1. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.2.23, 2.2.32, 2.2.69-2.2.73, 2.2.102, 2.2.106-2.2.108 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 201, 360 |
2. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 4.12, 5.5, 13.17, 13.19, 13.22, 13.26, 13.30, 13.50 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 218, 223, 230 |
3. Cicero, Letters, 1.13, 11.1.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 230 |
4. Cicero, On His Consulship, 7, 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 219 |
5. Cicero, On Laws, 2.23, 2.25, 2.59, 2.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 211 |
6. Livy, History, 3.31 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 211 |
7. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.25.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 230 | 4.25.3. When he had arranged affairs in the city in the best manner, he conceived a desire to perpetuate his memory with posterity by some illustrious enterprise. And upon turning his attention to the monuments both of ancient kings and statesmen by which they had gained reputation and glory, he did not envy either that Assyrian woman for having built the walls of Babylon, or the kings of Egypt for having raised the pyramids at Memphis, or any other prince for whatever monument he might have erected as a display of his riches and of the multitude of workmen at his command. On the contrary, he regarded all these things as trivial and ephemeral and unworthy of serious attention, mere beguilements for the eyes, but no real aids to the conduct of life or to the administration of public affairs, since they led to nothing more than a reputation for great felicity on the part of those who built them. But the things that he regarded as worthy of praise and emulation were the works of the mind, the advantages from which are enjoyed by the greatest number of people and for the greatest length of time. And of all the achievements of this nature he admired most the plan of Amphictyon, the son of Hellen, who, seeing the Greek nation weak and easy to be destroyed by the barbarians who surrounded them, brought them together in a general council and assemblage of the whole nation, named after him the Amphictyonic council; and then, apart from the particular laws by which each city was governed, established others common to all, which they call the Amphictyonic laws, in consequence of which they lived in mutual friendship, and fulfilling the obligations of kinship by their actions rather than by their professions, continued troublesome and formidable neighbours to the barbarians. |
|
8. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, 1.1-1.2, 1.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 93 1.1. "דִּינֵי מָמוֹנוֹת, בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה. גְּזֵלוֹת וַחֲבָלוֹת, בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה. נֶזֶק וַחֲצִי נֶזֶק, תַּשְׁלוּמֵי כֶפֶל וְתַשְׁלוּמֵי אַרְבָּעָה וַחֲמִשָּׁה, בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה. הָאוֹנֵס וְהַמְפַתֶּה וְהַמּוֹצִיא שֵׁם רַע, בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, מוֹצִיא שֵׁם רַע, בְּעֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁיֶּשׁ בּוֹ דִינֵי נְפָשׁוֹת: \n", 1.2. "מַכּוֹת, בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה. מִשּׁוּם רַבִּי יִשְׁמָעֵאל אָמְרוּ, בְּעֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה. עִבּוּר הַחֹדֶשׁ, בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה. עִבּוּר הַשָּׁנָה, בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. רַבָּן שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן גַּמְלִיאֵל אוֹמֵר, בִּשְׁלֹשָׁה מַתְחִילִין, וּבַחֲמִשָּׁה נוֹשְׂאִין וְנוֹתְנִין, וְגוֹמְרִין בְּשִׁבְעָה. וְאִם גָּמְרוּ בִשְׁלֹשָׁה, מְעֻבֶּרֶת: \n", 1.6. "סַנְהֶדְרִי גְדוֹלָה הָיְתָה שֶׁל שִׁבְעִים וְאֶחָד, וּקְטַנָּה שֶׁל עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה. וּמִנַּיִן לַגְּדוֹלָה שֶׁהִיא שֶׁל שִׁבְעִים וְאֶחָד, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (במדבר יא) אֶסְפָה לִּי שִׁבְעִים אִישׁ מִזִּקְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל, וּמֹשֶׁה עַל גַּבֵּיהֶן, הֲרֵי שִׁבְעִים וְאֶחָד. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, שִׁבְעִים. וּמִנַּיִן לַקְּטַנָּה שֶׁהִיא שֶׁל עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שם לה) וְשָׁפְטוּ הָעֵדָה וְגוֹ' וְהִצִּילוּ הָעֵדָה, עֵדָה שׁוֹפֶטֶת וְעֵדָה מַצֶּלֶת, הֲרֵי כָאן עֶשְׂרִים. וּמִנַּיִן לָעֵדָה שֶׁהִיא עֲשָׂרָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שם יד) עַד מָתַי לָעֵדָה הָרָעָה הַזֹּאת, יָצְאוּ יְהוֹשֻׁעַ וְכָלֵב. וּמִנַּיִן לְהָבִיא עוֹד שְׁלֹשָׁה, מִמַּשְׁמַע שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמות כג) לֹא תִהְיֶה אַחֲרֵי רַבִּים לְרָעֹת, שׁוֹמֵעַ אֲנִי שֶׁאֶהְיֶה עִמָּהֶם לְטוֹבָה, אִם כֵּן לָמָּה נֶאֱמַר (שם) אַחֲרֵי רַבִּים לְהַטֹּת, לֹא כְהַטָּיָתְךָ לְטוֹבָה הַטָּיָתְךָ לְרָעָה. הַטָּיָתְךָ לְטוֹבָה עַל פִּי אֶחָד, הַטָּיָתְךָ לְרָעָה עַל פִּי שְׁנַיִם, וְאֵין בֵּית דִּין שָׁקוּל, מוֹסִיפִין עֲלֵיהֶם עוֹד אֶחָד, הֲרֵי כָאן עֶשְׂרִים וּשְׁלֹשָׁה. וְכַמָּה יְהֵא בְעִיר וּתְהֵא רְאוּיָה לְסַנְהֶדְרִין, מֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים. רַבִּי נְחֶמְיָה אוֹמֵר, מָאתַיִם וּשְׁלשִׁים, כְּנֶגֶד שָׂרֵי עֲשָׂרוֹת: \n", | 1.1. "Cases concerning property [are decided] by three. Cases concerning robbery or personal injury, by three. Claims for full damages or half-damages, twofold restitution, or fourfold or fivefold restitution, by three. Claims against a rapist, a seducer and one who defames [a virgin are decided] by three, according to Rabbi Meir. The Sages say: “One who defames [a virgin is decided] by twenty-three, for there may arise from it a capital case.", 1.2. "[Cases concerning offenses punishable by] beating [are decided] by three. In the name of Rabbi Yishmael they said twenty-three. The intercalation of the month and intercalation of the year [are decided] by three, according to Rabbi Meir. Rabban Shimon ben Gamaliel says: “The matter is begun by three, discussed by five, and decided upon by seven. But if they decided upon it with three, the intercalation is valid.”", 1.6. "The greater Sanhedrin was made up of seventy one and the little Sanhedrin of twenty three.From where do we learn that the greater Sanhedrin should be made up of seventy one? As it says, “Gather unto me seventy men of the elders of Israel” (Num. 11:16), and when Moses is added to them there is seventy one. Rabbi Judah says: “Seventy.” From where do we learn that the little Sanhedrin should be made up of twenty three? As it says, “The assembly shall judge”, “The assembly shall deliver” (Num. 35:24-25), an assembly that judges and an assembly that delivers, thus we have twenty. And from where do we know that an assembly has ten? As it says, “How long shall I bear this evil congregation?” (Num. 14:27) [which refers to the twelve spies] but Joshua and Caleb were not included. And from where do we learn that we should bring three others [to the twenty]? By inference from what it says, “You shall not follow after the many to do evil” (Ex. 23:2), I conclude that I must be with them to do well. Then why does it say, “[To follow] after the many to change judgment” (Ex. 23:2). [It means that] your verdict of condemnation should not be like your verdict of acquittal, for your verdict of acquittal is reached by the decision of a majority of one, but your verdict of condemnation must be reached by the decision of a majority of two. The court must not be divisible equally, therefore they add to them one more; thus they are twenty three. And how many should there be in a city that it may be fit to have a Sanhedrin? A hundred and twenty. Rabbi Nehemiah says: “Two hundred and thirty, so that [the Sanhedrin of twenty three] should correspond with them that are chiefs of [at least] groups of ten.", |
|
