, and his companions were changed to birds, and to this day, in fact, remain tame and live a sort of human life, not only in their orderly ways but also in their tameness towards honorable men and in their flight from wicked and knavish men. But I have already mentioned the stories constantly told among the Heneti about this hero and the rites which are observed in his honor. It is thought that Sipus also was founded by Diomedes, which is about one hundred and forty stadia distant from Salapia; at any rate it was named Sepius in Greek after the sepia that are cast ashore by the waves. Between Salapia and Sipus is a navigable river, and also a large lake that opens into the sea; and the merchandise from Sipus, particularly grain, is brought down on both. In Daunia, on a hill by the name of Drium, are to be seen two hero-temples: one, to Calchas, on the very summit, where those who consult the oracle sacrifice to his shade a black ram and sleep in the hide, and the other, to Podaleirius, down near the base of the hill, this sanctuary being about one hundred stadia distant from the sea; and from it flows a stream which is a cure-all for diseases of animals. In front of this gulf is a promontory, Garganum, which extends towards the east for a distance of three hundred stadia into the high sea; doubling the headland, one comes to a small town, Urium, and off the headland are to be seen the Islands of Diomedes. This whole country produces everything in great quantity, and is excellent for horses and sheep; but though the wool is softer than the Tarantine, it is not so glossy. And the country is well sheltered, because the plains lie in hollows. According to some, Diomedes even tried to cut a canal as far as the sea, but left behind both this and the rest of his undertakings only half-finished, because he was summoned home and there ended his life. This is one account of him; but there is also a second, that he stayed here till the end of his life; and a third, the aforesaid mythical account, which tells of his disappearance in the island; and as a fourth one might set down the account of the Heneti, for they too tell a mythical story of how he in some way came to his end in their country, and they call it his apotheosis. 8.6.23. The Corinthians, when they were subject to Philip, not only sided with him in his quarrel with the Romans, but individually behaved so contemptuously towards the Romans that certain persons ventured to pour down filth upon the Roman ambassadors when passing by their house. For this and other offences, however, they soon paid the penalty, for a considerable army was sent thither, and the city itself was razed to the ground by Leucius Mummius; and the other countries as far as Macedonia became subject to the Romans, different commanders being sent into different countries; but the Sikyonians obtained most of the Corinthian country. Polybius, who speaks in a tone of pity of the events connected with the capture of Corinth, goes on to speak of the disregard shown by the army for the works of art and votive offerings; for he says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these. Among the paintings he names that of Dionysus by Aristeides, to which, according to some writers, the saying, Nothing in comparison with the Dionysus, referred; and also the painting of Heracles in torture in the robe of Deianeira. Now I have not seen the latter, but I saw the Dionysus, a most beautiful work, on the walls of the sanctuary of Ceres in Rome; but when recently the temple was burned, the painting perished with it. And I may almost say that the most and best of the other dedicatory offerings at Rome came from there; and the cities in the neighborhood of Rome also obtained some; for Mummius, being magimous rather than fond of art, as they say, readily shared with those who asked. And when Lucullus built the sanctuary of Good Fortune and a portico, he asked Mummius for the use of the statues which he had, saying that he would adorn the sanctuary with them until the dedication and then give them back. However, he did not give them back, but dedicated them to the goddess, and then bade Mummius to take them away if he wished. But Mummius took it lightly, for he cared nothing about them, so that he gained more repute than the man who dedicated them. Now after Corinth had remained deserted for a long time, it was restored again, because of its favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who colonized it with people that belonged for the most part to the freedmen class. And when these were removing the ruins and at the same time digging open the graves, they found numbers of terra-cotta reliefs, and also many bronze vessels. And since they admired the workmanship they left no grave unransacked; so that, well supplied with such things and disposing of them at a high price, they filled Rome with Corinthian mortuaries, for thus they called the things taken from the graves, and in particular the earthenware. Now at the outset the earthenware was very highly prized, like the bronzes of Corinthian workmanship, but later they ceased to care much for them, since the supply of earthen vessels failed and most of them were not even well executed. The city of the Corinthians, then, was always great and wealthy, and it was well equipped with men skilled both in the affairs of state and in the craftsman's arts; for both here and in Sikyon the arts of painting and modelling and all such arts of the craftsman flourished most. The city had territory, however, that was not very fertile, but rifted and rough; and from this fact all have called Corinth beetling, and use the proverb, Corinth is both beetle-browed and full of hollows. 