1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 137.1-137.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 54| 137.1. "עַל נַהֲרוֹת בָּבֶל שָׁם יָשַׁבְנוּ גַּם־בָּכִינוּ בְּזָכְרֵנוּ אֶת־צִיּוֹן׃", 137.2. "עַל־עֲרָבִים בְּתוֹכָהּ תָּלִינוּ כִּנֹּרוֹתֵינוּ׃", 137.3. "כִּי שָׁם שְׁאֵלוּנוּ שׁוֹבֵינוּ דִּבְרֵי־שִׁיר וְתוֹלָלֵינוּ שִׂמְחָה שִׁירוּ לָנוּ מִשִּׁיר צִיּוֹן׃", | 137.1. "By the rivers of Babylon, There we sat down, yea, we wept, When we remembered Zion.", 137.2. "Upon the willows in the midst thereof We hanged up our harps.", 137.3. "For there they that led us captive asked of us words of song, And our tormentors asked of us mirth: ‘Sing us one of the songs of Zion.'", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Job, 33.14-33.18 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 14| 33.14. "כִּי־בְאַחַת יְדַבֶּר־אֵל וּבִשְׁתַּיִם לֹא יְשׁוּרֶנָּה׃", 33.15. "בַּחֲלוֹם חֶזְיוֹן לַיְלָה בִּנְפֹל תַּרְדֵּמָה עַל־אֲנָשִׁים בִּתְנוּמוֹת עֲלֵי מִשְׁכָּב׃", 33.16. "אָז יִגְלֶה אֹזֶן אֲנָשִׁים וּבְמֹסָרָם יַחְתֹּם׃", 33.17. "לְהָסִיר אָדָם מַעֲשֶׂה וְגֵוָה מִגֶּבֶר יְכַסֶּה׃", 33.18. "יַחְשֹׂךְ נַפְשׁוֹ מִנִּי־שָׁחַת וְחַיָּתוֹ מֵעֲבֹר בַּשָּׁלַח׃", | 33.14. "For God speaketh in one way, Yea in two, though man perceiveth it not.", 33.15. "In a dream, in a vision of the night, When deep sleep falleth upon men, In slumberings upon the bed;", 33.16. "Then He openeth the ears of men, And by their chastisement sealeth the decree,", 33.17. "That men may put away their purpose, And that He may hide pride from man;", 33.18. "That He may keep back his soul from the pit, And his life from perishing by the sword.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 7.25-7.26 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 54| 7.25. "וְאַנְתְּ עֶזְרָא כְּחָכְמַת אֱלָהָךְ דִּי־בִידָךְ מֶנִּי שָׁפְטִין וְדַיָּנִין דִּי־לֶהֱוֺן דאנין [דָּאיְנִין] לְכָל־עַמָּה דִּי בַּעֲבַר נַהֲרָה לְכָל־יָדְעֵי דָּתֵי אֱלָהָךְ וְדִי לָא יָדַע תְּהוֹדְעוּן׃", 7.26. "וְכָל־דִּי־לָא לֶהֱוֵא עָבֵד דָּתָא דִי־אֱלָהָךְ וְדָתָא דִּי מַלְכָּא אָסְפַּרְנָא דִּינָה לֶהֱוֵא מִתְעֲבֵד מִנֵּהּ הֵן לְמוֹת הֵן לשרשו [לִשְׁרֹשִׁי] הֵן־לַעֲנָשׁ נִכְסִין וְלֶאֱסוּרִין׃", | 7.25. "And thou, Ezra, after the wisdom of thy God that is in thy hand, appoint magistrates and judges, who may judge all the people that are beyond the River, all such as know the laws of thy God; and teach ye him that knoweth them not.", 7.26. "And whosoever will not do the law of thy God, and the law of the king, let judgment be executed upon him with all diligence, whether it be unto death, or to banishment, or to confiscation of goods, or to imprisonment.’ .", |
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| 4. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.3.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 215 |
| 5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 6.2-6.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 282 |
| 6. Aristotle, On The Universe, 17 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 536 |
| 7. Sallust, Catiline, 6-7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 282, 283 |
8. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 13.1.1-13.1.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151 | 13.1.1. When Camillus was besieging the city of Falerii, one of the Faliscans, either having given the city up for lost or seeking personal advantages for himself, tricked the sons of the most prominent families â he was a schoolmaster â and led them outside the city, as if to take a walk before the walls and to view the Roman camp. 13.1.2. And gradually leading them farther and farther from the city, he brought them to a Roman outpost and handed them over to the men who ran out. Being brought to Camillus by these men, he said he had long planned to put the city in the hands of the Romans, but not being in possession of any citadel or gate or arms, he had hit upon this plan, namely to put in their power the sons of the noblest citizens, assuming that the fathers in their yearning for the safety of their children would be compelled by inexorable necessity to hand over the city promptly to the Romans. |
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9. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 4.19.1-4.19.2, 5.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 282 | 4.19.1. Heracles, then, delivered over the kingdom of the Iberians to the noblest men among the natives and, on his part, took his army and passing into Celtica and traversing the length and breadth of it he put an end to the lawlessness and murdering of strangers to which the people had become addicted; and since a great multitude of men from every tribe flocked to his army of their own accord, he founded a great city which was named Alesia after the "wandering" (alê) on his campaign. 4.19.2. But he also mingled among the citizens of the city many natives, and since these surpassed the others in multitude, it came to pass that the inhabitants as a whole were barbarized. The Celts up to the present time hold this city in honour, looking upon it as the hearth and mother-city of all Celtica. And for the entire period from the days of Heracles this city remained free and was never sacked until our own time; but at last Gaius Caesar, who has been pronounced a god because of the magnitude of his deeds, took it by storm and made it and the other Celts subjects of the Romans. 5.24. 1. Since we have set forth the facts concerning the islands which lie in the western regions, we consider that it will not be foreign to our purpose to discuss briefly the tribes of Europe which lie near them and which we failed to mention in our former Books. Now Celtica was ruled in ancient times, so we are told, by a renowned man who had a daughter who was of unusual stature and far excelled in beauty all the other maidens. But she, because of her strength of body and marvellous comeliness, was so haughty that she kept refusing every man who wooed her in marriage, since she believed that no one of her wooers was worthy of her.,2. Now in the course of his campaign against the Geryones, Heracles visited Celtica and founded there the city of Alesia, and the maiden, on seeing Heracles, wondered at his prowess and his bodily superiority and accepted his embraces with all eagerness, her parents having given their consent.,3. From this union she bore to Heracles a son named Galates, who far surpassed all the youths of the tribe in quality of spirit and strength of body. And when he had attained to man's estate and had succeeded to the throne of his fathers, he subdued a large part of the neighbouring territory and accomplished great feats in war. Becoming renowned for his bravery, he called his subjects Galatae or Gauls after himself, and these in turn gave their name to all of Galatia or Gaul. |