9. New Testament, Acts, 16.37-16.38, 18.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 178, 218 16.37. ὁ δὲ Παῦλος ἔφη πρὸς αὐτούς Δείραντες ἡμᾶς δημοσίᾳ ἀκατακρίτους, ἀνθρώπους Ῥωμαίους ὑπάρχοντας, ἔβαλαν εἰς φυλακήν· καὶ νῦν λάθρᾳ ἡμᾶς ἐκβάλλουσιν; οὐ γάρ, ἀλλὰ ἐλθόντες αὐτοὶ ἡμᾶς ἐξαγαγέτωσαν. 16.38. ἀπήγγειλαν δὲ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς οἱ ῥαβδοῦχοι τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα· 18.12. Γαλλίωνος δὲ ἀνθυπάτου ὄντος τῆς Ἀχαίας κατεπέστησαν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ὁμοθυμαδὸν τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα, | 16.37. But Paul said to them, "They have beaten us publicly, without a trial, men who are Romans, and have cast us into prison! Do they now release us secretly? No, most assuredly, but let them come themselves and bring us out!" 16.38. The sergeants reported these words to the magistrates, and they were afraid when they heard that they were Romans, 18.12. But when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews with one accord rose up against Paul and brought him before the judgment seat, |
|
10. Juvenal, Satires, 7.106-7.149, 15.110-15.112 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 358, 359 |
11. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 218 |
12. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.117, 2.232 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 91, 92 | 2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. 2.232. 3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situated in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; |
|
13. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.191, 14.197, 14.319, 17.355, 18.2, 20.118-20.133, 20.173-20.178 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 91, 92, 142 | 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.319. 5. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. 18.2. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money; 20.118. 1. Now there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans; and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them. 20.119. But when the principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of those that were killed; but he was induced by the Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter; 20.120. upon which the Galileans were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable, 20.121. And when their principal men endeavored to pacify them, and promised to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans. 20.122. When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive; 20.123. whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children, which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them. 20.124. So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun with robberies. 20.125. 2. But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them; 20.126. and said withal, that they were not so much displeased at what they had suffered, as they were at the contempt thereby shown to the Romans; while if they had received any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done, and not presently to make such devastation, as if they had not the Romans for their governors; 20.127. on which account they came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of those that were slain in silence;— 20.128. which allegations when Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence when he should come into Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge of the truth of that matter. 20.129. So these men went away without success. Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives. 20.130. From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans; 20.131. whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Aias the high priest, and Aus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. 20.132. He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another. 20.133. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch. 20.173. 7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Caesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Caesarea, and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Caesarea was formerly called Strato’s Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. 20.174. When the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them on both sides, and tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a time. 20.175. But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached them again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches. 20.176. However, the Syrians, though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there were either of Caesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful language to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors. 20.177. But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches. 20.178. Now those Jews that were more moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves, and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so. |
|
14. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 38.26, 38.33-38.48, 40.10 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 201, 218 | 38.26. But if we recover the primacy, the Nicaeans relinquishing it without a fight, shall we receive the tribute they get now? Shall we summon for trial here the cities which now are subject to their jurisdiction? Shall we send them military governors? Shall we any the less permit them to have the tithes from Bithynia? Or what will be the situation? And what benefit will accrue to us? For I believe that in all their undertakings men do not exert themselves idly or at random, but that their struggle is always for some end. 38.33. But you must also strive to give the provincial governors occasion to respect you, by continually making it manifest that you are not content with merely being well governed yourselves, but that you are concerned for the welfare of the whole Bithynian people, and that you are no less displeased over the wrongs inflicted upon the others than you are over those inflicted upon yourselves; moreover, that if any persons flee to you for succour, you aid them promptly and impartially. This line of conduct is what will yield you that primacy which is genuine, and not your squabble with Nicaeans over titles. 38.34. And I should like the Nicaeans also to pursue the same course, and they will do so if you come to terms with them, and the power of each will become greater through union. For by joining forces you will control all the cities, and, what is more, the provincial governors will feel greater reluctance and fear with regard to you, in case they wish to commit a wrong. But as things are now, the other cities are elated by the quarrel between you; for you seem to have need of their assistance, and in fact you do have need of it because of your struggle with each other, and you are in the predicament of two men, both equally distinguished, when they become rivals over politics â of necessity they court the favour of everybody, even of those who are ever so far beneath them. 38.35. And so while you are fighting for primacy, the chances are that the primacy really is in the hands of those who are courted by you. For it is impossible that people should not be thought to possess that which you expect to obtain from these same people. And so it is going to be absolutely necessary that the cities should resume their proper status, and, as is reasonable and right, that they should stand in need of you, not you of them. And applying this principle I shall expect you to behave toward them, not like tyrants, but with kindness and moderation, just as I suggested a little while ago, to the end that your position as leaders may not be obnoxious to them, but that it may be not only leadership but a welcome thing as well. 38.36. Again, what need is there to discuss the present situation of your governors in the presence of you who are informed? Or is it possible you are not aware of the tyrannical power your own strife offers those who govern you? For at once whoever wishes to mistreat your people comes armed with the knowledge of what he must do to escape the penalty. For either he allies himself with the Nicaean party and has their group for his support, or else by choosing the party of Nicomedia he is protected by you. Moreover, while he has no love for either side, he appears to love one of the two; yet all the while he is wronging them all. Still, despite the wrongs he commits, he is protected by those