1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 49.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 286| 49.14. "זֶה דַרְכָּם כֵּסֶל לָמוֹ וְאַחֲרֵיהֶם בְּפִיהֶם יִרְצוּ סֶלָה׃", | 49.14. "This is the way of them that are foolish, and of those who after them approve their sayings. Selah", |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 21.18-21.21 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, gospels, eating and drinking in Found in books: König (2012) 131| 21.18. "כִּי־יִהְיֶה לְאִישׁ בֵּן סוֹרֵר וּמוֹרֶה אֵינֶנּוּ שֹׁמֵעַ בְּקוֹל אָבִיו וּבְקוֹל אִמּוֹ וְיסְּרוּ אֹתוֹ וְלֹא יִשְׁמַע אֲלֵיהֶם׃", 21.19. "וְתָפְשׂוּ בוֹ אָבִיו וְאִמּוֹ וְהוֹצִיאוּ אֹתוֹ אֶל־זִקְנֵי עִירוֹ וְאֶל־שַׁעַר מְקֹמוֹ׃", 21.21. "וּרְגָמֻהוּ כָּל־אַנְשֵׁי עִירוֹ בָאֲבָנִים וָמֵת וּבִעַרְתָּ הָרָע מִקִּרְבֶּךָ וְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל יִשְׁמְעוּ וְיִרָאוּ׃", | 21.18. "If a man have a stubborn and rebellious son, that will not hearken to the voice of his father, or the voice of his mother, and though they chasten him, will not hearken unto them;", 21.19. "then shall his father and his mother lay hold on him, and bring him out unto the elders of his city, and unto the gate of his place;", 21.20. "and they shall say unto the elders of his city: ‘This our son is stubborn and rebellious, he doth not hearken to our voice; he is a glutton, and a drunkard.’", 21.21. "And all the men of his city shall stone him with stones, that he die; so shalt thou put away the evil from the midst of thee; and all Israel shall hear, and fear.", |
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3. Homer, Iliad, 23.382 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 16 | 23.382. / Eumelus' car, and with their breath his back waxed warm and his broad shoulders, for right over him did they lean their heads as they flew along. And now would Tydeus' son have passed him by or left the issue in doubt, had not Phoebus Apollo waxed wroth with him and smitten from his hand the shining lash. |
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4. Aristophanes, Knights, 1406 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 18| 1406. ἕπου δὲ ταυτηνὶ λαβὼν τὴν βατραχίδα: | |
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| 5. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 383 |
| 6. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 383 |
| 7. Aristophanes, Birds, 2.72 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 18 |
| 8. Theophrastus, Characters, 2.7 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 9. Menander, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 138 |
| 10. Menander, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 11. Menander, Fabula Incerta 1, 2, 7, 5 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 12. Menander, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 13. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 376 |
| 14. Aristotle, Movement of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Graver (2007) 236 |
| 15. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver (2007) 236 |
| 16. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Rohland (2022) 118 |
| 17. Archytas Amphissensis, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 54 |
| 18. Plautus, Persa, 464 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 19. Plautus, Cistellaria, 178, 177 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 20. Ennius, Annales, 268-285, 372-373, 440, 286 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 50, 51 |
21. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547| 27. citizens, the Roman knights, who then combined with the senate in defence of the safety of the republic? What are we to say of the aerarian tribunes, “The tribuni aerarii, who constituted an order in the latter days of the republic, and who were, in fact, the representatives of the most respectable plebeians, were originally heads of tribes, who acted as; general inspectors and collectors of the aes militare for the payment of the troops.” “The charge of the treasury was originally entrusted to the quaestors and their assistants, the tribuni aerarii .” “Niebuhr supposes that the tribuni aerani, who occur down to the end of the republic, were only the successors of the tribunes of the tribes.” Vide Smith, Dict. Ant. pp. 19, 20, 987, vv. Aerarii, Aerarium, Tribunus . and of the men of all the other orders in the state, who then took up arms in defence of the common liberties of all? But why do I speak of all those men who obeyed the command of the consuls? What is to become of the reputation of the consuls themselves? Are we to condemn Lucius Flaccus, a man always most diligent in the service of the republic, and in the discharge of his duty as a magistrate, and in his priesthood, and in the religious ceremonies over which he presided, as guilty of nefarious wickedness and parricide, now that he is dead? And are we to mute with hum in this stigma and infamy, after death, the name of even Caius Marius? Are we, I say, to condemn Caius Marius now that he is dead, as guilty of nefarious wickedness, and parricide, whom we may rightly entitle the father of his country, the parent of your liberties, and of this republic? | |
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| 22. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 2.4, 4.4.4, 4.13, 16.26.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius •gellius, aulus, and being roman, Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 186, 188; Johnson and Parker (2009) 324 |
23. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.34, 3.16-3.18, 3.74-3.75 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius •gellius, aulus Found in books: Graver (2007) 236; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 281; Čulík-Baird (2022) 36| 1.34. loquor de principibus; quid? quo d G 1 poëtae nonne post post st in r. V c mortem nobilitari nobilitare K 1 corr. 2 volunt? unde unde er go in ut est de ennio corr. K c(?) ergo illud: Aspicite, o cives, senis senis enni V ( 2. s V 2 ) Enni enni X ennii K 2 imaginis formam: formam V 1 urnam V rec in mg. Hic vestrum panxit panxit edd. pinxit maxima facta patrum? Enn. var. 15 mercedem gloriae flagitat ab is quorum patres adfecerat gloria, idemque: Nemo me lacrimis lacrimis X, -et pro -is in r. V c . de ratione versus afferendi cf. Va. Op. II p. 135 Cur? volito vivos per ora virum. Enn. var. 17 vivus V c sed quid poëtas? poetas s putas X poetę V c (p a m. 1, oetę in r. ) opifices post mortem nobilitari nobilitare K 1 corr. 2 volunt. quid enim Phidias sui similem speciem inclusit in clupeo Minervae, cum inscribere nomen add. Ern. non liceret? quid? quid? nostri eqs. libere Hier. in Gal. p. 517 nostri philosophi nonne in is libris ipsis, quos scribunt de contemnenda gloria, sua nomina inscribunt? 3.16. Veri etiam simile illud illi G 1 est, qui sit temperans— quem Graeci sw/frona appellant eamque virtutem swfrosu/nhn vocant, quam soleo equidem tum temperantiam, tum moderationem appellare, non numquam etiam modestiam; sed haud -d haut in r. K 1 scio an recte ea virtus frugalitas appellari possit, quod angustius apud Graecos valet, qui frugi homines xrhsi/mous appellant, id est tantum modo utilis; at illud est latius; omnis enim abstinentia, omnis innocentia (quae apud Graecos usitatum nomen nullum habet, sed habere potest potest om. H a)bla/beian ; a B La BEl in r. V 1 AB D AB e lAN fere K 1 RG 2 ( in litt. evan. aut eras. ) abdabeian H a B La BEl a N V 1 nam est innocentia adfectio affectio KRH talis animi sed praeter a N in r. quae noceat nemini)—reliquas etiam etiam om. H virtutes frugalitas continet. omnis abst.... 19 continet quae nisi tanta esset, et si is angustiis, quibus plerique putant, teneretur, numquam esset L. Pisonis cognomen tanto opere laudatum. 3.17. sed quia, nec qui propter metum praesidium reliquit, relinquit (-id G 1 ) X corr. V 1 aut 2 quod est ignaviae, nec qui propter avaritiam clam depositum depositi G non reddidit, quod est iniustitiae, nec qui propter temeritatem male rem gessit, quod est stultitiae, frugi appellari solet, eo tris virtutes, fortitudinem iustitiam prudentiam, frugalitas complexa est (etsi hoc quidem commune est virtutum; omnes omnis X enim inter se nexae et iugatae sunt hoc quidem est commu- ne ... 326, 1 sunt ( sine nexae et) Non. 47, 7 ): reliqua igitur et quarta virtus sit sit ut sit X sed ut exp. V 2 reliqua igitur est, quarta v. ut sit, ipsa fr. Mdv. ipsa frugalitas. eius enim videtur esse proprium motus animi adpetentis regere et sedare semperque semper quae X corr. R c adversantem aversantem X corr. VCR 2 libidini moderatam in omni re servare constantiam. cui contrarium vitium nequitia dicitur. 3.18. frugalitas, ut opinor, a fruge, qua nihil melius e est e We. terra, nequitia ab eo (etsi erit hoc fortasse durius, sed temptemus: lusisse lu sisse V (l m. 2? ) iusisse R 1 iussisse GKR 2 H putemur, putatos V (ato in r. 2 ut v.; voluitne putato ?) nil GR c ( totum verbum del. R 2 ) si nihil sit) ab eo, quod nequicquam est in tali homine, ex quo idem nihili St. fr. 3, 570 nihili V 2 nihil dic. G ( 2 litt. erasae ) nihil KRV 1 dicitur.—qui sit frugi igitur vel, si mavis, moderatus et temperans, eum necesse est esse esse add. G 2 constantem; qui autem constans, quietum; qui quietus, perturbatione omni vacuum, ergo etiam aegritudine. et sunt illa sapientis: sed ... 326, 13 sapientis H aberit igitur a sapiente aegritudo. Itaque non inscite Heracleotes Dionysius St. fr. 1, 434 dyonisius KR dioni ius V ad ea disputat, quae apud Homerum Achilles queritur hoc, ut opinor, modo: Corque meum penitus turgescit tristibus iris, I 646 Cum decore atque omni me orbatum laude recordor. num manus adfecta recte est, cum in tumore est, aut num aliud quodpiam aliud quodpiam Turn. ex s aliquod ( ex aliquid K 1 ) quippiam X alia quippiam H membrum tumidum ac turgidum non vitiose se habet? 3.74. Sed nimirum hoc maxume maxumum X me ss. B est exprimendum, exprimendum X ( con- fessio adversariis exprimenda est cf. Verr. 4, 112 Liv. 21, 18, 5 Lucan. 6, 599 manibus exprime verum ) experimentum ( et antea maxumum) edd. ( sed hoc uerbum Tullianum non est, illudque hanc—diuturna ratione conclusum, non ex experientia sumptum ) cum constet aegritudinem aegritudinem V -ne GKR vetustate tolli, tollit X sed ult. t eras. V hanc vim non esse in die diē V positam, sed in cogitatione diuturna. diurna X corr. B 1 s nam si et eadem res est et idem est homo, qui potest quicquam de dolore mutari, si neque de eo, propter quod dolet, quicquam est mutatum neque de eo, qui qui quod G 1 dolet? cogitatio igitur diuturna diurna X corr. B 1 s nihil esse in re mali dolori medetur, non ipsa diuturnitas. Hic mihi adferunt mediocritates. mediocritas X -tates V c Non. quae si naturales sunt, quid opus est consolatione? at hae mihi afferentur med.... 24 consolatione Non. 29, 27 natura enim ipsa terminabit modum; sin opinabiles, opinio tota tollatur. Satis dictum esse arbitror aegritudinem esse opinionem mali praesentis, satis arbitror dictum esse ... 355, 1 praesentis H in qua opinione illud insit, ut aegritudinem suscipere oporteat. 3.75. additur ad hanc definitionem a Zenone recte, ut illa opinio praesentis mali sit recens. hoc autem verbum sic interpretantur, ut non tantum illud recens esse velint, quod paulo ante acciderit, sed quam diu in illo opinato malo vis quaedam insit, ut ut s et X vigeat et habeat quandam viriditatem, tam diu appelletur appellatur K recens. ut Artemisia illa, Mausoli Cariae regis uxor, quae nobile illud Halicarnasi alicarnasi X fecit sepulcrum, quam diu vixit, vixit in luctu eodemque etiam confecta contabuit. huic erat illa opinio cotidie recens; quae tum denique non appellatur appellabatur X corr. V 2 recens, cum vetustate exaruit. Haec igitur officia sunt consolantium, tollere aegritudinem funditus aut sedare aut detrahere aut detr. V ( ss. 2 ) quam plurumum aut supprimere nec pati manare longius aut ad alia traducere. | |
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| 24. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 58 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 188 |
| 25. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 46-47 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 108 |
| 26. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo, 27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 27. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.5, 5.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus •gellius, aulus, and being roman, Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 324; Rohland (2022) 118 |
| 28. Cicero, In P. Clodium Et C. Curionem, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 29. Cicero, Pro Ligario, 12.37 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: O, Daly (2020) 142 |
30. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.83, 2.104 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 105; Čulík-Baird (2022) 67 | 1.83. Should not the physical philosopher therefore, that is, the explorer and tracker-out of nature, be ashamed to go to minds besotted with habit for evidence of truth? On your principle it will be legitimate to assert that Jupiter always wears a beard and Apollo never, and that Minerva has grey eyes and Neptune blue. Yes, and at Athens there is a much-praised statue of Vulcan made by Alcamenes, a standing figure, draped, which displays a slight lameness, though not enough to be unsightly. We shall therefore deem god to be lame, since tradition represents Vulcan so. Tell me now, do we also make out the gods to have the same names as those by which they are known to us? 2.104. Nothing can be more marvellous or more beautiful than this spectacle. Next comes the vast multitude of the fixed stars, grouped in constellations so clearly defined that they have received names derived from their resemblance to familiar objects." Here he looked at me and said, "I will make use of the poems of Aratus, as translated by yourself when quite a young man, which because of their Latin dress give me such pleasure that I retain many of them in memory. Well then, as we continually see with our own eyes, without any change or variation Swiftly the other heavenly bodies glide, All day and night travelling with the sky, |
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31. Polybius, Histories, 31.25.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 202| 31.25.8. πλὴν ὅ γε Σκιπίων ὁρμήσας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν ἀγωγὴν τοῦ βίου καὶ πάσαις ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ἀντιταξάμενος καὶ κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ὁμολογούμενον καὶ σύμφωνον ἑαυτὸν κατασκευάσας κατὰ τὸν βίον ἐν ἴσως πέντε τοῖς πρώτοις ἔτεσι πάνδημον ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἐπʼ εὐταξίᾳ καὶ σωφροσύνῃ δόξαν. | 31.25.8. Scipio, however, setting himself to pursue the opposite course of conduct, combating all his appetites and moulding his life to be in every way coherent and uniform, in about the first five years established his universal reputation for strictness and temperance. |
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32. Cicero, On Invention, 1.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Rohland (2022) 118| 1.33. ritia. hoc igitur vitandum est, ne, cuius genus po- sueris, eius * sicuti aliquam diversam ac dissimilem partem ponas in eadem partitione. quodsi quod in genus plures incident partes, id cum in prima causae partitione erit simpliciter expositum, distribuetur tem- pore eo commodissime, cum ad ipsum ventum erit explicandum in causae dictione post partitionem. atque illud quoque pertinet ad paucitatem, ne aut plura, quam satis est, demonstraturos nos dicamus, hoc modo: ostendam adversarios, quod arguamus, et potuisse facere et voluisse et fecisse; nam fecisse satis est ostendere: aut, cum in causa partitio nulla sit, et cum simplex quiddam agatur, tamen utamur distributione, id quod perraro potest accidere. Ac sunt alia quoque praecepta partitionum, quae ad hunc usum oratorium non tanto opere pertineant, quae versantur in philosophia, ex quibus haec ipsa trans- tulimus, quae convenire viderentur, quorum nihil in ceteris artibus inveniebamus. Atque his de partitione praeceptis in omni dictione meminisse oportebit, ut et prima quaeque pars, ut expo- sita est in partitione, sic ordine transigatur et omnibus explicatis peroratum sit hoc modo, ut ne quid po- sterius praeter conclusionem inferatur. partitur apud Terentium breviter et commode senex in Andria, quae cognoscere libertum velit: Eo pacto et gnati vitam et consilium meum Cognosces et quid facere in hac re te velim. itaque quemadmodum in partitione proposuit, ita narrat, primum nati vitam: Nam is postquam excessit ex ephebis ; deinde suum consilium: Et nunc id operam do deinde quid Sosiam velit facere, id quod postremum posuit in partitione, postremum di- cit: Nunc tuum est officium quemadmodum igitur hic et ad primam quamque partem primum accessit et omnibus absolutis finem dicendi fecit, sic nobis pla- cet et ad singulas partes accedere et omnibus abso- lutis perorare. Nunc de confirmatione deinceps, ita ut ordo ipse postulat, praecipiendum videtur. | |
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33. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 1.4-1.5, 2.12-2.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 67, 168| 1.4. Iis iis Man. sec. Bai. ; his igitur est difficilius satis facere, qui se Latina latina A 1 B E latinia R latine A 2 NV scripta dicunt contemnere. in quibus hoc primum est in quo admirer, cur in gravissimis rebus non delectet eos sermo patrius, cum idem fabellas Latinas ad verbum e Graecis expressas non inviti legant. quis enim tam inimicus paene nomini nomini pene BE Romano est, qui Ennii Medeam aut Antiopam Pacuvii spernat aut reiciat, quod se isdem Euripidis fabulis delectari dicat, Latinas litteras oderit? Synephebos ego, inquit, potius Caecilii aut Andriam Terentii quam utramque Medri legam? A quibus tantum dissentio, ut, cum Sophocles vel optime scripserit Electram, tamen male conversam Atilii atrilii ( ut videtur )R acilii BE mihi legendam putem, de quo Lucilius: Lucilius Se. lucinius A 1 ; licinius (altera parte prioris u erasa) A 2 ; licinius BER, N (litin.), V; Licinus C.F.W. Mue. 1.5. 'ferreum scriptorem', verum, opinor, scriptorem tamen, ut legendus sit. rudem enim esse omnino in nostris poe+tis aut inertissimae segnitiae est aut fastidii delicatissimi. mihi quidem nulli satis eruditi videntur, quibus nostra ignota sunt. an Utina/m an Utinam Mur (ad Phil. 14, 5), at utinam ABERN aut umnam V ne in nemore nihilo minus legimus quam hoc idem Graecum, quae autem de bene beateque vivendo a Platone disputata sunt, haec explicari non placebit Latine? 2.12. quid enim necesse est, tamquam meretricem in matronarum coetum, sic voluptatem in virtutum concilium adducere? invidiosum nomen est, infame, suspectum. suspectum subiectum R itaque hoc frequenter dici solet a vobis, non intellegere nos, quam dicat Epicurus voluptatem. quod quidem mihi si quando dictum est—est autem dictum non parum saepe—, etsi satis clemens sum in disputando, tamen interdum soleo subirasci. egone non intellego, quid sit h(donh/ Graece, Latine voluptas? utram tandem linguam nescio? deinde qui fit, ut ego nesciam, sciant omnes, quicumque Epicurei esse voluerunt? voluerint BE quod vestri quidem vel optime disputant, nihil opus esse eum, qui philosophus futurus sit, philosophus qui futurus sit A (cf. Iw. Mue. II p. 10 sq.); qui futurus sit philosophus BE scire litteras. itaque ut maiores nostri ab aratro adduxerunt Cincinnatum illum, ut dictator esset, sic vos de pagis pagis cod. 1 Eliens. Davisii, Turneb. adversar. IV8; plagis omnibus colligitis bonos illos quidem viros, sed certe non pereruditos. 2.13. ergo illi intellegunt quid Epicurus dicat, ego non intellego? ut scias me intellegere, primum idem esse dico voluptatem, quod ille h(donh/n . et quidem saepe quaerimus verbum Latinum par Graeco et quod idem valeat; hic nihil fuit, quod quaereremus. nullum inveniri verbum potest quod magis idem declaret Latine, quod Graece, quam declarat voluptas. huic verbo omnes, qui ubique sunt, qui Latine sciunt, qui latine sciunt qui ubique sunt BE duas res subiciunt, laetitiam in animo, commotionem suavem iucunditatis iocunditatis suavem BE in corpore. nam et ille apud Trabeam voluptatem animi nimiam laetitiam dicit eandem, quam ille Caecilianus, qui omnibus laetitiis laetum esse se narrat. sed hoc interest, quod voluptas dicitur etiam in animo—vitiosa res, ut Stoici putant, qui eam sic definiunt: sublationem animi sine ratione opitis se magno bono frui—, non dicitur laetitia nec gaudium in corpore. | 2.12. What need is there to introduce so abandoned a character as Mistress Pleasure into the company of those honourable ladies the Virtues? Her very name is suspect, and lies under a cloud of disrepute â so much so that you Epicureans are fond of telling us that we do not understand what Epicurus means by pleasure. I am a reasonably good-tempered disputant, but for my own part when I hear this assertion (and I have encountered it fairly often), I am sometimes inclined to be a little irritated. Do I not understand the meaning of the Greek word hÄdonÄ, the Latin voluptas? Pray which of these two languages is it that I am not acquainted with? Moreover how comes it that I do not know what the word means, while all and sundry who have elected to be Epicureans do? As for that, your sect argues very plausibly that there is no need for the aspirant to philosophy to be a scholar at all. And you are as good as your word. Our ancestors brought old Cincinnatus from the plough to be dictator. You ransack the country villages for your assemblage of doubtless respectable but certainly not very learned adherents. 2.13. Well, if these gentlemen can understand what Epicurus means, cannot I? I will prove to you that I do. In the first place, I mean the same by 'pleasure' as he does by hÄdonÄ. One often has some trouble to discover a Latin word that shall be the precise equivalent of a Greek one; but in this case no search was necessary. No instance can be found of a Latin word that more exactly conveys the same meaning as the corresponding Greek word than does the word voluptas. Every person in the world who knows Latin attaches to this word two ideas â that of gladness of mind, and that of a delightful excitation of agreeable feeling in the body. On the one hand there is the character in Trabea who speaks of 'excessive pleasure of the mind,' meaning gladness, the same feeling as is intended by the person in Caecilius who describes himself as being 'glad with every sort of gladness.' But there is this difference, that the word 'pleasure' can denote a mental as well as a bodily feeling (the former a vicious emotion, in the opinion of the Stoics, who define it as 'elation of the mind under an irrational conviction that it is enjoying some great good'), whereas 'joy' and 'gladness' are not used of bodily sensation. |
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34. Cicero, De Finibus, 1.4-1.5, 2.12-2.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 67, 168 | 2.12. What need is there to introduce so abandoned a character as Mistress Pleasure into the company of those honourable ladies the Virtues? Her very name is suspect, and lies under a cloud of disrepute â so much so that you Epicureans are fond of telling us that we do not understand what Epicurus means by pleasure. I am a reasonably good-tempered disputant, but for my own part when I hear this assertion (and I have encountered it fairly often), I am sometimes inclined to be a little irritated. Do I not understand the meaning of the Greek word hÄdonÄ, the Latin voluptas? Pray which of these two languages is it that I am not acquainted with? Moreover how comes it that I do not know what the word means, while all and sundry who have elected to be Epicureans do? As for that, your sect argues very plausibly that there is no need for the aspirant to philosophy to be a scholar at all. And you are as good as your word. Our ancestors brought old Cincinnatus from the plough to be dictator. You ransack the country villages for your assemblage of doubtless respectable but certainly not very learned adherents. 2.13. Well, if these gentlemen can understand what Epicurus means, cannot I? I will prove to you that I do. In the first place, I mean the same by 'pleasure' as he does by hÄdonÄ. One often has some trouble to discover a Latin word that shall be the precise equivalent of a Greek one; but in this case no search was necessary. No instance can be found of a Latin word that more exactly conveys the same meaning as the corresponding Greek word than does the word voluptas. Every person in the world who knows Latin attaches to this word two ideas â that of gladness of mind, and that of a delightful excitation of agreeable feeling in the body. On the one hand there is the character in Trabea who speaks of 'excessive pleasure of the mind,' meaning gladness, the same feeling as is intended by the person in Caecilius who describes himself as being 'glad with every sort of gladness.' But there is this difference, that the word 'pleasure' can denote a mental as well as a bodily feeling (the former a vicious emotion, in the opinion of the Stoics, who define it as 'elation of the mind under an irrational conviction that it is enjoying some great good'), whereas 'joy' and 'gladness' are not used of bodily sensation. |
