1. Homer, Iliad, 22.158-22.166 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 140 | 22.158. / where the wives and fair daughters of the Trojans were wont to wash bright raiment of old in the time of peace, before the sons of the Achaeans came. Thereby they ran, one fleeing, and one pursuing. In front a good man fled, but one mightier far pursued him swiftly; for it was not for beast of sacrifice or for bull's hide 22.159. / where the wives and fair daughters of the Trojans were wont to wash bright raiment of old in the time of peace, before the sons of the Achaeans came. Thereby they ran, one fleeing, and one pursuing. In front a good man fled, but one mightier far pursued him swiftly; for it was not for beast of sacrifice or for bull's hide 22.160. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.161. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.162. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.163. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.164. / that they strove, such as are men's prizes for swiftness of foot, but it was for the life of horse-taming Hector that they ran. And as when single-hooved horses that are winners of prizes course swiftly about the turning-points, and some — great prize is set forth, a tripod haply or a woman, in honour of a warrior that is dead; 22.165. / even so these twain circled thrice with swift feet about the city of Priam; and all the gods gazed upon them. Then among these the father of men and gods was first to speak:Look you now, in sooth a well-loved man do mine eyes behold pursued around the wall; and my heart hath sorrow 22.166. / even so these twain circled thrice with swift feet about the city of Priam; and all the gods gazed upon them. Then among these the father of men and gods was first to speak:Look you now, in sooth a well-loved man do mine eyes behold pursued around the wall; and my heart hath sorrow |
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| 2. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 1.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 9 |
3. Cicero, On Duties, 3.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 16| 3.3. Ita, qui in maxima celebritate atque in oculis civium quondam vixerimus, nunc fugientes conspectum sceleratorum, quibus omnia redundant, abdimus nos, quantum licet, et saepe soli sumus. Sed quia sic ab hominibus doctis accepimus, non solum ex malis eligere minima oportere, sed etiam excerpere ex his ipsis, si quid inesset boni, propterea et otio fruor, non illo quidem, quo debebat is, qui quondam peperisset otium civitati, nec eam solitudinem languere patior, quam mihi affert necessitas, non voluntas. | 3.3. So, although I once lived amid throngs of people and in the greatest publicity, I am now shunning the sight of the miscreants with whom the world abounds and withdrawing from the public eye as far as I may, and I am often alone. But I have learned from philosophers that among evils one ought not only to choose the least, but also to extract even from these any element of good that they may contain. For that reason, I am turning my leisure to account â though it is not such repose as the man should be entitled to who once brought the state repose from civil strife â and I am not letting this solitude, which necessity and not my will imposes on me, find me idle. |
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| 4. Cicero, Republic, 5.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182 |
| 5. Cicero, Letters, 1.3.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182 |
| 6. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 2.5.49, 4.7.4, 4.9.1, 4.9.3, 4.10.2, 6.1.1, 7.30.1, 10.1.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 16, 17, 18 |
| 7. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 1.1.22, 1.3.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 16, 25 |
| 8. Cicero, In Pisonem, 51, 7, 52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 25, 175 |
| 9. Cicero, In Verrem, 1.17.18, 2.4.146, 2.5.35-2.5.36, 2.5.65-2.5.66, 2.5.93, 2.5.144, 2.5.163, 2.5.169-2.5.170, 4.4.146 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 1, 12, 13, 18, 158, 175 |
| 10. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.63, 14.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 13, 182 |
11. Polybius, Histories, 6.53-6.55 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Pandey (2018) 246 | 6.53. 1. Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâcalled rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? 6.54. 1. Besides, he who makes the oration over the man about to be buried, when he has finished speaking of him recounts the successes and exploits of the rest whose images are present, beginning with the most ancient.,2. By this means, by this constant renewal of the good report of brave men, the celebrity of those who performed noble deeds is rendered immortal, while at the same time the fame of those who did good service to their country becomes known to the people and a heritage for future generations.,3. But the most important result is that young men are thus inspired to endure every suffering for public welfare in the hope of winning the glory that attends on brave men.,4. What I say is confirmed by the facts. For many Romans have voluntarily engaged in single combat in order to decide a battle, not a few have faced certain death, some in war to save the lives of the rest, and others in peace to save the republic.,5. Some even when in office have put their own sons to death contrary to every law or custom, setting a higher value on the interest of their country than on the ties of nature that bound them to their nearest and dearest.,6. Many such stories about many men are related in Roman history, but one told of a certain person will suffice for the present as an example and as a confirmation of what I say. 6.55. 1. It is narrated that when Horatius Cocles was engaged in combat with two of the enemy at the far end of the bridge over the Tiber that lies in the front of the town, he saw large reinforcements coming up to help the enemy, and fearing lest they should force the passage and get into town, he turned round and called to those behind him to retire and cut the bridge with all speed.,2. His order was obeyed, and while they were cutting the bridge, he stood to his ground receiving many wounds, and arrested the attack of the enemy who were less astonished at his physical strength than at his endurance and courage.,3. The bridge once cut, the enemy were prevented from attacking; and Cocles, plunging into the river in full armour as he was, deliberately sacrificed his life, regarding the safety of his country and the glory which in future would attach to his name as of more importance than his present existence and the years of life which remained to him.,4. Such, if I am not wrong, is the eager emulation of achieving noble deeds engendered in the Roman youth by their institutions. |
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| 12. Cicero, On Fate, 15.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182 |
13. Cicero, Pro Murena, 52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182| 52. iam tum coniuratos cum gladiis in campum deduci a Catilina sciebam, descendi in campum cum firmissimo praesidio fortissimorum virorum et cum illa lata insignique lorica, non quae me tegeret — etenim sciebam Catilinam non latus aut ventrem sed caput et collum solere petere — verum ut omnes boni animadverterent et, cum in metu et periculo consulem viderent, id quod est factum factum est w, Halm, ad opem praesidiumque concurrerent. itaque cum te, Servi, remissiorem in petendo putarent, Catilinam et spe et cupiditate inflammatum viderent, omnes qui illam ab re publica pestem depellere cupiebant ad Murenam se statim contulerunt. | |
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| 14. Cicero, Pro Milone, 3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 25 |
| 15. Sallust, Catiline, 31.1-31.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 155 |