who believe they alone are loved by him. 38.37. Yet by their public acts they have branded you as a pack of fools, yes, they treat you just like children, for we often offer children the most trivial things in place of things of greatest worth; moreover, those children, in their ignorance of what is truly valuable and in their pleasure over what is of least account, delight in what is a mere nothing. So also in your case, in place of justice, in place of the freedom of the cities from spoliation or from the seizure of the private possessions of their inhabitants, in place of their refraining from insulting you, in place of their refraining from drunken violence, your governors hand you titles, and call you "first" either by word of mouth or in writing; that done, they may thenceforth with impunity treat you as being the very last! 38.38. In truth such marks of distinction, on which you plume yourselves, not only are objects of utter contempt in the eyes of all persons of discernment, but especially in Rome they excite laughter and, what is still more humiliating, are called "Greek failings!" And failings they are indeed, men of Nicomedia, though not Greek, unless some one will claim that in this special particular they are Greek, namely, that those Greeks of old, both Athenians and Spartans, once laid counterclaims to glory. However, I may have said already that their doings were not mere vain conceit but a struggle for real empire â though nowadays you may fancy somehow that they were making a valiant struggle for the right to lead the procession, like persons in some mystic celebration putting up a sham battle over something not really theirs. 38.39. But if, while the title "metropolis" is your special prerogative, that of leader is shared with others, what do you lose thereby? For I would venture to assert that, even if you lose all your titles, you are losing nothing real. Or what do you expect to be the consequence of that? That the sea will retreat from your shores, or your territory be smaller, or your revenues less? Have you ever yet been present at a play? More properly speaking, almost every day you behold not only tragic actors but the other sort too, the various actors who appear to come upon the scene to give pleasure and enjoyment, but who really benefit those who are sensitive to the action of the play. Well then, does any one in the cast appear to you to be really king or prince or god? 38.40. And yet they are called by all these titles, as well as by the names Menelaüs and Agamemnon, and they have not only names of gods and heroes, but their features and robes as well, and they issue many orders, just as would the characters they represent; however, when the play is over, they take their departure as mere nonentities. A person wishes to be dubbed "first"; very good. Some one really is first, and no matter if another wears the title, first he is. For titles are not guarantees of facts, but facts of titles. 38.41. Well, here is another outcome of concord for you to take into account. At present you two cities have each your own men; but if you come to terms, you will each have the other's too; and as for honours â for a city needs these too â set them down as doubled, and likewise the services. Some one in your city is gifted as a speaker; he will aid the Nicaeans too. There is a rich man in Nicaea: he will defray public expenses in your city too. And in general, neither will any man who is unworthy of first place in a city achieve fame with you by assailing the Nicaeans, or with the Nicaeans by assailing you; nor, in case a man is found to be a low fellow and deserving of punishment, will he escape his just deserts by migrating from Nicomedia to Nicaea or from Nicaea to Nicomedia. 38.42. Yet as things are now, you two cities, as it were, are lying in wait for each other at your moorings, and men who have wronged the one can find refuge with the other. But once concord is achieved, persons must be men of honour and justice or else get out of Bithynia. You are proud of your superiority in population; you will be still more populous. You think you have sufficient territory; you will have more than sufficient. In fine, when all resources have been united â crops, money, official dignities for men, and military forces â the resources of both cities are doubled. 38.43. Furthermore, that which is the aim of all human action, pleasure, becomes greater than tongue can tell. For to achieve, on the one hand, the elimination of the things which cause you pain â envy and rivalry and the strife which is their outcome, your plotting against one another, your gloating over the misfortunes of your neighbours, your vexation at their good fortune â and, on the other hand, the introduction into your cities of their opposites â sharing in things which are good, unity of heart and mind, rejoicing of both peoples in the same things â does not all this resemble a public festival? 38.44. But figure it this way. If some god, men of Nicomedia, had given you the option of having not merely your own city, but also that of the Nicaeans, would not that have seemed to you a boon of incredible magnitude, and would you not have made all sorts of vows in the hope of obtaining it? Well, this thing which seems incredible can take place at once â Nicaea can be yours and your possessions theirs. 38.45. Or, since we admire those brothers who share completely a common estate and have not because of stinginess divided their patrimony; whose wealth, moreover, is even more admired, since it is greater for the very reason that it has not been divided and half of everything is thought to belong to both; and whom, furthermore, all men regard as good and just and really brothers â since this is true, if this spirit of brotherhood is achieved in your cities, will it not be an even greater blessing, more beautiful and richer? 38.46. Moreover, it deserves to be achieved, not alone because of the ancestors which both cities have in common, but also because of the gods, whose rites are alike both in their city and in yours. For this is a fact which might cause one even greater sorrow, that though we have everything in common â ancestors, gods, customs, festivals, and, in the case of most of us, personal ties of blood and found, still we fight like Greeks against barbarians, or, what is still more like your conduct than that, like human beings against wild beasts! 38.47. Will you not look each other in the face? Will you not listen to each other? Will your two cities not clasp hands together, you being the first to extend your hand? Will you not by making peace acquire for yourselves all the good things both possess? Will you not enjoy them eagerly? Oh that it were possible for you to make even the Ephesians your brothers! Oh that the edifices of Smyrna too might have been shared by you! 38.48. But all these things, mighty blessings that they are â are you forfeiting them for lack of one single word, gains so rich, pleasure so great? However, that the reconciliation will be profitable to you two cities when it is achieved, and that the strife still going on has not been profitable for you down to the present moment, that so many blessings will be yours as a result of concord, and that so many evils now are yours because of enmity â all this has been treated by me at sufficient length. 40.10. For, let me assure you, buildings and festivals and independence in the administration of justice and exemption from standing trial away from home or from being grouped together with other communities like some village, if you will pardon the expression â all these things, I say, make it natural for the pride of the cities to be enhanced and the dignity of the community to be increased and for it to receive fuller honour both from the strangers within their gates and from the proconsuls as well. But while these things possess a wondrous degree of pleasure for those who love the city of their birth and are not afraid lest some day they may be found to be not good enough for it, to those who take the opposite stand and wish to wield authority over weak men and who deem the glory of the city to be their own ignominy, these things necessarily bring pain and jealousy. |