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35. Cicero, On Divination, 2.90-2.93, 2.95-2.98 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius (aulus gellius) Found in books: Green (2014) 196| 2.90. O delirationem incredibilem! non enim omnis error stultitia dicenda est. Quibus etiam Diogenes Stoicus concedit aliquid, ut praedicere possint dumtaxat, qualis quisque natura et ad quam quisque maxume rem aptus futurus sit; cetera, quae profiteantur, negat ullo modo posse sciri; etenim geminorum formas esse similis, vitam atque fortunam plerumque disparem. Procles et Eurysthenes, Lacedaemoniorum reges, gemini fratres fuerunt. 2.91. At ii nec totidem annos vixerunt; anno enim Procli vita brevior fuit, multumque is fratri rerum gestarum gloria praestitit. At ego id ipsum, quod vir optumus, Diogenes, Chaldaeis quasi quadam praevaricatione concedit, nego posse intellegi. Etenim cum, ut ipsi dicunt, ortus nascentium luna moderetur, eaque animadvertant et notent sidera natalicia Chaldaei, quaecumque lunae iuncta videantur, oculorum fallacissimo sensu iudicant ea, quae ratione atque animo videre debebant. Docet enim ratio mathematicorum, quam istis notam esse oportebat, quanta humilitate luna feratur terram paene contingens, quantum absit a proxuma Mercurii stella, multo autem longius a Veneris, deinde alio intervallo distet a sole, cuius lumine conlustrari putatur; reliqua vero tria intervalla infinita et inmensa, a sole ad Martis, inde ad Iovis, ab eo ad Saturni stellam, inde ad caelum ipsum, quod extremum atque ultumum mundi est. 2.92. Quae potest igitur contagio ex infinito paene intervallo pertinere ad lunam vel potius ad terram? Quid? cum dicunt, id quod iis dicere necesse est, omnis omnium ortus, quicumque gigtur in omni terra, quae incolatur, eosdem esse, eademque omnibus, qui eodem statu caeli et stellarum nati sint, accidere necesse esse, nonne eius modi sunt, ut ne caeli quidem naturam interpretes istos caeli nosse appareat? Cum enim illi orbes, qui caelum quasi medium dividunt et aspectum nostrum definiunt, qui a Graecis o(ri/zontes nomitur, a nobis finientes rectissume nominari possunt, varietatem maxumam habeant aliique in aliis locis sint, necesse est ortus occasusque siderum non fieri eodem tempore apud omnis. 2.93. Quodsi eorum vi caelum modo hoc, modo illo modo temperatur, qui potest eadem vis esse nascentium, cum caeli tanta sit dissimilitudo? In his locis, quae nos incolimus, post solstitium Canicula exoritur, et quidem aliquot diebus, at apud Troglodytas, ut scribitur, ante solstitium, ut, si iam concedamus aliquid vim caelestem ad eos, qui in terra gignuntur, pertinere, confitendum sit illis eos, qui nascuntur eodem tempore, posse in dissimilis incidere naturas propter caeli dissimilitudinem; quod minime illis placet; volunt enim illi omnis eodem tempore ortos, qui ubique sint nati, eadem condicione nasci. 2.95. Quid? quod uno et eodem temporis puncto nati dissimilis et naturas et vitas et casus habent, parumne declarat nihil ad agendam vitam nascendi tempus pertinere? nisi forte putamus neminem eodem tempore ipso et conceptum et natum, quo Africanum. Num quis igitur talis fuit? 2.96. Quid? illudne dubium est, quin multi, cum ita nati essent, ut quaedam contra naturam depravata haberent, restituerentur et corrigerentur ab natura, cum se ipsa revocasset, aut arte atque medicina? ut, quorum linguae sic inhaererent, ut loqui non possent, eae scalpello resectae liberarentur. Multi etiam naturae vitium meditatione atque exercitatione sustulerunt, ut Demosthenem scribit Phalereus, cum rho dicere nequiret, exercitatione fecisse, ut planissume diceret. Quodsi haec astro ingenerata et tradita essent, nulla res ea mutare posset. Quid? dissimilitudo locorum nonne dissimilis hominum procreationes habet? quas quidem percurrere oratione facile est, quid inter Indos et Persas, Aethiopas et Syros differat corporibus, animis, ut incredibilis varietas dissimilitudoque sit. 2.97. Ex quo intellegitur plus terrarum situs quam lunae tactus ad nascendum valere. Nam quod aiunt quadringenta septuaginta milia annorum in periclitandis experiundisque pueris, quicumque essent nati, Babylonios posuisse, fallunt; si enim esset factitatum, non esset desitum; neminem autem habemus auctorem, qui id aut fieri dicat aut factum sciat. Videsne me non ea dicere, quae Carneades, sed ea, quae princeps Stoicorum Panaetius dixerit? Ego autem etiam haec requiro: omnesne, qui Cannensi pugna ceciderint, uno astro fuerint; exitus quidem omnium unus et idem fuit. Quid? qui ingenio atque animo singulares, num astro quoque uno? quod enim tempus, quo non innumerabiles nascantur? at certe similis nemo Homeri. 2.98. Et, si ad rem pertinet, quo modo caelo adfecto conpositisque sideribus quodque animal oriatur, valeat id necesse est non in hominibus solum, verum in bestiis etiam; quo quid potest dici absurdius? L. quidem Tarutius Firmanus, familiaris noster, in primis Chaldaicis rationibus eruditus, urbis etiam nostrae natalem diem repetebat ab iis Parilibus, quibus eam a Romulo conditam accepimus, Romamque, in iugo cum esset luna, natam esse dicebat nec eius fata canere dubitabat. | 2.90. What inconceivable madness! For it is not enough to call an opinion foolishness when it is utterly devoid of reason. However, Diogenes the Stoic makes some concessions to the Chaldeans. He says that they have the power of prophecy to the extent of being able to tell the disposition of any child and the calling for which he is best fitted. All their other claims of prophetic powers he absolutely denies. He says, for example, that twins are alike in appearance, but that they generally unlike in career and in fortune. Procles and Eurysthenes, kings of the Lacedaemonians, were twin brothers. 2.91. But they did not live the same number of years, for the life of Procles was shorter by a year than that of his brother and his deeds were far more glorious. But for my part I say that even this concession which our excellent friend Diogenes makes to the Chaldeans in a sort of collusive way, is in itself unintelligible. For the Chaldeans, according to their own statements, believe that a persons destiny is affected by the condition of the moon at the time of his birth, and hence they make and record their observations of the stars which anything in conjunction with the moon on his birthday. As a result, in forming their judgements, they depend on the sense of sight, which is the least trustworthy of the senses, whereas they should employ reason and intelligence. For the science of mathematics which the Chaldeans ought to know, teaches us how close the moon comes to the earth, which indeed it almost touches; how far it is from Mercury, the nearest star; how much further yet it is from Venus; and what a great interval separates it from the sun, which is supposed to give it light. The three remaining distances are beyond computation: from the Sun to Mars, from Mars to Jupiter, from Jupiter to Saturn. Then there is the distance from Saturn to the limits of heaven — the ultimate bounds of space. 2.92. In view, therefore, of these almost limitless distances, what influence can the planets exercise upon the moon, or rather, upon the earth?[44] Again, when the Chaldeans say, as they are bound to do, that all persons born anywhere in the habitable earth under the same horoscope, are alike and must have the same fate, is it not evident that these would‑be interpreters of the sky are of a class who are utterly ignorant of the nature of the sky? For the earth is, as it were, divided in half and our view limited by those circles which the Greeks call ὁρίζοντες, and which we may in all accuracy term finientes or horizons. Now these horizons vary without limit according to the position of the spectator. Hence, of necessity, the rising and setting of the stars will not occur at the same time for all persons. 2.93. But if this stellar force affects the heavens now in one way and now in another, how is it possible for this force to operate alike on all persons who are born at the same time, in view of the fact that they are born under vastly different skies? In those places in which we live the Dog-star rises after the solstice, in fact, several days later. But among the Troglodytes, we read, it sets before the solstice. Hence if we should now admit that some stellar influence affects persons who are born upon the earth, then it must be conceded that all persons born at the same time may have different natures owing to the differences in their horoscopes. This is a conclusion by no means agreeable to the astrologers; for they insist that all persons born at the same time, regardless of the place of birth, are born to the same fate. [45] 2.95. And, again, the fact that men who were born at the very same instant, are unlike in character, career, and in destiny, makes it very clear that the time of birth has nothing to do in determining mans course in life. That is, unless perchance we are to believe that nobody else was conceived and born at the very same time that Africanus was. For was there ever anyone like him? [46] 2.96. Furthermore, is it not a well-known and undoubted fact that many persons who were born with certain natural defects have been restored completely by Nature herself, after she had resumed her sway, or by surgery or by medicine? For example, some, who were so tongue-tied that they could not speak, have had their tongues set free by a cut from the surgeons knife. Many more have corrected a natural defect by intelligent exertion. Demosthenes is an instance: according to the account given by Phalereus, he was unable to pronounce the Greek letter rho, but by repeated effort learned to articulate it perfectly. But if such defects had been engendered and implanted by a star nothing could have changed them. Do not unlike places produce unlike men? It would be an easy matter to sketch rapidly in passing the differences in mind and body which distinguish the Indians from the Persians and the Ethiopians from the Syrians — differences so striking and so pronounced as to be incredible. 2.97. Hence it is evident that ones birth is more affected by local environment than by the condition of the moon. of course, the statement quoted by you that the Babylonians for 470, years had taken the horoscope of every child and had tested it by the results, is untrue; for if this had been their habit they would not have abandoned it. Moreover we find no writer who says that the practice exists or who knows that it ever did exist.[47] You observe that I am not repeating the arguments of Carneades, but those of Panaetius, the head of the Stoic school. But now on my own initiative I put the following questions: Did all the Romans who fell at Cannae have the same horoscope? Yet all had one and the same end. Were all the men eminent for intellect and genius born under the same star? Was there ever a day when countless numbers were not born? And yet there never was another Homer. 2.98. Again: if it matters under what aspect of the sky or combination of the stars every animate being is born, then necessarily the same conditions must affect iimate beings also: can any statement be more ridiculous than that? Be that as it may, our good friend Lucius Tarutius of Firmum, who was steeped in Chaldaic lore, made a calculation, based on the assumption that our citys birthday was on the Feast of Pales (at which time tradition says it was founded by Romulus), and from that calculation Tarutius even went so far as to assert that Rome was born when the moon was in the sign of Libra and from that fact unhesitatingly prophesied her destiny. |
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36. Cicero, Pro Murena, 88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 119| 88. cett. invidendum Murenae aut cuiquam nostrum sit in hoc praeclaro consulatu non video, iudices; quae vero miseranda sunt, ea et mihi ante oculos versantur et vos videre et perspicere potestis. si, quod Iuppiter omen avertat! hunc vestris sententiis adflixeritis, quo se miser vertet? domumne? ut eam imaginem clarissimi viri, parentis sui, quam paucis ante diebus laureatam in sua gratulatione conspexit, eandem deformatam ignominia lugentemque videat? an ad matrem quae misera modo consulem osculata filium suum nunc cruciatur et sollicita est ne eundem paulo post spoliatum omni dignitate conspiciat? | |
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| 37. Cicero, Brutus, 229 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 43 |
38. Cicero, De Oratore, 3.149-3.158 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus •gellius, aulus, on reading •gellius, aulus, on recitations Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 211; Rohland (2022) 118| 3.149. Omnis igitur oratio conficitur ex verbis; quorum primum nobis ratio simpliciter videnda est, deinde coniuncte. Nam est quidam ornatus orationis, qui ex singulis verbis est; alius, qui ex continuatis coniunctis constat. Ergo utimur verbis aut eis, quae propria sunt et certa quasi vocabula rerum, paene una nata cum rebus ipsis; aut eis, quae transferuntur et quasi alieno in loco conlocantur; aut eis, quae novamus et facimus ipsi. 3.150. In propriis igitur est verbis illa laus oratoris, ut abiecta atque obsoleta fugiat, lectis atque inlustribus utatur, in quibus plenum quiddam et sos inesse videatur. Sed in hoc verborum genere propriorum dilectus est habendus quidam atque is aurium quodam iudicio ponderandus est; in quo consuetudo etiam bene loquendi valet plurimum. 3.151. Itaque hoc, quod vulgo de oratoribus ab imperitis dici solet "bonis hic verbis," aut "aliquis non bonis utitur," non arte aliqua perpenditur, sed quodam quasi naturali sensu iudicatur: in quo non magna laus est vitare vitium, quamquam est magnum, verum tamen hoc quasi solum quoddam atque fundamentum est, verborum usus et copia bonorum. 3.152. Sed quid ipse aedificet orator et in quo adiungat artem, id esse nobis quaerendum atque explicandum videtur. Tria sunt igitur in verbo simplici, quae orator adferat ad inlustrandam atque exordam orationem: aut inusitatum verbum aut novatum aut translatum. 3.153. Inusitata sunt prisca fere ac vetustate ab usu cotidiani sermonis iam diu intermissa, quae sunt poetarum licentiae liberiora quam nostrae; sed tamen raro habet etiam in oratione poeticum aliquod verbum dignitatem. Neque enim illud fugerim dicere, ut Caelius "qua tempestate Poenus in Italiam venit," nec "prolem" aut "subolem" aut "effari" aut "nuncupare" aut, ut tu soles, Catule, "non rebar" aut "opinabar"; aut alia multa, quibus loco positis grandior atque antiquior oratio saepe videri solet. 3.154. Novantur autem verba, quae ab eo, qui dicit, ipso gignuntur ac fiunt, vel coniungendis verbis, ut haec: tum pavor sapientiam omnem mi exanimato expectorat. num non vis huius me versutiloquas malitias videtis enim et "versutiloquas" et "expectorat" ex coniunctione facta esse verba, non nata; sed saepe vel sine coniunctione verba novantur ut "ille senius desertus," ut "di genitales," ut "bacarum ubertate incurvescere." 3.155. Tertius ille modus transferendi verbi late patet, quem necessitas genuit inopia coacta et angustiis, post autem iucunditas delectatioque celebravit. Nam ut vestis frigoris depellendi causa reperta primo, post adhiberi coepta est ad ornatum etiam corporis et dignitatem, sic verbi translatio instituta est inopiae causa, frequentata delectationis. Nam gemmare vitis, luxuriem esse in herbis, laetas segetes etiam rustici dicunt. Quod enim declarari vix verbo proprio potest, id translato cum est dictum, inlustrat id, quod intellegi volumus, eius rei, quam alieno verbo posuimus, similitudo. 3.156. Ergo haec translationes quasi mutuationes sunt, cum quod non habeas aliunde sumas, illae paulo audaciores, quae non inopiam indicant, sed orationi splendoris aliquid arcessunt; quarum ego quid vobis aut inveniendi rationem aut genera ponam? 3.157. Similitudinis est ad verbum unum contracta brevitas, quod verbum in alieno loco tamquam in suo positum si agnoscitur, delectat, si simile nihil habet, repudiatur ; sed ea transferri oportet, quae aut clariorem faciunt rem, ut illa omnia: inhorrescit mare, tenebrae conduplicantur, noctisque et nimbum occaecat nigror, flamma inter nubis coruscat, caelum tonitru contremit, grando mixta imbri largifico subita praecipitans cadit, undique omnes venti erumpunt, saevi exsistunt turbines, fervit aestu pelagus: omnia fere, quo essent clariora, translatis per similitudinem verbis dicta sunt; 3.158. aut quo significatur magis res tota sive facti alicuius sive consili, ut ille, qui occultantem consulto, ne id, quod ageretur, intellegi posset, duobus translatis verbis similitudine ipsa indicat: quandoquidem is se circum vestit dictis, saepit se dolo. Non numquam etiam brevitas translatione conficitur, ut illud "si telum manu fugit": imprudentia teli missi brevius propriis verbis exponi non potuit, quam est uno significata translato. | |
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| 39. Cicero, Brutus, 229 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 43 |
| 40. Cicero, In Verrem, 3.207 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 188 |
| 41. Cicero, Orator, 48 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, on reading •gellius, aulus, on recitations Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 211 |
| 42. Cicero, Letters, 1.20.7, 2.1.12, 9.5.2, 13.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus •aulus gellius Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 70; Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 188; Johnson and Parker (2009) 272 |
| 43. Posidonius Apamensis Et Rhodius, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver (2007) 236 |
| 44. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, and being roman, Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 324 |
45. Cicero, Pro Archia, 21.3-21.5, 21.15-21.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 50, 51| 14. nam nisi multorum praeceptis multisque litteris mihi ab adulescentia suasissem nihil esse in vita magno opere expetendum nisi laudem atque honestatem, in ea autem persequenda omnis cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque exsili exilia GEe parvi esse ducenda, numquam me pro salute vestra in tot ac tantas dimicationes atque in hos profligatorum hominum cotidianos impetus obiecissem coniecissem Halm . sed pleni omnes sunt sunt omnes Ee χ sapientium Gep : sapientum cett. libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena exemplorum vetustas; quae iacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi litterarum lumen accederet accenderet Ee χς . quam multas nobis imagines non solum ad intuendum verum etiam ad imitandum fortissimorum virorum expressas scriptores et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt! quas ego mihi semper in administranda re publica proponens animum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum excellentium conformabam. | |
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| 46. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 45 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, and being roman, Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 324 |
47. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 186| 23. quam hoc ' te rogo ' dixeris, plura etiam effundet quam tu ei domi ante praescripseris? quid ego autem defensor rogem? nam aut oratio testium refelli solet aut vita laedi. qua disputatione orationem refellam eius qui dicit: 'dedimus,' nihil amplius? in hominem dicendum est igitur, cum oratio argumentationem non habet. quid dicam in ignotum? querendum est ergo et deplorandum, id quod iam dudum facio, de omni accusationis iniquitate, primum de communi genere testium; dicit enim natio minime in testimoniis dicendis religiosa. propius accedo; nego esse ista testimonia quae tu psephismata appellas, sed fremitum egentium et motum quendam temerarium Graeculae contionis. intrabo etiam magis. qui gessit non adest, qui numerasse dicitur non est deductus; privatae litterae nullae proferuntur, publicae retentae sunt in accusatorum potestate; summa est in testibus; hi vivunt cum inimicis, adsunt cum adversariis, habitant cum accusatoribus. | |
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48. Cicero, Academica, 1.2, 1.8, 1.45 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Bett (2019) 37; Pollmann and Vessey (2007) 85; Čulík-Baird (2022) 157| 1.2. hic pauca primo, atque ea ea om. x percunctantibus nobis ecquid ecquid Man. et sis quid *g*d forte Roma Romae gx novi. Tum add. Reid hic St. Atticus Omitte ista quae nec percunctari nec audire sine molestia possumus quaeso inquit et quaere quaere mp m quare *g*d potius ecquid ecquid Asc. et quid *g*d ipse novi. silent enim diutius Musae Varronis quam solebant, nec tamen istum cessare sed celare quae scribat existimo. Minime vero inquit ille; intemperantis enim arbitror esse scribere quod occultari velit; int. esse arb. scr. quidquam q. occ. velis Hier. adv. Rufin. 1, 1 sed habeo magnum opus opus magunum *d in manibus, quae qui g 1 quod Asc. idque Chr. iam pridem; ad hunc enim enim *g eum *d om. Asc. ipsum (me autem dicebat) quaedam institui, quae et sunt magna sane et limantur a me politius. 1.8. sed meos amicos in quibus est studium in Graeciam mitto id est id est om. g ad Graecos ire iubeo, id ... iubeo del. Lb. ut ex [a] ex [a] Ha. ca a *g*d fontibus potius hauriant quam haur. riu. quam ( hoc in ras. ) sectentur p rivulos consectentur. quae autem nemo adhuc docuerat nec erat unde studiosi scire possent, ea quantum potui (nihil enim magnopere meorum miror) feci ut essent nota nostris; a Graecis enim peti non poterant ac post L. Aelii L. Aelii Camer. Laelii *g*d nostri occasum ne a Latinis quidem. et tamen in illis veteribus nostris, quae Menippum imitati non interpretati quadam hilaritate conspersimus, multa admixta ex intima philosophia, multa dicta dialectice, quae quo facilius minus docti intellegerent, iucunditate quadam ad legendum invitati; in laudationibus, in his ipsis antiquitatum prooemiis prohemiss *d praemiis *g philosophiae more add. Pl. scribere voluimus, uolumus p si modo consecuti sumus.' 1.45. itaque Arcesilas negabat esse quicquam quod sciri posset, ne illud quidem ipsum quod Socrates sibi reliquisset, ut nihil scire se sciret; ut ... sciret om. *dn, cf. p. 7, 12 sic omnia latere censebat censebat s -bant *g*d in occulto neque esse quicquam quod cerni aut intellegi posset; possit *d quibus de causis nihil oportere neque profiteri neque affirmare quemquam quamquam p 1 ? sm neque assensione assertione *d approbare, cohibereque semper et ab omni lapsu continere temeritatem, quae tum tum p 2 s cum *g*d esset insignis cum tum sg m x aut falsa aut incognita res approbaretur, neque hoc quicquam esse esse s esset *g*d ( in ras. p ) turpius quam cognitioni et perceptioni assensionem assertionem *d assessionem f approbationemque praecurrere. huic rationi quod erat consentaneum faciebat, ut contra omnium sententias disserens disserens de sua *g dies iam *d de sua plerosque plerumque n pleresque gf pleros *d deduceret, deduceret et efficeret Pl. ut cum in eadem re paria contrariis in partibus momenta rationum invenirentur facilius ab utraque parte assensio ascensio mnf assertio *d sustineretur. | |
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| 49. Cicero, On Old Age, 73 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 36 |
| 50. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 5.14.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 129 |
| 51. Demetrius, Style, 227, 223 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 186 |
| 52. Catullus, Poems, 36.11-36.13, 45.6-45.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 105 |
| 53. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On Thucydides, 23.4-23.6, 23.9-23.12 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Gagné (2020) 256 |
| 54. Propertius, Elegies, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014) 184 |
| 55. Horace, Odes, 3.4.33 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 129 |
| 56. Sallust, Catiline, 3.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 18 |
| 57. Sallust, Historiae, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 34 |
| 58. Sallust, Iugurtha, 3.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 51 |
| 59. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius (aulus), and cicero as model of latinitas Found in books: Bua (2019) 138 |
60. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 1.33 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019) 235 | 1.33. Therefore now the fourth element is incomprehensible, in the world of heaven, in comparison of the nature of the earth, of the water, and of the air; and the mind in man, in comparison of the body and the outward sense, and the speech, which is the interpreter of the mind; may it not be the case also, that for this reason the fourth year is described as holy and praiseworthy in the sacred scriptures? |
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61. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 14 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019) 235 | 14. And the man who is full of good hope is likewise holy and praiseworthy; as, on the contrary, he who has no hope is accursed and blameable, being always associated with fear, which is an evil counsellor in any emergency; for they say, that there is no one thing so hostile to another, as hope is to fear and fear to hope, and perhaps this may be correctly said, for both fear and hope are an expectation, but the one is an expectation of good things, and the other, on the contrary, of evil things; and the natures of good and evil are irreconcileable, and such as can never come together. III. |
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| 62. Horace, Ars Poetica, 45-54, 56-59, 55 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 123 |
63. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.621-3.622 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 177| 3.621. Conscia cum possit scriptas portare tabellas, 3.622. rend= | |
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| 64. Nepos, Atticus, 16.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 186 |
| 65. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 179 |
| 66. Livy, Per., 57 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 202 |
| 67. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 50 |
| 68. Horace, Letters, 1.3, 1.3.93-1.3.94, 1.5, 1.5.44, 2.2.112, 2.2.217 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius •gellius, aulus Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 50, 51; Rohland (2022) 123 |
| 69. Horace, Sermones, 2.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 34 |
70. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.142 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, and being roman, Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 324| 1.142. suadet et inducit noctes vigilare serenas | |
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| 71. Juvenal, Satires, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 34 |
| 72. Epictetus, Fragments, 9.85-9.86 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Graver (2007) 236 |
| 73. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 186 |
74. Plutarch, Marcellus, 30.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 298| 30.6. γένος δʼ αὐτοῦ λαμπρὸν ἄχρι Μαρκέλλου τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀδελφιδοῦ διέτεινεν, ὃς Ὀκταβίας ἦν τῆς Καίσαρος ἀδελφῆς υἱὸς ἐκ Γαΐου Μαρκέλλου γεγονώς, ἀγορανομῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐτελεύτησε νυμφίος, Καίσαρος θυγατρὶ χρόνον οὐ πολὺν συνοικήσας. εἰς δὲ τιμὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ μνήμην Ὀκταβία μὲν ἡ μήτηρ τήν βιβλιοθήκην ἀνέθηκε, Καῖσαρ δὲ θέατρον ἐπιγράψας Μαρκέλλου. | 30.6. And his line maintained its splendour down to Marcellus the nephew of Augustus Caesar, who was a son of Caesar’s sister Octavia by Caius Marcellus, and who died during his aedileship at Rome, having recently married a daughter of Caesar. In his honour and to his memory Octavia his mother dedicated the library, and Caesar the theatre, which bear his name. |
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75. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 194| 4.4. ἐπίβλημα δὲ τῶν ποικίλων Βαβυλώνιον ἐκ κληρονομίας κτησάμενος εὐθὺς ἀποδόσθαι, τῶν δὲ ἐπαύλεων αὐτοῦ μηδεμίαν εἶναι κεκονιαμένην, οὐδένα δὲ πώποτε πρίασθαι δοῦλον ὑπὲρ τὰς χιλίας δραχμὰς καὶ πεντακοσίας, ὡς ἂν οὐ τρυφερῶν οὐδʼ ὡραίων, ἀλλʼ ἐργατικῶν καὶ στερεῶν, οἷον ἱπποκόμων καὶ βοηλατῶν, δεόμενος καὶ τούτους δὲ πρεσβυτέρους γενομένους ᾤετο δεῖν ἀποδίδοσθαι καὶ μὴ βόσκειν ἀχρήστους. ὅλως δὲ μηδὲν εὔωνον εἶναι τῶν περιττῶν, ἀλλʼ οὗ τις οὐ δεῖται, κἂν ἀσσαρίου πιπράσκηται, πολλοῦ νομίζειν· κτᾶσθαι δὲ τὰ σπειρόμενα καὶ νεμόμενα μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ ῥαινόμενα καὶ σαιρόμενα. | 4.4. |
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76. Plutarch, Camillus, 39.5-39.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 166| 39.5. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἕτερον δικτάτορα κατέστησε· κἀκεῖνος ἀποδείξας ἵππαρχον αὐτὸν τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῆς στάσεως Στόλωνα παρῆκεν ἐπικυρῶσαι τὸν νόμον τὸν μάλιστα λυποῦντα τοὺς πατρικίους, ἐκέλευσε δʼ οὗτος μηδένα πλέθρων πεντακοσίων πλείονα χώραν κεκτῆσθαι. τότε μὲν οὖν λαμπρὸς ὁ Στόλων ἐγεγόνει τῇ ψήφῳ κρατήσας· ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον αὐτὸς ἑάλω κεκτημένος ὅσην ἔχειν ἐκώλυεν ἑτέρους, καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὑτοῦ νόμον δίκην ἔδωκεν. | 39.5. But the Senate appointed another dictator, and he, after making Stolo himself, the very leader of the sedition, his master of horse, suffered the law to be enacted. It was a most vexatious law for the patrician, for it prohibited anyone from owning more than five hundred acres of land. At that time, then, Stolo was a resplendent figure, owing to his victory at the polls; but a little while after, he himself was found to be possessed of what he forbade others to own, and so paid the penalty fixed by his own law. |
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77. Plutarch, Aratus, 21.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547| 21.3. καὶ τὸν πυλωρὸν ἀποκτιννύουσι καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ φύλακας, ἅμα δὲ αἵ τε κλίμακες προσετίθεντο καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν ὁ Ἄρατος ὑπερβιβάσας ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας ὡς ἂν δύνωνται τάχιστα, τὰς κλίμακας ἀναρπάσας ἐχώρει διὰ τῆς πόλεως μετὰ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ τήν ἄκραν, ἤδη περιχαρὴς διὰ τὸ λανθάνειν ὡς κατορθῶν. | 21.3. |