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| 10. Livy, History, 1.7.3-1.7.15, 1.34, 2.20.10, 3.52.5, 5.20.1-5.20.2, 5.23.3-5.23.6, 5.23.8, 5.24-5.28, 5.28.1-5.28.5, 5.32.7, 5.32.9, 5.35.5-5.35.11, 5.37.4, 5.39.1, 5.43.6, 5.46.10, 5.49.1, 5.49.5, 5.51-5.55, 5.54.6, 8.13.14-8.13.15, 24.34.7, 25.24.11-25.24.14, 38.16 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151, 155 |
| 11. Livy, Per., 53, 52 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 315, 316 |
| 12. Horace, Odes, 1.1, 1.37 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 32, 284 |
13. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.796 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174| 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum | |
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| 14. Horace, Letters, 9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 32 |
| 15. Sallust, Iugurtha, 17, 19, 18 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 282 |
16. Tacitus, Histories, 1.2-1.3, 1.10.3, 2.38, 3.74.1, 4.1, 4.2.1, 4.40.1, 4.86.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 77, 215 | 2.38. The old greed for power, long ingrained in mankind, came to full growth and broke bounds as the empire became great. When resources were moderate, equality was easily maintained; but when the world had been subjugated and rival states or kings destroyed, so that men were free to covet wealth without anxiety, then the first quarrels between patricians and plebeians broke out. Now the tribunes made trouble, again the consuls usurped too much power; in the city and forum the first essays at civil war were made. Later Gaius Marius, who had sprung from the dregs of the people, and that most cruel of nobles, Lucius Sulla, defeated liberty with arms and turned it into tyranny. After them came Gnaeus Pompey, no better man than they, but one who concealed his purpose more cleverly; and thenceforth there was never any aim but supreme power. The legions made up of Roman citizens did not lay down their arms at Pharsalia or Philippi; much less were the armies of Otho and Vitellius likely to abandon war voluntarily. The same divine wrath, the same human madness, the same motives to crime drove them on to strife. The fact that these wars were ended by a single blow, so to speak, was due to the worthlessness of the emperors. However, my reflections on the character of antiquity and of modern times have taken me too far afield; now I return to my narrative. 4.1. The death of Vitellius was rather the end of war than the beginning of peace. The victors ranged through the city in arms, pursuing their defeated foes with implacable hatred: the streets were full of carnage, the fora and temples reeked with blood; they slew right and left everyone whom chance put in their way. Presently, as their licence increased, they began to hunt out and drag into the light those who had concealed themselves; did they espy anyone who was tall and young, they cut him down, regardless whether he was soldier or civilian. Their ferocity, which found satisfaction in bloodshed while their hatred was fresh, turned then afterwards to greed. They let no place remain secret or closed, pretending that Vitellians were in hiding. This led to the forcing of private houses or, if resistance was made, became an excuse for murder. Nor was there any lack of starvelings among the mob or of the vilest slaves ready to betray their rich masters; others were pointed out by their friends. Everywhere were lamentations, cries of anguish, and the misfortunes that befall a captured city; so that the citizens actually longed for the licence of Otho's and Vitellius's soldiers, which earlier they had detested. The generals of the Flavian party, who had been quick to start the conflagration of civil war, were unequal to the task of controlling their victory, for in times of violence and civil strife the worst men have the greatest power; peace and quiet call for honest arts. |
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17. Tacitus, Annals, 4.21.2, 11.31.3, 13.21, 14.1.1, 14.4.4, 14.5-14.8, 14.6.1, 14.6.3, 14.7.6, 14.8.4, 14.10.2, 14.12.2, 14.57, 14.64.3, 15.42.1, 15.46.2, 16.21.1-16.21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 84, 174, 205, 215, 216| 13.21. Sic lenito principis metu et luce orta itur ad Agrippinam ut nosceret obiecta dissolveretque vel poenas lueret. Burrus iis mandatis Seneca coram fungebatur; aderant et ex libertis arbitri sermonis. deinde a Burro, postquam crimina et auctores exposuit, minaciter actum. et Agrippina ferociae memor 'non miror' inquit 'Silanam, num- quam edito partu, matrum adfectus ignotos habere; neque enim proinde a parentibus liberi quam ab impudica adulteri mutantur. nec si Iturius et Calvisius adesis omnibus fortunis novissimam suscipiendae accusationis operam anui rependunt, ideo aut mihi infamia parricidii aut Caesari conscientia subeunda est. nam Domitiae inimicitiis gratias agerem, si benevolentia mecum in Neronem meum certaret: nunc per concubinum Atimetum et histrionem Paridem quasi scaenae fabulas componit. Baiarum suarum piscinas extollebat, cum meis consiliis adoptio et proconsulare ius et designatio consulatus et cetera apiscendo imperio praepararentur. aut existat qui cohortis in urbe temptatas, qui provinciarum fidem labefactatam, denique servos vel libertos ad scelus corruptos arguat. vivere ego Britannico potiente rerum poteram? ac si Plautus aut quis alius rem publicam iudicaturus obtinuerit, desunt scilicet mihi accusatores qui non verba impatientia caritatis aliquando incauta, sed ea crimina obiciant quibus nisi a filio absolvi non possim.' commotis qui aderant ultroque spiritus eius mitigantibus, conloquium filii exposcit, ubi nihil pro innocentia, quasi diffideret, nec de beneficiis, quasi exprobraret, disseruit, sed ultionem in delatores et praemia amicis obtinuit. 