|
15. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.7, 3.24-3.25, 4.117, 34.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 211, 333 |
16. Plutarch, Sulla, 14.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 211 14.5. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῦτο μὲν Μειδίου καὶ Καλλιφῶντος τῶν φυγάδων δεομένων καὶ προκυλινδουμένων αὐτοῦ, τοῦτο δὲ τῶν συγκλητικῶν, ὅσοι συνεστράτευον, ἐξαιτουμένων τὴν πόλιν, αὐτός τε μεστὸς ὢν ἤδη τῆς τιμωρίας, ἐγκώμιόν τι τῶν παλαιῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπειπὼν ἔφη χαρίζεσθαι πολλοῖς μὲν ὀλίγους, ζῶντας δὲ τεθνηκόσιν. | 14.5. |
|
17. Tacitus, Agricola, 14.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 87 |
18. Tacitus, Annals, 1.72, 4.21, 12.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 91, 248 1.72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi; nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in iudicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustris procacibus scriptis diffamaverat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum. 4.21. Actum dehinc de Calpurnio Pisone, nobili ac feroci viro. is namque, ut rettuli, cessurum se urbe ob factiones accusatorum in senatu clamitaverat et spreta potentia Augustae trahere in ius Vrgulaniam domoque principis excire ausus erat. quae in praesens Tiberius civiliter habuit: sed in animo revolvente iras, etiam si impetus offensionis languerat, memoria valebat. Pisonem Q. Granius secreti sermonis incusavit adversum maiestatem habiti, adiecitque in domo eius venenum esse eumque gladio accinctum introire curiam. quod ut atrocius vero tramissum; ceterorum, quae multa cumulabantur, receptus est reus neque peractus ob mortem opportunam. relatum et de Cassio Severo exule, qui sordidae originis, maleficae vitae, sed orandi validus, per immodicas inimicitias ut iudicio iurati senatus Cretam amoveretur effecerat; atque illic eadem actitando recentia veteraque odia advertit, bonisque exutus, interdicto igni atque aqua, saxo Seripho consenuit. 12.23. Galliae Narbonensi ob egregiam in patres reverentiam datum ut senatoribus eius provinciae non exquisita principis sententia, iure quo Sicilia haberetur, res suas invisere liceret. Ituraeique et Iudaei defunctis regibus Sohaemo atque Agrippa provinciae Syriae additi. Salutis augurium quinque et septuaginta annis omissum repeti ac deinde continuari placitum. et pomerium urbis auxit Caesar, more prisco, quo iis qui protulere imperium etiam terminos urbis propagare datur. nec tamen duces Romani, quamquam magnis nationibus subactis, usurpaverant nisi L. Sulla et divus Augustus. | 1.72. In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence â betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. 4.21. Next there was treated the case of Calpurnius Piso, a man of birth and courage: it was he who, as I have stated already, had exclaimed to the senate that he would retire from the capital as a protest against the cabals of the informers, and, contemptuous of the influence of Augusta, had dared to bring Urgulania before a court and to summon her from under the imperial roof. For the moment, Tiberius took the incidents in good part; but in his heart, brooding over its grounds for wrath, though the first transport of resentment might have died down, memory lived. It was Quintus Granius, who charged Piso with holding private conversations derogatory to majesty; and added that he kept poison at his house and wore a sword when entering the curia. The last count was allowed to drop as too atrocious to be true; on the others, which were freely accumulated, he was entered for trial, and was only saved from undergoing it by a well-timed death. The case, also, of the exiled Cassius Severus was brought up in the senate. of sordid origin and mischievous life, but a powerful orator, he had made enemies on such a scale that by a verdict of the senate under oath he was relegated to Crete. There, by continuing his methods, he drew upon himself so many animosities, new or old, that he was now stripped of his estate, interdicted from fire and water, and sent to linger out his days on the rock of Seriphos. 12.23. For its exemplary deference to the senate, Narbonese Gaul was so far privileged that members from the province were allowed the right, obtaining in the case of Sicily, of visiting their estates without first ascertaining the pleasure of the emperor. Ituraea and Judaea, on the death of their sovereigns, Sohaemus and Agrippa, were attached to the province of Syria. A decision was taken that the Augury of Safety, disused for the last seventy-five years, should be reintroduced and continued for the future. The Caesar also enlarged the pomerium, in consoce with the old custom, by which an expansion of the empire confers the right to extend similarly the boundaries of the city: a right, however, which, even after the conquest of powerful nations, had been exercised by no Roman commander except Lucius Sulla and the deified Augustus. |
|
19. Tacitus, Histories, 2.28.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 87 |
20. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.88 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 211 |
21. Suetonius, Augustus, 48 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 87 |
22. Suetonius, Nero, 28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 218 |
23. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 50.89-50.92 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 196 |
24. Gellius, Attic Nights, 16.13.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 7 |
25. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 8.24, 10.15, 10.17, 10.25-10.26, 10.35, 10.48, 10.51-10.52, 10.55-10.58, 10.65, 10.67, 10.72-10.75, 10.81.1-10.81.4, 10.82-10.84, 10.88, 10.94, 10.97, 10.100, 10.102, 10.104, 10.109, 10.112, 10.120 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 187, 190, 193, 194, 201, 211 | 10.15. To Trajan. It is because I feel sure, Sir, that you will be interested to hear, that I send you news that I have rounded Cape Malea and have made my way with all my retinue to Ephesus. Though I have been delayed by contrary winds, I am now on the point of setting out for my province, travelling part of the way by coasters and part by land carriage, for the prevailing Etesian winds are as great an obstacle to journeying by sea as the overpowering heat is by land. 10.25. To Trajan. Your legate, Sir, Servilius Pudens, reached Nicomedia on November 24th, and has freed me from the suspense entailed by waiting so long for his arrival. 10.26. To Trajan. Your kindness to me, Sir, has cemented the friendship between Rosianus Geminus and myself, for he was my quaestor when I was consul, and I found him most remarkably devoted to my interests. Since the end of my consulship he has shown me extraordinary deference, and he is constantly renewing the pledges of our official friendship by the private attentions he pays me. I beg, therefore, that you yourself will favourably entertain my request for his advancement, for if you follow my advice you will bestow upon him your warmest favour. He will do his best in any commission you may give him to deserve still higher posts. I feel compelled to be less lavish in my praise than I might be from the fact that I trust his honesty, uprightness, and industry are already well known to you, not only from the office he has held under your eyes in Rome, but from his service with you in your army. However, I must repeat yet again the request which I fear I have not sufficiently urged upon you - at least, so my affection makes me fancy - and I beg you, Sir, that you will as early as possible see your way to let me rejoice in the advancement of my quaestor's dignity, and in the advancement of my own dignity through his. 10.35. To Trajan. We have taken the usual vows, * Sir, for your safety, with which the public well-being is bound up, and at the same time paid our vows of last year, praying the gods that they may ever allow us to pay them and renew them again. 