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| 78. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 54.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 79. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 40 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 80. Plutarch, Against Colotes, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Bryan (2018) 210; Wardy and Warren (2018) 210 |
81. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 2.26, 21.12 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius •gellius, aulus, on bookshops Found in books: Borg (2008) 165; Johnson and Parker (2009) 282 | 2.26. Nor, again, is it necessary that he study philosophy to the point of perfecting himself in it; he need only live simply and without affectation, to give proof by his very conduct of a character that is humane, gentle, just, lofty, and brave as well, and, above all, one that takes delight in bestowing benefits â a trait which approaches most nearly to the nature divine. He should, indeed, lend a willing ear to the teachings of philosophy whenever opportunity offers, inasmuch as these are manifestly not opposed to his own character but in accord with it; 21.12. I shall tell you what wisdom they show in doing this â and don't you declare everything I say is nonsense; perhaps, however, it is anything but nonsense â for surely you have noticed what some of our booksellers do? Int. Just what is your reason for asking me this? Dio. Because they, knowing that old books are in demand since better written and on better paper, bury the worst specimens of our day in grain in order that they may take on the same colour as the old ones, and after ruining the books into the bargain they sell them as old. But what was it that you have been wanting all this while to ask me? |
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| 82. Martial, Epigrams, 1.2.7, 1.117.13, 2.39, 4.72.2, 10.52, 11.21.9, 11.99.1-11.99.6, 13.3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, on bookshops •gellius, aulus •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 129; Johnson and Parker (2009) 275; Radicke (2022) 223 |
| 83. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.1-1.2, 1.95, 2.142-2.144, 7.62-7.63, 7.819 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: O, Daly (2020) 284 |
| 84. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 26-47, 49-78, 48 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 34 |
| 85. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 34.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022) 177; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 34 |
| 86. Persius, Saturae, 1.2-1.3, 1.44, 3.7-3.8, 3.37, 3.66-3.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020) 315; O, Daly (2020) 284 |
| 87. Martial, Epigrams, 1.2.7, 1.117.13, 4.72.2, 9.77, 11.21.9, 13.3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, on bookshops •gellius, aulus, attic nights •aulus gellius Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 194; Goldman (2013) 129; Johnson and Parker (2009) 275 |
88. New Testament, Matthew, 5.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 372| 5.28. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι πᾶς ὁ βλέπων γυναῖκα πρὸς τὸ ἐπιθυμῆσαι [αὐτὴν] ἤδη ἐμοίχευσεν αὐτὴν ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτοῦ. | 5.28. but I tell you that everyone who gazes at a woman to lust after her has committed adultery with her already in his heart. |
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89. New Testament, Luke, 2.41-2.52, 4.2-4.4, 7.33-7.34, 7.36-7.50, 11.37-11.54, 14.1-14.24, 15.1-15.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, gospels, eating and drinking in Found in books: König (2012) 131, 132, 133, 134| 2.41. Καὶ ἐπορεύοντο οἱ γονεῖς αὐτοῦ κατʼ ἔτος εἰς Ἰερουσαλὴμ τῇ ἑορτῇ τοῦ πάσχα. 2.42. Καὶ ὅτε ἐγένετο ἐτῶν δώδεκα, 2.43. ἀναβαινόντων αὐτῶν κατὰ τὸ ἔθος τῆς ἑορτῆς καὶ τελειωσάντων τὰς ἡμέρας, ἐν τῷ ὑποστρέφειν αὐτοὺς ὑπέμεινεν Ἰησοῦς ὁ παῖς ἐν Ἰερουσαλήμ, καὶ οὐκ ἔγνωσαν οἱ γονεῖς αὐτοῦ. 2.44. νομίσαντες δὲ αὐτὸν εἶναι ἐν τῇ συνοδίᾳ ἦλθον ἡμέρας ὁδὸν καὶ ἀνεζήτουν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς συγγενεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς γνωστοῖς, 2.45. καὶ μὴ εὑρόντες ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς Ἰερουσαλὴμ ἀναζητοῦντες αὐτόν. 2.46. καὶ ἐγένετο μετὰ ἡμέρας τρεῖς εὗρον αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καθεζόμενον ἐν μέσῳ τῶν διδασκάλων καὶ ἀκούοντα αὐτῶν καὶ ἐπερωτῶντα αὐτούς· 2.47. ἐξίσταντο δὲ πάντες οἱ ἀκούοντες αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῇ συνέσει καὶ ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσιν αὐτοῦ. 2.48. καὶ ἰδόντες αὐτὸν ἐξεπλάγησαν, καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ Τέκνον, τί ἐποίησας ἡμῖν οὕτως; ἰδοὺ ὁ πατήρ σου καὶ ἐγὼ ὀδυνώμενοι ζητοῦμέν σε. 2.49. καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Τί ὅτι ἐζητεῖτέ με; οὐκ ᾔδειτε ὅτι ἐν τοῖς τοῦ πατρός μου δεῖ εἶναί με; 2.50. καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐ συνῆκαν τὸ ῥῆμα ὃ ἐλάλησεν αὐτοῖς. 2.51. καὶ κατέβη μετʼ αὐτῶν καὶ ἦλθεν εἰς Ναζαρέτ, καὶ ἦν ὑποτασσόμενος αὐτοῖς. καὶ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ διετήρει πάντα τὰ ῥήματα ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτῆς. 2.52. Καὶ Ἰησοῦς προέκοπτεν τῇ σοφίᾳ καὶ ἡλικίᾳ καὶ χάριτι παρὰ θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώποις. 4.2. ἡμέρας τεσσεράκοντα πειραζόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ διαβόλου. Καὶ οὐκ ἔφαγεν οὐδὲν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις, καὶ συντελεσθεισῶν αὐτῶν ἐπείνασεν. 4.3. εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ διάβολος Εἰ υἱὸς εἶ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰπὲ τῷ λίθῳ τούτῳ ἵνα γένηται ἄρτος. 4.4. καὶ ἀπεκρίθη πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Ἰησοῦς Γέγραπται ὅτι Οὐκ ἐπʼ ἄρτῳ μόνῳ ζήσεται ὁ ἄνθρωπος. 7.33. ἐλήλυθεν γὰρ Ἰωάνης ὁ βαπτιστὴς μὴ ἔσθων ἄρτον μήτε πίνων οἶνον, καὶ λέγετε Δαιμόνιον ἔχει· 7.34. ἐλήλυθεν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἔσθων καὶ πίνων, καὶ λέγετε Ἰδοὺ ἄνθρωπος φάγος καὶ οἰνοπότης, φίλος τελωνῶν καὶ ἁμαρτωλῶν. 7.36. Ἠρώτα δέ τις αὐτὸν τῶν Φαρισαίων ἵνα φάγῃ μετʼ αὐτοῦ· καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦ Φαρισαίου κατεκλίθη. 7.37. Καὶ ἰδοὺ γυνὴ ἥτις ἦν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἁμαρτωλός, καὶ ἐπιγνοῦσα ὅτι κατάκειται ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ τοῦ Φαρισαίου; κομίσασα ἀλάβαστρον μύρου 7.38. καὶ στᾶσα ὀπίσω παρὰ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ κλαίουσα, τοῖς δάκρυσιν ἤρξατο βρέχειν τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ καὶ ταῖς θριξὶν τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτῆς ἐξέμασσεν, καὶ κατεφίλει τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ καὶ ἤλειφεν τῷ μύρῳ. 7.39. Ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Φαρισαῖος ὁ καλέσας αὐτὸν εἶπεν ἐν ἑαυτῷ λέγων Οὗτος εἰ ἦν [ὁ] προφήτης, ἐγίνωσκεν ἂν τίς καὶ ποταπὴ ἡ γυνὴ ἥτις ἅπτεται αὐτοῦ, ὅτι ἁμαρτωλός ἐστιν. 7.40. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν Σίμων, ἔχω σοί τι εἰπεῖν. ὁ δέ Διδάσκαλε, εἰπέ, φησίν. δύο χρεοφιλέται ἦσαν δανιστῇ τινί· 7.41. ὁ εἷς ὤφειλεν δηνάρια πεντακόσια, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος πεντήκοντα. 7.42. μὴ ἐχόντων αὐτῶν ἀποδοῦναι ἀμφοτέροις ἐχαρίσατο. τίς οὖν αὐτῶν πλεῖον ἀγαπήσει αὐτόν; 7.43. ἀποκριθεὶς Σίμων εἶπεν Ὑπολαμβάνω ὅτι ᾧ τὸ πλεῖον ἐχαρίσατο. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ὀρθῶς ἔκρινας. 7.44. καὶ στραφεὶς πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα τῷ Σίμωνι ἔφη Βλέπεις ταύτην τὴν γυναῖκα; εἰσῆλθόν σου εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, ὕδωρ μοι ἐπὶ πόδας οὐκ ἔδωκας· αὕτη δὲ τοῖς δάκρυσιν ἔβρεξέν μου τοὺς πόδας καὶ ταῖς θριξὶν αὐτῆς ἐξέμαξεν. 7.45. φίλημά μοι οὐκ ἔδωκας· αὕτη δὲ ἀφʼ ἧς εἰσῆλθον οὐ διέλιπεν καταφιλοῦσά μου τοὺς πόδας. 7.46. ἐλαίῳ τὴν κεφαλήν μου οὐκ ἤλειψας· αὕτη δὲ μύρῳ ἤλειψεν τοὺς πόδας μου. 7.47. οὗ χάριν, λέγω σοι, ἀφέωνται αἱ ἁμαρτίαι αὐτῆς αἱ πολλαί, ὅτι ἠγάπησεν πολύ· ᾧ δὲ ὀλίγον ἀφίεται, ὀλίγον ἀγαπᾷ. 7.48. εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῇ Ἀφέωνταί σου αἱ ἁμαρτίαι. 7.49. καὶ ἤρξαντο οἱ συνανακείμενοι λέγειν ἐν ἑαυτοῖς Τίς οὗτός ἐστιν ὃς καὶ ἁμαρτίας ἀφίησιν; 7.50. εἶπεν δὲ πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα Ἡ πίστις σου σέσωκέν σε· πορεύου εἰς εἰρήνην. 11.37. Ἐν δὲ τῷ λαλῆσαι ἐρωτᾷ αὐτὸν Φαρισαῖος ὅπως ἀριστήσῃ παρʼ αὐτῷ· εἰσελθὼν δὲ ἀνέπεσεν. 11.38. ὁ δὲ Φαρισαῖος ἰδὼν ἐθαύμασεν ὅτι οὐ πρῶτον ἐβαπτίσθη πρὸ τοῦ ἀρίστου. 11.39. εἶπεν δὲ ὁ κύριος πρὸς αὐτόν Νῦν ὑμεῖς οἱ Φαρισαῖοι τὸ ἔσωθεν τοῦ ποτηρίου καὶ τοῦ πίνακος καθαρίζετε, τὸ δὲ ἔσωθεν ὑμῶν γέμει ἁρπαγῆς καὶ πονηρίας. 11.40. ἄφρονες, οὐχ ὁ ποιήσας τὸ ἔξωθεν καὶ τὸ ἔσωθεν ἐποίησεν; 11.41. πλὴν τὰ ἐνόντα δότε ἐλεημοσύνην, καὶ ἰδοὺ πάντα καθαρὰ ὑμῖν ἐστίν. 11.42. ἀλλὰ οὐαὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς Φαρισαίοις, ὅτι ἀποδεκατοῦτε τὸ ἡδύοσμον καὶ τὸ πήγανον καὶ πᾶν λάχανον, καὶ παρέρχεσθε τὴν κρίσιν καὶ τὴν ἀγάπην τοῦ θεοῦ· ταῦτα δὲ ἔδει ποιῆσαι κἀκεῖνα μὴ παρεῖναι. 11.43. οὐαὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς Φαρισαίοις, ὅτι ἀγαπᾶτε τὴν πρωτοκαθεδρίαν ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς καὶ τοὺς ἀσπασμοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἀγοραῖς. 11.44. οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, ὅτι ἐστὲ ὡς τὰ μνημεῖα τὰ ἄδηλα, καὶ οἱ ἄνθρωποι οἱ περιπατοῦντες ἐπάνω οὐκ οἴδασιν. 11.45. Ἀποκριθεὶς δέ τις τῶν νομικῶν λέγει αὐτῷ Διδάσκαλε, ταῦτα λέγων καὶ ἡμᾶς ὑβρίζεις. 11.46. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν Καὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς νομικοῖς οὐαί, ὅτι φορτίζετε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους φορτία δυσβάστακτα, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἑνὶ τῶν δακτύλων ὑμῶν οὐ προσψαύετε τοῖς φορτίοις. 11.47. οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, ὅτι οἰκοδομεῖτε τὰ μνημεῖα τῶν προφητῶν οἱ δὲ πατέρες ὑμῶν ἀπέκτειναν αὐτούς. 11.48. ἄρα μάρτυρές ἐστε καὶ συνευδοκεῖτε τοῖς ἔργοις τῶν πατέρων ὑμῶν, ὅτι αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀπέκτειναν αὐτοὺς ὑμεῖς δὲ οἰκοδομεῖτε. 11.49. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἡ σοφία τοῦ θεοῦ εἶπεν Ἀποστελῶ εἰς αὐτοὺς προφήτας καὶ ἀποστόλους, καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποκτενοῦσιν καὶ διώξουσιν, 11.50. ἵνα ἐκζητηθῇ τὸ αἷμα πάντων τῶν προφητῶν τὸ ἐκκεχυμένον ἀπὸ καταβολῆς κόσμου ἀπὸ τῆς γενεᾶς ταύτης, 11.51. ἀπὸ αἵματος Ἅβελ ἕως αἵματος Ζαχαρίου τοῦ ἀπολομένου μεταξὺ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου καὶ τοῦ οἴκου· ναί, λέγω ὑμῖν, ἐκζητηθήσεται ἀπὸ τῆς γενεᾶς ταύτης. 11.52. οὐαὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς νομικοῖς, ὅτι ἤρατε τὴν κλεῖδα τῆς γνώσεως· αὐτοὶ οὐκ εἰσήλθατε καὶ τοὺς εἰσερχομένους ἐκωλύσατε. 11.53. Κἀκεῖθεν ἐξελθόντος αὐτοῦ ἤρξαντο οἱ γραμματεῖς καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι δεινῶς ἐνέχειν καὶ ἀποστοματίζειν αὐτὸν περὶ πλειόνων, 11.54. ἐνεδρεύοντες αὐτὸν θηρεῦσαί τι ἐκ τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ. 14.1. Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς οἶκόν τινος τῶν ἀρχόντων [τῶν] Φαρισαίων σαββάτῳ φαγεῖν ἄρτον καὶ αὐτοὶ ἦσαν παρατηρούμενοι αὐτόν. 14.2. καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄνθρωπός τις ἦν ὑδρωπικὸς ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ. 14.3. καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν πρὸς τοὺς νομικοὺς καὶ Φαρισαίους λέγων Ἔξεστιν τῷ σαββάτῳ θεραπεῦσαι ἢ οὔ; οἱ δὲ ἡσύχασαν. 14.4. καὶ ἐπιλαβόμενος ἰάσατο αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπέλυσεν. 14.5. καὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἶπεν Τίνος ὑμῶν υἱὸς ἢ βοῦς εἰς φρέαρ πεσεῖται, καὶ οὐκ εὐθέως ἀνασπάσει αὐτὸν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ σαββάτου; 14.6. καὶ οὐκ ἴσχυσαν ἀνταποκριθῆναι πρὸς ταῦτα. 14.7. Ἔλεγεν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς κεκλημένους παραβολήν, ἐπέχων πῶς τὰς πρωτοκλισίας ἐξελέγοντο, 14.8. λέγων πρὸς αὐτούς Ὅταν κληθῇς ὑπό τινος εἰς γάμους, μὴ κατακλιθῇς εἰς τὴν πρωτοκλισίαν, μή ποτε ἐντιμότερός σου ᾖ κεκλημένος ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, 14.9. καὶ ἐλθὼν ὁ σὲ καὶ αὐτὸν καλέσας ἐρεῖ σοι Δὸς τούτῳ τόπον, καὶ τότε ἄρξῃ μετὰ αἰσχύνης τὸν ἔσχατον τόπον κατέχειν. 14.10. ἀλλʼ ὅταν κληθῇς πορευθεὶς ἀνάπεσε εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον τόπον, ἵνα ὅταν ἔλθῃ ὁ κεκληκώς σε ἐρεῖ σοι Φίλε, προσανάβηθι ἀνώτερον· τότε ἔσται σοι δόξα ἐνώπιον πάντων τῶν συνανακειμένων σοι. 14.11. ὅτι πᾶς ὁ ὑψῶν ἑαυτὸν ταπεινωθήσεται καὶ ὁ ταπεινῶν ἑαυτὸν ὑψωθήσεται. 14.12. Ἔλεγεν δὲ καὶ τῷ κεκληκότι αὐτόν Ὅταν ποιῇς ἄριστον ἢ δεῖπνον, μὴ φώνει τοὺς φίλους σου μηδὲ τοὺς ἀδελφούς σου μηδὲ τοὺς συγγενεῖς σου μηδὲ γείτονας πλουσίους, μή ποτε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀντικαλέσωσίν σε καὶ γένηται ἀνταπόδομά σοι. 14.13. ἀλλʼ ὅταν δοχὴν ποιῇς, κάλει πτωχούς, ἀναπείρους, χωλούς, τυφλούς· 14.14. καὶ μακάριος ἔσῃ, ὅτι οὐκ ἔχουσιν ἀνταποδοῦναί σοι, ἀνταποδοθήσεται γάρ σοι ἐν τῇ ἀναστάσει τῶν δικαίων. 14.15. Ἀκούσας δέ τις τῶν συνανακειμένων ταῦτα εἶπεν αὐτῷ Μακάριος ὅστις φάγεται ἄρτον ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ. 14.16. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ἄνθρωπός τις ἐποίει δεῖπνον μέγα, καὶ ἐκάλεσεν πολλούς, 14.17. καὶ ἀπέστειλεν τὸν δοῦλον αὐτοῦ τῇ ὥρᾳ τοῦ δείπνου εἰπεῖν τοῖς κεκλημένοις Ἔρχεσθε ὅτι ἤδη ἕτοιμά ἐστιν. 14.18. καὶ ἤρξαντο ἀπὸ μιᾶς πάντες παραιτεῖσθαι. ὁ πρῶτος εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ἀγρὸν ἠγόρασα καὶ ἔχω ἀνάγκην ἐξελθὼν ἰδεῖν αὐτόν· ἐρωτῶ σε, ἔχε με παρῃτημένον. 14.19. καὶ ἕτερος εἶπεν Ζεύγη βοῶν ἠγόρασα πέντε καὶ πορεύομαι δοκιμάσαι αὐτά· ἐρωτῶ σε, ἔχε με παρῃτημένον. 14.20. καὶ ἕτερος εἶπεν Γυναῖκα ἔγημα καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὐ δύναμαι ἐλθεῖν. 14.21. καὶ παραγενόμενος ὁ δοῦλος ἀπήγγειλεν τῷ κυρίῳ αὐτοῦ ταῦτα. τότε ὀργισθεὶς ὁ οἰκοδεσπότης εἶπεν τῷ δούλῳ αὐτοῦ Ἔξελθε ταχέως εἰς τὰς πλατείας καὶ ῥύμας τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τοὺς πτωχοὺς καὶ ἀναπείρους καὶ τυφλοὺς καὶ χωλοὺς εἰσάγαγε ὧδε. 14.22. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ δοῦλος Κύριε, γέγονεν ὃ ἐπέταξας, καὶ ἔτι τόπος ἐστίν. 14.23. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ κύριος πρὸς τὸν δοῦλον Ἔξελθε εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ φραγμοὺς καὶ ἀνάγκασον εἰσελθεῖν, ἵνα γεμισθῇ μου ὁ οἶκος· 14.24. λέγω γὰρ ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐδεὶς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκείνων τῶν κεκλημένων γεύσεταί μου τοῦ δείπνου. 15.1. Ἦσαν δὲ αὐτῷ ἐγγίζοντες πάντες οἱ τελῶναι καὶ οἱ ἁμαρτωλοὶ ἀκούειν αὐτοῦ. 15.2. καὶ διεγόγγυζον οἵ τε Φαρισαῖοι καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς λέγοντες ὅτι Οὗτος ἁμαρτωλοὺς προσδέχεται καὶ συνεσθίει αὐτοῖς. | 2.41. His parents went every year to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover. 2.42. When he was twelve years old, they went up to Jerusalem according to the custom of the feast, 2.43. and when they had fulfilled the days, as they were returning, the boy Jesus stayed behind in Jerusalem. Joseph and his mother didn't know it, 2.44. but supposing him to be in the company, they went a day's journey, and they looked for him among their relatives and acquaintances. 2.45. When they didn't find him, they returned to Jerusalem, looking for him. 2.46. It happened after three days they found him in the temple, sitting in the midst of the teachers, both listening to them, and asking them questions. 2.47. All who heard him were amazed at his understanding and his answers. 2.48. When they saw him, they were astonished, and his mother said to him, "Son, why have you treated us this way? Behold, your father and I were anxiously looking for you." 2.49. He said to them, "Why were you looking for me? Didn't you know that I must be in my Father's house?" 2.50. They didn't understand the saying which he spoke to them. 2.51. And he went down with them, and came to Nazareth. He was subject to them, and his mother kept all these sayings in her heart. 2.52. And Jesus increased in wisdom and stature, and in favor with God and men. 4.2. for forty days, being tempted by the devil. He ate nothing in those days. Afterward, when they were completed, he was hungry. 4.3. The devil said to him, "If you are the Son of God, command this stone to become bread." 4.4. Jesus answered him, saying, "It is written, 'Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word of God.'" 7.33. For John the Baptizer came neither eating bread nor drinking wine, and you say, 'He has a demon.' 7.34. The Son of Man has come eating and drinking, and you say, 'Behold, a gluttonous man, and a drunkard; a friend of tax collectors and sinners!' 7.36. One of the Pharisees invited him to eat with him. He entered into the Pharisee's house, and sat at the table. 7.37. Behold, a woman in the city who was a sinner, when she knew that he was reclining in the Pharisee's house, she brought an alabaster jar of ointment. 7.38. Standing behind at his feet weeping, she began to wet his feet with her tears, and she wiped them with the hair of her head, kissed his feet, and anointed them with the ointment. 7.39. Now when the Pharisee who had invited him saw it, he said to himself, "This man, if he were a prophet, would have perceived who and what kind of woman this is who touches him, that she is a sinner." 7.40. Jesus answered him, "Simon, I have something to tell you."He said, "Teacher, say on." 7.41. "A certain lender had two debtors. The one owed five hundred denarii, and the other fifty. 7.42. When they couldn't pay, he forgave them both. Which of them therefore will love him most?" 7.43. Simon answered, "He, I suppose, to whom he forgave the most."He said to him, "You have judged correctly." 7.44. Turning to the woman, he said to Simon, "Do you see this woman? I entered into your house, and you gave me no water for my feet, but she has wet my feet with her tears, and wiped them with the hair of her head. 7.45. You gave me no kiss, but she, since the time I came in, has not ceased to kiss my feet. 7.46. You didn't anoint my head with oil, but she has anointed my feet with ointment. 7.47. Therefore I tell you, her sins, which are many, are forgiven, for she loved much. But to whom little is forgiven, the same loves little." 7.48. He said to her, "Your sins are forgiven." 7.49. Those who sat at the table with him began to say to themselves, "Who is this who even forgives sins?" 7.50. He said to the woman, "Your faith has saved you. Go in peace." 11.37. Now as he spoke, a certain Pharisee asked him to dine with him. He went in, and sat at the table. 11.38. When the Pharisee saw it, he marveled that he had not first washed himself before dinner. 11.39. The Lord said to him, "Now you Pharisees cleanse the outside of the cup and of the platter, but your inward part is full of extortion and wickedness. 11.40. You foolish ones, didn't he who made the outside make the inside also? 11.41. But give for gifts to the needy those things which are within, and behold, all things will be clean to you. 11.42. But woe to you Pharisees! For you tithe mint and rue and every herb, but you bypass justice and the love of God. You ought to have done these, and not to have left the other undone. 11.43. Woe to you Pharisees! For you love the best seats in the synagogues, and the greetings in the marketplaces. 11.44. Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you are like hidden graves, and the men who walk over them don't know it." 11.45. One of the lawyers answered him, "Teacher, in saying this you insult us also." 11.46. He said, "Woe to you lawyers also! For you load men with burdens that are difficult to carry, and you yourselves won't even lift one finger to help carry those burdens. 11.47. Woe to you! For you build the tombs of the prophets, and your fathers killed them. 11.48. So you testify and consent to the works of your fathers. For they killed them, and you build their tombs. 11.49. Therefore also the wisdom of God said, 'I will send to them prophets and apostles; and some of them they will kill and persecute, 11.50. that the blood of all the prophets, which was shed from the foundation of the world, may be required of this generation; 11.51. from the blood of Abel to the blood of Zachariah, who perished between the altar and the sanctuary.' Yes, I tell you, it will be required of this generation. 11.52. Woe to you lawyers! For you took away the key of knowledge. You didn't enter in yourselves, and those who were entering in, you hindered." 11.53. As he said these things to them, the scribes and the Pharisees began to be terribly angry, and to draw many things out of him; 11.54. lying in wait for him, and seeking to catch him in something he might say, that they might accuse him. 14.1. It happened, when he went into the house of one of the rulers of the Pharisees on a Sabbath to eat bread, that they were watching him. 14.2. Behold, a certain man who had dropsy was in front of him. 14.3. Jesus, answering, spoke to the lawyers and Pharisees, saying, "Is it lawful to heal on the Sabbath?" 14.4. But they were silent. He took him, and healed him, and let him go. 14.5. He answered them, "Which of you, if your son or an ox fell into a well, wouldn't immediately pull him out on a Sabbath day?" 14.6. They couldn't answer him regarding these things. 14.7. He spoke a parable to those who were invited, when he noticed how they chose the best seats, and said to them, 14.8. "When you are invited by anyone to a marriage feast, don't sit in the best seat, since perhaps someone more honorable than you might be invited by him, 14.9. and he who invited both of you would come and tell you, 'Make room for this person.' Then you would begin, with shame, to take the lowest place. 14.10. But when you are invited, go and sit in the lowest place, so that when he who invited you comes, he may tell you, 'Friend, move up higher.' Then you will be honored in the presence of all who sit at the table with you. 14.11. For everyone who exalts himself will be humbled, and whoever humbles himself will be exalted." 14.12. He also said to the one who had invited him, "When you make a dinner or a supper, don't call your friends, nor your brothers, nor your kinsmen, nor rich neighbors, or perhaps they might also return the favor, and pay you back. 14.13. But when you make a feast, ask the poor, the maimed, the lame, or the blind; 14.14. and you will be blessed, because they don't have the resources to repay you. For you will be repaid in the resurrection of the righteous." 14.15. When one of those who sat at the table with him heard these things, he said to him, "Blessed is he who will feast in the Kingdom of God!" 14.16. But he said to him, "A certain man made a great supper, and he invited many people. 14.17. He sent out his servant at supper time to tell those who were invited, 'Come, for everything is ready now.' 14.18. They all as one began to make excuses. "The first said to him, 'I have bought a field, and I must go and see it. Please have me excused.' 14.19. "Another said, 'I have bought five yoke of oxen, and I must go try them out. Please have me excused.' 14.20. "Another said, 'I have married a wife, and therefore I can't come.' 14.21. "That servant came, and told his lord these things. Then the master of the house, being angry, said to his servant, 'Go out quickly into the streets and lanes of the city, and bring in the poor, maimed, blind, and lame.' 14.22. "The servant said, 'Lord, it is done as you commanded, and there is still room.' 14.23. "The lord said to the servant, 'Go out into the highways and hedges, and compel them to come in, that my house may be filled. 14.24. For I tell you that none of those men who were invited will taste of my supper.'" 15.1. Now all the tax collectors and sinners were coming close to him to hear him. 15.2. The Pharisees and the scribes murmured, saying, "This man welcomes sinners, and eats with them." |
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90. New Testament, Romans, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 73| 1.1. ΠΑΥΛΟΣ δοῦλος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, κλητὸς ἀπόστολος, ἀφωρισμένος εἰς εὐαγγέλιον θεοῦ | 1.1. Paul, a servant of Jesus Christ, called to be an apostle, set apart for the gospel of God, |
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91. New Testament, Philippians, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 73| 1.1. ΠΑΥΛΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΙΜΟΘΕΟΣ δοῦλοι Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ πᾶσιν τοῖς ἁγίοις ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν Φιλίπποιςσὺν ἐπισκόποις καὶ διακόνοις· | 1.1. Paul and Timothy, servants of Jesus Christ; To all the saints in Christ Jesus who are at Philippi, with the overseers and deacons: |
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92. New Testament, Galatians, 1.2, 1.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 73| 1.2. καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμοὶ πάντες ἀδελφοί, ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τῆς Γαλατίας· 1.10. Ἄρτι γὰρ ἀνθρώπους πείθω ἢ τὸν θεόν; ἢ ζητῶ ἀνθρώποις ἀρέσκειν; εἰ ἔτι ἀνθρώποις ἤρεσκον, Χριστοῦ δοῦλος οὐκ ἂν ἤμην. | 1.2. and all the brothers who are with me, to the assemblies of Galatia: 1.10. For am I now seeking thefavor of men, or of God? Or am I striving to please men? For if I werestill pleasing men, I wouldn't be a servant of Christ. |
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93. New Testament, Ephesians, 2.19, 6.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 73; Penniman (2017) 167| 2.19. Ἄρα οὖν οὐκέτι ἐστὲ ξένοι καὶ πάροικοι, ἀλλὰ ἐστὲ συνπολῖται τῶν ἁγίων καὶ οἰκεῖοι τοῦ θεοῦ, 6.5. Οἱ δοῦλοι, ὑπακούετε τοῖς κατὰ σάρκα κυρίοις μετὰ φόβου καὶ τρόμου ἐν ἁπλότητι τῆς καρδίας ὑμῶν ὡς τῷ χριστῷ, | 2.19. So then you are no longer strangers and sojourners, but you are fellow citizens with the saints, and of the household of God, 6.5. Servants, be obedient to those who according to the flesh are your masters, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as to Christ; |
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| 94. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 166 |
| 95. Persius, Satires, 1.2-1.3, 1.44, 3.7-3.8, 3.37, 3.66-3.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020) 315; O, Daly (2020) 284 |
96. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.4.4, 2.1.4, 4.2.123-4.2.124, 10.1.118, 11.3.138, 12.10.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius (aulus), on language •gellius, aulus •gellius aulus, roman writer Found in books: Bua (2019) 132; Radicke (2022) 223; Rizzi (2010) 115; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 34 | 1.4.4. Nor is it sufficient to have read the poets only; every kind of writer must be carefully studied, not merely for the subject matter, but for the vocabulary; for words often acquire authority from their use by a particular author. Nor can such training be regarded as complete if it stop short of music, for the teacher of literature has to speak of metre and rhythm: nor again if he be ignorant of astronomy, can he understand the poets; for they, to mention no further points, frequently give their indications of time by reference to the rising and setting of the stars. Ignorance of philosophy is an equal drawback, since there are numerous passages in almost every poem based on the most intricate questions of natural philosophy, while among the Greeks we have Empedocles and among our own poets Varro and Lucretius, all of whom have expounded their philosophies in verse. 2.1.4. The two professions must each be assigned their proper sphere. Grammatice, which we translate as the science of letters, must learn to know its own limits, especially as it has encroached so far beyond the boundaries to which its unpretentious name should restrict it and to which its earlier professors actually confined themselves. Springing from a tiny fountain-head, it has gathered strength from the historians and critics and has swollen to the dimensions of a brimming river, since, not content with the theory of correct speech, no inconsiderable subject, it has usurped the study of practically all the highest departments of knowledge. |