14.5. Noctem sideribus inlustrem et placido mari quietam quasi convincendum ad scelus dii praebuere. nec multum erat progressa navis, duobus e numero familiarium Agrippinam comitantibus, ex quis Crepereius Gallus haud procul gubernaculis adstabat, Acerronia super pedes cubitantis reclinis paenitentiam filii et reciperatam matris gratiam per gaudium memorabat, cum dato signo ruere tectum loci multo plumbo grave, pressusque Crepereius et statim exanimatus est: Agrippina et Acerronia eminentibus lecti parietibus ac forte validioribus quam ut oneri cederent protectae sunt. nec dissolutio navigii sequebatur, turbatis omnibus et quod plerique ignari etiam conscios impediebant. visum dehinc remigibus unum in latus inclinare atque ita navem submergere: sed neque ipsis promptus in rem subitam consensus, et alii contra nitentes dedere facultatem lenioris in mare iactus. verum Acerronia, imprudentia dum se Agrippinam esse utque subveniretur matri principis clamitat, contis et remis et quae fors obtulerat navalibus telis conficitur: Agrippina silens eoque minus adgnita (unum tamen vulnus umero excepit) do, deinde occursu lenunculorum Lucrinum in lacum vecta villae suae infertur. 14.5. Haud dispari crimine Fabricius Veiento conflictatus est, quod multa et probrosa in patres et sacerdotes compo- suisset iis libris quibus nomen codicillorum dederat. adiciebat Tullius Geminus accusator venditata ab eo munera principis et adipiscendorum honorum ius. quae causa Neroni fuit suscipiendi iudicii, convictumque Veientonem Italia depulit et libros exuri iussit, conquisitos lectitatosque donec cum periculo parabantur: mox licentia habendi oblivionem attulit. 14.6. Illic reputans ideo se fallacibus litteris accitam et honore praecipuo habitam, quodque litus iuxta non ventis acta, non saxis impulsa navis summa sui parte veluti terrestre machinamentum concidisset; observans etiam Acerroniae necem, simul suum vulnus aspiciens, solum insidiarum remedium esse, si non intellegerentur; misitque libertum Agerinum qui nuntiaret filio benignitate deum et fortuna eius evasisse gravem casum; orare ut quamvis periculo matris exterritus visendi curam differret; sibi ad praesens quiete opus. atque interim securitate simulata medicamina vulneri et fomenta corpori adhibet; testamentum Acerroniae requiri bonaque obsignari iubet, id tantum non per simulationem. 14.6. Igitur accepto patrum consulto, postquam cuncta scelerum suorum pro egregiis accipi videt, exturbat Octaviam, sterilem dictitans; exim Poppaeae coniungitur. ea diu paelex et adulteri Neronis, mox mariti potens, quendam ex ministris Octaviae impulit servilem ei amorem obicere. destinaturque reus cognomento Eucaerus, natione Alexandrinus, canere tibiis doctus. actae ob id de ancillis quaestiones et vi tormentorum victis quibusdam ut falsa adnuerent, plures perstitere sanctitatem dominae tueri; ex quibus una instanti Tigellino castiora esse muliebria Octaviae respondit quam os eius. movetur tamen primo civilis discidii specie domumque Burri, praedia Plauti, infausta dona accipit: mox in Campaniam pulsa est addita militari custodia. inde crebri questus nec occulti per vulgum, cui minor sapientia et ex mediocritate fortunae pauciora pericula sunt. his tamquam Nero paenitentia flagitii coniugem revocarit Octaviam. 14.7. At Neroni nuntios patrati facinoris opperienti adfertur evasisse ictu levi sauciam et hactenus adito discrimine ne auctor dubitaretur. tum pavore exanimis et iam iamque adfore obtestans vindictae properam, sive servitia armaret vel militem accenderet, sive ad senatum et populum pervaderet, naufragium et vulnus et interfectos amicos obiciendo: quod contra subsidium sibi? nisi quid Burrus et Seneca; quos expergens statim acciverat, incertum an et ante gnaros. igitur longum utriusque silentium, ne inriti dissuaderent, an eo descensum credebant ut, nisi praeveniretur Agrippina, pereundum Neroni esset. post Seneca hactenus promptius ut respiceret Burrum ac sciscitaretur an militi imperanda caedes esset. ille praetorianos toti Caesarum domui obstrictos memoresque Germanici nihil adversus progeniem eius atrox ausuros respondit: perpetraret Anicetus promissa. qui nihil cunctatus poscit summam sceleris. ad eam vocem Nero illo sibi die dari imperium auctoremque tanti muneris libertum profitetur: iret propere duceretque promptissimos ad iussa. ipse audito venisse missu Agrippinae nuntium Agerinum, scaenam ultro criminis parat gladiumque, dum mandata perfert, abicit inter pedes eius, tum quasi deprehenso vincla inici iubet, ut exitium principis molitam matrem et pudore deprehensi sceleris sponte mortem sumpsisse confingeret. 14.8. Interim vulgato Agrippinae periculo, quasi casu evenisset, ut quisque acceperat, decurrere ad litus. hi molium obiectus, hi proximas scaphas scandere; alii quantum corpus sinebat vadere in mare; quidam manus protendere; questibus, votis, clamore diversa rogitantium aut incerta respondentium omnis ora compleri; adfluere ingens multitudo cum luminibus, atque ubi incolumem esse pernotuit, ut ad gratandum sese expedire, donec aspectu armati et minitantis agminis disiecti sunt. Anicetus villam statione circumdat refractaque ianua obvios servorum abripit, donec ad foris cubiculi veniret; cui pauci adstabant, ceteris terrore inrumpentium exterritis. cubiculo modicum lumen inerat et ancillarum una, magis ac magis anxia Agrippina quod nemo a filio ac ne Agerinus quidem: aliam fore laetae rei faciem; nunc solitudinem ac repentinos strepitus et extremi mali indicia. abeunte dehinc ancilla 'tu quoque me deseris' prolocuta respicit Anicetum trierarcho Herculeio et Obarito