16. Livy, History, 2.49.3, 3.18.4, 3.26.11, 3.56.2, 4.14.1, 23.23.8, 24.7.3, 26.18.6, 27.34.3-27.34.6, 33.24.5, 34.2.9, 34.3.6, 34.5.7, 42.49.1-42.49.3, 42.49.6, 45.39.5-45.39.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 9, 15, 155, 158, 182| 42.49.1. per hos forte dies P. Licinius consul votis in Capitolio nuncupatis paludatus ab urbe profectus est. 42.49.2. semper quidem ea res cum magna dignitate ac maiestate agitur; praecipue convertit oculos animosque, cum ad magnum nobilemque aut virtute aut fortuna hostem euntem consulem prosecuntur. 42.49.3. contrahit enim non officii modo cura, sed etiam studium spectaculi, ut videant ducem suum, cuius imperio consilioque summam rem publicam tuendam permiserunt. 42.49.6. quem scire mortalium, utrius mentis, utrius fortunae consulem ad bellum mittant? triumphantemne mox cum exercitu victore scandentem in Capitolium ad eosdem deos, a quibus proficiscatur, visuri, an hostibus eam praebituri laetitiam sint ? Persei autem regi, adversus quem ibatur, famam et bello clara Macedonum gens et Philippus pater, inter multa prospere gesta Romano etiam nobilitatus bello, praebebat; 45.39.5. quonam abdentur illa tot milia armorum detracta corporibus hostium? an in Macedoniam remittentur? quo signa aurea, marmorea, eburnea, tabulae pictae, textilia, tantum argenti caelati, tantum auri, tanta pecunia regia? 45.39.6. an noctu tamquam furtiva in aerarium deportabuntur? quid? illud spectaculum maximum, nobilissimus opulentissimusque rex captus, ubi victori populo ostendetur? | |
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17. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 3.74-3.77 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 148| 3.74. consimili ratione ab eodem saepe timore 3.75. macerat invidia ante oculos illum esse potentem, 3.76. illum aspectari, claro qui incedit honore, 3.77. ipsi se in tenebris volvi caenoque queruntur. | |
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18. Ovid, Amores, 1.13.48 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 11| 1.13.48. Nec tamen adsueto tardius orta dies! | |
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19. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.99 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 12| 1.99. Spectatum veniunt, veniunt spectentur ut ipsae: | |
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20. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.1, 3.4, 4.4.27-4.4.28, 4.4.35, 4.4.42, 4.9.5, 4.9.21-4.9.22 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 176; Pandey (2018) 233, 239| 2.1. Huc quoque Caesarei pervenit fama triumphi, 2.1. Ille domus vestrae primis venerator ab annis, 2.1. Maxime, qui claris nomen virtutibus aequas, 2.1. Accipe conloquium gelido Nasonis ab Histro, 2.1. Condita disparibus numeris ego Naso Salano 2.1. Carmine Graecinum, qui praesens voce solebat, 2.1. Esse salutatum vult te mea littera primum 2.1. Redditus est nobis Caesar cum Caesare nuper, 2.1. Regia progenies, cui nobilitatis origo 2.1. Ecquid ab impressae cognoscis imagine cerae 2.1. Hoc tibi, Rufe, brevi properatum tempore mittit 3.4. in minus hostili iussus abesse loco? 3.4. atque sit in ut sit vel sit ut nobis pars bona salva facis. 3.4. seu veri species seu fuit ille sopor. 3.4. in vestras venit si tamen ille manus. 3.4. laesus ab ingenio Naso poeta suo. 3.4. forsitan officio parta querella foret. 3.4. quidque petam cunctos edidicisse reor. 3.4. sed te, cum donas, ista iuvare solent. 3.4. et quam sim denso cinctus ab hoste loqui. | |
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21. Ovid, Fasti, 2.138-2.144 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Pandey (2018) 233| 2.138. quodcumque est alto sub Iove, Caesar habet, 2.139. tu rapis, hic castas duce se iubet esse maritas: 2.140. tu recipis luco, reppulit ille nefas. 2.141. vis tibi grata fuit, florent sub Caesare leges. 2.142. tu domini nomen, principis ille tenet, 2.143. te Remus incusat, veniam dedit hostibus ille. 2.144. caelestem fecit te pater, ille patrem. | 2.138. Caesar possesses all beneath Jupiter’s heavens. 2.139. You raped married women: under Caesar they are ordered 2.140. To be chaste: you permitted the guilty your grove: he forbids them. 2.141. Force was acceptable to you: under Caesar the laws flourish. 2.142. You had the title Master: he bears the name of Prince. 2.143. Remus accused you, while he pardons his enemies. 2.144. Your father deified you: he deified his father. |
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22. Ovid, Tristia, 1.8.37-1.8.38, 3.1, 4.4.15-4.4.16, 4.6.44-4.6.46, 4.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 176; Pandey (2018) 233, 249, 253| 3.1. ‘Missus in hanc venio timide liber exulis urbem: 3.1. Ergo erat in fatis Scythiam quoque visere nostris, 3.1. Haec mea si casu miraris epistula quare 3.1. O mihi care quidem semper, sed tempore duro 3.1. Usus amicitiae tecum mihi parvus, ut illam 3.1. Foedus amicitiae nec vis, carissime, nostrae, 3.1. VADE salutatum, subito perarata, Perillam, 3.1. Nunc ego Triptolemi cuperem consistere curru, 3.1. Hic quoque sunt igitur Graiae—quis crederet?—urbes 3.1. Siquis adhuc istic meminit Nasonis adempti, 3.1. Si quis es, insultes qui casibus, improbe, nostris, 3.1. Frigora iam Zephyri minuunt, annoque peracto 3.1. Ecce supervacuus—quid enim fuit utile gigni?— 3.1. Cultor et antistes doctorum sancte virorum, 4.10. in numerum pulsa brachia pulsat aqua. 4.10. perpetuo terras ut domus illa regat, 4.10. sitque memor nostri necne, referte mihi. 4.10. si, quod es, appares, culpa soluta mea est. 4.10. excidit heu nomen quam mihi paene 4.10. vixque merum capiant grana quod intus habent; 4.10. scripta, sed e multis reddita nulla mihi. 4.10. et quae nunc domino rura paterna carent, 4.10. nostra suas istinc note xml:id= 4.10. qui tribus ante quater mensibus ortus erat. | |
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| 23. Horace, Odes, 3.1.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182 |
24. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 7.14.1, 7.15.3, 7.16.2, 7.26.1, 10.15.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 158 | 7.14.1. But nothing turned out according to the calculations of the patricians, insofar at least as their hope of appeasing the sedition was concerned; on the contrary, the people who were left at home were now more exasperated than before and clamoured violently against the senators in their groups and clubs. They met in small numbers at first, but afterwards, as the dearth became more severe, they assembled in a body, and rushing all together into the Forum, cried out for the tribunes. 7.15.3. The chief proponent of this view was Appius, and it was this opinion that prevailed, after such violent strife among the senators that even the people, hearing their clamour at a great distance, rushed in alarm to the senate-house and the whole city was on tip-toe with expectation. 7.16.2. And a violent contest ensued, each side insisting on not yielding to the other, as if their defeat on this single occasion would mean the giving up of their claims for all time to come. It was now near sunset and the rest of the population were running out of their houses to the Forum; and if night had descended upon their strife, they would have proceeded to blows and the throwing of stones. 7.26.1. The senate being now embittered, the tribunes, finding that those who desired to take away the power granted to the people outnumbered those who advised adhering to the agreement, rushed out of the senate-house shouting and calling upon the gods who had been witnesses to their oaths. After this they assembled the people, and having acquainted them with the speech made by Marcius in the senate, they summoned him to make his defence. |
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| 25. Propertius, Elegies, 2.24.7, 4.2, 4.2.27, 8.1-8.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 9, 10, 17, 155 |
| 26. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Pandey (2018) 249 |
| 27. Tibullus, Elegies, 2.3.51-2.3.52 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 148 |
28. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.6.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 331| 1.6.4. Quis fuit Marius, si illum suis inspexerimus maioribus? in septem consulatibus nihil habet clarius quam se auctorem. Pompeium si hereditariae extulissent imagines nemo Magnum dixisset. Seruium regem tulit Roma, in cuius uirtutibus humilitate nominis nihil est clarius. quid tibi uidentur illi ab aratro, qui paupertate sua beatam fecere rem publicam ? quemcumque uoluerimus reuolue nobilem: ad humilitatem peruenies. Quid recenseo singulos, cum hanc urbem possim tibi ostendere? nudi stetere colles, interque tam effusa moenia nihil est humili casa nobilius: fastigatis supra tectis auro puro fulgens praelucet Capitolium. potes obiurgare Romanos, quod humilitatem suam cum obscurare possint ostendunt et haec non putant magna, nisi apparuerit ex paruis surrexisse ? | |