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| 97. Tacitus, Agricola, 12.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 129 |
| 98. Apollonius of Tyana, Letters, 72, 71 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 114 |
| 99. Suetonius, Titus, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 355 |
| 100. Suetonius, Nero, 52 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 301 |
| 101. Suetonius, Galba, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 105 |
| 102. Suetonius, Domitianus, 5, 20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 298 |
| 103. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 7.30 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 84 |
| 104. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 17.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 223 |
105. Tacitus, Annals, 13.57.3, 14.21, 15.1.2, 16.13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius •gellius, aulus Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 355; Radicke (2022) 223| 14.21. Pluribus ipsa licentia placebat, ac tamen honesta nomina praetendebant. maiores quoque non abhorruisse spectaculorum oblectamentis pro fortuna quae tum erat, eoque a Tuscis accitos histriones, a Thuriis equorum certamina; et possessa Achaia Asiaque ludos curatius editos, nec quemquam Romae honesto loco ortum ad theatralis artes degeneravisse, ducentis iam annis a L. Mummii triumpho qui primus id genus spectaculi in urbe praebuerit. sed et consultum parsimoniae quod perpetua sedes theatro locata sit potius quam immenso sumptu singulos per annos consurgeret ac destrueretur. nec perinde magistratus rem familiarem exhausturos aut populo efflagitandi Graeca certamina a magistratibus causam fore, cum eo sumptu res publica fungatur. oratorum ac vatum victorias incitamentum ingeniis adlaturas; nec cuiquam iudici grave auris studiis honestis et voluptatibus concessis impertire. laetitiae magis quam lasciviae dari paucas totius quinquennii noctes, quibus tanta luce ignium nihil inlicitum occultari queat. sane nullo insigni dehonestamento id spectaculum transiit; ac ne modica quidem studia plebis exarsere, quia redditi quamquam scaenae pantomimi certaminibus sacris prohibebantur. eloquentiae primas nemo tulit, sed victorem esse Caesarem pronuntiatum. Graeci amictus quis per eos dies plerique incesserant tum exoleverunt. | 14.21. It was this very prospect of licence which attracted the majority; and yet their pretexts were decently phrased:â "Even our ancestors had not been averse from amusing themselves with spectacles in keeping with the standard of wealth in their day; and that was the reason why actors had been imported from Etruria and horse-races from Thurii. Since the annexation of Achaia and Asia, games had been exhibited in a more ambitious style; and yet, at Rome, no one born in a respectable rank of life had condescended to the stage as a profession, though it was now two hundred years since the triumph of Lucius Mummius, who first gave an exhibition of the kind in the capital. But, more than this, it had been a measure of economy when the theatre was housed in a permanent building instead of being reared and razed, year after year, at enormous expense. Again, the magistrates would not have the same drain upon their private resources, nor the populace the same excuse for demanding contests in the Greek style from the magistrates, when the cost was defrayed by the state. The victories of orators and poets would apply a spur to genius; nor need it lie heavy on the conscience of any judge, if he had not turned a deaf ear to reputable arts and to legitimate pleasures. It was to gaiety, rather than to wantonness, that a few nights were being given out of five whole years â nights in which, owing to the blaze of illuminations, nothing illicit could be concealed." The display in question, it must be granted, passed over without any glaring scandal; and there was no outbreak, even slight, of popular partisanship, since the pantomimic actors, though restored to the stage, were debarred from the sacred contests. The first prize for eloquence was not awarded, but an announcement was made that the Caesar had proved victorious. The Greek dress, in which a great number of spectators had figured during the festival, immediately went out of vogue. |
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| 106. Suetonius, Tiberius, 74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 301 |
| 107. Suetonius, Claudius, 25.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 355 |
| 108. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 298; Pollmann and Vessey (2007) 85 |
| 109. Suetonius, Augustus, 57.1, 82.1, 87.1, 89.3, 94.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 193; Cosgrove (2022) 194; Radicke (2022) 223, 539 |
| 110. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 2.59.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 379 |
| 111. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 8.1, 33.8, 59.14, 84.2-84.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 73; Johnson and Parker (2009) 324; König (2012) 203, 206, 208, 214, 218; Sorabji (2000) 379 |
| 112. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.3.8, 2.3.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 377 |
| 113. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, and being roman, Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 324 |
| 114. Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogae, 1.77-1.83 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius (aulus gellius) Found in books: Green (2014) 195 |
| 115. Seneca The Younger, De Constantia Sapientis, 54 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 379 |
| 116. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 10.1.118, 11.3.138, 12.10.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius aulus, roman writer •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 223; Rizzi (2010) 115 |
| 117. Suetonius, Caligula, 52 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 223 |
| 118. Posidonius Olbiopolitanus, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graver (2007) 236 |
| 119. Gellius, Attic Nights, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bryan (2018) 204; Wardy and Warren (2018) 204 |
| 120. Apuleius, Apology, 102, 13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 165 |
| 121. Apuleius, On The God of Socrates, 12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: O, Daly (2020) 141, 142 |
| 122. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 2.10-2.11, 2.16-2.17, 2.22, 3.14, 3.20, 6.24, 7.21, 8.22, 8.29, 9.23, 10.2, 10.21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Nisula (2012) 27 |
| 123. Apuleius, Florida, 17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Nisula (2012) 27 |
| 124. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 39, 6, 40 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mheallaigh (2014) 88 |
| 125. Lucian, The Dance, 79 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, attic nights Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 193 |
| 126. Sextus Empiricus, Against Those In The Disciplines, 7.151 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Graver (2007) 236 |
| 127. Lucian, On Mourning, 1.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, gospels, eating and drinking in Found in books: König (2012) 133 |
| 128. Lucian, The Ignorant Book-Collector, 4, 1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 282 |
| 129. Apuleius, De Mundo, 34 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: O, Daly (2020) 285 |
| 130. Tertullian, On The Games, 29.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 286 |
| 131. Galen, On My [His] Own Books, 19.8.4.269, 19.8-10.271, 273 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 275 |
| 132. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 2.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 224 |
133. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.13.3, 1.26.4, 2.7.2, 2.27.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 19| 1.13.3. Πύρρος ἀπὸ θρασέων ἐκρέμασεν Γαλατᾶν, πάντα τὸν Ἀντιγόνου καθελὼν στρατόν. οὐ μέγα θαῦμα· αἰχματαὶ καὶ νῦν καὶ πάρος Αἰακίδαι. τούτους μὲν δὴ ἐνταῦθα, τῷ δὲ ἐν Δωδώνῃ Διὶ Μακεδόνων ἀνέθηκεν αὐτῶν τὰς ἀσπίδας. ἐπιγέγραπται δὲ καὶ ταύταις· αἵδε ποτʼ Ἀσίδα γαῖαν ἐπόρθησαν πολύχρυσον, αἵδε καὶ Ἕλλασι ν δουλοσύναν ἔπορον. νῦν δὲ Διὸς ναῶ ποτὶ κίονας ὀρφανὰ κεῖται τᾶς μεγαλαυχήτω σκῦλα Μακεδονίας. Πύρρῳ δὲ Μακεδόνας ἐς ἅπαν μὴ καταστρέψασθαι παρʼ ὀλίγον ὅμως ἥκοντι ἐγένετο Κλεώνυμος αἴτιος, 1.26.4. τῆς δὲ εἰκόνος πλησίον τῆς Ὀλυμπιοδώρου χαλκοῦν Ἀρτέμιδος ἄγαλμα ἔστηκεν ἐπίκλησιν Λευκοφρύνης, ἀνέθεσαν δὲ οἱ παῖδες οἱ Θεμιστοκλέους· Μάγνητες γάρ, ὧν ἦρχε Θεμιστοκλῆς λαβὼν παρὰ βασιλέως, Λευκοφρύνην Ἄρτεμιν ἄγουσιν ἐν τιμῇ. δεῖ δέ με ἀφικέσθαι τοῦ λόγου πρόσω, πάντα ὁμοίως ἐπεξιόντα τὰ Ἑλληνικά. Ἔνδοιος ἦν γένος μὲν Ἀθηναῖος, Δαιδάλου δὲ μαθητής, ὃς καὶ φεύγοντι Δαιδάλῳ διὰ τὸν Κάλω θάνατον ἐπηκολούθησεν ἐς Κρήτην· τούτου καθήμενόν ἐστιν Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα, ἐπίγραμμα ἔχον ὡς Καλλίας μὲν ἀναθείη, ποιήσειε δὲ Ἔνδοιος. 2.7.2. ἐκ δὲ τῆς Κορινθίας ἐλθοῦσιν ἐς τὴν Σικυωνίαν Λύκου Μεσσηνίου μνῆμά ἐστιν, ὅστις δὴ οὗτος ὁ Λύκος· οὐ γάρ τινα Λύκον εὑρίσκω Μεσσήνιον ἀσκήσαντα πένταθλον οὐδὲ Ὀλυμπικὴν ἀνῃρημένον νίκην. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ χῶμά ἐστι γῆς, αὐτοὶ δὲ Σικυώνιοι τὰ πολλὰ ἐοικότι τρόπῳ θάπτουσι. τὸ μὲν σῶμα γῇ κρύπτουσι, λίθου δὲ ἐποικοδομήσαντες κρηπῖδα κίονας ἐφιστᾶσι καὶ ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς ἐπίθημα ποιοῦσι κατὰ τοὺς ἀετοὺς μάλιστα τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς· ἐπίγραμμα δὲ ἄλλο μὲν ἐπιγράφουσιν οὐδέν, τὸ δὲ ὄνομα ἐφʼ αὑτοῦ καὶ οὐ πατρόθεν ὑπειπόντες κελεύουσι τὸν νεκρὸν χαίρειν. 2.27.2. τοῦ δὲ Ἀσκληπιοῦ τὸ ἄγαλμα μεγέθει μὲν τοῦ Ἀθήνῃσιν Ὀλυμπίου Διὸς ἥμισυ ἀποδεῖ, πεποίηται δὲ ἐλέφαντος καὶ χρυσοῦ· μηνύει δὲ ἐπίγραμμα τὸν εἰργασμένον εἶναι Θρασυμήδην Ἀριγνώτου Πάριον. κάθηται δὲ ἐπὶ θρόνου βακτηρίαν κρατῶν, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τῶν χειρῶν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἔχει τοῦ δράκοντος, καί οἱ καὶ κύων παρακατακείμενος πεποίηται. τῷ θρόνῳ δὲ ἡρώων ἐπειργασμένα Ἀργείων ἐστὶν ἔργα, Βελλεροφόντου τὸ ἐς τὴν Χίμαιραν καὶ Περσεὺς ἀφελὼν τὴν Μεδούσης κεφαλήν. τοῦ ναοῦ δέ ἐστι πέραν ἔνθα οἱ ἱκέται τοῦ θεοῦ καθεύδουσιν. | 1.13.3. taken from the bold Gauls as a gift to Itonian Athena, when he had destroyed all the host of Antigonus. 'Tis no great marvel. The Aeacidae are warriors now, even as they were of old. These shields then are here, but the bucklers of the Macedonians themselves he dedicated to Dodonian Zeus. They too have an inscription:— These once ravaged golden Asia , and brought slavery upon the Greeks. Now ownerless they lie by the pillars of the temple of Zeus, spoils of boastful Macedonia . Pyrrhus came very near to reducing Macedonia entirely, but, 1.26.4. Near the statue of Olympiodorus stands a bronze image of Artemis surnamed Leucophryne, dedicated by the sons of Themistocles; for the Magnesians, whose city the King had given him to rule, hold Artemis Leucophryne in honor. But my narrative must not loiter, as my task is a general description of all Greece . Endoeus fl. 540 B.C. was an Athenian by birth and a pupil of Daedalus, who also, when Daedalus was in exile because of the death of Calos, followed him to Crete . Made by him is a statue of Athena seated, with an inscription that Callias dedicated the image, but Endoeus made it. 2.7.2. When you have come from the Corinthian to the Sicyonian territory you see the tomb of Lycus the Messenian, whoever this Lycus may be; for I can discover no Messenian Lycus who practised the pentathlon See p. 157. or won a victory at Olympia . This tomb is a mound of earth, but the Sicyonians themselves usually bury their dead in a uniform manner. They cover the body in the ground, and over it they build a basement of stone upon which they set pillars. Above these they put something very like the pediment of a temple. They add no inscription, except that they give the dead man's name without that of his father and bid him farewell. 2.27.2. The image of Asclepius is, in size, half as big as the Olympian Zeus at Athens , and is made of ivory and gold. An inscription tells us that the artist was Thrasymedes, a Parian, son of Arignotus. The god is sitting on a seat grasping a staff; the other hand he is holding above the head of the serpent; there is also a figure of a dog lying by his side. On the seat are wrought in relief the exploits of Argive heroes, that of Bellerophontes against the Chimaera, and Perseus, who has cut off the head of Medusa. Over against the temple is the place where the suppliants of the god sleep. |
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134. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 55.8.1, 66.24, 69.8.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius •gellius aulus, roman writer Found in books: Borg (2008) 298; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 355; Rizzi (2010) 115 | 66.24. 1. However, a second conflagration, above ground, in the following year spread over very large sections of Rome while Titus was absent in Campania attending to the catastrophe that had befallen that region.,2. It consumed the temple of Serapis, the temple of Isis, the Saepta, the temple of Neptune, the Baths of Agrippa, the (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" Pantheon, the Diribitorium, the theatre of Balbus, the stage building of (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" Pompey's theatre, the Octavian buildings together with their books, and the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus with their surrounding temples. Hence the disaster seemed to be not of human but of divine origin;,3. for anyone can estimate, from the list of buildings that I have given, how many others must have been destroyed. Titus accordingly sent two ex-consuls to the Campanians to supervise the restoration of the region, and bestowed upon the inhabitants not only general gifts of money, but also the property of such as had lost their lives and left no heirs.,4. As for himself, he accepted nothing from any private citizen or city or king, although many kept offering and promising him large sums; but he restored all the damaged regions from funds already on hand. 69.8.1. This is a kind of preface, of a summary nature, that I have been giving in regard to his character. I shall also relate in detail all the events that require mention. |
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| 135. Aelian, Varia Historia, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 376 |
136. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.25.532, 2.10, 2.13 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 165; Taylor (2012) 163| 2.10. ̓Αδριανὸν δὲ τὸν Φοίνικα Τύρος μὲν ἤνεγκεν, ̓Αθῆναι δὲ ἤσκησαν. ὡς γὰρ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ διδασκάλων ἤκουον, ἀφίκετο μὲν ἐς αὐτὰς κατὰ ̔Ηρώδην, φύσεως δὲ ἰσχὺν σοφιστικωτάτην ἐνδεικνύμενος καὶ οὐκ ἄδηλος ὢν ὡς ἐπὶ μέγα ἥξοι: ἐφοίτησε μὲν γὰρ τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ ὀκτὼ καὶ δέκα ἴσως γεγονὼς ἔτη καὶ ταχέως ἀξιωθείς, ὧν Σκέπτος τε καὶ ̓Αμφικλῆς ἠξιοῦντο, ἐνεγράφη καὶ τῇ τοῦ Κλεψυδρίου ἀκροάσει. τὸ δὲ Κλεψύδριον ὧδε εἶχεν: τῶν τοῦ ̔Ηρώδου ἀκροατῶν δέκα οἱ ἀρετῆς ἀξιούμενοι ἐπεσιτίζοντο τῇ ἐς πάντας ἀκροάσει κλεψύδραν ξυμμεμετρημένην ἐς ἑκατὸν ἔπη, ἃ διῄει ἀποτάδην ὁ ̔Ηρώδης παρῃτημένος τὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀκροατῶν ἔπαινον καὶ μόνου γεγονὼς τοῦ λέγειν. παραδεδωκότος δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῖς γνωρίμοις τὸ μηδὲ τὸν τοῦ πότου καιρὸν ἀνιέναι, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖ τι ἐπισπουδάζειν τῷ οἴνῳ ξυνέπινε μὲν ὁ ̓Αδριανὸς τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς κλεψύδρας ὡς κοινωνὸς μεγάλου ἀπορρήτου, λόγου δὲ αὐτοῖς περὶ τῆς ἑκάστου τῶν σοφιστῶν ἰδέας προβαίνοντος παρελθὼν ἐς μέσους ὁ ̓Αδριανὸς “ἐγὼ” ἔφη “ὑπογράψω τοὺς χαρακτῆρας οὐ κομματίων ἀπομνημονεύων ἢ νοιδίων ἢ κώλων ἢ ῥυθμῶν, ἀλλ' ἐς μίμησιν ἐμαυτὸν καθιστὰς καὶ τὰς ἁπάντων ἰδέας ἀποσχεδιάζων σὺν εὐροίᾳ καὶ ἐφιεὶς τῇ γλώττῃ.” παραλιπόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ὁ μὲν ̓Αμφικλῆς ἤρετο τοῦ χάριν τὸν διδάσκαλον αὐτῶν παρέλθοι αὐτός τε ἐρῶν τῆς ἰδέας ἐκείνους τε ἰδὼν ἐρῶντας “ὅτι” ἔφη “οὗτοι μὲν οἷοι καὶ μεθύοντι παραδοῦναι μίμησιν, ̔Ηρώδην δὲ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν λόγων ἀγαπητὸν ἢν ἄοινός τε καὶ νήφων ὑποκρίνωμαι.” ταῦτα ἀπαγγελθέντα τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ διέχεεν αὐτὸν ὄντα καὶ ἄλλως ἥττω εὐδοξίας. ἐπήγγειλε δὲ τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ ἀκρόασιν σχεδίου λόγου νεάζων ἔτι, καὶ ὁ ̔Ηρώδης οὐχ ὡς διαβάλλουσί τινες, βασκαίνων τε καὶ τωθάζων, ἀλλ' ἀπὸ τοῦ διακειμένου τε καὶ ἵλεω ἀκροασάμενος ἐπέρρωσε τὸν νεανίαν εἰπὼν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν “κολοσσοῦ ταῦτα μεγάλα σπαράγματ' ἂν εἴη”, ἅμα μὲν διορθούμενος αὐτὸν ὡς ὑφ' ἡλικίας διεσπασμένον τε καὶ μὴ ξυγκείμενον, ἅμα δὲ ἐπαινῶν ὡς μεγαλόφωνόν τε καὶ μεγαλογνώμονα. καὶ λόγον τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ ἀποθανόντι ἐπεφθέγξατο ἐπάξιον τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς ἐς δάκρυα ἐκκληθῆναι τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους ἐν τῇ τοῦ λόγου ἀκροάσει. μεστὸς δὲ οὕτω παρρησίας ἐπὶ τὸν θρόνον παρῆλθε τὸν ̓Αθήνησιν, ὡς προοίμιόν οἱ γενέσθαι τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς διαλέξεως μὴ τὴν ἐκείνων σοφίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ, ἤρξατο γὰρ δὴ ὧδε: “πάλιν ἐκ Φοινίκης γράμματα.” τὸ μὲν δὴ προοίμιον τοῦτο ὑπερπνέοντος ἦν τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους καὶ διδόντος τι αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὸν μᾶλλον ἢ λαμβάνοντος, μεγαλοπρεπέστατα δὲ τοῦ ̓Αθήνησι θρόνου ἐπεμελήθη ἐσθῆτα μὲν πλείστου ἀξίαν ἀμπεχόμενος, ἐξηρτημένος δὲ τὰς θαυμασιωτέρας τῶν λίθων καὶ κατιὼν μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς σπουδὰς ἐπ' ἀργυροχαλίνου ὀχήματος, ἐπεὶ δὲ σπουδάσειε, ζηλωτὸς αὖ ἐπανιὼν ξὺν πομπῇ τοῦ πανταχόθεν ̔Ελληνικοῦ. οἵδε γὰρ ἐθεράπευον αὐτόν, ὥσπερ τὰ γένη τῆς ̓Ελευσῖνος ἱεροφάντην λαμπρῶς ἱερουργοῦντα. ὑπεποιεῖτο δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ παιδιαῖς καὶ πότοις καὶ θήραις καὶ κοινωνίᾳ πανηγύρεων ̔Ελληνικῶν, ἄλλα ἄλλῳ ξυννεάζων, ὅθεν διέκειντο πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς πρὸς πατέρα παῖδες ἡδύν τε καὶ πρᾷον καὶ ξυνδιαφέροντα αὐτοῖς τὸ ̔Ελληνικὸν σκίρτημα. ἐγώ τοι καὶ δακρύοντας αὐτῶν ἐνίους οἶδα, ὁπότε ἐς μνήμην τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου καθίσταιντο, καὶ τοὺς μὲν τὸ φθέγμα ὑποκοριζομένους, τοὺς δὲ τὸ βάδισμα, τοὺς δὲ τὸ εὔσχημον τῆς στολῆς. ἐπαχθεῖσαν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ φονικὴν αἰτίαν ὧδε ἀπέφυγεν: ἦν ̓Αθήνησιν ἀνθρώπιον οὐκ ἀγύμναστον τοῦ περὶ τοὺς σοφιστὰς δρόμου: τούτῳ ἀμφορέα μέν τις οἴνου προσάγων ἢ ὄψα ἢ ἐσθῆτα ἢ ἀργύριον εὐμεταχειρίστῳ ἐχρῆτο, καθάπερ οἱ τὰ πεινῶντα τῶν θρεμμάτων τῷ θαλλῷ ἄγοντες, εἰ δὲ ἀμελοῖτο, φιλολοιδόρως εἶχε. καὶ ὑλάκτει. τῷ μὲν οὖν ̓Αδριανῷ προσκεκρούκει διὰ τὴν εὐχέρειαν τοῦ ἤθους, Χρῆστον δὲ τὸν ἐκ τοῦ Βυζαντίου σοφιστὴν ἐθεράπευεν, καὶ ὁ μὲν ̓Αδριανὸς ἐκαρτέρει τὰ ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντα, δήγματα κόρεων τὰς ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων λοιδορίας καλῶν, οἱ γνώριμοι δὲ οὐκ ἐνεγκόντες παρεκελεύσαντο τοῖς ἑαυτῶν οἰκέταις παίειν αὐτόν, καὶ ἀνοιδησάντων αὐτῷ τῶν σπλάγχνων ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τριακοστῇ ἀπέθανε παρασχών τινα καὶ αὐτὸς τῷ θανάτῳ λόγον, ἐπειδὴ ἀκράτου νοσῶν ἔσπασεν. οἱ δὲ προσήκοντες τῷ τεθνεῶτι γράφονται τὸν σοφιστὴν φόνου παρὰ τῷ τῆς ̔Ελλάδος ἄρχοντι ὡς ἕνα ̓Αθηναίων, ἐπειδὴ φυλή τε ἦν αὐτῷ καὶ δῆμος ̓Αθήνησιν, ὁ δὲ ἀπέγνω τὴν αἰτίαν ὡς μήτε ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ χερσὶ μήτε ταῖς τῶν ἑαυτοῦ δούλων τετυπτηκότος τὸν τεθνάναι λεγόμενον. ξυνήρατο δὲ αὐτῷ τῆς ἀπολογίας πρῶτον μὲν τὸ ̔Ελληνικὸν τίνας οὐχὶ ἀφιέντες ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ φωνὰς δακρύοις ἅμα, ἔπειτα ἡ τοῦ ἰατροῦ μαρτυρία ἡ ἐπὶ τῷ οἴνῳ. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς χρόνους, οὓς ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ Μάρκος ̓Αθήναζε ὑπὲρ μυστηρίων ἐστάλη, ἐκράτει μὲν ἤδη τοῦ τῶν σοφιστῶν θρόνου ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος, ἐν μέρει δὲ ὁ Μάρκος τῆς τῶν ̓Αθηνῶν ἱστορίας ἔθετο μηδὲ τὴν ἐκείνου σοφίαν ἀγνοῆσαι: καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐπέταξεν αὐτὸν τοῖς νέοις οὐκ ἀκροάσει βασανίσας, ἀλλὰ ξυνθέμενος τῇ περὶ αὐτοῦ φήμῃ. Σεβήρου δὲ ἀνδρὸς ὑπάτου διαβάλλοντος αὐτὸν ὡς τὰς σοφιστικὰς ὑποθέσεις ἐκβακχεύοντα διὰ τὸ ἐρρῶσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἔλεγχον τούτου ποιούμενος ὁ Μάρκος προὔβαλε μὲν αὐτῷ τὸν ̔Υπερείδην τὸν ἐς μόνας ἐπιστρέφοντα τὰς Δημοσθένους γνώμας, ὅτε δὴ ἐν ̓Ελατείᾳ Φίλιππος ἦν, ὁ δὲ οὕτως τὸν ἀγῶνα εὐηνίως διέθετο, ὡς μηδὲ τοῦ Πολέμωνος ῥοίζου λείπεσθαι δόξαι. ἀγασθεὶς δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐπὶ μέγα ἦρε δωρεαῖς τε καὶ δώροις. καλῶ δὲ δωρεὰς μὲν τάς τε σιτήσεις καὶ τὰς προεδρίας καὶ τὰς ἀτελείας καὶ τὸ ἱερᾶσθαι καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα λαμπρύνει ἄνδρας, δῶρα δὲ χρυσὸν ἄργυρον ἵππους ἀνδράποδα καὶ ὅσα ἑρμηνεύει πλοῦτον, ὧν αὐτόν τε ἐνέπλησε καὶ γένος τὸ ἐκείνου πάντας. κατασχὼν δὲ καὶ τὸν ἄνω θρόνον οὕτως τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἐς ἑαυτὸν ἐπέστρεψεν, ὡς καὶ τοῖς ἀξυνέτοις γλώττης ̔Ελλάδος ἔρωτα παρασχεῖν ἀκροάσεως. ἠκροῶντο δὲ ὥσπερ εὐστομούσης ἀηδόνος, τὴν εὐγλωττίαν ἐκπεπληγμένοι καὶ τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὸ εὔστροφον τοῦ φθέγματος καὶ τοὺς πεζῇ τε καὶ ξὺν ᾠδῇ ῥυθμούς. ὁπότε οὖν σπουδάζοιεν περὶ τὰς ἐγκυκλίους θέας, ὀρχηστῶν δὲ αὗται τὸ ἐπίπαν, φανέντος ἂν περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ τῆς ἀκροάσεως ἀγγέλου ἐξανίσταντο μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς, ἐξανίσταντο δὲ τῶν δημοσίᾳ ἱππευόντων οὐχ οἱ τὰ ̔Ελλήνων σπουδάζοντες μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁπόσοι τὴν ἑτέραν γλῶτταν ἐπαιδεύοντο ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ καὶ δρόμῳ ἐχώρουν ἐς τὸ ̓Αθήναιον ὁρμῆς μεστοὶ καὶ τοὺς βάδην πορευομένους κακίζοντες. νοσοῦντι δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην, ὅτε δὴ καὶ ἐτελεύτα, ἐψηφίσατο μὲν τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ὁ Κόμμοδος ξὺν ἀπολογίᾳ τοῦ μὴ καὶ θᾶττον, ὁ δὲ ἐπιθειάσας μὲν ταῖς Μούσαις, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, προσκυνήσας δὲ τὰς βασιλείους δέλτους τὴν ψυχὴν πρὸς αὐταῖς ἀφῆκεν ἐνταφίῳ τῇ τιμῇ χρησάμενος: ἐτελεύτα δὲ ἀμφὶ τὰ ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη, οὕτω τι εὐδόκιμος, ὡς καὶ πολλοῖς γόης δόξαι: ὅτι μὲν οὖν ἀνὴρ πεπαιδευμένος οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἐς γοήτων ὑπαχθείη τέχνας, ἱκανῶς ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ Διονυσίου λόγοις εἴρηκα, ὁ δέ, οἶμαι, τερατευόμενος ἐν ταῖς ὑποθέσεσι περὶ τὰ τῶν μάγων ἤθη τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ταύτην παρ' αὐτῶν ἔσπασεν. διαβάλλουσι δὲ αὐτὸν ὡς καὶ ἀναιδῆ τὸ ἦθος, πέμψαι μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ τινα τῶν γνωρίμων ἰχθῦς διακειμένους ἐπὶ δίσκου ἀργυροῦ πεποικιλμένου χρυσῷ, τὸν δὲ ὑπερησθέντα τῷ δίσκῳ μήτε ἀποδοῦναι καὶ ἀποκρίνασθαι τῷ πέμψαντι “εὖγε, ὅτι καὶ τοὺς ἰχθῦς.” τουτὶ δὲ διατριβῆς μὲν ἕνεκα παῖξαι λέγεται πρός τινα τῶν ἑαυτοῦ γνωρίμων, ὃν ἤκουε μικροπρεπῶς τῷ πλούτῳ χρώμενον, τὸν δὲ ἄργυρον ἀποδοῦναι σωφρονίσας τὸν ἀκροατὴν τῷ ἀστεισμῶ. ὁ δὲ σοφιστὴς οὗτος πολὺς μὲν περὶ τὰς ἐννοίας καὶ λαμπρὸς καὶ τὰς διασκευὰς τῶν ὑποθέσεων ποικιλώτατος ἐκ τῆς τραγῳδίας τοῦτο ᾑρηκώς, οὐ μὴν τεταγμένος γε, οὐδὲ τῇ τέχνῃ ἑπόμενος, τὴν δὲ παρασκευὴν τῆς λέξεως ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων σοφιστῶν περιεβάλλετο ἤχῳ προσάγων μᾶλλον ἢ κρότῳ. πολλαχοῦ δὲ τῆς μεγαλοφωνίας ἐξέπεσεν ἀταμιεύτως τῇ τραγῳδίᾳ χρησάμενος. 2.13. Καισάρεια δὲ ἡ Καππαδοκῶν ὄρει ̓Αργαίῳ πρόσοικος Παυσανίου τοῦ σοφιστοῦ οἶκος. ὁ δὲ Παυσανίας ἐπαιδεύθη μὲν ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου καὶ τῶν τοῦ Κλεψυδρίου μετεχόντων εἷς ἐγένετο, οὓς ἐκάλουν οἱ πολλοὶ διψῶντας, ἐς πολλὰ δὲ ἀναφέρων τῶν ̔Ηρώδου πλεονεκτημάτων καὶ μάλιστα τὸ αὐτοσχεδιάζειν ἀπήγγελλε δὲ αὐτὰ παχείᾳ τῇ γλώττῃ καὶ ὡς Καππαδόκαις ξύνηθες, ξυγκρούων μὲν τὰ σύμφωνα τῶν στοιχείων, συστέλλων δὲ τὰ μηκυνόμενα καὶ μηκύνων τὰ βραχέα, ὅθεν ἐκάλουν αὐτὸν οἱ πολλοὶ μάγειρον πολυτελῆ ὄψα πονήρως ἀρτύοντα. ἡ δὲ ἰδέα τῆς μελέτης ὑπτιωτέρα, ἔρρωται δὲ ὅμως καὶ οὐχ ἁμαρτάνει τοῦ ἀρχαίου, ὡς ὑπάρχει ταῖς μελέταις ξυμβαλεῖν, πολλαὶ γὰρ τοῦ Παυσανίου κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην, οἷ δὴ καὶ καταβιοὺς ἀπέθανε γηράσκων ἤδη, τοῦ θρόνου μετέχων, καὶ μετεῖχε δὲ καὶ τοῦ ̓Αθήνησιν, ὅτε δὴ καὶ ἀπιὼν ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, οἷς πρὸς τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους διεξῆλθε, καιριώτατα τὸ τοῦ Εὐριπίδου ἐπεφθέγξατο Θησεῦ, πάλιν με στρέψον, ὡς ἴδω πόλιν. | |
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137. Anon., Acts of Thomas, 5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, attic nights Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 196 | 5. And as they dined and drank, the apostle tasted nothing; so they that were about him said unto him: Wherefore art thou come here, neither eating nor drinking? but he answered them, saying: I am come here for somewhat greater than the food or the drink, and that I may fulfil the king's will. For the heralds proclaim the king's message, and whoso hearkeneth not to the heralds shall be subject to the king's judgement. So when they had dined and drunken, and garlands and unguents were brought to them, every man took of the unguent, and one anointed his face and another his beard and another other parts of his body; but the apostle anointed the top of his head and smeared a little upon his nostrils, and dropped it into his ears and touched his teeth with it, and carefully anointed the parts about his heart: and the wreath that was brought to him, woven of myrtle and other flowers, he took, and set it on his head, and took a branch of calamus and held it in his hand. Now the flute-girl, holding her flute in her hand, went about to them all and played, but when she came to the place where the apostle was, she stood over him and played at his head for a long space: now this flute-girl was by race an Hebrew. |
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| 138. Pollux, Onomasticon, 7.85 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
139. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.11, 7.6.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus •gellius aulus, roman writer Found in books: Radicke (2022) 223; Rizzi (2010) 115 | 4.11. To Cornelius Minicianus. Have you heard that Valerius Licinianus is teaching rhetoric in Sicily? I do not think you can have done, for the news is quite fresh. He is of praetorian rank, and he used at one time to be considered one of our most eloquent pleaders at the bar, but now he has fallen so low that he is an exile instead of being a senator, and a mere teacher of rhetoric instead of being a prominent advocate. Consequently in his opening remarks he exclaimed, sorrowfully and solemnly You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer. It is true that he confessed his guilt, but it is an open question whether he did so because he was guilty or because he feared an even heavier punishment if he denied it. For Domitian was in a great rage and was boiling over with fury because his witnesses had left him in the lurch. His mind was set upon burying alive Cornelia, the chief of the Vestal Virgins, as he thought to make his age memorable by such an example of severity, and, using his authority as pontifex maximus, or rather exercising the cruelty of a tyrant and the wanton caprice of a ruler, he summoned the rest of the pontiffs not to the Palace but to his Villa at Alba. There, with a wickedness just as monstrous as the crime which he pretended to be punishing, he declared her guilty of incest, without summoning her before him and giving her a hearing, though he himself had not only committed incest with his brother's daughter but had even caused her death, for she died of abortion during her widowhood. He immediately despatched some of the pontiffs to see that his victim was buried alive and put to death. Cornelia invoked in turns the aid of Vesta and of the rest of the deities, and amid her many cries this was repeated most frequently Moreover, when Celer, the Roman knight who was accused of having intrigued with Cornelia, was being scourged with rods in the forum, he did nothing but cry out, "What have I done? I have done nothing." Consequently Domitian's evil reputation for cruelty and injustice blazed up on all hands. He fastened upon Licinianus for hiding a freedwoman of Cornelia on one of his farms. Licinianus was advised by his friends who interested themselves on his behalf to take refuge in making a confession and beg for pardon, if he wished to escape being flogged in the forum, and he did so. Herennius Senecio spoke for him in his absence very much in the words of Homer, "Patroclus is fallen;" ** for he said, "Instead of being an advocate, I am the bearer of news You see how careful I am to obey your wishes, as I not only give you the news of the town, but news from abroad, and minutely trace a story from its very beginning. I took for granted that, as you were away from Rome at the time, all you heard of Licinianus was that he had been banished for incest. For rumour only gives one the gist of the matter, not the various stages through which it passes. Surely I deserve that you should return the compliment and write and tell me what is going on in your town and neighbourhood, for something worthy of note is always happening. But say what you will, provided you give me the news in as long a letter as I have written to you. I shall count up not only the pages, but the lines and the syllables. Farewell. |
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140. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.11, 7.6.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus •gellius aulus, roman writer Found in books: Radicke (2022) 223; Rizzi (2010) 115 | 4.11. To Cornelius Minicianus. Have you heard that Valerius Licinianus is teaching rhetoric in Sicily? I do not think you can have done, for the news is quite fresh. He is of praetorian rank, and he used at one time to be considered one of our most eloquent pleaders at the bar, but now he has fallen so low that he is an exile instead of being a senator, and a mere teacher of rhetoric instead of being a prominent advocate. Consequently in his opening remarks he exclaimed, sorrowfully and solemnly You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer. It is true that he confessed his guilt, but it is an open question whether he did so because he was guilty or because he feared an even heavier punishment if he denied it. For Domitian was in a great rage and was boiling over with fury because his witnesses had left him in the lurch. His mind was set upon burying alive Cornelia, the chief of the Vestal Virgins, as he thought to make his age memorable by such an example of severity, and, using his authority as pontifex maximus, or rather exercising the cruelty of a tyrant and the wanton caprice of a ruler, he summoned the rest of the pontiffs not to the Palace but to his Villa at Alba. There, with a wickedness just as monstrous as the crime which he pretended to be punishing, he declared her guilty of incest, without summoning her before him and giving her a hearing, though he himself had not only committed incest with his brother's daughter but had even caused her death, for she died of abortion during her widowhood. He immediately despatched some of the pontiffs to see that his victim was buried alive and put to death. Cornelia invoked in turns the aid of Vesta and of the rest of the deities, and amid her many cries this was repeated most frequently Moreover, when Celer, the Roman knight who was accused of having intrigued with Cornelia, was being scourged with rods in the forum, he did nothing but cry out, "What have I done? I have done nothing." Consequently Domitian's evil reputation for cruelty and injustice blazed up on all hands. He fastened upon Licinianus for hiding a freedwoman of Cornelia on one of his farms. Licinianus was advised by his friends who interested themselves on his behalf to take refuge in making a confession and beg for pardon, if he wished to escape being flogged in the forum, and he did so. Herennius Senecio spoke for him in his absence very much in the words of Homer, "Patroclus is fallen;" ** for he said, "Instead of being an advocate, I am the bearer of news You see how careful I am to obey your wishes, as I not only give you the news of the town, but news from abroad, and minutely trace a story from its very beginning. I took for granted that, as you were away from Rome at the time, all you heard of Licinianus was that he had been banished for incest. For rumour only gives one the gist of the matter, not the various stages through which it passes. Surely I deserve that you should return the compliment and write and tell me what is going on in your town and neighbourhood, for something worthy of note is always happening. But say what you will, provided you give me the news in as long a letter as I have written to you. I shall count up not only the pages, but the lines and the syllables. Farewell. |
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| 141. Tertullian, On The Pallium, 4.9, 6.2.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus •aulus gellius Found in books: Geljon and Vos (2020) 180; Radicke (2022) 224 |
| 142. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 275 |
143. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 5.1.10, 6.21, 6.21.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 286 | 6.21. Pleasure of the ears is received from the sweetness of voices and strains, which indeed is as productive of vice as that delight of the eyes of which we have spoken. For who would not deem him luxurious and worthless who should have scenic arts at his house? But it makes no difference whether you practice luxury alone at home, or with the people in the theatre. But we have already spoken of spectacles: there remains one thing which is to be overcome by us, that we be not captivated by those things which penetrate to the innermost perception. For all those things which are unconnected with words, that is, pleasant sounds of the air and of strings, may be easily disregarded, because they do not adhere to us, and cannot be written. But a well-composed poem, and a speech beguiling with its sweetness, captivate the minds of men, and impel them in what direction they please. Hence, when learned men have applied themselves to the religion of God, unless they have been instructed by some skilful teacher, they do not believe. For, being accustomed to sweet and polished speeches or poems, they despise the simple and common language of the sacred writings as mean. For they seek that which may soothe the senses. But whatever is pleasant to the ear effects persuasion, and while it delights fixes itself deeply within the breast. Is God, therefore, the contriver both of the mind, and of the voice, and of the tongue, unable to speak eloquently? Yea, rather, with the greatest foresight, He wished those things which are divine to be without adornment, that all might understand the things which He Himself spoke to all. Therefore he who is anxious for the truth, who does not wish to deceive himself, must lay aside hurtful and injurious pleasures, which would bind the mind to themselves, as pleasant food does the body: true things must be preferred to false, eternal things to those which are of short duration, useful things to those which are pleasant. Let nothing be pleasing to the sight but that which you see to be done with piety and justice; let nothing be agreeable to the hearing but that which nourishes the soul and makes you a better man. And especially this sense ought not to be distorted to vice, since it is given to us for this purpose, that we might gain the knowledge of God. Therefore, if it be a pleasure to hear melodies and songs, let it be pleasant to sing and hear the praises of God. This is true pleasure, which is the attendant and companion of virtue. This is not frail and brief, as those which they desire, who, like cattle, are slaves to the body; but lasting, and affording delight without any intermission. And if any one shall pass its limits, and shall seek nothing else from pleasure but pleasure itself, he designs for himself death; for as there is perpetual life in virtue, so there is death in pleasure. For he who shall choose temporal things will be without things eternal; he who shall prefer earthly things will not have heavenly things. |
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| 144. Lactantius, Epitome Divinarum Institutionum, 5.1.10, 6.21, 6.21.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 286 |
145. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.71, 4.33, 4.42, 7.46, 10.136 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine •aulus gellius •gellius, aulus Found in books: Bett (2019) 37; Bryan (2018) 210; Graver (2007) 236; Sorabji (2000) 376; Wardy and Warren (2018) 210 | 2.71. It happened once that he set sail for Corinth and, being overtaken by a storm, he was in great consternation. Some one said, We plain men are not alarmed, and are you philosophers turned cowards? To this he replied, The lives at stake in the two cases are not comparable. When some one gave himself airs for his wide learning, this is what he said: As those who eat most and take the most exercise are not better in health than those who restrict themselves to what they require, so too it is not wide reading but useful reading that tends to excellence. An advocate, having pleaded for him and won the case, thereupon put the question, What good did Socrates do you? Thus much, was the reply, that what you said of me in your speech was true. 4.33. Some represent him as emulous of Pyrrho as well. He was devoted to dialectic and adopted the methods of argument introduced by the Eretrian school. On account of this Ariston said of him:Plato the head of him, Pyrrho the tail, midway Diodorus.And Timon speaks of him thus:Having the lead of Menedemus at his heart, he will run either to that mass of flesh, Pyrrho, or to Diodorus.And a little farther on he introduces him as saying:I shall swim to Pyrrho and to crooked Diodorus.He was highly axiomatic and concise, and in his discourse fond of distinguishing the meaning of terms. He was satirical enough, and outspoken. 4.42. There he had always shunned discussion over the wine; and when Aridices, proposing a certain question, requested him to speak upon it, he replied, The peculiar province of philosophy is just this, to know that there is a time for all things. As to the charge brought against him that he was the friend of the mob, Timon, among many other things, has the following:So saying, he plunged into the surrounding crowd. And they were amazed at him, like chaffinches about an owl, pointing him out as vain, because he was a flatterer of the mob. And why, insignificant thing that you are, do you puff yourself out like a simpleton?And yet for all that he was modest enough to recommend his pupils to hear other philosophers. And when a certain youth from Chios was not well pleased with his lectures and preferred those of the above-mentioned Hieronymus, Arcesilaus himself took him and introduced him to that philosopher, with an injunction to behave well. 7.46. There are two species of presentation, the one apprehending a real object, the other not. The former, which they take to be the test of reality, is defined as that which proceeds from a real object, agrees with that object itself, and has been imprinted seal-fashion and stamped upon the mind: the latter, or non-apprehending, that which does not proceed from any real object, or, if it does, fails to agree with the reality itself, not being clear or distinct.Dialectic, they said, is indispensable and is itself a virtue, embracing other particular virtues under it. Freedom from precipitancy is a knowledge when to give or withhold the mind's assent to impressions. 10.136. He differs from the Cyrenaics with regard to pleasure. They do not include under the term the pleasure which is a state of rest, but only that which consists in motion. Epicurus admits both; also pleasure of mind as well as of body, as he states in his work On Choice and Avoidance and in that On the Ethical End, and in the first book of his work On Human Life and in the epistle to his philosopher friends in Mytilene. So also Diogenes in the seventeenth book of his Epilecta, and Metrodorus in his Timocrates, whose actual words are: Thus pleasure being conceived both as that species which consists in motion and that which is a state of rest. The words of Epicurus in his work On Choice are: Peace of mind and freedom from pain are pleasures which imply a state of rest; joy and delight are seen to consist in motion and activity. |
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| 146. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 150 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2019) 235 |
| 147. Macrobius, Saturnalia, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König (2012) 206 |
| 148. Symmachus, Letters, 10.78 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 298 |
| 149. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 1.7, 1.10, 8.1, 9.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 298, 301 |
| 150. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, and being roman, •gellius, aulus, and literary community •gellius, aulus, and classics, Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 327 |
| 151. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Tacitus, 8.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 301 |
| 152. Macrobius, Saturnalia, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König (2012) 206 |
| 153. Charisius, Ars Grammatica (Fragmenta), None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius (aulus), and cicero’s manuscripts Found in books: Bua (2019) 64 |
| 154. Charisius, Ars Grammatica, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius (aulus), and cicero’s manuscripts Found in books: Bua (2019) 64 |
| 155. Augustine, De Consensu Evangelistarum Libri Quatuor, 1.30.46 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: O, Daly (2020) 284 |
| 156. Evagrius Ponticus, Praktikos, 75 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 372 |
157. Augustine, Confessions, 8.5-8.6, 8.9-8.10, 8.29 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine •gellius, aulus, on reading •gellius, aulus, on recitations Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 211; Sorabji (2000) 372, 382, 383 | 8.5. 10. But when that man of Yours, Simplicianus, related this to me about Victorinus, I burned to imitate him; and it was for this end he had related it. But when he had added this also, that in the time of the Emperor Julian, there was a law made by which Christians were forbidden to teach grammar and oratory, and he, in obedience to this law, chose rather to abandon the wordy school than Your word, by which You make eloquent the tongues of the dumb, Wisdom 10:21 - he appeared to me not more brave than happy, in having thus discovered an opportunity of waiting on You only, which thing I was sighing for, thus bound, not with the irons of another, but my own iron will. My will was the enemy master of, and thence had made a chain for me and bound me. Because of a perverse will was lust made; and lust indulged in became custom; and custom not resisted became necessity. By which links, as it were, joined together (whence I term it a chain), did a hard bondage hold me enthralled. givest away thy strength to resist him in the rest; when the hem is worn, the whole garment will ravel out, if it be not mended by timely repentance. See Müller, Lehre von der Sünde, book v., where the beginnings and alarming progress of evil in the soul are graphically described. See 9JKLJKLsec. 18, note, below}-- But that new will which had begun to develope in me, freely to worship You, and to wish to enjoy You, O God, the only sure enjoyment, was not able as yet to overcome my former wilfulness, made strong by long indulgence. Thus did my two wills, one old and the other new, one carnal, the other spiritual, contend within me; and by their discord they unstrung my soul. 11. Thus came I to understand, from my own experience, what I had read, how that the flesh lusts against the Spirit, and the Spirit against the flesh. Galatians 5:17 I verily lusted both ways; yet more in that which I approved in myself, than in that which I disapproved in myself. For in this last it was now rather not I, Romans 7:20 because in much I rather suffered against my will than did it willingly. And yet it was through me that custom became more combative against me, because I had come willingly whither I willed not. And who, then, can with any justice speak against it, when just punishment follows the sinner? Nor had I now any longer my wonted excuse, that as yet I hesitated to be above the world and serve You, because my perception of the truth was uncertain; for now it was certain. But I, still bound to the earth, refused to be Your soldier; and was as much afraid of being freed from all embarrassments, as we ought to fear to be embarrassed. 12. Thus with the baggage of the world was I sweetly burdened, as when in slumber; and the thoughts wherein I meditated upon You were like the efforts of those desiring to awake, who, still overpowered with a heavy drowsiness, are again steeped therein. And as no one desires to sleep always, and in the sober judgment of all waking is better, yet does a man generally defer to shake off drowsiness, when there is a heavy lethargy in all his limbs, and, though displeased, yet even after it is time to rise with pleasure yields to it, so was I assured that it were much better for me to give up myself to Your charity, than to yield myself to my own cupidity; but the former course satisfied and vanquished me, the latter pleased me and fettered me. Nor had I anything to answer You calling to me, Awake, you that sleep, and arise from the dead, and Christ shall give you light. Ephesians 5:14 And to You showing me on every side, that what Thou said was true, I, convicted by the truth, had nothing at all to reply, but the drawling and drowsy words: Presently, lo, presently; Leave me a little while. But presently, presently, had no present; and my leave me a little while went on for a long while. In vain did I delight in Your law after the inner man, when another law in my members warred against the law of my mind, and brought me into captivity to the law of sin which is in my members. For the law of sin is the violence of custom, whereby the mind is drawn and held, even against its will; deserving to be so held in that it so willingly falls into it. O wretched man that I am! Who shall deliver me from the body of this death but Your grace only, through Jesus Christ our Lord? 8.6. 13. And how, then, Thou delivered me out of the bonds of carnal desire, wherewith I was most firmly fettered, and out of the drudgery of worldly business, will I now declare and confess unto Your name, O Lord, my strength and my Redeemer. Amid increasing anxiety, I was transacting my usual affairs, and daily sighing unto You. I resorted as frequently to Your church as the business, under the burden of which I groaned, left me free to do. Alypius was with me, being after the third sitting disengaged from his legal occupation, and awaiting further opportunity of selling his counsel, as I was wont to sell the power of speaking, if it can be supplied by teaching. But Nebridius had, on account of our friendship, consented to teach under Verecundus, a citizen and a grammarian of Milan, and a very intimate friend of us all; who vehemently desired, and by the right of friendship demanded from our company, the faithful aid he greatly stood in need of. Nebridius, then, was not drawn to this by any desire of gain (for he could have made much more of his learning had he been so inclined), but, as a most sweet and kindly friend, he would not be wanting in an office of friendliness, and slight our request. But in this he acted very discreetly, taking care not to become known to those personages whom the world esteems great; thus avoiding distraction of mind, which he desired to have free and at leisure as many hours as possible, to search, or read, or hear something concerning wisdom. 14. Upon a certain day, then, Nebridius being away (why, I do not remember), lo, there came to the house to see Alypius and me, Pontitianus, a countryman of ours, in so far as he was an African, who held high office in the emperor's court. What he wanted with us I know not, but we sat down to talk together, and it fell out that upon a table before us, used for games, he noticed a book; he took it up, opened it, and, contrary to his expectation, found it to be the Apostle Paul - for he imagined it to be one of those books which I was wearing myself out in teaching. At this he looked up at me smilingly, and expressed his delight and wonder that he had so unexpectedly found this book, and this only, before my eyes. For he was both a Christian and baptized, and often prostrated himself before You our God in the church, in constant and daily prayers. When, then, I had told him that I bestowed much pains upon these writings, a conversation ensued on his speaking of Antony, the Egyptian monk, whose name was in high repute among Your servants, though up to that time not familiar to us. When he came to know this, he lingered on that topic, imparting to us a knowledge of this man so eminent, and marvelling at our ignorance. But we were amazed, hearing Your wonderful works most fully manifested in times so recent, and almost in our own, wrought in the true faith and the Catholic Church. We all wondered - we, that they were so great, and he, that we had never heard of them. 15. From this his conversation turned to the companies in the monasteries, and their manners so fragrant unto You, and of the fruitful deserts of the wilderness, of which we knew nothing. And there was a monastery at Milan full of good brethren, without the walls of the city, under the fostering care of Ambrose, and we were ignorant of it. He went on with his relation, and we listened intently and in silence. He then related to us how on a certain afternoon, at Triers, when the emperor was taken up with seeing the Circensian games, he and three others, his comrades, went out for a walk in the gardens close to the city walls, and there, as they chanced to walk two and two, one strolled away with him, while the other two went by themselves; and these, in their rambling, came upon a certain cottage inhabited by some of Your servants, poor in spirit, of whom is the kingdom of heaven, where they found a book in which was written the life of Antony. This one of them began to read, marvel at, and be inflamed by it; and in the reading, to meditate on embracing such a life, and giving up his worldly employments to serve You. And these were of the body called Agents for Public Affairs. Then, suddenly being overwhelmed with a holy love and a sober sense of shame, in anger with himself, he cast his eyes upon his friend, exclaiming, Tell me, I entreat you, what end we are striving for by all these labours of ours. What is our aim? What is our motive in doing service? Can our hopes in court rise higher than to be ministers of the emperor? And in such a position, what is there not brittle, and fraught with danger, and by how many dangers arrive we at greater danger? And when arrive we there? But if I desire to become a friend of God, behold, I am even now made it. Thus spoke he, and in the pangs of the travail of the new life, he turned his eyes again upon the page and continued reading, and was inwardly changed where Thou saw, and his mind was divested of the world, as soon became evident; for as he read, and the surging of his heart rolled along, he raged awhile, discerned and resolved on a better course, and now, having become Yours, he said to his friend, Now have I broken loose from those hopes of ours, and am determined to serve God; and this, from this hour, in this place, I enter upon. If you are reluctant to imitate me, hinder me not. The other replied that he would cleave to him, to share in so great a reward and so great a service. Thus both of them, being now Yours, were building a tower at the necessary cost, Luke 14:26-35 - of forsaking all that they had and following You. Then Pontitianus, and he that had walked with him through other parts of the garden, came in search of them to the same place, and having found them, reminded them to return as the day had declined. But they, making known to him their resolution and purpose, and how such a resolve had sprung up and become confirmed in them, entreated them not to molest them, if they refused to join themselves unto them. But the others, no whit changed from their former selves, did yet (as he said) bewail themselves, and piously congratulated them, recommending themselves to their prayers; and with their hearts inclining towards earthly things, returned to the palace. But the other two, setting their affections upon heavenly things, remained in the cottage. And both of them had affianced brides, who, when they heard of this, dedicated also their virginity unto God. 8.9. 21. Whence is this monstrous thing? And why is it? Let Your mercy shine on me, that I may inquire, if so be the hiding-places of man's punishment, and the darkest contritions of the sons of Adam, may perhaps answer me. Whence is this monstrous thing? And why is it? The mind commands the body, and it obeys immediately; the mind commands itself, and is resisted. The mind commands the hand to be moved, and such readiness is there that the command is scarce to be distinguished from the obedience. Yet the mind is mind, and the hand is body. The mind commands the mind to will, and yet, though it be itself, it obeys not. Whence this monstrous thing? And why is it? I repeat, it commands itself to will, and would not give the command unless it willed; yet is not that done which it commands. But it wills not entirely; therefore it commands not entirely. For so far forth it commands, as it wills; and so far forth is the thing commanded not done, as it wills not. For the will commands that there be a will;- not another, but itself. But it does not command entirely, therefore that is not which it commands. For were it entire, it would not even command it to be, because it would already be. It is, therefore, no monstrous thing partly to will, partly to be unwilling, but an infirmity of the mind, that it does not wholly rise, sustained by truth, pressed down by custom. And so there are two wills, because one of them is not entire; and the one is supplied with what the other needs. 8.10. 