10.48. Trajan to Pliny. The memorial of the people of Apamea which you enclosed with your letter makes it unnecessary for me to examine into the reasons why they wish it to be known that those who have hitherto acted as proconsuls in the province refrained from inspecting their accounts, though they have no objection to your inspecting them. Their frankness, therefore, merits reward, and you will let them know that your inspection at my express wish will not prejudice the privileges they possess. 10.51. To Trajan. It is difficult. Sir, to find words to express the pleasure I have received at the favour you have shown my wife's mother * and myself in transferring her relative, Caelius Clemens, to this province. For I begin to realise thoroughly the full measure of your kindness when I and all my household receive such abundant favours at your hands, adequate thanks for which I dare not venture to offer you, though I do thank you from the bottom of my heart. Consequently, I take refuge in vows on your behalf, and pray to Heaven that I may not be thought unworthy of the kindnesses you shower so plentifully upon me. 10.52. To Trajan. We have celebrated. Sir, with the thankfulness appropriate to the occasion, the day on which you preserved the empire by undertaking the duties of Emperor, * and have prayed the gods to keep you in safety and prosperity, since on you 10.55. Trajan to Pliny. I do not see any other remedy, my dear Pliny, than the lowering of the rate of interest, which would facilitate the investment of the public moneys. You must fix the rate according to the number of those likely to borrow. But if people are averse to borrowing, it would not be in consoce with the justice of our reign to force a loan upon them, as possibly they too would find no investment for it. 10.56. To Trajan. I thank you. Sir, most sincerely that in the midst of your most pressing business of state you have deigned to give me directions on the matters about which I have consulted you, and I beg that you will do the same now. For a certain person came to me and informed me that some enemies of his who had been banished for three years by that distinguished man, Servilius Calvus, * were still lingering in the province, while they on the other hand declared that the sentence against them had been revoked - also by Calvus - and read out to me his edict. That is why I think it necessary to refer the whole matter to you just as it stands. For while your instructions warn me against recalling those who have been banished by others or by myself, they do not cover the case of those who have been banished and recalled from banishment by another governor. Hence, Sir, I thought I ought to consult you as to the course you would wish me to adopt, not only in the instances I have quoted, but also when persons are discovered in the province who have been banished for ever and have not had the sentence revoked. A case of this sort came under my notice in my judicial capacity. For a man was brought before me who had been banished for ever by the proconsul, Julius Bassus. ** Knowing as I did that the decrees of Bassus had been rescinded, and that the senate had given permission to all who had been sentenced by him to have their cases tried over again, if they brought their appeal within two years, I asked this man who had been banished by Bassus which proconsul he had approached and told his story to. He said he had not laid his case before anyone. It is this which made me consult you whether I should hand him over to complete his sentence or inflict additional punishment, and I should like to know what course you think I ought to adopt towards him and others who may be found to be similarly situated. I enclose with this letter the decree of Calvus and his edict, and also the decree of Bassus. 0 10.57. Trajan to Pliny. What steps ought to be taken with respect to those who were banished for three years by the proconsul Servilius Calvus, and afterwards were recalled by an edict of his and remained in the province, I will write and tell you shortly as soon as I have ascertained from Calvus the reason for his recalling them. As to the man who was banished for ever by Julius Bassus, he had two years allowed him in which to appeal if he considered he had been unjustly banished, and as he failed to do so and continued to linger in the province, he must be sent in chains to the prefects of my praetorian guard. * For he will not be sufficiently punished by being sent to complete his former sentence, inasmuch as he impudently evaded it. 10.58. To Trajan. When, Sir, I was about to hold a court and was calling out the names of the judges, Flavius Archippus began to ask leave to be excused on the ground that he was a philosopher. I was indeed told by some other persons that he ought not only to be excused from sitting as a judge but that his name ought to be struck off the list, and that he himself should be handed back to finish the sentence which he had evaded by breaking out of prison. A judgment of the proconsul Velius Paullus was read to me, which showed that Archippus had been condemned to the mines for forgery, and he could produce nothing to prove that the sentence had been revoked. However, he brings forward, in lieu of a pardon, a petition which he sent to Domitian and a letter which Domitian wrote in reply, referring to some distinction conferred upon him, and he also produces a decree of the people of Prusa. In addition to these documents, there is a letter written by yourself to him, and an edict and a letter of your father's in which he confirmed the privileges granted by Domitian. Consequently, though the man is involved in such serious charges, I thought I had better come to no decision until I had taken your advice on a point which I consider quite worthy of your attention. I enclose with this letter the documents which have been produced on both sides. • A letter from Domitian to Terentius Maximus I have granted the request of Flavius Archippus, the philosopher, that I should order land of the value of 600,000 sesterces to be bought for him near Prusa, his native place. I wish this to be acquired for him, and you will charge the whole amount to my account as a gift from me. • A letter from Domitian to Lucius Appius Maximus I desire, my dear Maximus, that you will regard Archippus the philosopher, who is a worthy man, and whose character fully corresponds with the nobility of his profession, as specially commended to your notice, and that you will show him the full extent of your kindness in any reasonable request he may lay before you. • Edict of the late Emperor Nerva There are some things, Romans, that go without saying in such prosperous times as we are now enjoying, nor should people look to a good emperor to declare himself on points wherein his position is thoroughly understood. For every citizen is well assured, and can answer for me without prompting, that I have preferred the security of the State to my own convenience, and in so doing have both conferred new privileges and confirmed old ones that were conceded before my time. However, to prevent there being any interruption of the public felicity by doubts and hesitation arising from the nervousness of those who have obtained favours, or from the memory of the emperor who granted them, I have thought that it is advisable, and that it will give general pleasure, if I remove all doubt by giving proof of my kind indulgence. I do not wish any one to think that any benefit conferred upon him, in either a private or public capacity by any other emperor, will be taken away from him just in order that he may owe the confirmation of his privilege to myself. Let all such grants be regarded as ratified and absolutely secure, and let those who write to thank me for the favours which the royal house has bestowed upon them not fail to renew their applications for more. Only let them give me time for new kindnesses, and understand that the favours they solicit must be such as they do not already possess. • A letter from Nerva to Tullius Justus Since I have made it my rule to preserve all arrangements begun and carried through in the previous reigns, the letters of Domitian must also remain valid. |
|
26. Tertullian, To Scapula, 4.3, 4.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 378 |