14.5.19. After Aegaeae, one comes to Issus, a small town with a mooring-place, and to the Pinarus River. It was here that the struggle between Alexander and Dareius occurred; and the gulf is called the Issian Gulf. On this gulf are situated the city Rhosus, the city Myriandrus, Alexandreia, Nicopolis, Mopsuestia, and Pylae as it is called, which is the boundary between the Cilicians and the Syrians. In Cilicia is also the sanctuary and oracle of the Sarpedonian Artemis; and the oracles are delivered by persons who are divinely inspired. 16.2.35. An Egyptian priest named Moses, who possessed a portion of the country called the Lower [Egypt] * * * *, being dissatisfied with the established institutions there, left it and came to Judaea with a large body of people who worshipped the Divinity. He declared and taught that the Egyptians and Africans entertained erroneous sentiments, in representing the Divinity under the likeness of wild beasts and cattle of the field; that the Greeks also were in error in making images of their gods after the human form. For God [said he] may be this one thing which encompasses us all, land and sea, which we call heaven, or the universe, or the nature of things. Who then of any understanding would venture to form an image of this Deity, resembling anything with which we are conversant? on the contrary, we ought not to carve any images, but to set apart some sacred ground and a shrine worthy of the Deity, and to worship Him without any similitude. He taught that those who made fortunate dreams were to be permitted to sleep in the temple, where they might dream both for themselves and others; that those who practised temperance and justice, and none else, might expect good, or some gift or sign from the God, from time to time. |
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| 176. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 95 |
| 177. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.13.4-1.13.5 Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 33, 37 |
178. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.836-6.837, 6.847-6.853, 6.855-6.859, 7.86-7.88, 8.312, 8.355-8.358 Tagged with subjects: •greek, art •arts, roman anxiety about greek •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) •porcius cato the elder, m., on greek art and culture Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 342; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 60; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 314; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37, 38, 43; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 342 | 6.836. Or smites with ivory point his golden lyre. 6.837. Here Trojans be of eldest, noblest race, 6.847. Lo! on the left and right at feast reclined 6.848. Are other blessed souls, whose chorus sings 6.849. Victorious paeans on the fragrant air 6.850. of laurel groves; and hence to earth outpours 6.851. Eridanus, through forests rolling free. 6.852. Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests 6.855. And poets, of whom the true-inspired song 6.856. Deserved Apollo's name; and all who found 6.857. New arts, to make man's life more blest or fair; 6.858. Yea! here dwell all those dead whose deeds bequeath 6.859. Deserved and grateful memory to their kind. 7.86. with interlacement of close-clinging feet, 7.87. wung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” 7.88. the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! 8.312. on every side, which towered into view 8.355. of bristling shag, the face both beast and man, 8.356. and that fire-blasted throat whence breathed no more 8.357. the extinguished flame. 'T is since that famous day 8.358. we celebrate this feast, and glad of heart |
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| 179. Vergil, Eclogues, 1.2, 6.8 Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 342; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 342 |
| 180. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 1416-1417, 1442, 2060, 2085-2086, 2124, 2384, 2386-2387 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 344 |
| 181. Epigraphy, Amph.-Orop. 3), 49.2292 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), astarte (i.e., aphrodite) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 411 |
| 182. Epigraphy, I.Metreg, 112 Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 414 |
| 183. Epigraphy, Ricis, 101/0221, 202/0101, 202/0296, 202/0297, 202/0298, 202/0375, 202/0376, 202/0414, 202/0423, 202/0424, 202/0428, 203/0301, 702/0401, 202/0307 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 344 |
| 184. Eustathius, Commentarii Ad Homeri Iliadem, 16.235 Tagged with subjects: •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 314 |
| 185. Epigraphy, Die Inschriften Von Pergamon, 161 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis •divinities (greek and roman), artemis prothyraia Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 195, 250 |
| 186. Various, Anthologia Latina, 6.49, 6.107, 6.113, 6.124-6.125, 6.127, 6.148, 6.159, 7.1-7.2, 7.8.7-7.8.8, 7.18-7.19, 7.138.3, 7.490, 9.25-9.26, 9.58, 9.63, 9.191-9.192, 9.239, 9.342, 9.790, 11.68, 11.104, 11.131, 11.214, 12.43, 14.45, 14.60 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 332, 333, 337, 339, 340, 341, 343, 344, 374, 375, 378, 383, 384, 387, 388, 389, 390; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 332, 333, 337, 339, 340, 341, 343, 344, 374, 375, 378, 383, 384, 387, 388, 389, 390 |
| 187. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Cth, None Tagged with subjects: •divination (greek and roman), natural vs. artificial Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 5 |
| 188. Artifact, Amph.-Orop. 1), 66 Tagged with subjects: •incubation (greek), ram skins in reliefs an artistic convention(?) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 287 |
| 189. Artifact, Athens, National Archaeological Museum, 1335, 1384, 1395, 1408, 226, 3405, 1016 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 223 |