22. Let them perish from Your presence, O God, as vain talkers and deceivers Titus 1:10 of the soul do perish, who, observing that there were two wills in deliberating, affirm that there are two kinds of minds in us - one good, the other evil. They themselves verily are evil when they hold these evil opinions; and they shall become good when they hold the truth, and shall consent unto the truth, that Your apostle may say unto them, You were sometimes darkness, but now are you light in the Lord. Ephesians 5:8 But, they, desiring to be light, not in the Lord, but in themselves, conceiving the nature of the soul to be the same as that which God is, are made more gross darkness; for that through a shocking arrogancy they went farther from You, the true Light, which lights every man that comes into the world. John 1:9 Take heed what you say, and blush for shame; draw near unto Him and be lightened, and your faces shall not be ashamed. I, when I was deliberating upon serving the Lord my God now, as I had long purposed - I it was who willed, I who was unwilling. It was I, even I myself. I neither willed entirely, nor was entirely unwilling. Therefore was I at war with myself, and destroyed by myself. And this destruction overtook me against my will, and yet showed not the presence of another mind, but the punishment of my own. Now, then, it is no more I that do it, but sin that dwells in me, Romans 7:17 - the punishment of a more unconfined sin, in that I was a son of Adam. 23. For if there be as many contrary natures as there are conflicting wills, there will not now be two natures only, but many. If any one deliberate whether he should go to their conventicle, or to the theatre, those men at once cry out, Behold, here are two natures - one good, drawing this way, another bad, drawing back that way; for whence else is this indecision between conflicting wills? But I reply that both are bad - that which draws to them, and that which draws back to the theatre. But they believe not that will to be other than good which draws to them. Supposing, then, one of us should deliberate, and through the conflict of his two wills should waver whether he should go to the theatre or to our church, would not these also waver what to answer? For either they must confess, which they are not willing to do, that the will which leads to our church is good, as well as that of those who have received and are held by the mysteries of theirs, or they must imagine that there are two evil natures and two evil minds in one man, at war one with the other; and that will not be true which they say, that there is one good and another bad; or they must be converted to the truth, and no longer deny that where any one deliberates, there is one soul fluctuating between conflicting wills. 24. Let them no more say, then, when they perceive two wills to be antagonistic to each other in the same man, that the contest is between two opposing minds, of two opposing substances, from two opposing principles, the one good and the other bad. For Thou, O true God, disprove, check, and convince them; like as when both wills are bad, one deliberates whether he should kill a man by poison, or by the sword; whether he should take possession of this or that estate of another's, when he cannot both; whether he should purchase pleasure by prodigality, or retain his money by covetousness; whether he should go to the circus or the theatre, if both are open on the same day; or, thirdly, whether he should rob another man's house, if he have the opportunity; or, fourthly, whether he should commit adultery, if at the same time he have the means of doing so - all these things concurring in the same point of time, and all being equally longed for, although impossible to be enacted at one time. For they rend the mind amid four, or even (among the vast variety of things men desire) more antagonistic wills, nor do they yet affirm that there are so many different substances. Thus also is it in wills which are good. For I ask them, is it a good thing to have delight in reading the apostle, or good to have delight in a sober psalm, or good to discourse on the gospel? To each of these they will answer, It is good. What, then, if all equally delight us, and all at the same time? Do not different wills distract the mind, when a man is deliberating which he should rather choose? Yet are they all good, and are at variance until one be fixed upon, whither the whole united will may be borne, which before was divided into many. Thus, also, when above eternity delights us, and the pleasure of temporal good holds us down below, it is the same soul which wills not that or this with an entire will, and is therefore torn asunder with grievous perplexities, while out of truth it prefers that, but out of custom forbears not this. |
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158. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 25.4.4, 25.10.14, 30.9.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 105; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 12 | 25.4.4. Moreover, this kind of self-restraint was made still greater through his moderation in eating and sleeping, which he strictly observed at home and abroad. For in time of peace the frugality of his living and his table excited the wonder of those who could judge aright, as if he intended soon to resume the philosopher’s cloak. And on his various campaigns, he was often seen partaking of common and scanty food, sometimes standing up like a common soldier. 25.10.14. He walked with a dignified bearing; his expression was very cheerful. His eyes were gray. He was so unusually tall that for some time no imperial robe could be found that was long enough for him. He took as his model Constantius, often spending the afternoon in some serious occupation, but accustomed to jest in public with his intimates. 30.9.6. His strong and muscular body, the gleam of his hair, his brilliant complexion, his grey eyes, with a gaze that was always sidelong and stern, his fine stature, and his regular features Cf. membrorum recta compage , xiv. 11, 28. completed a figure of regal charm and majesty. |
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| 159. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Quadrigae Tyrannorum, 8.1, 8.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius aulus, roman writer Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 115 |
| 160. Augustine, Commentary On Genesis, 12.15.31 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 381 |
| 161. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Probus, 2.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 298, 301 |
| 162. Augustine, De Sermone Domini In Monte Secundum Matthaeum, 1.12.33-1.12.34 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 372 |
163. Augustine, The City of God, 4.15, 6.10, 9.4-9.6, 14.6, 14.8-14.9, 14.16-14.24 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 378, 379, 380, 382, 383 | 4.15. Let them ask, then, whether it is quite fitting for good men to rejoice in extended empire. For the iniquity of those with whom just wars are carried on favors the growth of a kingdom, which would certainly have been small if the peace and justice of neighbors had not by any wrong provoked the carrying on of war against them; and human affairs being thus more happy, all kingdoms would have been small, rejoicing in neighborly concord; and thus there would have been very many kingdoms of nations in the world, as there are very many houses of citizens in a city. Therefore, to carry on war and extend a kingdom over wholly subdued nations seems to bad men to be felicity, to good men necessity. But because it would be worse that the injurious should rule over those who are more righteous, therefore even that is not unsuitably called felicity. But beyond doubt it is greater felicity to have a good neighbor at peace, than to conquer a bad one by making war. Your wishes are bad, when you desire that one whom you hate or fear should be in such a condition that you can conquer him. If, therefore, by carrying on wars that were just, not impious or unrighteous, the Romans could have acquired so great an empire, ought they not to worship as a goddess even the injustice of foreigners? For we see that this has cooperated much in extending the empire, by making foreigners so unjust that they became people with whom just wars might be carried on, and the empire increased. And why may not injustice, at least that of foreign nations, also be a goddess, if Fear and Dread and Ague have deserved to be Roman gods? By these two, therefore - that is, by foreign injustice, and the goddess Victoria, for injustice stirs up causes of wars, and Victoria brings these same wars to a happy termination - the empire has increased, even although Jove has been idle. For what part could Jove have here, when those things which might be thought to be his benefits are held to be gods, called gods, worshipped as gods, and are themselves invoked for their own parts? He also might have some part here, if he himself might be called Empire, just as she is called Victory. Or if empire is the gift of Jove, why may not victory also be held to be his gift? And it certainly would have been held to be so, had he been recognized and worshipped, not as a stone in the Capitol, but as the true King of kings and Lord of lords. 6.10. That liberty, in truth, which this man wanted, so that he did not dare to censure that theology of the city, which is very similar to the theatrical, so openly as he did the theatrical itself, was, though not fully, yet in part possessed by Ann us Seneca, whom we have some evidence to show to have flourished in the times of our apostles. It was in part possessed by him, I say, for he possessed it in writing, but not in living. For in that book which he wrote against superstition, he more copiously and vehemently censured that civil and urban theology than Varro the theatrical and fabulous. For, when speaking concerning images, he says, They dedicate images of the sacred and inviolable immortals in most worthless and motionless matter. They give them the appearance of man, beasts, and fishes, and some make them of mixed sex, and heterogeneous bodies. They call them deities, when they are such that if they should get breath and should suddenly meet them, they would be held to be monsters. Then, a while afterwards, when extolling the natural theology, he had expounded the sentiments of certain philosophers, he opposes to himself a question, and says, Here some one says, Shall I believe that the heavens and the earth are gods, and that some are above the moon and some below it? Shall I bring forward either Plato or the peripatetic Strato, one of whom made God to be without a body, the other without a mind? In answer to which he says, And, really, what truer do the dreams of Titus Tatius, or Romulus, or Tullus Hostilius appear to you? Tatius declared the divinity of the goddess Cloacina; Romulus that of Picus and Tiberinus; Tullus Hostilius that of Pavor and Pallor, the most disagreeable affections of men, the one of which is the agitation of the mind under fright, the other that of the body, not a disease, indeed, but a change of color. Will you rather believe that these are deities, and receive them into heaven? But with what freedom he has written concerning the rites themselves, cruel and shameful! One, he says, castrates himself, another cuts his arms. Where will they find room for the fear of these gods when angry, who use such means of gaining their favor when propitious? But gods who wish to be worshipped in this fashion should be worshipped in none. So great is the frenzy of the mind when perturbed and driven from its seat, that the gods are propitiated by men in a manner in which not even men of the greatest ferocity and fable-renowned cruelty vent their rage. Tyrants have lacerated the limbs of some; they never ordered any one to lacerate his own. For the gratification of royal lust, some have been castrated; but no one ever, by the command of his lord, laid violent hands on himself to emasculate himself. They kill themselves in the temples. They supplicate with their wounds and with their blood. If any one has time to see the things they do and the things they suffer, he will find so many things unseemly for men of respectability, so unworthy of freemen, so unlike the doings of sane men, that no one would doubt that they are mad, had they been mad with the minority; but now the multitude of the insane is the defense of their sanity. He next relates those things which are wont to be done in the Capitol, and with the utmost intrepidity insists that they are such things as one could only believe to be done by men making sport, or by madmen. For having spoken with derision of this, that in the Egyptian sacred rites Osiris, being lost, is lamented for, but straightway, when found, is the occasion of great joy by his reappearance, because both the losing and the finding of him are feigned; and yet that grief and that joy which are elicited thereby from those who have lost nothing and found nothing are real - having I say, so spoken of this, he says, Still there is a fixed time for this frenzy. It is tolerable to go mad once in the year. Go into the Capitol. One is suggesting divine commands to a god; another is telling the hours to Jupiter; one is a lictor; another is an anointer, who with the mere movement of his arms imitates one anointing. There are women who arrange the hair of Juno and Minerva, standing far away not only from her image, but even from her temple. These move their fingers in the manner of hairdressers. There are some women who hold a mirror. There are some who are calling the gods to assist them in court. There are some who are holding up documents to them, and are explaining to them their cases. A learned and distinguished comedian, now old and decrepit, was daily playing the mimic in the Capitol, as though the gods would gladly be spectators of that which men had ceased to care about. Every kind of artificers working for the immortal gods is dwelling there in idleness. And a little after he says, Nevertheless these, though they give themselves up to the gods for purposes superflous enough, do not do so for any abominable or infamous purpose. There sit certain women in the Capitol who think they are beloved by Jupiter; nor are they frightened even by the look of the, if you will believe the poets, most wrathful Juno. This liberty Varro did not enjoy. It was only the poetical theology he seemed to censure. The civil, which this man cuts to pieces, he was not bold enough to impugn. But if we attend to the truth, the temples where these things are performed are far worse than the theatres where they are represented. Whence, with respect to these sacred rites of the civil theology, Seneca preferred, as the best course to be followed by a wise man, to feign respect for them in act, but to have no real regard for them at heart. All which things, he says, a wise man will observe as being commanded by the laws, but not as being pleasing to the gods. And a little after he says, And what of this, that we unite the gods in marriage, and that not even naturally, for we join brothers and sisters? We marry Bellona to Mars, Venus to Vulcan, Salacia to Neptune. Some of them we leave unmarried, as though there were no match for them, which is surely needless, especially when there are certain unmarried goddesses, as Populonia, or Fulgora, or the goddess Rumina, for whom I am not astonished that suitors have been awanting. All this ignoble crowd of gods, which the superstition of ages has amassed, we ought, he says, to adore in such a way as to remember all the while that its worship belongs rather to custom than to reality. Wherefore, neither those laws nor customs instituted in the civil theology that which was pleasing to the gods, or which pertained to reality. But this man, whom philosophy had made, as it were, free, nevertheless, because he was an illustrious senator of the Roman people, worshipped what he censured, did what he condemned, adored what he reproached, because, forsooth, philosophy had taught him something great - namely, not to be superstitious in the world, but, on account of the laws of cities and the customs of men, to be an actor, not on the stage, but in the temples, - conduct the more to be condemned, that those things which he was deceitfully acting he so acted that the people thought he was acting sincerely. But a stage-actor would rather delight people by acting plays than take them in by false pretences. 9.4. Among the philosophers there are two opinions about these mental emotions, which the Greeks call παθη, while some of our own writers, as Cicero, call them perturbations, some affections, and some, to render the Greek word more accurately, passions. Some say that even the wise man is subject to these perturbations, though moderated and controlled by reason, which imposes laws upon them, and so restrains them within necessary bounds. This is the opinion of the Platonists and Aristotelians; for Aristotle was Plato's disciple, and the founder of the Peripatetic school. But others, as the Stoics, are of opinion that the wise man is not subject to these perturbations. But Cicero, in his book De Finibus, shows that the Stoics are here at variance with the Platonists and Peripatetics rather in words than in reality; for the Stoics decline to apply the term goods to external and bodily advantages, because they reckon that the only good is virtue, the art of living well, and this exists only in the mind. The other philosophers, again, use the simple and customary phraseology, and do not scruple to call these things goods, though in comparison of virtue, which guides our life, they are little and of small esteem. And thus it is obvious that, whether these outward things are called goods or advantages, they are held in the same estimation by both parties, and that in this matter the Stoics are pleasing themselves merely with a novel phraseology. It seems, then, to me that in this question, whether the wise man is subject to mental passions, or wholly free from them, the controversy is one of words rather than of things; for I think that, if the reality and not the mere sound of the words is considered, the Stoics hold precisely the same opinion as the Platonists and Peripatetics. For, omitting for brevity's sake other proofs which I might adduce in support of this opinion, I will state but one which I consider conclusive. Aulus Gellius, a man of extensive erudition, and gifted with an eloquent and graceful style, relates, in his work entitled Noctes Attic that he once made a voyage with an eminent Stoic philosopher; and he goes on to relate fully and with gusto what I shall barely state, that when the ship was tossed and in danger from a violent storm, the philosopher grew pale with terror. This was noticed by those on board, who, though themselves threatened with death, were curious to see whether a philosopher would be agitated like other men. When the tempest had passed over, and as soon as their security gave them freedom to resume their talk, one of the passengers, a rich and luxurious Asiatic, begins to banter the philosopher, and rally him because he had even become pale with fear, while he himself had been unmoved by the impending destruction. But the philosopher availed himself of the reply of Aristippus the Socratic, who, on finding himself similarly bantered by a man of the same character, answered, You had no cause for anxiety for the soul of a profligate debauchee, but I had reason to be alarmed for the soul of Aristippus. The rich man being thus disposed of, Aulus Gellius asked the philosopher, in the interests of science and not to annoy him, what was the reason of his fear? And he willing to instruct a man so zealous in the pursuit of knowledge, at once took from his wallet a book of Epictetus the Stoic, in which doctrines were advanced which precisely harmonized with those of Zeno and Chrysippus, the founders of the Stoical school. Aulus Gellius says that he read in this book that the Stoics maintain that there are certain impressions made on the soul by external objects which they call phantasi , and that it is not in the power of the soul to determine whether or when it shall be invaded by these. When these impressions are made by alarming and formidable objects, it must needs be that they move the soul even of the wise man, so that for a little he trembles with fear, or is depressed by sadness, these impressions anticipating the work of reason and self-control; but this does not imply that the mind accepts these evil impressions, or approves or consents to them. For this consent is, they think, in a man's power; there being this difference between the mind of the wise man and that of the fool, that the fool's mind yields to these passions and consents to them, while that of the wise man, though it cannot help being invaded by them, yet retains with unshaken firmness a true and steady persuasion of those things which it ought rationally to desire or avoid. This account of what Aulus Gellius relates that he read in the book of Epictetus about the sentiments and doctrines of the Stoics I have given as well as I could, not, perhaps, with his choice language, but with greater brevity, and, I think, with greater clearness. And if this be true, then there is no difference, or next to none, between the opinion of the Stoics and that of the other philosophers regarding mental passions and perturbations, for both parties agree in maintaining that the mind and reason of the wise man are not subject to these. And perhaps what the Stoics mean by asserting this, is that the wisdom which characterizes the wise man is clouded by no error and sullied by no taint, but, with this reservation that his wisdom remains undisturbed, he is exposed to the impressions which the goods and ills of this life (or, as they prefer to call them, the advantages or disadvantages) make upon them. For we need not say that if that philosopher had thought nothing of those things which he thought he was immediately to lose, life and bodily safety, he would not have been so terrified by his danger as to betray his fear by the pallor of his cheek. Nevertheless, he might suffer this mental disturbance, and yet maintain the fixed persuasion that life and bodily safety, which the violence of the tempest threatened to destroy, are not those good things which make their possessors good, as the possession of righteousness does. But in so far as they persist that we must call them not goods but advantages, they quarrel about words and neglect things. For what difference does it make whether goods or advantages be the better name, while the Stoic no less than the Peripatetic is alarmed at the prospect of losing them, and while, though they name them differently, they hold them in like esteem? Both parties assure us that, if urged to the commission of some immorality or crime by the threatened loss of these goods or advantages, they would prefer to lose such things as preserve bodily comfort and security rather than commit such things as violate righteousness. And thus the mind in which this resolution is well grounded suffers no perturbations to prevail with it in opposition to reason, even though they assail the weaker parts of the soul; and not only so, but it rules over them, and, while it refuses its consent and resists them, administers a reign of virtue. Such a character is ascribed to Æneas by Virgil when he says, He stands immovable by tears, Nor tenderest words with pity hears. 9.5. We need not at present give a careful and copious exposition of the doctrine of Scripture, the sum of Christian knowledge, regarding these passions. It subjects the mind itself to God, that He may rule and aid it, and the passions, again, to the mind, to moderate and bridle them, and turn them to righteous uses. In our ethics, we do not so much inquire whether a pious soul is angry, as why he is angry; not whether he is sad, but what is the cause of his sadness; not whether he fears, but what he fears. For I am not aware that any right thinking person would find fault with anger at a wrongdoer which seeks his amendment, or with sadness which intends relief to the suffering, or with fear lest one in danger be destroyed. The Stoics, indeed, are accustomed to condemn compassion. But how much more honorable had it been in that Stoic we have been telling of, had he been disturbed by compassion prompting him to relieve a fellow-creature, than to be disturbed by the fear of shipwreck! Far better and more humane, and more consot with pious sentiments, are the words of Cicero in praise of C sar, when he says, Among your virtues none is more admirable and agreeable than your compassion. And what is compassion but a fellow-feeling for another's misery, which prompts us to help him if we can? And this emotion is obedient to reason, when compassion is shown without violating right, as when the poor are relieved, or the penitent forgiven. Cicero, who knew how to use language, did not hesitate to call this a virtue, which the Stoics are not ashamed to reckon among the vices, although, as the book of the eminent Stoic, Epictetus, quoting the opinions of Zeno and Chrysippus, the founders of the school, has taught us, they admit that passions of this kind invade the soul of the wise man, whom they would have to be free from all vice. Whence it follows that these very passions are not judged by them to be vices, since they assail the wise man without forcing him to act against reason and virtue; and that, therefore, the opinion of the Peripatetics or Platonists and of the Stoics is one and the same. But, as Cicero says, mere logomachy is the bane of these pitiful Greeks, who thirst for contention rather than for truth. However, it may justly be asked, whether our subjection to these affections, even while we follow virtue, is a part of the infirmity of this life? For the holy angels feel no anger while they punish those whom the eternal law of God consigns to punishment, no fellow-feeling with misery while they relieve the miserable, no fear while they aid those who are in danger; and yet ordinary language ascribes to them also these mental emotions, because, though they have none of our weakness, their acts resemble the actions to which these emotions move us; and thus even God Himself is said in Scripture to be angry, and yet without any perturbation. For this word is used of the effect of His vengeance, not of the disturbing mental affection. 9.6. Deferring for the present the question about the holy angels, let us examine the opinion of the Platonists, that the demons who mediate between gods and men are agitated by passions. For if their mind, though exposed to their incursion, still remained free and superior to them, Apuleius could not have said that their hearts are tossed with passions as the sea by stormy winds. Their mind, then - that superior part of their soul whereby they are rational beings, and which, if it actually exists in them, should rule and bridle the turbulent passions of the inferior parts of the soul - this mind of theirs, I say, is, according to the Platonist referred to, tossed with a hurricane of passions. The mind of the demons, therefore, is subject to the emotions of fear, anger, lust, and all similar affections. What part of them, then, is free, and endued with wisdom, so that they are pleasing to the gods, and the fit guides of men into purity of life, since their very highest part, being the slave of passion and subject to vice, only makes them more intent on deceiving and seducing, in proportion to the mental force and energy of desire they possess? 