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| 29. Seneca The Younger, De Otio Sapientis (Dialogorum Liber Viii), 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 18, 24 |
| 30. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 14.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 158 |
| 31. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 15.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 18 |
| 32. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.1.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 15 |
33. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 10.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182| 10.2. οὗτος ἦν Παῦλος Αἰμίλιος, ἡλικίας μὲν ἤδη πρόσω καὶ περὶ ἑξήκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη, ῥώμῃ δὲ σώματος ἀκμάζων, πεφραγμένος δὲ κηδεσταῖς καὶ παισὶ νεανίαις καὶ φίλων πλήθει καὶ συγγενῶν μέγα δυναμένων, οἳ πάντες αὐτὸν ὑπακοῦσαι καλοῦντι τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἔπειθον. | 10.2. This man was Paulus Aemilius, now advanced in life and about sixty years of age, but in the prime of bodily vigour, and hedged about with youthful sons and sons-in-law, and with a host of friends and kinsmen of great influence, all of whom urged him to give ear to the people when it summoned him to the consulship. |
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34. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 20.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 13| 20.2. Κικέρωνος δὲ σφαγέντος ἐκέλευσεν Ἀντώνιος τήν τε κεφαλὴν ἀποκοπῆναι καὶ τὴν χεῖρα τὴν δεξιάν, ᾗ τοὺς κατʼ αὐτοῦ λόγους ἔγραψε. καὶ κομισθέντων ἐθεᾶτο γεγηθὼς καὶ ἀνακαγχάζων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς πολλάκις· εἶτα ἐμπλησθεὶς ἐκέλευσεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ βήματος ἐν ἀγορᾷ τεθῆναι, καθάπερ εἰς τὸν νεκρὸν ὑβρίζων, οὐχ αὑτὸν ἐνυβρίζοντα τῇ τύχῃ καὶ καταισχύνοντα τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπιδεικνύμενος. | 20.2. |
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35. Plutarch, Camillus, 36.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 331| 36.5. εἰσαγομένων δὲ τῶν κατὰ τοῦ Μαλλίου δικῶν μεγάλα τοὺς κατηγόρους ἔβλαπτεν ἡ ὄψις. ὁ γὰρ τόπος, ἐφʼ οὗ βεβηκὼς ὁ Μάλλιοςἐνυκτομάχησε πρὸς τοὺς Κελτούς, ὑπερεφαίνετο τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ Καπιτωλίου καὶ παρεῖχεν οἶκτον τοῖς ὁρῶσιν· αὐτός τε τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγων ἐκεῖσε καὶ δακρύων ὑπεμίμνῃσκε τῶν ἀγώνων, ὥστε τοὺς κρίνοντας ἀπορεῖν καὶ πολλάκις ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὴν δίκην, μήτʼ ἀφεῖναι βουλομένους ἐπὶ τεκμηρίοις φανεροῖς τὸ ἀδίκημα μήτε χρήσασθαι τῷ νόμῳ δυναμένους ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς τῆς πράξεως οὔσης διὰ τὸν τόπον. | 36.5. When Manlius was brought to trial, the view from the place was a great obstacle in the way of his accusers. For the spot where Manlius had stood when he fought his night battle with the Gauls, overlooked the forum from the Capitol, and moved the hearts of the spectators to pity. Manlius himself, too, stretched out his hands toward the spot, and wept as he called to men’s remembrance his famous struggle there, so that the judges knew not what to do, and once and again postponed the case. They were unwilling to acquit the prisoner of his crime when the proofs of it were so plain; and they were unable to execute the law upon him when, owing to the place of trial, his saving exploit was, so to speak, in every eye. |
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36. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 10| 18.3. ἦσαν οὖν αὐτῷ χαλεποὶ μὲν οἱ τὰς εἰσφορὰς διὰ τὴν τρυφὴν ὑπομένοντες, χαλεποὶ δʼ αὖ πάλιν οἱ τὴν τρυφὴν ἀποτιθέμενοι διὰ τὰς εἰσφοράς, πλούτου γὰρ ἀφαίρεσιν οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσι τὴν κώλυσιν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπιδείξεως, ἐπιδείκνυσθαι δὲ τοῖς περιττοῖς, οὐ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις. ὃ δὴ καὶ μάλιστά φασι τὸν φιλόσοφον Ἀρίστωνα θαυμάζειν, ὅτι Τοὺς τὰ περιττὰ κεκτημένους μᾶλλον ἡγοῦνται μακαρίους ἢ Τοὺς τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ χρησίμων εὐποροῦντας. | 18.3. |
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| 37. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 27.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182 |
38. Plutarch, Cicero, 43.3, 44.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 175, 182| 43.3. γενομένης δὲ περὶ τόν πλοῦν διατριβῆς, καί λόγων ἀπὸ Ῥώμης, οἷα φιλεῖ, καινῶν προσπεσόντων, μεταβεβλῆσθαι μὲν Ἀντώνιον θαυμαστὴν μεταβολὴν καί πάντα πράττειν καί πολιτεύεσθαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐνδεῖν δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας τὰ πράγματα μὴ τὴν ἀρίστην ἔχειν διάθεσιν, καταμεμψάμενος αὐτὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν πολλὴν εὐλάβειαν ἀνέστρεφεν αὖθις εἰς Ῥώμην. 44.4. τοιοῦτόν φασιν ἐνύπνιον ἰδόντα τὸν Κικέρωνα τὴν μὲν ἰδέαν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκμεμάχθαι καὶ κατέχειν ἐναργῶς, αὑτὸν δʼ οὐκ ἐπίστασθαι. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ καταβαίνοντος εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Ἄρειον αὐτοῦ, τοὺς παῖδας ἤδη γεγυμνασμένους ἀπέρχεσθαι, κἀκεῖνον ὀφθῆναι τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον οἷος ὤφθη καθʼ ὕπνον, ἐκπλαγέντα δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τίνων εἴη γονέων. | 43.3. 44.4. |
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39. Plutarch, Crassus, 7.3, 15.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 176, 182| 7.3. καί πρᾶγμα συνέβαινεν αὐτοῖς ἴδιον. μεῖζον γὰρ ἦν ἀπόντος ὄνομα τοῦ Πομπηίου καί κράτος ἐν τῇ πόλει διὰ τὰς στρατείας· παρὼν δὲ πολλάκις ἠλαττοῦτο τοῦ Κράσσου, διὰ τὸν ὄγκον καί τὸ πρόσχημα τοῦ βίου φεύγων τὰ πλήθη καί ἀναδυόμενος ἐξ ἀγορᾶς, καί τῶν δεομένων ὀλίγοις καί μὴ πάνυ προθύμως βοηθῶν, ὡς ἀκμαιοτέραν ἔχοι τὴν δύναμιν ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ χρώμενος. 15.4. ἐκ τούτου δείσαντες οἱ περὶ Πομπήϊον οὐδενὸς ἀπείχοντο τῶν ἀκοσμοτάτων καί βιαιοτάτων, ἀλλὰ πρὸς πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις λόχον ὑφέντες τῷ Δομιτίῳ νυκτὸς ἔτι μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων κατερχομένῳ κτείνουσι μὲν τὸν ἀνέχοντα τὸ φῶς πρὸ αὐτοῦ, συντιτρώκουσι δὲ πολλούς, ὧν ἦν καί Κάτων, τρεψάμενοι δὲ καί κατακλείσαντες εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐκείνους ἀνηγορεύθησαν ὕπατοι· | 7.3. 15.4. |
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40. Plutarch, Fabius, 9.4, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 155, 176| 9.4. καὶ γὰρ τότʼ ἐπὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων Μᾶρκος ἦν Ἰούνιος δικτάτωρ, καὶ κατὰ πόλιν τὸ βουλευτικὸν ἀναπληρῶσαι δεῆσαν, ἅτε δὴ πολλῶν ἐν τῇ. μάχῃ συγκλητικῶν ἀπολωλότων, ἕτερον εἵλοντο δικτάτορα Φάβιον Βουτεῶνα. πλὴν οὗτος μὲν, ἐπεὶ προῆλθε καὶ κατέλεξε τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ συνεπλήρωσε τὴν βουλήν, αὐθημερὸν ἀφεὶς τοὺς ῥαβδούχους καὶ διαφυγὼν τοὺς προάγοντας, εἰς τὸν ὄχλον ἐμβαλὼν καὶ καταμίξας ἑαυτὸν ἤδη τι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ διοικῶν καὶ πραγματευόμενος ὥσπερ ἰδιώτης ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀνεστρέφετο. 17.5. ὁ γὰρ ἐν οἷς οὐδὲν ἐδόκει δεινὸν εἶναι καιροῖς εὐλαβὴς φαινόμενος καὶ δυσέλπιστος τότε πάντων καταβεβληκότων ἑαυτοὺς εἰς ἀπέραντα πένθη καὶ ταραχὰς ἀπράκτους, μόνος ἐφοίτα διὰ τῆς πόλεως πρᾴῳ βαδίσματι καὶ προσώπῳ καθεστῶτι καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ προσαγορεύσει, κοπετούς τε γυναικείους ἀφαιρῶν καὶ συστάσεις εἴργων τῶν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἐπὶ κοινοῖς ὀδυρμοῖς ἐκφερομένων, βουλήν τε συνελθεῖν ἔπεισε καὶ παρεθάρσυνε τὰς ἀρχάς, αὐτὸς ὢν καὶ ῥώμη καὶ δύναμις ἀρχῆς ἁπάσης πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀποβλεπούσης. | 9.4. At that time Marcus Junius the dictator was in the field, and at home it became necessary that the senate should be filled up, since many senators had perished in the battle. They therefore elected Fabius Buteo a second dictator. But he, after acting in that capacity and choosing the men to fill up the senate, at once dismissed his lictors, eluded his escort, plunged into the crowd, and straightway went up and down the forum arranging some business matter of his own and engaging in affairs like a private citizen. 17.5. For he who, in times of apparent security, appeared cautious and irresolute, then, when all were plunged in boundless grief and helpless confusion, was the only man to walk the city with calm step, composed countece, and gracious address, checking effeminate lamentation, and preventing those from assembling together who were eager to make public their common complaints. He persuaded the senate to convene, heartened up the magistrates, and was himself the strength and power of every magistracy, since all looked to him for guidance. |