| 190. Anon., Miracula Artemii, 10 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 223 |
| 191. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.18, 11.2.14172 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 61 |
| 192. Hecataeus of Abdera, Ap. Diodorus, Bibliotheca Historica, 40.3.4 Tagged with subjects: •helios, greek god, representations of in jewish art Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 5 |
| 193. Epigraphy, Horos, 22-25(2010-13) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 251 |
| 194. Artifact, Limc V, “Hygieia”, 24 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 222 |
| 195. Philostratus Minor, Imagines, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 12, 83 |
| 196. Philostratus Maior, Imagines, None Tagged with subjects: •alexander the great, repatriates greek art from persia •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 12, 83 |
| 197. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 178-182, 83, 40 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 83 |
| 199. Ps.-Plutarch, De Vita Et Poesi Homeri, 212 Tagged with subjects: •divination (greek and roman), natural vs. artificial Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 3 |
| 200. Epigraphy, I.Gréglouvre, 11 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), astarte (i.e., aphrodite) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 411 |
| 203. Papyri, P. Mich, 8.478.26, 8.483-8.484, 8.484.1, 8.484.14 Tagged with subjects: •artemidorus of daldis, greek writer Found in books: Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 123 |
| 204. Papyri, Raphia Decree, None Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 92 |
| 205. Epigraphy, I.Lampsakos, 9 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis •divinities (greek and roman), artemis prothyraia Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 250 |
| 206. Papyri, Ray, Texts, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 722 |
| 207. Papyri, Strasbourg, Bibl. Nat., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 208. Epigraphy, I.Agora, None Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 251 |
| 209. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •religion, greek, and philosophy, philosophy as part of religion Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 48 |
| 210. Papyri, Selpap, 1.91 Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 413 |
| 211. Aristophanes, Amphiaraos; Fragments Collected In Kassel-Austin, 17-22, 24-40, 23 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 104 |
| 212. Longus, Daphnis And Chloe, 2.21-2.24 Tagged with subjects: •divination (greek and roman), natural vs. artificial Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 4, 5 |
| 213. Epigraphy, Syll. , 996 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 541 |
| 214. Epigraphy, I.Cret., 17.27 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis agrotera Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 344 |
| 215. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 47, 4771, 4962, 4970, 4986-4989, 4971 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 251 |
| 216. Epigraphy, Ig X,2 1, 255 Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 92 |
| 217. Epigraphy, Ig Xi,4, 1299 Tagged with subjects: •memphis, sarapieion established in greek quarter •sarapis, sarapieion established in memphis greek quarter Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 92 |
| 218. Lucian, Alexander (Pseudomantis), 25 Tagged with subjects: •gods (egyptian, greek, and roman), artemis Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 154 |
| 219. Ps.-Justin, On The Monarchy, 60 Tagged with subjects: •(artapanus), use by greek philosophers Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 82 |
| 220. Aristobulus, T., 10, 12-14, 2-4, 8, 15 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 171 |
| 221. Eustratius, Ad Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea, 6.7.2 Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 377; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 377 |
| 222. Philitas, Fr., 25 Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 388, 389, 390; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 388, 389, 390 |
| 223. Antimachus, Lyde, 32 Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 384; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 384 |
| 224. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 305.1-305.2 Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 342, 343; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 342, 343 |
| 225. [Probus], Ad Georgica, 3.19 Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 328; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 328 |
| 226. Epigraphy, Ils, 3851 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 687 |
| 227. Epigraphy, Irt, 264 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis agrotera Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 344 |
| 228. Epigraphy, Seg, 22.293 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), artemis Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 687 |
| 229. Epigraphy, Smyrna, 2.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 230. Ptolemy, De Resurrectione, 10 Tagged with subjects: •martyr, justin, use of greek models for heresy Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 87 |
| 231. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Ciris, 62 Tagged with subjects: •martial, and the greek epigrammatic tradition Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 378; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 378 |
| 232. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.13.27 Tagged with subjects: •greek, art Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 36 |