14.6. But the character of the human will is of moment; because, if it is wrong, these motions of the soul will be wrong, but if it is right, they will be not merely blameless, but even praiseworthy. For the will is in them all; yea, none of them is anything else than will. For what are desire and joy but a volition of consent to the things we wish? And what are fear and sadness but a volition of aversion from the things which we do not wish? But when consent takes the form of seeking to possess the things we wish, this is called desire; and when consent takes the form of enjoying the things we wish, this is called joy. In like manner, when we turn with aversion from that which we do not wish to happen, this volition is termed fear; and when we turn away from that which has happened against our will, this act of will is called sorrow. And generally in respect of all that we seek or shun, as a man's will is attracted or repelled, so it is changed and turned into these different affections. Wherefore the man who lives according to God, and not according to man, ought to be a lover of good, and therefore a hater of evil. And since no one is evil by nature, but whoever is evil is evil by vice, he who lives according to God ought to cherish towards evil men a perfect hatred, so that he shall neither hate the man because of his vice, nor love the vice because of the man, but hate the vice and love the man. For the vice being cursed, all that ought to be loved, and nothing that ought to be hated, will remain. 14.8. Those emotions which the Greeks call εὐπαθείαι, and which Cicero calls constantiœ, the Stoics would restrict to three; and, instead of three perturbations in the soul of the wise man, they substituted severally, in place of desire, will; in place of joy, contentment; and for fear, caution; and as to sickness or pain, which we, to avoid ambiguity, preferred to call sorrow, they denied that it could exist in the mind of a wise man. Will, they say, seeks the good, for this the wise man does. Contentment has its object in good that is possessed, and this the wise man continually possesses. Caution avoids evil, and this the wise man ought to avoid. But sorrow arises from evil that has already happened; and as they suppose that no evil can happen to the wise man, there can be no representative of sorrow in his mind. According to them, therefore, none but the wise man wills, is contented, uses caution; and that the fool can do no more than desire, rejoice, fear, be sad. The former three affections Cicero calls constantiœ, the last four perturbationes. Many, however, calls these last passions; and, as I have said, the Greeks call the former εὐπαθείαι, and the latter πάθη . And when I made a careful examination of Scripture to find whether this terminology was sanctioned by it, I came upon this saying of the prophet: There is no contentment to the wicked, says the Lord; Isaiah 57:21 as if the wicked might more properly rejoice than be contented regarding evils, for contentment is the property of the good and godly. I found also that verse in the Gospel: Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them? Matthew 7:12 which seems to imply that evil or shameful things may be the object of desire, but not of will. Indeed, some interpreters have added good things, to make the expression more in conformity with customary usage, and have given this meaning, Whatsoever good deeds that you would that men should do unto you. For they thought that this would prevent any one from wishing other men to provide him with unseemly, not to say shameful gratifications - luxurious banquets, for example - on the supposition that if he returned the like to them he would be fulfilling this precept. In the Greek Gospel, however, from which the Latin is translated, good does not occur, but only, All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them, and, as I believe, because good is already included in the word would; for He does not say desire. Yet though we may sometimes avail ourselves of these precise proprieties of language, we are not to be always bridled by them; and when we read those writers against whose authority it is unlawful to reclaim, we must accept the meanings above mentioned in passages where a right sense can be educed by no other interpretation, as in those instances we adduced partly from the prophet, partly from the Gospel. For who does not know that the wicked exult with joy? Yet there is no contentment for the wicked, says the Lord. And how so, unless because contentment, when the word is used in its proper and distinctive significance, means something different from joy? In like manner, who would deny that it were wrong to enjoin upon men that whatever they desire others to do to them they should themselves do to others, lest they should mutually please one another by shameful and illicit pleasure? And yet the precept, Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them, is very wholesome and just. And how is this, unless because the will is in this place used strictly, and signifies that will which cannot have evil for its object? But ordinary phraseology would not have allowed the saying, Be unwilling to make any manner of lie, Sirach 7:13 had there not been also an evil will, whose wickedness separates if from that which the angels celebrated, Peace on earth, of good will to men. Luke 2:14 For good is superfluous if there is no other kind of will but good will. And why should the apostle have mentioned it among the praises of charity as a great thing, that it rejoices not in iniquity, unless because wickedness does so rejoice? For even with secular writers these words are used indifferently. For Cicero, that most fertile of orators, says, I desire, conscript fathers, to be merciful. And who would be so pedantic as to say that he should have said I will rather than I desire, because the word is used in a good connection? Again, in Terence, the profligate youth, burning with wild lust, says, I will nothing else than Philumena. That this will was lust is sufficiently indicated by the answer of his old servant which is there introduced: How much better were it to try and banish that love from your heart, than to speak so as uselessly to inflame your passion still more! And that contentment was used by secular writers in a bad sense that verse of Virgil testifies, in which he most succinctly comprehends these four perturbations - Hence they fear and desire, grieve and are content The same author had also used the expression, the evil contentments of the mind. So that good and bad men alike will, are cautious, and contented; or, to say the same thing in other words, good and bad men alike desire, fear, rejoice, but the former in a good, the latter in a bad fashion, according as the will is right or wrong. Sorrow itself, too, which the Stoics would not allow to be represented in the mind of the wise man, is used in a good sense, and especially in our writings. For the apostle praises the Corinthians because they had a godly sorrow. But possibly some one may say that the apostle congratulated them because they were penitently sorry, and that such sorrow can exist only in those who have sinned. For these are his words: For I perceive that the same epistle has made you sorry, though it were but for a season. Now I rejoice, not that you were made sorry, but that you sorrowed to repentance; for you were made sorry after a godly manner, that you might receive damage by us in nothing. For godly sorrow works repentance to salvation not to be repented of, but the sorrow of the world works death. For, behold, this selfsame thing that you sorrowed after a godly sort, what carefulness it wrought in you! 2 Corinthians 7:8-11 Consequently the Stoics may defend themselves by replying, that sorrow is indeed useful for repentance of sin, but that this can have no place in the mind of the wise man, inasmuch as no sin attaches to him of which he could sorrowfully repent, nor any other evil the endurance or experience of which could make him sorrowful. For they say that Alcibiades (if my memory does not deceive me), who believed himself happy, shed tears when Socrates argued with him, and demonstrated that he was miserable because he was foolish. In his case, therefore, folly was the cause of this useful and desirable sorrow, wherewith a man mourns that he is what he ought not to be. But the Stoics maintain not that the fool, but that the wise man, cannot be sorrowful. 14.9. But so far as regards this question of mental perturbations, we have answered these philosophers in the ninth book of this work, showing that it is rather a verbal than a real dispute, and that they seek contention rather than truth. Among ourselves, according to the sacred Scriptures and sound doctrine, the citizens of the holy city of God, who live according to God in the pilgrimage of this life, both fear and desire, and grieve and rejoice. And because their love is rightly placed, all these affections of theirs are right. They fear eternal punishment, they desire eternal life; they grieve because they themselves groan within themselves, waiting for the adoption, the redemption of their body; Romans 8:23 they rejoice in hope, because there shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swallowed up in victory. 1 Corinthians 15:54 In like manner they fear to sin, they desire to persevere; they grieve in sin, they rejoice in good works. They fear to sin, because they hear that because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold. Matthew 24:12 They desire to persevere, because they hear that it is written, He that endures to the end shall be saved. Matthew 10:22 They grieve for sin, hearing that If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. 1 John 1:8 They rejoice in good works, because they hear that the Lord loves a cheerful giver. 2 Corinthians 9:7 In like manner, according as they are strong or weak, they fear or desire to be tempted, grieve or rejoice in temptation. They fear to be tempted, because they hear the injunction, If a man be overtaken in a fault, you which are spiritual restore such an one in the spirit of meekness; considering yourself, lest you also be tempted. Galatians 6:l They desire to be tempted, because they hear one of the heroes of the city of God saying, Examine me, O Lord, and tempt me: try my reins and my heart. They grieve in temptations, because they see Peter weeping; Matthew 26:75 they rejoice in temptations, because they hear James saying, My brethren, count it all joy when you fall into various temptations. James 1:2 And not only on their own account do they experience these emotions, but also on account of those whose deliverance they desire and whose perdition they fear, and whose loss or salvation affects them with grief or with joy. For if we who have come into the Church from among the Gentiles may suitably instance that noble and mighty hero who glories in his infirmities, the teacher (doctor) of the nations in faith and truth, who also labored more than all his fellow apostles, and instructed the tribes of God's people by his epistles, which edified not only those of his own time, but all those who were to be gathered in - that hero, I say, and athlete of Christ, instructed by Him, anointed of His Spirit, crucified with Him, glorious in Him, lawfully maintaining a great conflict on the theatre of this world, and being made a spectacle to angels and men, 1 Corinthians 4:9 and pressing onwards for the prize of his high calling, Philippians 3:14 - very joyfully do we with the eyes of faith behold him rejoicing with them that rejoice, and weeping with them that weep; Romans 12:15 though hampered by fightings without and fears within; 2 Corinthians 7:5 desiring to depart and to be with Christ; Philippians 1:23 longing to see the Romans, that he might have some fruit among them as among other Gentiles; Romans 1:11-13 being jealous over the Corinthians, and fearing in that jealousy lest their minds should be corrupted from the chastity that is in Christ; 2 Corinthians 11:1-3 having great heaviness and continual sorrow of heart for the Israelites, Romans 9:2 because they, being ignorant of God's righteousness, and going about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God; Romans 10:3 and expressing not only his sorrow, but bitter lamentation over some who had formally sinned and had not repented of their uncleanness and fornications. 2 Corinthians 12:21 If these emotions and affections, arising as they do from the love of what is good and from a holy charity, are to be called vices, then let us allow these emotions which are truly vices to pass under the name of virtues. But since these affections, when they are exercised in a becoming way, follow the guidance of right reason, who will dare to say that they are diseases or vicious passions? Wherefore even the Lord Himself, when He condescended to lead a human life in the form of a slave, had no sin whatever, and yet exercised these emotions where He judged they should be exercised. For as there was in Him a true human body and a true human soul, so was there also a true human emotion. When, therefore, we read in the Gospel that the hard-heartedness of the Jews moved Him to sorrowful indignation, Mark 3:5 that He said, I am glad for your sakes, to the intent you may believe, John 11:15 that when about to raise Lazarus He even shed tears, John 11:35 that He earnestly desired to eat the passover with His disciples, Luke 22:15 that as His passion drew near His soul was sorrowful, Matthew 26:38 these emotions are certainly not falsely ascribed to Him. But as He became man when it pleased Him, so, in the grace of His definite purpose, when it pleased Him He experienced those emotions in His human soul. But we must further make the admission, that even when these affections are well regulated, and according to God's will, they are peculiar to this life, not to that future life we look for, and that often we yield to them against our will. And thus sometimes we weep in spite of ourselves, being carried beyond ourselves, not indeed by culpable desire; but by praiseworthy charity. In us, therefore, these affections arise from human infirmity; but it was not so with the Lord Jesus, for even His infirmity was the consequence of His power. But so long as we wear the infirmity of this life, we are rather worse men than better if we have none of these emotions at all. For the apostle vituperated and abominated some who, as he said, were without natural affection. Romans 1:31 The sacred Psalmist also found fault with those of whom he said, I looked for some to lament with me, and there was none. For to be quite free from pain while we are in this place of misery is only purchased, as one of this world's literati perceived and remarked, at the price of blunted sensibilities both of mind and body. And therefore that which the Greeks call ἀπαθεια, and what the Latins would call, if their language would allow them, impassibilitas, if it be taken to mean an impassibility of spirit and not of body, or, in other words, a freedom from those emotions which are contrary to reason and disturb the mind, then it is obviously a good and most desirable quality, but it is not one which is attainable in this life. For the words of the apostle are the confession, not of the common herd, but of the eminently pious, just, and holy men: If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. 1 John 1:8 When there shall be no sin in a man, then there shall be this απάθεια . At present it is enough if we live without crime; and he who thinks he lives without sin puts aside not sin, but pardon. And if that is to be called apathy, where the mind is the subject of no emotion, then who would not consider this insensibility to be worse than all vices? It may, indeed, reasonably be maintained that the perfect blessedness we hope for shall be free from all sting of fear or sadness; but who that is not quite lost to truth would say that neither love nor joy shall be experienced there? But if by apathy a condition be meant in which no fear terrifies nor any pain annoys, we must in this life renounce such a state if we would live according to God's will, but may hope to enjoy it in that blessedness which is promised as our eternal condition. For that fear of which the Apostle John says, There is no fear in love; but perfect love casts out fear, because fear has torment. He that fears is not made perfect in love, 1 John 4:18 - that fear is not of the same kind as the Apostle Paul felt lest the Corinthians should be seduced by the subtlety of the serpent; for love is susceptible of this fear, yea, love alone is capable of it. But the fear which is not in love is of that kind of which Paul himself says, For you have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear. Romans 8:15 But as for that clean fear which endures for ever, if it is to exist in the world to come (and how else can it be said to endure for ever?), it is not a fear deterring us from evil which may happen, but preserving us in the good which cannot be lost. For where the love of acquired good is unchangeable, there certainly the fear that avoids evil is, if I may say so, free from anxiety. For under the name of clean fear David signifies that will by which we shall necessarily shrink from sin, and guard against it, not with the anxiety of weakness, which fears that we may strongly sin, but with the tranquillity of perfect love. Or if no kind of fear at all shall exist in that most imperturbable security of perpetual and blissful delights, then the expression, The fear of the Lord is clean, enduring for ever, must be taken in the same sense as that other, The patience of the poor shall not perish forever. For patience, which is necessary only where ills are to be borne, shall not be eternal, but that which patience leads us to will be eternal. So perhaps this clean fear is said to endure for ever, because that to which fear leads shall endure. And since this is so - since we must live a good life in order to attain to a blessed life, a good life has all these affections right, a bad life has them wrong. But in the blessed life eternal there will be love and joy, not only right, but also assured; but fear and grief there will be none. Whence it already appears in some sort what manner of persons the citizens of the city of God must be in this their pilgrimage, who live after the spirit, not after the flesh - that is to say, according to God, not according to man - and what manner of persons they shall be also in that immortality whither they are journeying. And the city or society of the wicked, who live not according to God, but according to man, and who accept the doctrines of men or devils in the worship of a false and contempt of the true divinity, is shaken with those wicked emotions as by diseases and disturbances. And if there be some of its citizens who seem to restrain and, as it were, temper those passions, they are so elated with ungodly pride, that their disease is as much greater as their pain is less. And if some, with a vanity monstrous in proportion to its rarity, have become enamored of themselves because they can be stimulated and excited by no emotion, moved or bent by no affection, such persons rather lose all humanity than obtain true tranquillity. For a thing is not necessarily right because it is inflexible, nor healthy because it is insensible. 14.16. Although, therefore, lust may have many objects, yet when no object is specified, the word lust usually suggests to the mind the lustful excitement of the organs of generation. And this lust not only takes possession of the whole body and outward members, but also makes itself felt within, and moves the whole man with a passion in which mental emotion is mingled with bodily appetite, so that the pleasure which results is the greatest of all bodily pleasures. So possessing indeed is this pleasure, that at the moment of time in which it is consummated, all mental activity is suspended. What friend of wisdom and holy joys, who, being married, but knowing, as the apostle says, how to possess his vessel in santification and honor, not in the disease of desire, as the Gentiles who know not God, 1 Thessalonians 4:4 would not prefer, if this were possible , to beget children without this lust, so that in this function of begetting offspring the members created for this purpose should not be stimulated by the heat of lust, but should be actuated by his volition, in the same way as his other members serve him for their respective ends? But even those who delight in this pleasure are not moved to it at their own will, whether they confine themselves to lawful or transgress to unlawful pleasures; but sometimes this lust importunes them in spite of themselves, and sometimes fails them when they desire to feel it, so that though lust rages in the mind, it stirs not in the body. Thus, strangely enough, this emotion not only fails to obey the legitimate desire to beget offspring, but also refuses to serve lascivious lust; and though it often opposes its whole combined energy to the soul that resists it, sometimes also it is divided against itself, and while it moves the soul, leaves the body unmoved. 14.17. Justly is shame very specially connected with this lust; justly, too, these members themselves, being moved and restrained not at our will, but by a certain independent autocracy, so to speak, are called shameful. Their condition was different before sin. For as it is written, They were naked and were not ashamed, Genesis 2:25 - not that their nakedness was unknown to them, but because nakedness was not yet shameful, because not yet did lust move those members without the will's consent; not yet did the flesh by its disobedience testify against the disobedience of man. For they were not created blind, as the unenlightened vulgar fancy; for Adam saw the animals to whom he gave names, and of Eve we read, The woman saw that the tree was good for food, and that it was pleasant to the eyes. Genesis 3:6 Their eyes, therefore were open, but were not open to this, that is to say, were not observant so as to recognize what was conferred upon them by the garment of grace, for they had no consciousness of their members warring against their will. But when they were stripped of this grace, that their disobedience might be punished by fit retribution, there began in the movement of their bodily members a shameless novelty which made nakedness indecent: it at once made them observant and made them ashamed. And therefore, after they violated God's command by open transgression, it is written: And the eyes of them both were opened, and they knew that they were naked; and they sewed fig leaves together, and made themselves aprons. Genesis 3:7 The eyes of them both were opened, not to see, for already they saw, but to discern between the good they had lost and the evil into which they had fallen. And therefore also the tree itself which they were forbidden to touch was called the tree of the knowledge of good and evil from this circumstance, that if they ate of it it would impart to them this knowledge. For the discomfort of sickness reveals the pleasure of health. They knew, therefore, that they were naked,- naked of that grace which prevented them from being ashamed of bodily nakedness while the law of sin offered no resistance to their mind. And thus they obtained a knowledge which they would have lived in blissful ignorance of, had they, in trustful obedience to God, declined to commit that offense which involved them in the experience of the hurtful effects of unfaithfulness and disobedience. And therefore, being ashamed of the disobedience of their own flesh, which witnessed to their disobedience while it punished it, they sewed fig leaves together, and made themselves aprons, that is, cinctures for their privy parts; for some interpreters have rendered the word by succinctoria. Campestria is, indeed, a Latin word, but it is used of the drawers or aprons used for a similar purpose by the young men who stripped for exercise in the campus; hence those who were so girt were commonly called campestrati. Shame modestly covered that which lust disobediently moved in opposition to the will, which was thus punished for its own disobedience. Consequently all nations, being propagated from that one stock, have so strong an instinct to cover the shameful parts, that some barbarians do not uncover them even in the bath, but wash with their drawers on. In the dark solitudes of India also, though some philosophers go naked, and are therefore called gymnosophists, yet they make an exception in the case of these members and cover them. 14.18. Lust requires for its consummation darkness and secrecy; and this not only when un lawful intercourse is desired, but even such fornication as the earthly city has legalized. Where there is no fear of punishment, these permitted pleasures still shrink from the public eye. Even where provision is made for this lust, secrecy also is provided; and while lust found it easy to remove the prohibitions of law, shamelessness found it impossible to lay aside the veil of retirement. For even shameless men call this shameful; and though they love the pleasure, dare not display it. What! Does not even conjugal intercourse, sanctioned as it is by law for the propagation of children, legitimate and honorable though it be, does it not seek retirement from every eye? Before the bridegroom fondles his bride, does he not exclude the attendants, and even the paranymphs, and such friends as the closest ties have admitted to the bridal chamber? The greatest master of Roman eloquence says, that all right actions wish to be set in the light, i.e., desire to be known. This right action, however, has such a desire to be known, that yet it blushes to be seen. Who does not know what passes between husband and wife that children may be born? Is it not for this purpose that wives are married with such ceremony? And yet, when this well-understood act is gone about for the procreation of children, not even the children themselves, who may already have been born to them, are suffered to be witnesses. This right action seeks the light, in so far as it seeks to be known, but yet dreads being seen. And why so, if not because that which is by nature fitting and decent is so done as to be accompanied with a shame-begetting penalty of sin? 14.19. Hence it is that even the philosophers who have approximated to the truth have avowed that anger and lust are vicious mental emotions, because, even when exercised towards objects which wisdom does not prohibit, they are moved in an ungoverned and inordinate manner, and consequently need the regulation of mind and reason. And they assert that this third part of the mind is posted as it were in a kind of citadel, to give rule to these other parts, so that, while it rules and they serve, man's righteousness is preserved without a breach. These parts, then, which they acknowledge to be vicious even in a wise and temperate man, so that the mind, by its composing and restraining influence, must bridle and recall them from those objects towards which they are unlawfully moved, and give them access to those which the law of wisdom sanctions - that anger, e.g., may be allowed for the enforcement of a just authority, and lust for the duty of propagating offspring - these parts, I say, were not vicious in Paradise before sin, for they were never moved in opposition to a holy will towards any object from which it was necessary that they should be withheld by the restraining bridle of reason. For though now they are moved in this way, and are regulated by a bridling and restraining power, which those who live temperately, justly, and godly exercise, sometimes with ease, and sometimes with greater difficulty, this is not the sound health of nature, but the weakness which results from sin. And how is it that shame does not hide the acts and words dictated by anger or other emotions, as it covers the motions of lust, unless because the members of the body which we employ for accomplishing them are moved, not by the emotions themselves, but by the authority of the consenting will? For he who in his anger rails at or even strikes some one, could not do so were not his tongue and hand moved by the authority of the will, as also they are moved when there is no anger. But the organs of generation are so subjected to the rule of lust, that they have no motion but what it communicates. It is this we are ashamed of; it is this which blushingly hides from the eyes of onlookers. And rather will a man endure a crowd of witnesses when he is unjustly venting his anger on some one, than the eye of one man when he innocently copulates with his wife. 14.20. It is this which those canine or cynic philosophers have overlooked, when they have, in violation of the modest instincts of men, boastfully proclaimed their unclean and shameless opinion, worthy indeed of dogs, viz., that as the matrimonial act is legitimate, no one should be ashamed to perform it openly, in the street or in any public place. Instinctive shame has overborne this wild fancy. For though it is related that Diogenes once dared to put his opinion in practice, under the impression that his sect would be all the more famous if his egregious shamelessness were deeply graven in the memory of mankind, yet this example was not afterwards followed. Shame had more influence with them, to make them blush before men, than error to make them affect a resemblance to dogs. And possibly, even in the case of Diogenes, and those who did imitate him, there was but an appearance and pretence of copulation, and not the reality. Even at this day there are still Cynic philosophers to be seen; for these are Cynics who are not content with being clad in the pallium, but also carry a club; yet no one of them dares to do this that we speak of. If they did, they would be spat upon, not to say stoned, by the mob. Human nature, then, is without doubt ashamed of this lust; and justly so, for the insubordination of these members, and their defiance of the will, are the clear testimony of the punishment of man's first sin. And it was fitting that this should appear specially in those parts by which is generated that nature which has been altered for the worse by that first and great sin - that sin from whose evil connection no one can escape, unless God's grace expiate in him individually that which was perpetrated to the destruction of all in common, when all were in one man, and which was avenged by God's justice. 