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41. Plutarch, Galba, 17.4, 24.4, 26.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 10, 18, 138, 182| 17.4. οὐδενὸς γὰρ οὕτω θεάματος ἐρασθεὶς ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος ὡς τοῦ Τιγελλῖνον ἰδεῖν ἀπαγόμενον, οὐδὲ παυσάμενος ἐν πᾶσι θεάτροις καὶ σταδίοις αἰτούμενος ἐκεῖνον, ἐπεπλήχθη διαγράμματι τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Τιγελλῖνον μὲν οὐ πολὺν ἔτι βιώσεσθαι φάσκοντος χρόνον ὑπὸ φθινάδος νόσου δαπανώμενον, ἐκείνους δὲ παραιτουμένου μὴ διαγριαίνειν μηδὲ τυραννικὴν ποιεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. 24.4. εἰπὼν οὖν, ὅτι παλαιὰν ἐωνημένος οἰκίαν βούλεται τὰ ὕποπτα δεῖξαι τοῖς πωληταῖς, ἀπῆλθε, καὶ διὰ τῆς Τιβερίου καλουμένης οἰκίας καταβὰς ἐβάδιζεν εἰς ἀγοράν, οὗ χρυσοῦς εἱστήκει κίων, εἰς ὃν αἱ τετμημέναι τῆς Ἰταλίας ὁδοὶ πᾶσαι τελευτῶσιν. 26.3. οἷα δὲ ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ, τῶν μὲν ἀναστρέφειν, τῶν δὲ προϊέναι, τῶν δὲ θαρρεῖν, τῶν δὲ ἀπιστεῖν βοώντων, καὶ τοῦ φορείου, καθάπερ ἐν κλύδωνι, δεῦρο κἀκεῖ διαφερομένου καὶ πυκνὸν ἀπονεύοντος, ἐφαίνοντο πρῶτον ἱππεῖς, εἶτα ὁπλῖται διὰ τῆς Παύλου βασιλικῆς προσφερόμενοι, μιᾷ φωνῇ μέγα βοῶντες ἐκποδὼν ἵστασθαι τὸν ἰδιώτην. | 17.4. 24.4. 26.3. |
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42. Plutarch, Marius, 34.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182| 34.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Μάριος φιλοτίμως πάνυ καὶ μειρακιωδῶς ἀποτριβόμενος τὸ γῆρας καὶ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὁσημέραι κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον, καὶ μετὰ τῶν νεανίσκων γυμναζόμενος ἐπεδείκνυε τὸ σῶμα κοῦφον μὲν ὅπλοις, ἔποχον δὲ ταῖς ἱππασίαις, καίπερ οὐκ εὐσταλὴς γεγονώς ἐν γήρᾳ τὸν ὄγκον, ἀλλʼ εἰς σάρκα περιπληθῆ καὶ βαρεῖαν ἐνδεδωκώς. | 34.3. |
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43. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 7.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182| 7.3. σιγὴ δὲ ἄπιστος ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ τὴν ἀγορὰν κατεῖχε καραδοκούντων καὶ συναιωρουμένων τῷ μέλλοντι, μέχρι οὗ προὐφάνησαν ὄρνιθες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ δεξιοὶ ἐπέτρεψαν καὶ δεξιοὶ ἐπέτρεψαν with S: καὶ δεξιοὶ καὶ ἐπέτρεψαν . οὕτω δὲ τὴν βασιλικὴν ἀναλαβὼν ἐσθῆτα κατέβαινε Νομᾶς εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας, τότε δὲ καὶ φωναὶ καὶ δεξιώσεις ἦσαν ὡς εὐσεβέστατον καὶ θεοφιλέστατον δεχομένων. | 7.3. Then an incredible silence fell upon the vast multitude in the forum, who watched in eager suspense for the issue, until at last auspicious birds appeared and approached the scene on the right. Then Numa put on his royal robes and went down from the citadel to the multitude, where he was received with glad cries of welcome as the most pious of men and most beloved of the gods. |
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44. Plutarch, Pompey, 22.5, 26.1, 43.3, 48.1, 52.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 175, 182| 22.5. τότε δὴ προεκάθηντο μὲν οἱ τιμηταὶ Γέλλιος καὶ Λέντλος ἐν κόσμῳ, καὶ πάροδος ἦν τῶν ἱππέων ἐξεταζομένων, ὤφθη δὲ Πομπήϊος ἄνωθεν ἐπʼ ἀγορὰν κατερχόμενος, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα παράσημα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔχων, αὐτὸς δὲ διὰ χειρὸς ἄγων τὸν ἵππον. ὡς δʼ ἐγγὺς ἦν καὶ καταφανὴς ἐγεγόνει, κελεύσας διασχεῖν τοὺς ῥαβδοφόρους τῷ βήματι προσήγαγε τὸν ἵππον. 26.1. τότε μὲν οὖν διελύθησαν ᾗ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν ψῆφον ἐποίσειν ἔμελλον, ὑπεξῆλθεν ὁ Πομπήϊος εἰς ἀγρόν. ἀκούσας δὲ κεκυρῶσθαι τὸν νόμον εἰσῆλθε νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ἐπιφθόνου τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπαντήσεως καὶ συνδρομῆς ἐσομένης. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ προελθὼν ἔθυσε· καὶ γενομένης ἐκκλησίας αὐτῷ, διεπράξατο προσλαβεῖν ἕτερα πολλὰ τοῖς ἐψηφισμένοις ἤδη, μικροῦ διπλασιάσας τὴν παρασκευήν. 43.3. ὁρῶσαι γὰρ αἱ πόλεις Πομπήϊον Μάγνον ἄνοπλον καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγων τῶν συνήθων ὥσπερ ἐξ ἄλλης ἀποδημίας διαπορευόμενον, ἐκχεόμεναι διʼ εὔνοιαν καὶ προπέμπουσαι μετὰ μείζονος δυνάμεως συγκατῆγον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, εἴ τι κινεῖν διενοεῖτο καὶ νεωτερίζειν τότε, μηδὲν ἐκείνου δεόμενον τοῦ στρατεύματος. 48.1. ἐκ δὲ τούτου Πομπήϊος ἐμπλήσας στρατιωτῶν τὴν πόλιν ἅπαντα τὰ πράγματα βίᾳ κατεῖχε. βύβλῳ τε γὰρ εἰς ἀγορὰν τῷ ὑπάτῳ κατιόντι μετὰ Λευκόλλου καὶ Κάτωνος ἄφνω προσπεσόντες κατέκλασαν τὰς ῥάβδους, αὐτοῦ δέ τις κοπρίων κόφινον ἐκ κεφαλῆς τοῦ Βύβλου κατεσκέδασε, δύο δὲ δήμαρχοι τῶν συμπροπεμπόντων ἐτρώθησαν. 52.2. ἀλλʼ ἐπιπέμψαντες ἐνόπλους ἄνδρας ἀπέκτειναν μὲν τὸν προηγούμενον λυχνοφόρον, ἐτρέψαντο δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους· ἔσχατος δὲ Κάτων ἀνεχώρησε, τρωθεὶς τὸν δεξιὸν πῆχυν ἀμυνόμενος πρὸ τοῦ Δομετίου. τοιαύτῃ δὲ ὁδῷ παρελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐδὲ τἆλλα κοσμιώτερον ἔπραττον. ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν Κάτωνα τοῦ δήμου στρατηγὸν αἱρουμένου καὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἐπιφέροντος, Πομπήϊος ἔλυσε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν οἰωνοὺς αἰτιώμενος, ἀντὶ δὲ Κάτωνος Βατίνιον ἀνηγόρευσαν, ἀργυρίῳ τὰς φυλὰς διαφθείραντες. | 22.5. 26.1. 43.3. 48.1. 52.2. |
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45. Plutarch, Publicola, 10.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182| 10.2. καίτοι τί δεῖ λόγῳ μὲν Βροῦτον ἐγκωμιάζειν, ἔργῳ δὲ μιμεῖσθαι Ταρκύνιον, ὑπὸ ῥάβδοις ὁμοῦ πάσαις καὶ πελέκεσι κατιόντα μόνον ἐξ οἰκίας τοσαύτης τὸ μέγεθος ὅσην οὐ καθεῖλε τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως; καὶ γὰρ ὄντως ὁ Οὐαλλέριος ᾤκει τραγικώτερον ὑπὲρ τὴν καλουμένην Οὐελίαν οἰκίαν ἐπικρεμαμένην τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ καθ ο ρ ῶς αν ἐξ ὕψους ἅπαντα, δυσπρόσοδον δὲ πελάσαι καὶ χαλεπὴν ἔξωθεν, ὥστε καταβαίνοντος αὐτοῦ τὸ σχῆμα μετέωρον εἶναι καὶ βασιλικὸν τῆς προπομπῆς τὸν ὄγκον. | 10.2. Yet why should he extol Brutus in words, while in deeds he imitates Tarquin, descending to the forum alone, escorted by all the rods and axes together, from a house no less stately than the royal house which he demolished? For, as a matter of fact, Valerius was living in a very splendid house on the so-called Velia. An eminence of the Palatine hill. It hung high over the forum, commanded a view of all that passed there, and was surrounded by steeps and hard to get at, so that when he came down from it the spectacle was a lofty one, and the pomp of his procession worthy of a king. |
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| 46. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 1.1, 16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182 |
| 47. Martial, Epigrams, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 12 |
| 48. Martial, Epigrams, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 12 |
| 49. Seneca The Younger, De Vita Beata (Dialogorum Liber Vii), 2.2, 2.4, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 14, 16 |