centurione classiario comitatum: ac, si ad visendum venisset, refotam nuntiaret, sin facinus patraturus, nihil se de filio credere; non imperatum parricidium. circumsistunt lectum percussores et prior trierarchus fusti caput eius adflixit. iam in mortem centurioni ferrum destringenti protendens uterum 'ventrem feri' exclamavit multisque vulneribus confecta est. 14.57. Perculso Seneca promptum fuit Rufum Faenium imminuere Agrippinae amicitiam in eo crimitibus. validiorque in dies Tigellinus et malas artes, quibus solis pollebat, gratiores ratus si principem societate scelerum obstringeret, metus eius rimatur; compertoque Plautum et Sullam maxime timeri, Plautum in Asiam, Sullam in Galliam Narbonensem nuper amotos, nobilitatem eorum et propinquos huic Orientis, illi Germaniae exercitus commemorat. non se, ut Burrum, diversas spes sed solam incolumitatem Neronis spectare; cui caveri utcumque ab urbanis insidiis praesenti opera: longinquos motus quonam modo comprimi posse? erectas Gallias ad nomen dictatorium nec minus suspensos Asiae populos claritudine avi Drusi. Sullam inopem, unde praecipuam audaciam, et simulatorem segnitiae dum temeritati locum reperiret. Plautum magnis opibus ne fingere quidem cupidinem otii sed veterum Romanorum imitamenta praeferre, adsumpta etiam Stoicorum adrogantia sectaque quae turbidos et negotiorum adpetentis faciat. nec ultra mora. Sulla sexto die pervectis Massiliam percussoribus ante metum et rumorem interficitur cum epulandi causa discumberet. relatum caput eius inlusit Nero tamquam praematura canitie deforme. | 13.21. When the emperor's fears had been thus calmed, at break of day a visit was paid to Agrippina; who was to listen to the charges, and rebut them or pay the penalty. The commission was carried out by Burrus under the eye of Seneca: a number of freedmen also were present as witnesses to the conversation. Then, after recapitulating the charges and their authors, Burrus adopted a threatening attitude. Agrippina summoned up her pride:â "I am not astonished," she said, "that Silana, who has never known maternity, should have no knowledge of a mother's heart: for parents do not change their children as a wanton changes her adulterers. Nor, if Iturius and Calvisius, after consuming the last morsel of their estates, pay their aged mistress the last abject service of undertaking a delation, is that a reason why my own fair fame should be darkened by the blood of my son or the emperor's conscience by that of his mother? For as to Domitia â I should thank her for her enmity, if she were competing with me in benevolence to my Nero, instead of staging this comedy with the help of her bedfellow Atimetus and her mummer Paris. In the days when my counsels were preparing his adoption, his proconsular power, his consulate in prospect, and the other steps to his sovereignty, she was embellishing the fish-ponds of her beloved Baiae. â Or let a man stand forth to convict me of tampering with the guards in the capital â of shaking the allegiance of the provinces â or, finally, of seducing either slave or freedman into crime! Could I have lived with Britannicus on the throne? And if Plautus or another shall acquire the empire and sit in judgement, am I to assume there is a dearth of accusers prepared to indict me, no longer for the occasional hasty utterances of an ill-regulated love, but for guilt from which only a son can absolve?" The listeners were moved, but she demanded an interview with her son. There she neither spoke in support of her innocence, as though she could entertain misgivings, nor on the theme of her services, as though she would cast them in his teeth, but procured vengeance upon her accusers and recognition for her friends. 14.5. A starlit night and the calm of an unruffled sea appeared to have been sent by Heaven to afford proof of guilt. The ship had made no great way, and two of Agrippina's household were in attendance, Crepereius Gallus standing not far from the tiller, while Acerronia, bending over the feet of the recumbent princess, recalled exultantly the penitence of the son and the re-entry of the mother into favour. Suddenly the signal was given: the canopy above them, which had been heavily weighted with lead, dropped, and Crepereius was crushed and killed on the spot. Agrippina and Acerronia were saved by the height of the couch-sides, which, as it happened, were too solid to give way under the impact. Nor did the break-up of the vessel follow: for confusion was universal, and even the men accessory to the plot were impeded by the large numbers of the ignorant. The crew then decided to throw their weight on one side and so capsize the ship; but, even on their own part, agreement came too slowly for a sudden emergency, and a counter-effort by others allowed the victims a gentler fall into the waves. Acerronia, however, incautious enough to raise the cry that she was Agrippina, and to demand aid for the emperor's mother, was despatched with poles, oars, and every nautical weapon that came to hand. Agrippina, silent and so not generally recognised, though she received one wound in the shoulder, swam until she was met by a few fishing-smacks, and so reached the Lucrine lake, whence she was carried into her own villa. 14.6. There she reflected on the evident purpose of the treacherous letter of invitation and the exceptional honour with which she had been treated, and on the fact that, hard by the shore, a vessel, driven by no gale and striking no reef, had collapsed at the top like an artificial structure on land. She reviewed as well the killing of Acerronia, glanced simultaneously at her own wound, and realized that the one defence against treachery was to leave it undetected. Accordingly she sent the freedman Agermus to carry word to her son that, thanks to divine kindness and to his fortunate star, she had survived a grave accident; but that, however great his alarm at his mother's danger, she begged him to defer the attention of a visit: for the moment, what she needed was rest. Meanwhile, with affected unconcern, she applied remedies to her wound and fomentations to her body: Acerronia's will, she gave instructions was to be sought, and her effects sealed up, â the sole measure not referable to dissimulation. 