14.21. Far be it, then, from us to suppose that our first parents in Paradise felt that lust which caused them afterwards to blush and hide their nakedness, or that by its means they should have fulfilled the benediction of God, Increase and multiply and replenish the earth; Genesis 1:28 for it was after sin that lust began. It was after sin that our nature, having lost the power it had over the whole body, but not having lost all shame, perceived, noticed, blushed at, and covered it. But that blessing upon marriage, which encouraged them to increase and multiply and replenish the earth, though it continued even after they had sinned, was yet given before they sinned, in order that the procreation of children might be recognized as part of the glory of marriage, and not of the punishment of sin. But now, men being ignorant of the blessedness of Paradise, suppose that children could not have been begotten there in any other way than they know them to be begotten now, i.e., by lust, at which even honorable marriage blushes; some not simply rejecting, but sceptically deriding the divine Scriptures, in which we read that our first parents, after they sinned, were ashamed of their nakedness, and covered it; while others, though they accept and honor Scripture, yet conceive that this expression, Increase and multiply, refers not to carnal fecundity, because a similar expression is used of the soul in the words, You will multiply me with strength in my soul; and so, too, in the words which follow in Genesis, And replenish the earth, and subdue it, they understand by the earth the body which the soul fills with its presence, and which it rules over when it is multiplied in strength. And they hold that children could no more then than now be begotten without lust, which, after sin, was kindled, observed, blushed for, and covered; and even that children would not have been born in Paradise, but only outside of it, as in fact it turned out. For it was after they were expelled from it that they came together to beget children, and begot them. 14.22. But we, for our part, have no manner of doubt that to increase and multiply and replenish the earth in virtue of the blessing of God, is a gift of marriage as God instituted it from the beginning before man sinned, when He created them male and female - in other words, two sexes manifestly distinct. And it was this work of God on which His blessing was pronounced. For no sooner had Scripture said, Male and female created He them, Genesis 1:27-28 than it immediately continues, And God blessed them, and God said to them, Increase, and multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it, etc. And though all these things may not unsuitably be interpreted in a spiritual sense, yet male and female cannot be understood of two things in one man, as if there were in him one thing which rules, another which is ruled; but it is quite clear that they were created male and female, with bodies of different sexes, for the very purpose of begetting offspring, and so increasing, multiplying, and replenishing the earth; and it is great folly to oppose so plain a fact. It was not of the spirit which commands and the body which obeys, nor of the rational soul which rules and the irrational desire which is ruled, nor of the contemplative virtue which is supreme and the active which is subject, nor of the understanding of the mind and the sense of the body, but plainly of the matrimonial union by which the sexes are mutually bound together, that our Lord, when asked whether it were lawful for any cause to put away one's wife (for on account of the hardness of the hearts of the Israelites Moses permitted a bill of divorcement to be given), answered and said, Have you not read that He which made them at the beginning made them male and female, and said, For this cause shall a man leave father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife, and they two shall be one flesh? Wherefore they are no more two, but one flesh. What, therefore, God has joined together, let not man put asunder. Matthew 19:4-5 It is certain, then, that from the first men were created, as we see and know them to be now, of two sexes, male and female, and that they are called one, either on account of the matrimonial union, or on account of the origin of the woman, who was created from the side of the man. And it is by this original example, which God Himself instituted, that the apostle admonishes all husbands to love their own wives in particular. Ephesians 5:25 14.23. But he who says that there should have been neither copulation nor generation but for sin, virtually says that man's sin was necessary to complete the number of the saints. For if these two by not sinning should have continued to live alone, because, as is supposed, they could not have begotten children had they not sinned, then certainly sin was necessary in order that there might be not only two but many righteous men. And if this cannot be maintained without absurdity, we must rather believe that the number of the saints fit to complete this most blessed city would have been as great though no one had sinned, as it is now that the grace of God gathers its citizens out of the multitude of sinners, so long as the children of this world generate and are generated. Luke 20:34 And therefore that marriage, worthy of the happiness of Paradise, should have had desirable fruit without the shame of lust, had there been no sin. But how that could be, there is now no example to teach us. Nevertheless, it ought not to seem incredible that one member might serve the will without lust then, since so many serve it now. Do we now move our feet and hands when we will to do the things we would by means of these members? Do we meet with no resistance in them, but perceive that they are ready servants of the will, both in our own case and in that of others, and especially of artisans employed in mechanical operations, by which the weakness and clumsiness of nature become, through industrious exercise, wonderfully dexterous? And shall we not believe that, like as all those members obediently serve the will, so also should the members have discharged the function of generation, though lust, the award of disobedience, had been awanting? Did not Cicero, in discussing the difference of governments in his De Republica, adopt a simile from human nature, and say that we command our bodily members as children, they are so obedient; but that the vicious parts of the soul must be treated as slaves, and be coerced with a more stringent authority? And no doubt, in the order of nature, the soul is more excellent than the body; and yet the soul commands the body more easily than itself. Nevertheless this lust, of which we at present speak, is the more shameful on this account, because the soul is therein neither master of itself, so as not to lust at all, nor of the body, so as to keep the members under the control of the will; for if they were thus ruled, there should be no shame. But now the soul is ashamed that the body, which by nature is inferior and subject to it, should resist its authority. For in the resistance experienced by the soul in the other emotions there is less shame, because the resistance is from itself, and thus, when it is conquered by itself, itself is the conqueror, although the conquest is inordinate and vicious, because accomplished by those parts of the soul which ought to be subject to reason, yet, being accomplished by its own parts and energies, the conquest is, as I say, its own. For when the soul conquers itself to a due subordination, so that its unreasonable motions are controlled by reason, while it again is subject to God, this is a conquest virtuous and praiseworthy. Yet there is less shame when the soul is resisted by its own vicious parts than when its will and order are resisted by the body, which is distinct from and inferior to it, and dependent on it for life itself. But so long as the will retains under its authority the other members, without which the members excited by lust to resist the will cannot accomplish what they seek, chastity is preserved, and the delight of sin foregone. And certainly, had not culpable disobedience been visited with penal disobedience, the marriage of Paradise should have been ignorant of this struggle and rebellion, this quarrel between will and lust, that the will may be satisfied and lust restrained, but those members, like all the rest, should have obeyed the will. The field of generation should have been sown by the organ created for this purpose, as the earth is sown by the hand. And whereas now, as we essay to investigate this subject more exactly, modesty hinders us, and compels us to ask pardon of chaste ears, there would have been no cause to do so, but we could have discoursed freely, and without fear of seeming obscene, upon all those points which occur to one who meditates on the subject. There would not have been even words which could be called obscene, but all that might be said of these members would have been as pure as what is said of the other parts of the body. Whoever, then, comes to the perusal of these pages with unchaste mind, let him blame his disposition, not his nature; let him brand the actings of his own impurity, not the words which necessity forces us to use, and for which every pure and pious reader or hearer will very readily pardon me, while I expose the folly of that scepticism which argues solely on the ground of its own experience, and has no faith in anything beyond. He who is not scandalized at the apostle's censure of the horrible wickedness of the women who changed the natural use into that which is against nature, Romans 1:26 will read all this without being shocked, especially as we are not, like Paul, citing and censuring a damnable uncleanness, but are explaining, so far as we can, human generation, while with Paul we avoid all obscenity of language. 14.24. The man, then, would have sown the seed, and the woman received it, as need required, the generative organs being moved by the will, not excited by lust. For we move at will not only those members which are furnished with joints of solid bone, as the hands, feet, and fingers, but we move also at will those which are composed of slack and soft nerves: we can put them in motion, or stretch them out, or bend and twist them, or contract and stiffen them, as we do with the muscles of the mouth and face. The lungs, which are the very tenderest of the viscera except the brain, and are therefore carefully sheltered in the cavity of the chest, yet for all purposes of inhaling and exhaling the breath, and of uttering and modulating the voice, are obedient to the will when we breathe, exhale, speak, shout, or sing, just as the bellows obey the smith or the organist. I will not press the fact that some animals have a natural power to move a single spot of the skin with which their whole body is covered, if they have felt on it anything they wish to drive off - a power so great, that by this shivering tremor of the skin they can not only shake off flies that have settled on them, but even spears that have fixed in their flesh. Man, it is true, has not this power; but is this any reason for supposing that God could not give it to such creatures as He wished to possess it? And therefore man himself also might very well have enjoyed absolute power over his members had he not forfeited it by his disobedience; for it was not difficult for God to form him so that what is now moved in his body only by lust should have been moved only at will. We know, too, that some men are differently constituted from others, and have some rare and remarkable faculty of doing with their body what other men can by no effort do, and, indeed, scarcely believe when they hear of others doing. There are persons who can move their ears, either one at a time, or both together. There are some who, without moving the head, can bring the hair down upon the forehead, and move the whole scalp backwards and forwards at pleasure. Some, by lightly pressing their stomach, bring up an incredible quantity and variety of things they have swallowed, and produce whatever they please, quite whole, as if out of a bag. Some so accurately mimic the voices of birds and beasts and other men, that, unless they are seen, the difference cannot be told. Some have such command of their bowels, that they can break wind continuously at pleasure, so as to produce the effect of singing. I myself have known a man who was accustomed to sweat whenever he wished. It is well known that some weep when they please, and shed a flood of tears. But far more incredible is that which some of our brethren saw quite recently. There was a presbyter called Restitutus, in the parish of the Calamensian Church, who, as often as he pleased (and he was asked to do this by those who desired to witness so remarkable a phenomenon), on some one imitating the wailings of mourners, became so insensible, and lay in a state so like death, that not only had he no feeling when they pinched and pricked him, but even when fire was applied to him, and he was burned by it, he had no sense of pain except afterwards from the wound. And that his body remained motionless, not by reason of his self-command, but because he was insensible, was proved by the fact that he breathed no more than a dead man; and yet he said that, when any one spoke with more than ordinary distinctness, he heard the voice, but as if it were a long way off. Seeing, then, that even in this mortal and miserable life the body serves some men by many remarkable movements and moods beyond the ordinary course of nature, what reason is there for doubting that, before man was involved by his sin in this weak and corruptible condition, his members might have served his will for the propagation of offspring without lust? Man has been given over to himself because he abandoned God, while he sought to be self-satisfying; and disobeying God, he could not obey even himself. Hence it is that he is involved in the obvious misery of being unable to live as he wishes. For if he lived as he wished, he would think himself blessed; but he could not be so if he lived wickedly. |
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| 164. Augustine, Questions On The Heptateuch, 1.30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 379, 380 |
| 165. Carmina Duodecim Sapientum, Carmina, 68.70-68.72 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 166. Carmina Duodecim Sapientum, Carmina, 68.70-68.72 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 167. Augustine, On The Holy Trinity, 12.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 375, 382 |
| 168. Justinian, Digest, 21.4.3, 34.2.23, 34.2.26, 34.2.28 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius •gellius, aulus Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 73; Radicke (2022) 224 |
| 169. Augustine, Letters, 138.16, 138.19 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: O, Daly (2020) 284, 285 |
| 170. Fronto, Ad M. Caesarem Et Invicem, None Tagged with subjects: •gellius (aulus), and cicero as model of latinitas Found in books: Bua (2019) 138 |
| 171. Epigraphycorpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, None Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005) 143 |
| 173. Augustine, Ciu., 9.4-9.5 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Nisula (2012) 238, 239, 240 |
| 174. Augustine, Gn. Adu. Man., 1.8.14 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Nisula (2012) 216 |
| 175. Augustine, Diu. Qu., 52, 80, 77 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nisula (2012) 194 |
| 176. Apuleius, Plat., 1.18, 2.4, 2.6, 2.13, 2.15, 2.21 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Nisula (2012) 27 |
| 177. Anon., Commentaria In Aristotelem Graeca, 18.128.5-18.128.9 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, on bookshops Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 282 |
| 178. Fronto, Letters, 1.4 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 165 |
| 179. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bett (2019) 37 |
| 180. Stobaeus, Eclogues, None Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Graver (2007) 236 |
| 181. Cl. Quadrigarius, Frhist 24, 84 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 355 |
| 182. Mart., Spect., 5.7 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 355 |
| 183. Pliny., Ep., 10.33 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 355 |
| 184. Augustine, Qu., 1.30 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Nisula (2012) 238 |
| 185. Seneca The Younger, Ep. Mor. Book, 22 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 194, 195 |
| 186. Fronto, Ep., 104.6-104.9, 104.12-104.14, 182.5-182.7 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 189, 195 |
| 187. Seneca The Elder, Controv. Pr., 3, 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 73 |
| 188. Augustus, Fr., 50 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 191 |
| 189. Bible.O.T., Wisdom, 8.21 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines •gellius, aulus, compiler of philosophical doctrines, report on stoic first movements misunderstood by augustine Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 383 |
| 190. Lucian, Histories, 1 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey (2007) 85 |
| 191. Quintilian, Epist. Ad Tryphonem, 10.3.25-10.3.27 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, and being roman, Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 324 |
| 192. Papyri, P.Ant., 1.15 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 193. Strabo, Geography, 4.5.2.200 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 129 |
| 194. Digesta, Digesta, 32.52 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 272 |
| 195. Ennius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Rohland (2022) 123 |
| 196. Various, Anthologia Latina, 5.132.7-5.132.8, 9.178 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 78 |
| 197. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.761, 6.896, 6.9218, 10.3982, 14.1085 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus •aulus gellius •gellius, aulus, on bookshops Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 197; Borg (2008) 301; Johnson and Parker (2009) 275; Radicke (2022) 539 |
| 198. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 3801 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, attic nights Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 193 |
| 199. Anon., Anthologia Latina, 5.132.7-5.132.8, 9.178 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 78 |
| 200. Epigraphy, Ils, 7549 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 539 |
| 201. Vergil, Vita Persi, 38.36-38.41 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 272 |
| 202. Epigraphy, Seg, 37.1100 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 106 |
| 203. Plutarch, On Ed., 3 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Penniman (2017) 47 |
| 204. Epist., Carm., 1.19.40, 1.20.13 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, on bookshops •gellius, aulus Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 272, 275 |
| 205. Augustus, Ep. Fr., 5, 22 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Arthur-Montagne DiGiulio and Kuin (2022) 190, 191 |
| 206. Historia Augusta, Gord., 18.2-18.3 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 272 |
| 207. Papyri, Psi, 1220, 1214 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009) 251 |
| 208. Papyri, P.Oxy., None Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 209. Papyri, P.Hamb., 656 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 210. Papyri, P.Cair., 43227 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 211. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Gagné (2020) 256 |
| 212. Epigraphy, Agrw, 160 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, attic nights Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 193 |
| 213. Epigraphy, Ig Ii², 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, attic nights Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 172, 186, 193, 194, 196 |
| 214. Cato Maior, Orat., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 194 |
| 216. Men., Hiereia (Arnott, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Riess (2012) 342 |
| 218. Aquinas, Thomas, Summa Theologiae, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000) 382 |
| 220. Anon., Xii Tables, 3.4-3.5 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 141 |
| 222. Epigraphy, Rpc, 1.2318, 2.1107, 2.1295, 4.90, 4.4351, 4.7475, 4.10469, 7.144-45, 7.1481, 9.629 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 106 |
| 223. Juvencus, Evangelicae Historiae Libri Iv, 13 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 286 |
| 224. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 5.132.7-5.132.8, 9.178 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: König and Wiater (2022) 78 |
| 225. Trabea, Unknown Comedy, Ed. Ribbeck, 6 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 168 |
| 226. Ennius, Scaen., None Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 165 |
| 227. Caecilius Statius, Unknown Comedy, Ed. Ribbeck, 252 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 168 |
| 228. Ennius, Medea , Trrf, 2.89 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 67 |
| 229. Ennius, Goldberg-Manuwald F, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 36 |
| 230. Philodemus, Anthologia Palatina, 5.132.7-5.132.8 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 78 |
| 231. Aristeas of Proconnesus, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagné (2020) 256 |
| 233. Juvenal, Satyrae, 15.44-15.45 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 115 |
| 234. Historia Augusta, Hel., 3.4-3.5 Tagged with subjects: •gellius aulus, roman writer Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 115 |
| 238. Columella, Agr., 1.3.11 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 166 |
| 239. Porcius Licinius, Fpl Fr., 5 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Čulík-Baird (2022) 67 |
| 240. Plutarch, Qc, 7.7, 9.15 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus, attic nights Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 186, 196 |
| 241. Fronto, Epistulae Ad M. Antoninum, 4.5 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 293 |
| 242. Anon., Scholia Iuvenalis, 1.128-1.129 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Borg (2008) 298 |
| 243. Xenophon, Equ., 12.10 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 244. Plutarch, Amatorius 16. P. 720 B, a b c d\n0 16. 16. 16 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 245. Galen, De Praenot. Ad Postumum, 620.1, 625.3 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 539 |
| 246. Caecilius Statius, Synaristosae, None Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 143 |
| 247. Laberius, Natalicius, None Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 175 |
| 248. Theocritus, Eidyllia, 15.6 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 249. Epigraphy, Edictum Diocletiani De Pretiis Rerum Venalium, 9.12-9.16 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 554 |
| 250. Platon Com., Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 547 |
| 251. Numa Pompilius King of Rome, Carmina Priapea (Cp), 12 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 223 |
| 252. Cicero, In M. Antonium Orations Philippicae, 2.76 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Radicke (2022) 554 |
| 253. Caecilius Statius, Pausimachus, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022) 138 |
| 254. Epigraphy, Mama, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 106 |
| 255. Apologia, Metamorphoses, 2.2, 11.3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Radicke (2022) 223 |
| 257. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.8.4, 4.3.11, 8.6.3 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: O, Daly (2020) 284, 285; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 166, 194 |
| 258. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.6.3 Tagged with subjects: •gellius, aulus Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 166 |
259. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.722, 4.261-4.263, 5.374, 7.279, 7.688, 11.751 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 14 | 2.722. blood and pollution impiously throwing 4.261. foul, whispering lips, and ears, that catch at all. 4.262. At night she spreads midway 'twixt earth and heaven 4.263. her pinions in the darkness, hissing loud, 5.374. he knots him fold on fold: with such a track 7.279. From Jove our line began; the sons of Troy 7.688. with charred oak-staff and cudgel is the fight, 11.751. But Metabus, his foes in hot pursuit, |
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260. Vergil, Georgics, 3.82 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Goldman (2013) 15| 3.82. spadices glaucique, color deterrimus albis | |
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| 261. Epigraphy, Ig, a b c d\n0 12.6/1.400 12.6/1.400 12 6/1\n1 3.318 3.318 3 318 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 106 |
| 262. Manilius, Astronomica, 4.773-4.777 Tagged with subjects: •gellius (aulus gellius) Found in books: Green (2014) 184 |
| 265. Pacuvius, Niptra, 266-268 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013) 14 |
| 266. [Aristotle], Physiognomica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013) 105 |
| 267. Galen, Peri Alupias, 5 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022) 70 |
| 268. Philodemus, Anthologia Palatina, 5.132.7-5.132.8 Tagged with subjects: •aulus gellius Found in books: König and Wiater (2022) 78 |