50. Tacitus, Histories, 1.40, 1.82, 1.85, 3.68-3.70, 3.83-3.84 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 138, 140 | 1.82. The excited soldiers were not kept even by the doors of the palace from bursting into the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho, and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and Vitellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when they opposed their onrush. On every side were arms and threats directed now against the centurions and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all were in a state of blind panic, and since they could not fix upon any individual as the object of their wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all. Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless hands. The next day private houses were closed as if the city were in the hands of the enemy; few respectable people were seen in the streets; the rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, the prefects, addressed their companies, the one mildly, the other severely, each according to his nature. They ended with the statement that five thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore away the insignia of their rank and demanded discharge and safety from their dangerous service. The common soldiers perceived the bad impression that their action had made and settled down to obedience, demanding of their own accord that the ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished. 1.85. Both this speech, well adapted as it was to reprove and quiet the soldiers, and also his moderation (for he had not ordered the punishment of more than two) were gratefully received, and in this way those who could not be checked by force were calmed for the present. But the city was not yet quiet; there was the din of weapons and the face of war, for while the troops did not engage in any general riot, they nevertheless distributed themselves in disguise among the houses and suspiciously kept watch on all whom high birth or wealth or some distinction had made the object of gossip. Most of them believed that soldiers of Vitellius, too, had come to Rome to learn the sentiments of the different parties, so that there was suspicion everywhere, and the intimacy of the home was hardly free from fear. But there was the greatest terror in public, where men changed their spirit and looks according to the message that rumour brought at the moment, that they might not seem to lose heart over doubtful news or show too much joy over favourable report. Moreover, when the senate had assembled in the chamber, it was hard to maintain the proper measure in anything, that silence might not seem sullen or open speech suspicious; while Otho, who had so recently been a subject and had used the same terms, fully understood flattery. So the senators turned and twisted their proposals to mean this or that, many calling Vitellius an enemy and traitor; but the most foreseeing attacked him only with ordinary terms of abuse, although some made the truth the basis of their insults. Still they did this when there was an uproar and many speaking, or else they obscured their own meaning by a riot of words. 3.68. There was no one so indifferent to human fortunes as not to be moved by the sight. Here was a Roman emperor who, but yesterday lord of all mankind, now, abandoning the seat of his high fortune, was going through the midst of his people and the heart of the city to give up his imperial power. Men had never seen or heard the like before. A sudden violent act had crushed the dictator Caesar, a secret plot the emperor Gaius; night and the obscurity of the country had concealed the flight of Nero; Piso and Galba had fallen, so to say, on the field of battle. But now Vitellius, in an assembly called by himself, surrounded by his own soldiers, while even women looked on, spoke briefly and in a manner befitting his present sad estate, saying that he withdrew for the sake of peace and his country; he asked the people simply to remember him and to have pity on his brother, his wife, and his innocent young children. As he spoke, he held out his young son in his arms, commending him now to one or another, again to the whole assembly; finally, when tears choked his voice, taking his dagger from his side he offered it to the consul who stood beside him, as if surrendering his power of life and death over the citizens. The consul's name was Caecilius Simplex. When he refused it and the assembled people cried out in protest, Vitellius left them with the intention of depositing the imperial insignia in the Temple of Concord and after that going to his brother's home. Thereupon the people with louder cries opposed his going to a private house, but called him to the palace. Every other path was blocked against him; the only road open was along the Sacred Way. Then in utter perplexity he returned to the palace. 3.69. The rumour had already spread abroad that he was abdicating, and Flavius Sabinus had written to the tribunes of the cohorts to hold the troops in check. Therefore, as if the entire state had fallen into Vespasian's arms, the leading senators, a majority of the equestrian order, and all the city guards and watchmen crowded the house of Flavius Sabinus. Word was brought there concerning the temper of the people and the threats of the German cohorts; but by this time Sabinus had already gone too far to retreat; and everyone, fearing for himself lest the Vitellian troops should attack the Flavians when scattered and therefore weak, urged the hesitating prefect to armed action. But, as generally happens in such cases, while all gave advice, few faced danger. As Sabinus and his armed retinue were coming down by the reservoir of Fundanus, they were met by the most eager of the supporters of Vitellius. The conflict was of trifling importance, for the encounter was unforeseen, but it was favourable to the Vitellian forces. In his uncertainty Sabinus chose the easiest course under the circumstances and occupied the citadel on the Capitoline with a miscellaneous body of soldiers, and with some senators and knights, whose names it is not easy to report, since after Vespasian's victory many claimed to have rendered this service to his party. Some women even faced the siege; the most prominent among them was Verulana Gratilla, who was not following children or relatives but was attracted by the fascination of war. While the Vitellians besieged Sabinus and his companions they kept only a careless watch; therefore in the depth of night Sabinus called his own sons and his nephew Domitian into the Capitol. He succeeded also in sending a messenger through his opponents' slack pickets to the Flavian generals to report that they were besieged and in a difficult situation unless help came. In fact the night was so quiet that Sabinus could have escaped himself without danger; for the soldiers of Vitellius, while ready to face dangers, had little regard for hard work and picket duty; besides a sudden downpour of winter rain rendered seeing and hearing difficult. 3.70. At daybreak, before hostilities could begin on either side, Sabinus sent Cornelius Martialis, a centurion of the first rank, to Vitellius with orders to complain that he had broken their agreement. This was his message: "You have made simply a pretence and show of abdicating in order to deceive all these eminent men. For why did you go from the rostra to your brother's house which overlooks the Forum and invites men's eyes, rather than to the Aventine and to your wife's home there? That was the action proper to a private citizen who wished to avoid all the show that attaches to the principate. On the contrary, you went back to the palace, to the very citadel of the imperial power. From there an armed band has issued; the most crowded part of the city has been strewn with the bodies of innocent men; even the Capitol is not spared. I, Sabinus, am of course only a civilian and a single senator. So long as the question between Vespasian and Vitellius was being adjudged by battles between the legions, by the capture of cities and the surrender of cohorts, although the Spains, the Germanies, and Britain fell away, I, Vespasian's own brother, still remained faithful to you until I was invited to a conference. Peace and concord are advantageous to the defeated; to the victors they are only glorious. If you regret your agreement, you should not attack me whom your treachery has deceived, or Vespasian's son, who is as yet hardly more than a child. What is the advantage in killing one old man and one youth? You should rather go and face the legions and fight in the field for the supremacy. Everything else will follow the issue of the battle." Vitellius was disturbed by these words and made a brief reply to excuse himself, putting the blame on his soldiers, with whose excessive ardour, he declared, his own moderation could not cope. At the same time he advised Martialis to go away privately through a secret part of the palace, that the soldiers might not kill him as the mediator of a peace which they detested. As for himself, he was powerless to order or to forbid; he was no longer emperor, but only a cause of war. 3.83. The populace stood by watching the combatants, as if they were games in the circus; by their shouts and applause they encouraged first one party and then the other. If one side gave way and the soldiers hid in shops or sought refuge in some private house, the onlookers demanded that they be dragged out and killed; for so they gained a larger share of booty, since the troops were wholly absorbed in their bloody work of slaughter, while the spoils fell to the rabble. Horrible and hideous sights were to be seen everywhere in the city: here battles and wounds, there open baths and drinking shops; blood and piles of corpses, side by side with harlots and the compeers of harlots. There were all the debauchery and passion that obtain in a dissolute peace, every crime that can be committed in the most savage conquest, so that men might well have believed that the city was at once mad with rage and drunk with pleasure. It is true that armed forces had fought before this in the city, twice when Lucius Sulla gained his victories and once when Cinna won. There was no less cruelty then than now; but now men showed inhuman indifference and never relaxed their pleasures for a single moment. As if this were a new delight added to their holidays, they gave way to exultation and joy, wholly indifferent to either side, finding pleasure in public misfortune. 