27. Tertullian, Apology, 2.6-2.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 187 2.6. prohibentes. 2.7. oportere. O sententiam necessitate confusam! Negat inquirendos ut innocentes, et mandat puniendos ut nocentes. Parcit et saevit, dissimulat et animadvertit. 2.8. Si damnas, cur non et inquiris? si non inquiris, cur non et absolvis? Latronibus vestigandis per universas provincias militaris statio sortitur. In reos maiestatis et publicos hostes omnis homo miles est; ad socios, ad conscios usque inquisitio extenditur. 2.9. | |
|
28. Apuleius, Florida, 16, 18, 9, 20 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 375 |
29. Apuleius, Apology, 12, 28, 36, 38-39, 69, 72, 82, 9, 98, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 375 |
30. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 8.24, 10.15, 10.17, 10.25-10.26, 10.35, 10.48, 10.51-10.52, 10.55-10.58, 10.65, 10.67, 10.72-10.75, 10.81.1-10.81.4, 10.82-10.84, 10.88, 10.94, 10.97, 10.100, 10.102, 10.104, 10.109, 10.112, 10.120 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 187, 190, 193, 194, 201, 211 | 10.15. To Trajan. It is because I feel sure, Sir, that you will be interested to hear, that I send you news that I have rounded Cape Malea and have made my way with all my retinue to Ephesus. Though I have been delayed by contrary winds, I am now on the point of setting out for my province, travelling part of the way by coasters and part by land carriage, for the prevailing Etesian winds are as great an obstacle to journeying by sea as the overpowering heat is by land. 10.25. To Trajan. Your legate, Sir, Servilius Pudens, reached Nicomedia on November 24th, and has freed me from the suspense entailed by waiting so long for his arrival. 10.26. To Trajan. Your kindness to me, Sir, has cemented the friendship between Rosianus Geminus and myself, for he was my quaestor when I was consul, and I found him most remarkably devoted to my interests. Since the end of my consulship he has shown me extraordinary deference, and he is constantly renewing the pledges of our official friendship by the private attentions he pays me. I beg, therefore, that you yourself will favourably entertain my request for his advancement, for if you follow my advice you will bestow upon him your warmest favour. He will do his best in any commission you may give him to deserve still higher posts. I feel compelled to be less lavish in my praise than I might be from the fact that I trust his honesty, uprightness, and industry are already well known to you, not only from the office he has held under your eyes in Rome, but from his service with you in your army. However, I must repeat yet again the request which I fear I have not sufficiently urged upon you - at least, so my affection makes me fancy - and I beg you, Sir, that you will as early as possible see your way to let me rejoice in the advancement of my quaestor's dignity, and in the advancement of my own dignity through his. 10.35. To Trajan. We have taken the usual vows, * Sir, for your safety, with which the public well-being is bound up, and at the same time paid our vows of last year, praying the gods that they may ever allow us to pay them and renew them again. 10.48. Trajan to Pliny. The memorial of the people of Apamea which you enclosed with your letter makes it unnecessary for me to examine into the reasons why they wish it to be known that those who have hitherto acted as proconsuls in the province refrained from inspecting their accounts, though they have no objection to your inspecting them. Their frankness, therefore, merits reward, and you will let them know that your inspection at my express wish will not prejudice the privileges they possess. 10.51. To Trajan. It is difficult. Sir, to find words to express the pleasure I have received at the favour you have shown my wife's mother * and myself in transferring her relative, Caelius Clemens, to this province. For I begin to realise thoroughly the full measure of your kindness when I and all my household receive such abundant favours at your hands, adequate thanks for which I dare not venture to offer you, though I do thank you from the bottom of my heart. Consequently, I take refuge in vows on your behalf, and pray to Heaven that I may not be thought unworthy of the kindnesses you shower so plentifully upon me. 10.52. To Trajan. We have celebrated. Sir, with the thankfulness appropriate to the occasion, the day on which you preserved the empire by undertaking the duties of Emperor, * and have prayed the gods to keep you in safety and prosperity, since on you 10.55. Trajan to Pliny. I do not see any other remedy, my dear Pliny, than the lowering of the rate of interest, which would facilitate the investment of the public moneys. You must fix the rate according to the number of those likely to borrow. But if people are averse to borrowing, it would not be in consoce with the justice of our reign to force a loan upon them, as possibly they too would find no investment for it. 10.56. To Trajan. I thank you. Sir, most sincerely that in the midst of your most pressing business of state you have deigned to give me directions on the matters about which I have consulted you, and I beg that you will do the same now. For a certain person came to me and informed me that some enemies of his who had been banished for three years by that distinguished man, Servilius Calvus, * were still lingering in the province, while they on the other hand declared that the sentence against them had been revoked - also by Calvus - and read out to me his edict. That is why I think it necessary to refer the whole matter to you just as it stands. For while your instructions warn me against recalling those who have been banished by others or by myself, they do not cover the case of those who have been banished and recalled from banishment by another governor. Hence, Sir, I thought I ought to consult you as to the course you would wish me to adopt, not only in the instances I have quoted, but also when persons are discovered in the province who have been banished for ever and have not had the sentence revoked. A case of this sort came under my notice in my judicial capacity. For a man was brought before me who had been banished for ever by the proconsul, Julius Bassus. ** Knowing as I did that the decrees of Bassus had been rescinded, and that the senate had given permission to all who had been sentenced by him to have their cases tried over again, if they brought their appeal within two years, I asked this man who had been banished by Bassus which proconsul he had approached and told his story to. He said he had not laid his case before anyone. It is this which made me consult you whether I should hand him over to complete his sentence or inflict additional punishment, and I should like to know what course you think I ought to adopt towards him and others who may be found to be similarly situated. I enclose with this letter the decree of Calvus and his edict, and also the decree of Bassus. 