14.7. Meanwhile, as Nero was waiting for the messengers who should announce the doing of the deed, there came the news that she had escaped with a wound from a light blow, after running just sufficient risk to leave no doubt as to its author. Half-dead with terror, he protested that any moment she would be here, hot for vengeance. And whether she armed her slaves or inflamed the troops, or made her way to the senate and the people, and charged him with the wreck, her wound, and the slaying of her friends, what counter-resource was at his own disposal? Unless there was hope in Seneca and Burrus! He had summoned them immediately: whether to test their feeling, or as cognizant already of the secret, is questionable. â There followed, then, a long silence on the part of both: either they were reluctant to dissuade in vain, or they believed matters to have reached a point at which Agrippina must be forestalled or Nero perish. After a time, Seneca so far took the lead as to glance at Burrus and inquire if the fatal order should be given to the military. His answer was that the guards, pledged as they were to the Caesarian house as a whole, and attached to the memory of Germanicus, would flinch from drastic measures against his issue: Anicetus must redeem his promise. He, without any hesitation, asked to be given full charge of the crime. The words brought from Nero a declaration that that day presented him with an empire, and that he had a freedman to thank for so great a boon: Anicetus must go with speed and take an escort of men distinguished for implicit obedience to orders. He himself, on hearing that Agermus had come with a message from Agrippina, anticipated it by setting the stage for a charge of treason, threw a sword at his feet while he was doing his errand, then ordered his arrest as an assassin caught in the act; his intention being to concoct a tale that his mother had practised against the imperial life and taken refuge in suicide from the shame of detection. 14.8. In the interval, Agrippina's jeopardy, which was attributed to accident, had become generally known; and there was a rush to the beach, as man after man learned the news. Some swarmed up the sea-wall, some into the nearest fishing-boats: others were wading middle-deep into the surf, a few standing with outstretched arms. The whole shore rang with lamentations and vows and the din of conflicting questions and vague replies. A huge multitude streamed up with lights, and, when the knowledge of her safety spread, set out to offer congratulations; until, at the sight of an armed and threatening column, they were forced to scatter. Anicetus drew a cordon around the villa, and, breaking down the entrance, dragged off the slaves as they appeared, until he reached the bedroom-door. A few servants were standing by: the rest had fled in terror at the inrush of men. In the chamber was a dim light and a single waiting-maid; and Agrippina's anxiety deepened every instant. Why no one from her son â nor even Agermus? Had matters prospered, they would have worn another aspect. Now, nothing but solitude, hoarse alarms, and the symptoms of irremediable ill! Then the maid rose to go. "Dost thou too forsake me?" she began, and saw Anicetus behind her, accompanied by Herculeius, the trierarch, and Obaritus, a centurion of marines. "If he had come to visit the sick, he might take back word that she felt refreshed. If to do murder, she would believe nothing of her son: matricide was no article of their instructions." The executioners surrounded the couch, and the trierarch began by striking her on the head with a club. The centurion was drawing his sword to make an end, when she proffered her womb to the blow. "Strike here," she exclaimed, and was despatched with repeated wounds. 14.57. With Seneca brought low, it was a simple matter to undermine Faenius Rufus, the charge in his case being friendship with Agrippina. Tigellinus, too, growing stronger with every day, and convinced that the mischievous arts, which were his one source of power, would be all the more acceptable, could he bind the emperor to himself by a partnership in crime, probed his fears, and, discovering the main objects of his alarm to be Plautus and Sulla â both lately removed, the former to Asia, the latter to Narbonese Gaul â began to draw attention to their distinguished lineage and their nearness, respectively, to the armies of the East and of Germany. "Unlike Burrus," he said, "he had not in view two irreconcilable hopes, but purely the safety of Nero. In the capital, where he could work on the spot, the imperial security was more or less provided for; but how were outbreaks at a distance to be stifled? Gaul was alert at the sound of the Dictator's name; and equally the peoples of Asia were unbalanced by the glory of such a grandsire as Drusus. Sulla was indigent, therefore greatly daring, and wore the mask of lethargy only till he could find an occasion for temerity. Plautus, with his great fortune, did not even affect a desire for peace, but, not content to parade his mimicries of the ancient Romans, had taken upon himself the Stoic arrogance and the mantle of a sect which inculcated sedition and an appetite for politics." There was no further delay. On the sixth day following, the slayers had made the crossing to Massilia, and Sulla, who had taken his place at the dinner-table, was despatched before a whisper of alarm had reached him. The head was carried back to Rome, where the premature grey hairs disfiguring it provoked the merriment of Nero. |
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| 18. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 534, 536, 537, 541 |
| 19. Tacitus, Agricola, 3.1, 21.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 84, 173, 174 |
| 20. Suetonius, Nero, 47.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 205 |