3.84. The greatest difficulty was met in taking the Praetorian Camp, which the bravest soldiers defended as their last hope. The resistance made the victors only the more eager, the old praetorian cohorts being especially determined. They employed at the same time every device that had ever been invented for the destruction of the strongest cities â the "tortoise," artillery, earthworks, and firebrands â shouting that all the labour and danger that they had suffered in all their battles would be crowned by this achievement. "We have given back the city to the senate and the Roman people," they cried; "we have restored the temples to the gods. The soldier's glory is in his camp: that is his native city, that his penates. If the camp is not at once recovered, we must spend the night under arms." On their side the Vitellians, unequal though they were in numbers and in fortune, by striving to spoil the victory, to delay peace, and to defile the houses and altars of the city with blood, embraced the last solace left to the conquered. Many, mortally wounded, breathed their last on the towers and battlements; when the gates were broken down, the survivors in a solid mass opposed the victors and to a man fell giving blow for blow, dying with faces to the foe; so anxious were they, even at the moment of death, to secure a glorious end. On the capture of the city Vitellius was carried on a chair through the rear of the palace to his wife's house on the Aventine, so that, in case he succeeded in remaining undiscovered during the day, he might escape to his brother and the cohorts at Tarracina. But his fickle mind and the very nature of terror, which makes the present situation always seem the worst to one who is fearful of everything, drew him back to the palace. This he found empty and deserted, for even the meanest of his slaves had slipped away or else avoided meeting him. The solitude and the silent spaces filled him with fright: he tried the rooms that were closed and shuddered to find them empty. Exhausted by wandering forlornly about, he concealed himself in an unseemly hiding-place; but Julius Placidus, tribune of a cohort, dragged him to the light. With his arms bound behind his back, his garments torn, he presented a grievous sight as he was led away. Many cried out against him, not one shed a tear; the ugliness of the last scene had banished pity. One of the soldiers from Germany met him and struck at him in rage, or else his purpose was to remove him the quicker from insult, or he may have been aiming at the tribune â no one could tell. He cut off the tribune's ear and was at once run through. |
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| 51. Lucan, Pharsalia, 7.18-7.19, 7.29, 8.793, 8.816-8.821, 9.190-9.214 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 10, 11, 12 |
| 52. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 11.8, 14.17, 25.5, 41.1-41.2, 83.1, 94.69-94.70 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 10, 14, 15, 155 |
| 53. Juvenal, Satires, 3.134, 5.104-5.106, 10.133-10.137, 10.157-10.158, 10.223-10.224 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 15, 189 |
| 54. Tacitus, Agricola, 43, 40 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 189 |
| 55. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 1.2.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 175 |
| 56. Silius Italicus, Punica, 5.151-5.152, 12.567-12.571, 12.573 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 155, 189 |
| 57. Suetonius, Augustus, 29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182 |
58. Tacitus, Annals, 1.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Pandey (2018) 246| 1.8. Nihil primo senatus die agi passus est nisi de supre- mis Augusti, cuius testamentum inlatum per virgines Vestae Tiberium et Liviam heredes habuit. Livia in familiam Iuliam nomenque Augustum adsumebatur; in spem secundam nepotes pronepotesque, tertio gradu primores civitatis scripserat, plerosque invisos sibi sed iactantia gloriaque ad posteros. legata non ultra civilem modum, nisi quod populo et plebi quadringenties tricies quinquies, praetoriarum cohortium militibus singula nummum milia, urbanis quingenos, legionariis aut cohortibus civium Romanorum trecenos nummos viritim dedit. tum consultatum de honoribus; ex quis qui maxime insignes visi, ut porta triumphali duceretur funus Gallus Asinius, ut legum latarum tituli, victarum ab eo gentium vocabula anteferrentur L. Arruntius censuere. addebat Messala Valerius renovandum per annos sacramentum in nomen Tiberii; interrogatusque a Tiberio num se mandante eam sententiam prompsisset, sponte dixisse respondit, neque in iis quae ad rem publicam pertinerent consilio nisi suo usurum vel cum periculo offensionis: ea sola species adulandi supererat. conclamant patres corpus ad rogum umeris senatorum ferendum. remisit Caesar adroganti moderatione, populumque edicto monuit ne, ut quondam nimiis studiis funus divi Iulii turbassent, ita Augustum in foro potius quam in campo Martis, sede destinata, cremari vellent. die funeris milites velut praesidio stetere, multum inridentibus qui ipsi viderant quique a parentibus acceperant diem illum crudi adhuc servitii et libertatis inprospere repetitae, cum occisus dictator Caesar aliis pessimum aliis pulcherrimum facinus videretur: nunc senem principem, longa potentia, provisis etiam heredum in rem publicam opibus, auxilio scilicet militari tuendum, ut sepultura eius quieta foret. 1.8. Prorogatur Poppaeo Sabino provincia Moesia, additis Achaia ac Macedonia. id quoque morum Tiberii fuit, continuare imperia ac plerosque ad finem vitae in isdem exercitibus aut iurisdictionibus habere. causae variae traduntur: alii taedio novae curae semel placita pro aeternis servavisse, quidam invidia, ne plures fruerentur; sunt qui existiment, ut callidum eius ingenium, ita anxium iudicium; neque enim eminentis virtutes sectabatur, et rursum vitia oderat: ex optimis periculum sibi, a pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat. qua haesitatione postremo eo provectus est ut mandaverit quibusdam provincias, quos egredi urbe non erat passurus. | 1.8. The only business which he allowed to be discussed at the first meeting of the senate was the funeral of Augustus. The will, brought in by the Vestal Virgins, specified Tiberius and Livia as heirs, Livia to be adopted into the Julian family and the Augustan name. As legatees in the second degree he mentioned his grandchildren and great-grandchildren; in the third place, the prominent nobles â an ostentatious bid for the applause of posterity, as he detested most of them. His bequests were not above the ordinary civic scale, except that he left 43,500,000 sesterces to the nation and the populace, a thousand to every man in the praetorian guards, five hundred to each in the urban troops, and three hundred to all legionaries or members of the Roman cohorts. The question of the last honours was then debated. The two regarded as the most striking were due to Asinius Gallus and Lucius Arruntius â the former proposing that the funeral train should pass under a triumphal gateway; the latter, that the dead should be preceded by the titles of all laws which he had carried and the names of all peoples whom he had subdued. In addition, Valerius Messalla suggested that the oath of allegiance to Tiberius should be renewed annually. To a query from Tiberius, whether that expression of opinion came at his dictation, he retorted â it was the one form of flattery still left â that he had spoken of his own accord, and, when public interests were in question, he would (even at the risk of giving offence) use no man's judgment but his own. The senate clamoured for the body to be carried to the pyre on the shoulders of the Fathers. The Caesar, with haughty moderation, excused them from that duty, and warned the people by edict not to repeat the enthusiastic excesses which on a former day had marred the funeral of the deified Julius, by desiring Augustus to be cremated in the Forum rather than in the Field of Mars, his appointed resting-place. On the day of the ceremony, the troops were drawn up as though on guard, amid the jeers of those who had seen with their eyes, or whose fathers had declared to them, that day of still novel servitude and freedom disastrously re-wooed, when the killing of the dictator Caesar to some had seemed the worst, and to others the fairest, of high exploits:â "And now an aged prince, a veteran potentate, who had seen to it that not even his heirs should lack for means to coerce their country, must needs have military protection to ensure a peaceable burial!" |