0 10.57. Trajan to Pliny. What steps ought to be taken with respect to those who were banished for three years by the proconsul Servilius Calvus, and afterwards were recalled by an edict of his and remained in the province, I will write and tell you shortly as soon as I have ascertained from Calvus the reason for his recalling them. As to the man who was banished for ever by Julius Bassus, he had two years allowed him in which to appeal if he considered he had been unjustly banished, and as he failed to do so and continued to linger in the province, he must be sent in chains to the prefects of my praetorian guard. * For he will not be sufficiently punished by being sent to complete his former sentence, inasmuch as he impudently evaded it. 10.58. To Trajan. When, Sir, I was about to hold a court and was calling out the names of the judges, Flavius Archippus began to ask leave to be excused on the ground that he was a philosopher. I was indeed told by some other persons that he ought not only to be excused from sitting as a judge but that his name ought to be struck off the list, and that he himself should be handed back to finish the sentence which he had evaded by breaking out of prison. A judgment of the proconsul Velius Paullus was read to me, which showed that Archippus had been condemned to the mines for forgery, and he could produce nothing to prove that the sentence had been revoked. However, he brings forward, in lieu of a pardon, a petition which he sent to Domitian and a letter which Domitian wrote in reply, referring to some distinction conferred upon him, and he also produces a decree of the people of Prusa. In addition to these documents, there is a letter written by yourself to him, and an edict and a letter of your father's in which he confirmed the privileges granted by Domitian. Consequently, though the man is involved in such serious charges, I thought I had better come to no decision until I had taken your advice on a point which I consider quite worthy of your attention. I enclose with this letter the documents which have been produced on both sides. • A letter from Domitian to Terentius Maximus I have granted the request of Flavius Archippus, the philosopher, that I should order land of the value of 600,000 sesterces to be bought for him near Prusa, his native place. I wish this to be acquired for him, and you will charge the whole amount to my account as a gift from me. • A letter from Domitian to Lucius Appius Maximus I desire, my dear Maximus, that you will regard Archippus the philosopher, who is a worthy man, and whose character fully corresponds with the nobility of his profession, as specially commended to your notice, and that you will show him the full extent of your kindness in any reasonable request he may lay before you. • Edict of the late Emperor Nerva There are some things, Romans, that go without saying in such prosperous times as we are now enjoying, nor should people look to a good emperor to declare himself on points wherein his position is thoroughly understood. For every citizen is well assured, and can answer for me without prompting, that I have preferred the security of the State to my own convenience, and in so doing have both conferred new privileges and confirmed old ones that were conceded before my time. However, to prevent there being any interruption of the public felicity by doubts and hesitation arising from the nervousness of those who have obtained favours, or from the memory of the emperor who granted them, I have thought that it is advisable, and that it will give general pleasure, if I remove all doubt by giving proof of my kind indulgence. I do not wish any one to think that any benefit conferred upon him, in either a private or public capacity by any other emperor, will be taken away from him just in order that he may owe the confirmation of his privilege to myself. Let all such grants be regarded as ratified and absolutely secure, and let those who write to thank me for the favours which the royal house has bestowed upon them not fail to renew their applications for more. Only let them give me time for new kindnesses, and understand that the favours they solicit must be such as they do not already possess. • A letter from Nerva to Tullius Justus Since I have made it my rule to preserve all arrangements begun and carried through in the previous reigns, the letters of Domitian must also remain valid. |
|
31. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 2.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 377 |
32. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 5.36.5 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 219 |
33. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 524, 539-540, 621, 626 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 385 |
34. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.1-1.2, 2.28, 6.22-6.23, 6.29, 9.27, 11.28, 11.30 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 378 | 11.28. Thus I was initiated into the religion, but my desire was delayed by reason of my poverty. I had spent a great part of my goods in travel and peregrination, but most of all the cost of living in the city of Rome had dwindled my resources. In the end, being often stirred forward with great trouble of mind, I was forced to sell my robe for a little money which was nevertheless sufficient for all my affairs. Then the priest spoke to me saying, “How is it that for a little pleasure you are not afraid to sell your vestments, yet when you enter into such great ceremonies you fear to fall into poverty? Prepare yourself and abstain from all animal meats, beasts and fish.” In the meantime I frequented the sacrifices of Serapis, which were done in the night. This gave me great comfort to my peregrination, and ministered to me more plentiful living since I gained some money by pleading in the courts in the Latin language. 11.30. In this way the divine majesty persuaded me in my sleep. Whereupon I went to the priest and declared all that I had seen. Then I fasted for ten days, according to the custom, and of my own free will I abstained longer than I had been commanded. And verily I did not repent of the pain I had gone through and of the charges I had undertaken. This was because the divine providence had seen to it that I gained much money in pleading of causes. Finally, after a few days, the great god Osiris appeared to me at night, not disguised in any other form, but in his own essence. He commanded me to be an advocate in the court, and not fear the slander and envy of ill persons who begrudged me by for the religion which I had attained by much labor. Moreover, he would not suffer that I should be any longer of the number of his priests, but he allotted me to one of the higher positions. And after he appointed me a place within the ancient temple, which had been erected in the time of Sulla, I executed my office in great joy and with a shaved head. |
|
35. Anon., Marytrdom of Polycarp, 3 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 171 |
36. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 5.1.22 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 377 |
37. Gregory The Wonderworker, Panergyric On Origen, 2-5, 1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 359, 365 |
38. Libanius, Orations, 1.19 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 218 |
39. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Pescennius Niger, 7.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
40. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 46 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
41. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 11.7.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 443 |
42. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 58 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 377 |
43. Jerome, Letters, 70 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 377 |
44. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 7.33.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77 |
45. Justinian, Digest, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 381 |
46. Augustine, Letters, 138.19 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 375, 377 |
47. Epigraphy, I. Stobi, 34, 37, 39, 41-42 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300 |
48. Epigraphy, Ciglph, 91 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300 |
49. Epigraphy, Ekm, 2.180-2.181 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 292, 300 |
51. Epigraphy, I. Prusias, 17 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 201 |
53. Papyri, P.Tor., 1 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77 |
54. Papyri, P.Lond., 3.354 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 360 |
55. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 1.33.2 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 193 |
56. Papyri, Psi, 15.1549 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26, 381 |
57. Papyri, P.Yale, 1.61 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 23, 190 |
58. Papyri, P.Yadin, 14, 28 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93 |
59. Papyri, P.Ups.8, 2.161-2.162 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77 |
60. Epigraphy, Icur, 272 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 201 |