21. Plutarch, Camillus, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151| 10.3. ἀχθεὶς δὲ καὶ καταστὰς εἰς μέσον ἔλεγε παιδευτὴς μέν εἶναι καὶ διδάσκαλος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων ἑλόμενος τῶν δικαίων, ἥκειν αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἐν τοῖς παισὶ κομίζων, δεινὸν οὖν ἀκούσαντι τὸ ἔργον ἐφάνη Καμίλλῳ· καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπών, ὡς χαλεπὸν μέν ἐστι πόλεμος καὶ διὰ πολλῆς ἀδικίας καὶ βιαίων περαινόμενος ἔργων, | 10.3. So led, and in that presence, he said he was a boys’ school-teacher, but chose rather to win the general’s favour than to fulfil the duties of his office, and so had come bringing to him the city in the persons of its boys. It seemed to Camillus, on hearing him, that the man had done a monstrous deed, and turning to the bystanders he said: War is indeed a grievous thing, and is waged with much injustice and violence; |
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| 22. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.9.112-2.9.120 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 541 |
| 23. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 4.80, 5.89 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 14, 727 |
| 24. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.95.208 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 536 |
| 25. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174 |
26. Seneca The Younger, Phoenissae, 447 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 205| 447. hunc petite ventrem, qui dedit fratres viro. | |
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| 27. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 6.32.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 311 |
| 28. Seneca The Younger, Oedipus, 1038-1039 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 205 |
29. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 2.10.2, 10.34.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 541, 686| 2.10.2. ἐντεῦθέν ἐστιν ὁδὸς ἐς ἱερὸν Ἀσκληπιοῦ. παρελθοῦσι δὲ ἐς τὸν περίβολον ἐν ἀριστερᾷ διπλοῦν ἐστιν οἴκημα· κεῖται δὲ Ὕπνος ἐν τῷ προτέρῳ, καί οἱ πλὴν τῆς κεφαλῆς ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἔτι λείπεται. τὸ ἐνδοτέρω δὲ Ἀπόλλωνι ἀνεῖται Καρνείῳ, καὶ ἐς αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστι πλὴν τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔσοδος. κεῖται δὲ ἐν τῇ στοᾷ κήτους ὀστοῦν θαλασσίου μεγέθει μέγα καὶ μετʼ αὐτὸ ἄγαλμα Ὀνείρου καὶ Ὕπνος κατακοιμίζων λέοντα, Ἐπιδώτης δὲ ἐπίκλησιν. ἐς δὲ τὸ Ἀσκληπιεῖον ἐσιοῦσι καθʼ ἕτερον τῆς ἐσόδου τῇ μὲν Πανὸς καθήμενον ἄγαλμά ἐστι, τῇ δὲ Ἄρτεμις ἕστηκεν. 10.34.7. Ἐλατείας δὲ ὅσον σταδίους εἴκοσιν ἀφέστηκεν Ἀθηνᾶς ἐπίκλησιν Κραναίας ἱερόν· ἡ δὲ ὁδὸς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἀναντεστέρα ὡς ἀνιᾶν τὸ μηδὲν καὶ λεληθέναι μᾶλλον αὐτῆς τὸ ἄναντες. λόφος δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῷ πέρατι τὰ πλείω μὲν ἀπότομος, οὐ μέντοι ἄγαν ἢ μεγέθους ἔχων ἐστὶν ἢ ὕψους· ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ λόφῳ τὸ ἱερὸν πεποίηται, καὶ στοαί τέ εἰσι καὶ οἰκήσεις διὰ τῶν στοῶν, ἔνθα οἰκοῦσιν οἷς τὴν θεὸν θεραπεύειν καθέστηκε, καὶ ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τῷ ἱερωμένῳ. | 2.10.2. From here is a way to a sanctuary of Asclepius. On passing into the enclosure you see on the left a building with two rooms. In the outer room lies a figure of Sleep, of which nothing remains now except the head. The inner room is given over to the Carnean Apollo; into it none may enter except the priests. In the portico lies a huge bone of a sea-monster, and after it an image of the Dream-god and Sleep, surnamed Epidotes (Bountiful), lulling to sleep a lion. Within the sanctuary on either side of the entrance is an image, on the one hand Pan seated, on the other Artemis standing. 10.34.7. About twenty stades away from Elateia is a sanctuary of Athena surnamed Cranaea. The road to it slopes upwards, but so gentle is the ascent that it causes no fatigue—in fact one scarcely notices it. At the end of the road is a hill which, though for the most part precipitous, is neither very large nor very high. On this hill the sanctuary has been built, with porticoes and dwellings through them, where live those whose duty it is to wait on the god, chief of whom is the priest. |
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| 30. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 1.4.1-1.4.6, 1.63.9, 2.2.1-2.2.2, 2.18.3, 8.7.1, 8.20.9-8.20.10, 38.1.1, 38.22, 39.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151 |
| 31. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 14 |
32. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 6.24.2-6.24.3, 30.3-30.4, 50.30.3-50.30.4, 61.13.2-61.13.5, 68.27.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151 | 6.24.3. However, he failed to accomplish anything; for Camillus, mindful of Roman valour and likewise of the vicissitudes in human affairs, would not agree to take them by treachery. Instead, he bound the traitor's hands behind his back and delivered him to the children themselves to lead home again. After this episode the Faliscans held out no longer, but in spite of the fact that they were securely entrenched and had ample resources to continue the war, they nevertheless made terms with him voluntarily. They were confident they should enjoy a remarkable friendship with one, whom, even as an enemy, they had found so just. |
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| 33. Anon., Acts of Philip, 14 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 760 |
| 34. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 7.723-7.732 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 155 |
35. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 23.6.18 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 536 | 23.6.18. A similar opening was formerly to be seen (as some say) at Hierapolis in Phrygia. And from this also a noxious vapour with a penetrating stench came forth and was destructive to whatever came near it, excepting only eunuchs; and the reason for this may be left to natural philosophers to determine. Cf. Dio. lxviii. 27, 3; Pliny, N.H. ii. 208. |