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| 59. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 3.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 10 |
| 60. Lucian, Nigrinus, 20 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 9 |
61. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 52.34.3, 54.25, 54.34, 56.35-56.45 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 1, 175; Pandey (2018) 246, 249 | 52.34.3. Indeed, you will never be alone, but always in the company of many when you do anything; and since the remainder of mankind somehow take the keenest delight in prying into the conduct of their rulers, if once they ascertain that you are recommending to them one course but are yourself taking another, instead of fearing your threats they will imitate your actions. 54.25. 1. Now when Augustus had finished all the business which occupied him in the several provinces of Gaul, of Germany and of Spain, having spent large sums from others, having bestowed freedom and citizenship upon some and taken them away from others, he left Drusus in Germany and returned to Rome himself in the consulship of Tiberius and Quintilius Varus.,2. Now it chanced that the news of his coming reached the city during those days when Cornelius Balbus was celebrating with spectacles the dedication of theatre which is even toâday called by his name; and Balbus accordingly began to put on airs, as if it were he himself that was going to bring Augustus back, â although he was unable even to enter his theatre, except by boat, on account of the flood of water caused by the Tiber, which had overflowed its banks, â and Tiberius put the vote to him first, in honour of his building the theatre.,3. For the senate convened, and among its other decrees voted to place an altar in the senate-chamber itself, to commemorate the return of Augustus, and also voted that those who approached him as suppliants while he was inside the pomerium should not be punished. Nevertheless, he accepted neither of these honours, and even avoided encountering the people on this occasion also;,4. for he entered the city at night. This he did nearly always when he went out to the suburbs or anywhere else, both on his way out and on his return, so that he might trouble none of the citizens. The next day he welcomed the people in the palace, and then, ascending the Capitol, took the laurel from around his fasces and placed it upon the knees of Jupiter; and he also placed baths and barbers at the service of the people free of charge on that day.,5. After this he convened the senate, and though he made no address himself by reason of hoarseness, he gave his manuscript to the quaestor to read and thus enumerated his achievements and promulgated rules as to the number of years the citizens should serve in the army and as to the amount of money they should receive when discharged from service, in lieu of the land which they were always demanding.,6. His object was that the soldiers, by being enlisted henceforth on certain definite terms, should find no excuse for revolt on this score. The number of years was twelve for the Pretorians and sixteen for the rest; and the money to be distributed was less in some cases and more in others. These measures caused the soldiers neither pleasure nor anger for the time being, because they neither obtained all they desired nor yet failed of all; but in the rest of the population the measures aroused confident hopes that they would not in future be robbed of their possessions. 54.34. 1. While Drusus was thus occupied, the festival belonging to his praetorship was celebrated in the most costly manner; and the birthday of Augustus was honoured by the slaughter of wild beasts both in the Circus and in many other parts of the city.,2. This was done almost every year by one of the praetors then in office, even if not authorised by a decree; but the Augustalia, which are still observed, were then for the first time celebrated in pursuance of a decree.,3. Tiberius subdued the Dalmatians, who began a rebellion, and later the Pannonians, who likewise revolted, taking advantage of the absence of himself and the larger part of his army. He made war upon both of them at once, shifting now to one front and now to the other.,4. As a result of this Dalmatia was given over into the keeping of Augustus, because of the feeling that it would always require armed forces both on its own account and because of the neighbouring Pannonians.,5. These men, then, were thus engaged. At this same period Vologaesus, a Bessian from Thrace and a priest of the Dionysus worshipped by that people, gained a following by practising many divinations, and with these adherents revolted. He conquered and killed Rhascyporis, the son of Cotys, and afterwards, thanks to his reputation for supernatural power, he stripped Rhoemetalces, the victim's uncle, of his forces without a battle and compelled him to take flight. In pursuit of him he invaded the Chersonese, where he wrought great havoc.,6. Because of these deeds of his and because of the injuries the Sialetae were causing to Macedonia, Lucius Piso was ordered to proceed against them from Pamphylia, where he was governor. The Bessi, now, when they heard that he was drawing near, retired homeward ahead of him. So he came into their country, and though defeated at first, vanquished them in turn and ravaged both their land and that of the neighbouring tribes which had taken part in the uprising.,7. At this time he reduced all of them to submission, winning over some with their consent, terrifying others into reluctant surrender, and coming to terms with others as the result of battles; and later, when some of them rebelled, he again enslaved them. For these successes thanksgivings and triumphal honours were granted him. 56.35. 1. "The words which required to be spoken in a private capacity by relatives over the Deified Augustus, Drusus has spoken. But the senate has wisely held him to be worthy of some kind of public eulogy as well; and while I recognize that the speech was fittingly entrusted to me,2. (for to whom more justly than to me, his son and successor, could the duty of praising him be entrusted?), still I cannot feel any confidence that my abilities measure up in any wise either to your desires in the matter or to his merits.,3. Indeed, if I were going to speak in the presence of strangers, I should be greatly concerned lest in following my speech they should believe his deeds to be no better than my account of them. But, as it is, I am encouraged by the thought that my words will be addressed to you who are thoroughly acquainted with all his achievements, who have known them all through personal experience, and for that reason have held him to be worthy of these words of praise.,4. For you will judge of his excellence, not from what I may say, but from what you yourselves know, and you will come to the aid of my discourse, supplying what is deficient by your memory of the events. Hence, in this respect also, his eulogy will be a public one, rendered by us all, as I, like the leader of a chorus, merely give out the leading words, while you join in and chant the rest.,5. For of this I assuredly am not afraid â either that you will find it a weakness in me that I am unable to attain to your desires, or that you yourselves will be jealous of one whose virtue so far surpassed your own. For who does not realize that not all mankind assembled together could worthily sound his praises,,6. and that you all of your own free will yield to him his triumphs, feeling no envy at the thought that not one of you could equal him, but rather rejoicing in the very fact of his surpassing greatness? For the greater he appears in comparison with you, the greater will seem the benefits which you have enjoyed, so that rancour will not be engendered in you because of your inferiority to him, but rather pride because of the blessings you have received at his hands. 