61. Papyri, P.Euphrates, 2, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 8, 491 |
62. Papyri, P.Thead., 15 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 381 |
63. Papyri, P.Stras., 1.22 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77 |
64. Papyri, P.Sakaon, 31 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 381 |
65. Papyri, P.Princ., 2.82 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 381 |
66. Papyri, P.Paris, 1 5 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77 |
67. Papyri, P.Oxy., 3.472, 3.486, 12.1479, 63.4394, 67.4593 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 24, 26, 360, 381 |
68. Papyri, P.Murabba'T, 114 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 93 |
69. Papyri, P.Stras., 1.22 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77 |
70. Fronto, Ep., 1.7 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 377 |
71. Strabo, Geography, 3.17-3.20, 17.3.25 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 87, 333 | 17.3.25. The division into provinces has varied at different periods, but at present it is that established by Augustus Caesar; for after the sovereign power had been conferred upon him by his country for life, and he had become the arbiter of peace and war, he divided the whole empire into two parts, one of which he reserved to himself, the other he assigned to the (Roman) people. The former consisted of such parts as required military defence, and were barbarian, or bordered upon nations not as yet subdued, or were barren and uncultivated, which though ill provided with everything else, were yet well furnished with strongholds. and might thus dispose the inhabitants to throw off the yoke and rebel. All the rest, which were peaceable countries, and easily governed without the assistance of arms, were given over to the (Roman) people. Each of these parts was subdivided into several provinces, which received respectively the titles of 'provinces of Caesar' and 'provinces of the People.'To the former provinces Caesar appoints governors and administrators, and divides the (various) countries sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, directing his political conduct according to circumstances.But the people appoint commanders and consuls to their own provinces, which are also subject to divers divisions when expediency requires it.(Augustus Caesar) in his first organization of (the Empire) created two consular governments, namely, the whole of Africa in possession of the Romans, excepting that part which was under the authority, first of Juba, but now of his son Ptolemy; and Asia within the Halys and Taurus, except the Galatians and the nations under Amyntas, Bithynia, and the Propontis. He appointed also ten consular governments in Europe and in the adjacent islands. Iberia Ulterior (Further Spain) about the river Baetis and Celtica Narbonensis (composed the two first). The third was Sardinia, with Corsica; the fourth Sicily; the fifth and sixth Illyria, districts near Epirus, and Macedonia; the seventh Achaia, extending to Thessaly, the Aetolians, Acarians, and the Epirotic nations who border upon Macedonia; the eighth Crete, with Cyrenaea; the ninth Cyprus; the tenth Bithynia, with the Propontis and some parts of Pontus.Caesar possesses other provinces, to the government of which he appoints men of consular rank, commanders of armies, or knights; and in his (peculiar) portion (of the empire) there are and ever have been kings, princes, and (municipal) magistrates. |
|
73. Epigraphy, Priene, 13 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 142 |
74. Epigraphy, Irt, 304, 647 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 366, 377, 382 |
75. Epigraphy, Ils, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
76. Epigraphy, I.Porto, 92 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300 |
77. Epigraphy, Grbs, None Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 292 |
78. Epigraphy, Eam, 96, 186 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300 |
79. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300, 359, 361, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 371, 375, 377, 381, 382, 385 |
80. Epigraphy, Bch, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300 |
81. Epigraphy, Sb, 5.8444 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 23 |
82. Epigraphy, Ae, +10, +132, +96, 102, 1064, 1065, 1342-3, 1739, 18, 1893, 1906, 1911, 1912, 1913, 1915, 1917/18, 1921, 1923, 1926, 1963, 1968, 1974, 1975, 1987, 2000, 2006, 2011, 23, 29, 30, 38, 43, 50, 643, 691, 73, 85, 875, 94, 99, 1938 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300 |
83. Papyri, P. Berol., 9579 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26 |
84. Papyri, Bgu, 1.267, 2.372, 7.1563, 16.2631, 20.2863 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 23, 24, 26, 77, 360 |
85. Papyri, Sm, 1.5676, 5.7696, 6.9298, 12.10929, 18.13302, 20.14662, 20.15147, 20.15827, 26.16642-26.16643 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 23, 24, 26, 381 |
86. Epigraphy, Igbulg, 4.2265 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300 |
87. Epigraphy, Tam, 4.13, 4.15, 15.2933, 15.21002 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 196 |
88. Epigraphy, Ig, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 218 |
89. Anon., Martyrdom of Pionius, 15 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 178 |
90. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 8.7.6 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 219 |
91. Papyri, Cpr, 15.15 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 360 |
92. Epigraphy, Seg, a b c d\n0 59.700 59.700 59 700 \n1 56.743 56.743 56 743 \n2 53.633 53.633 53 633 \n3 50.637 50.637 50 637 \n4 48.800 48.800 48 800 \n5 36.922(5) 36.922(5) 36 922(5)\n6 30.570 30.570 30 570 \n7 13.401 13.401 13 401 \n8 12.349 12.349 12 349 \n9 1.276 1.276 1 276 \n10 9.8 9.8 9 8 \n11 58.1536 58.1536 58 1536 \n12 46.940 46.940 46 940 \n13 55.838 55.838 55 838 \n14 58.330 58.330 58 330 \n15 61.607 61.607 61 607 \n16 63.1026 63.1026 63 1026 \n17 36.1456 36.1456 36 1456 \n18 56.762 56.762 56 762 \n19 55.1452 55.1452 55 1452 \n20 24.496 24.496 24 496 \n21 19.438 19.438 19 438 \n22 1.282 1.282 1 282 \n23 42.411 42.411 42 411 \n24 29.127 29.127 29 127 \n25 11.778 11.778 11 778 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300 |
94. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 21, 478, 591, 273 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 377, 382 |
95. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana, None Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 367 |
96. Epigraphy, Iam, 2.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 300, 371 |
98. Epigraphy, Rizakis, 19 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 223 |
99. Epigraphy, Fd, 3.4290-5, 3.4302 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 230 |
100. Aelius Gallus, Fragments, 1 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 88 |
101. Papyri, Chla, None Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26 |
103. Epigraphy, Ic, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 248 |
104. Papyri, Fira, 1.84 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77 |
105. Papyri, M. Chr., 31 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 77 |
106. Epigraphy, Fira, 1.73 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 9 |
108. Epigraphy, Oliver, Gcre, 94 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 196 |
109. Epigraphy, Igrr, 1.135, 4.618, 4.1226 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 382 |
110. Epigraphy, Iltun, 1446, 1514, 1592, 1596, 250, 3, 362, 41, 590, 604, 741, 797, 1675 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 377, 382 |
111. Epigraphy, Dougga, 52, 50 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 361 |
112. Epigraphy, Ilalg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 365, 381 |
113. Papyri, W. Chr., 19 Tagged with subjects: •governor, court of Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 26 |
114. Epigraphy, Bcth, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 385 |
115. Epigraphy, Deftab, 112, 217-226, 303, 111 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 361 |