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| 36. Damaskios, Vita Isidori (Ap. Photium, Bibl. Codd. 181, 242), None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 534, 536, 537 |
| 37. Damaskios, Vita Isidori, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 534, 536, 537 |
| 38. Epigraphy, Nollé, Losorakel, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan |
| 42. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 215 |
| 43. Epigraphy, Blass, Eudoxi Ars Astronomica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 44. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., 1.6.5 Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151 |
| 45. Epigraphy, Igportus, 17 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), eurymedon (river god) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 385 |
| 46. Epigraphy, Amnisos, 46 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), eurymedon (river god) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 385 |
| 47. Epigraphy, Samama, Médecins, 405-407 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 14 |
48. Strabo, Geography, 8.6.23, 12.8.17, 13.4.14 Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 140; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 536 | 8.6.23. The Corinthians, when they were subject to Philip, not only sided with him in his quarrel with the Romans, but individually behaved so contemptuously towards the Romans that certain persons ventured to pour down filth upon the Roman ambassadors when passing by their house. For this and other offences, however, they soon paid the penalty, for a considerable army was sent thither, and the city itself was razed to the ground by Leucius Mummius; and the other countries as far as Macedonia became subject to the Romans, different commanders being sent into different countries; but the Sikyonians obtained most of the Corinthian country. Polybius, who speaks in a tone of pity of the events connected with the capture of Corinth, goes on to speak of the disregard shown by the army for the works of art and votive offerings; for he says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these. Among the paintings he names that of Dionysus by Aristeides, to which, according to some writers, the saying, Nothing in comparison with the Dionysus, referred; and also the painting of Heracles in torture in the robe of Deianeira. Now I have not seen the latter, but I saw the Dionysus, a most beautiful work, on the walls of the sanctuary of Ceres in Rome; but when recently the temple was burned, the painting perished with it. And I may almost say that the most and best of the other dedicatory offerings at Rome came from there; and the cities in the neighborhood of Rome also obtained some; for Mummius, being magimous rather than fond of art, as they say, readily shared with those who asked. And when Lucullus built the sanctuary of Good Fortune and a portico, he asked Mummius for the use of the statues which he had, saying that he would adorn the sanctuary with them until the dedication and then give them back. However, he did not give them back, but dedicated them to the goddess, and then bade Mummius to take them away if he wished. But Mummius took it lightly, for he cared nothing about them, so that he gained more repute than the man who dedicated them. Now after Corinth had remained deserted for a long time, it was restored again, because of its favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who colonized it with people that belonged for the most part to the freedmen class. And when these were removing the ruins and at the same time digging open the graves, they found numbers of terra-cotta reliefs, and also many bronze vessels. And since they admired the workmanship they left no grave unransacked; so that, well supplied with such things and disposing of them at a high price, they filled Rome with Corinthian mortuaries, for thus they called the things taken from the graves, and in particular the earthenware. Now at the outset the earthenware was very highly prized, like the bronzes of Corinthian workmanship, but later they ceased to care much for them, since the supply of earthen vessels failed and most of them were not even well executed. The city of the Corinthians, then, was always great and wealthy, and it was well equipped with men skilled both in the affairs of state and in the craftsman's arts; for both here and in Sikyon the arts of painting and modelling and all such arts of the craftsman flourished most. The city had territory, however, that was not very fertile, but rifted and rough; and from this fact all have called Corinth beetling, and use the proverb, Corinth is both beetle-browed and full of hollows. 12.8.17. Carura forms a boundary between Phrygia and Caria. It is a village; and it has inns, and also fountains of boiling-hot waters, some in the Maeander River and some above its banks. Moreover, it is said that once, when a brothel-keeper had taken lodging in the inns along with a large number of women, an earthquake took place by night, and that he, together with all the women, disappeared from sight. And I might almost say that the whole of the territory in the neighborhood of the Maeander is subject to earthquakes and is undermined with both fire and water as far as the interior; for, beginning at the plains, all these conditions extend through that country to the Charonia, I mean the Charonium at Hierapolis and that at Acharaca in Nysais and that near Magnesia and Myus. In fact, the soil is not only friable and crumbly but is also full of salts and easy to burn out. And perhaps the Maeander is winding for this reason, because the stream often changes its course and, carrying down much silt, adds the silt at different times to different parts of the shore; however, it forcibly thrusts a part of the silt out to the high sea. And, in fact, by its deposits of silt, extending forty stadia, it has made Priene, which in earlier times was on the sea, an inland city. 13.4.14. When one crosses over the Mesogis, between the Carians and the territory of Nysa, which latter is a country on the far side of the Maeander extending to Cibyratis and Cabalis, one comes to certain cities. First, near the Mesogis, opposite Laodiceia, to Hierapolis, where are the hot springs and the Plutonion, both of which have something marvellous about them; for the water of the springs so easily congeals and changes into stone that people conduct streams of it through ditches and thus make stone fences consisting of single stones, while the Plutonion, below a small brow of the mountainous country that lies above it, is an opening of only moderate size, large enough to admit a man, but it reaches a considerable depth, and it is enclosed by a quadrilateral handrail, about half a plethrum in circumference, and this space is full of a vapour so misty and dense that one can scarcely see the ground. Now to those who approach the handrail anywhere round the enclosure the air is harmless, since the outside is free from that vapor in calm weather, for the vapor then stays inside the enclosure, but any animal that passes inside meets instant death. At any rate, bulls that are led into it fall and are dragged out dead; and I threw in sparrows and they immediately breathed their last and fell. But the Galli, who are eunuchs, pass inside with such impunity that they even approach the opening, bend over it, and descend into it to a certain depth, though they hold their breath as much as they can (for I could see in their counteces an indication of a kind of suffocating attack, as it were), — whether this immunity belongs to all who are maimed in this way or only to those round the sanctuary, or whether it is because of divine providence, as would be likely in the case of divine obsessions, or whether it is, the result of certain physical powers that are antidotes against the vapor. The changing of water into stone is said also to be the case with the rivers in Laodiceia, although their water is potable. The water at Hierapolis is remarkably adapted also to the dyeing of wool, so that wool dyed with the roots rival those dyed with the coccus or with the marine purple. And the supply of water is so abundant that the city is full of natural baths. |
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| 50. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 6.5.1 Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 151 |
51. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.2, 8.685-8.688 Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 32, 283 | 1.2. predestined exile, from the Trojan shore 8.685. Therefore go forth, O bravest chief and King 8.686. of Troy and Italy ! To thee I give 8.687. the hope and consolation of our throne, 8.688. pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee |
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| 52. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 18 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 727 |
| 53. Anastasius, Quaestio, 26.4 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 760 |
| 54. Anon., Epit. Vit. Tychonis, 30.16, 30.17, 30.18, 30.19, 30.20, 30.21, 30.22, 30.23, 30.24, 30.25, 30.26, 30.27, 30.28, 31.1, 31.2, 31.3, 31.4, 31.5, 31.6, 31.7, 31.8, 31.9, 31.10, 31.11, 31.12, 31.13, 31.14, 31.15, 31.16, 31.17-36.5, 42.26, 42.27, 42.28, 42.29, 42.30, 43.1, 43.2, 43.3, 43.4, 43.5, 43.6, 43.7, 43.8, 43.9, 43.10, 43.11, 43.12, 43.13, 43.14, 43.15, 43.16, 43.17 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 760 |
| 55. Epigraphy, Ricis, 312/0201, 401/0603, 503/1211, 605/0101, 305/0505 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 385 |
| 56. Artifact, Mastrocinque, Sgg I, 60 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), eurymedon (river god) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 385 |
| 57. Council of Carthage, Canons (Ed. C. Munier,Concilia Africae A. 345 - A. 525 (Ccsl 149; Turnhout, 1974)), 83 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 760 |
| 58. Artifact, Veymiers, Sã©Rapis Gemmes, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 385 |
| 59. Epigraphy, Ae, 1350, 1993 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 60. Anon., 4 Ezra, 12, 11 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 54 |
| 61. Epigraphy, Be, 179, 1942 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 62. Epigraphy, Cil, 4.3433, 12.3058 Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 315; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 686 |
| 63. Epigraphy, Ig Xiv, 914 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), eurymedon (river god) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 385 |
| 64. Epigraphy, Seg, 18.592, 38.1328 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), eurymedon (river god) Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 385 |
| 65. Epigraphy, Smyrna, 1.557, 2.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 686 |
| 66. Epigraphy, Stratonikeia, 2.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 67. Epigraphy, Syll. , 996 Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman, of anatolian or eastern origin), cybele/mother of gods Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 541 |
68. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 8.8.10, 9.2.24 Tagged with subjects: •gods and divinities Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 173| 8.8.10. At enim Persae, quos vicimus, in magno honore sunt apud me! Mihi quidem moderationis meae certissimum indicium est, quod ne victis quidem superbe impero. Veni enim in Asiam, non ut funditus everterem gentes nec ut dimidiam partem terrarum solitudinem facerem, 9.2.24. Sero hostium legiones numerare coepistis, postquam solitudinem in Asia vincendo fecistis. Cum per Hellespontum navigaremus, de paucitate nostra cogitandum fuit: nunc nos Scythae sequuntur, Bactriana auxilia praesto sunt, Dahae Sogdianique inter nos militant. | |
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| 69. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 369-372, 368 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 205 |