56.36. 1. "I shall begin at the point where he began his public career, that is, with his earliest manhood. For this, indeed, is one of the greatest achievements of Augustus, that at the time when he had just emerged from boyhood and was barely coming to man's estate,,2. he devoted himself to his education just so long as public affairs were well managed by that demigod, Caesar, but when, after the conspiracy against Caesar, the whole State was thrown into confusion, he at one and the same time amply avenged his father and rendered much-needed assistance to you, neither fearing the multitude of his enemies nor dreading the magnitude of his responsibilities nor hesitating by reason of his own immaturity.,3. Yet what deed like this can be cited of Alexander of Macedon or of our own Romulus, who perhaps above all others are thought to have performed some notable exploit in youth? But these men I shall pass over, lest from merely comparing them with him and using them as examples â and that among you who know them as well as I â I may be thought to be detracting from the virtues of Augustus.,4. With Hercules alone and his exploits I might compare him, and should be thought justified in so doing, if that were all; but even so I should fall short of my purpose, in so far as Hercules in childhood only dealt with serpents, and when a man, with a stag or two and a boar which he killed, â oh yes, and a lion, to be sure, albeit reluctantly and at somebody's behest;,5. whereas Augustus, not among beasts, but among men, of his own free will, by waging war and enacting laws, literally saved the commonwealth and gained splendid renown for himself. Therefore it was, that in recognition of these services you chose him praetor and appointed him consul at an age when some are unwilling to serve even as common soldiers. 56.37. 1. "This then was the beginning of Augustus' political life, and this is likewise the beginning of my account of him. Soon afterwards, seeing that the largest and best element of the people and of the senate was in accord with him, but that Lepidus and Antony, Sextus, Brutus, and Cassius were resorting to factious machinations,,2. and fearing the city might become involved in many wars at once, and civil wars too, and thus be torn asunder and exhausted beyond all possibility of recovery, he accordingly dealt with them with the greatest prudence and to the greatest public good.,3. For he first attached to himself the powerful leaders who were menacing the very existence of the city, and with them fought the others until he had made an end of them; and when these were out of the way, he in turn freed us from the former. He chose, though against his will, to surrender a few to their wrath so that he might save the majority, and he chose to assume a friendly attitude towards each of them in turn so as not to have to fight with them all at once.,4. From all this he derived no personal gain, but aided us all in a signal manner. And yet why should one dwell on his exploits in the wars, whether civil or foreign, especially when the former ought never to have occurred at all, and the latter by the conquests gained show the benefits they brought better than any words can tell?,5. Moreover, since these exploits depended largely upon chance and their success was due to the aid of many citizens and many allies, he must share with them the credit for them, and these achievements might possibly be compared with the exploits of some other men.,6. These, accordingly, I shall omit; for they are described and depicted in many a book and painting, so that you can both read and behold them. But of the deeds which are in a peculiar sense those of Augustus himself, deeds which have never been performed by any other man, have not only caused our city to survive after many dangers of every kind but have rendered it more prosperous and powerful, â of these alone I shall speak.,7. For the recounting of them will not only confer upon him a unique glory, but will also afford the older men among you a pleasure unalloyed while giving the younger men most excellent instruction in the character and constitution of our government. 56.38. 1. "This Augustus, then, whom you deemed worthy of this title for the very reasons just cited, as soon as he had rid himself of the civil wars, in which his actions and his fortunes were not such as he himself desired but as Heaven decreed, first of all spared the lives of most of his opponents who had survived the various battles, thus in no wise imitating Sulla, who was called the Fortunate.,2. Not to recount them all, who does not know about Sosius, about Scaurus, the brother of Sextus, and particularly about Lepidus, who lived so long a time after his defeat and continued to be high priest throughout his whole life? Again, though he honoured his companions in arms with many great gifts, he did not permit them to indulge in any arrogant or wanton behaviour.,3. But since you know full well the various men in this category, especially Maecenas and Agrippa, so that in their case also I may omit the enumeration. These two qualities Augustus possessed which were never united in any other one man. There have, indeed, been conquerors, I know, who have spared their enemies, and others who have not permitted their companions to give way to license; but both virtues combined have never before been consistently and uniformly found in one and the same man.,4. For example, Sulla and Marius cherished hatred toward even the sons of those who had fought against them; and why need I mention the minor instances? Pompey and Caesar refrained in general from such hatred, and yet permitted their friends to do not a few things that were contrary to their own principles.,5. But this man so combined and fused the two qualities, that to his adversaries he made defeat seem victory, and to his comrades in arms proved that virtue is blest by fortune. 56.39. 1. "After these achievements, and when by kindness he had allayed all that remained of factional discord and by generosity had moderated the victorious soldiery, he might on the strength of this record and of the weapons and money at his command have been indisputably the sole lord of all, as, indeed, he had become by the very course of events.,2. Nevertheless, he refused; and like a good physician, who takes in hand a disease-ridden body and heals it, he first restored to health and then gave back to you the whole body politic. The significance of this act you may judge best by recalling that our fathers praised Pompey and the Metellus who flourished at that time because they voluntarily disbanded the forces with which they had waged war;,3. for if they, who possessed only a small force gathered for the occasion, and, besides, were confronted by rivals who would not allow them to do otherwise, acted thus and received praise for doing so, how could one fittingly characterize the magimity of Augustus?,4. He possessed all your armies, whose numbers you know; he was master of all your funds, so vast in amount; he had no one to fear or suspect, but might have ruled alone with the approval of all; yet he saw fit not to do this, but laid the arms, the provinces, and the money at your feet.,5. "You, therefore, on your part acted well and prudently, when you withheld your assent and did not permit him to retire to private life; for you knew well that a democracy could never accommodate itself to interests so vast, but that the leadership of one man would be most likely to conserve them, and so refused to return to what was nominally independence but really factional discord; and making choice of him, whom you had tested by his actual deeds and approved, you constrained him for a time at least to be your leader.,6. And when you had thus proved him far better than before, you compelled him for a second, a third, a fourth, and a fifth time to continue in the management of affairs. 56.40. 1. And this was but fitting; for who would not choose to be safe without trouble, to be prosperous without danger, to enjoy without stint the blessings of government while escaping the life of constant anxiety for its maintece? "Who was there that could rule better than Augustus even his own house, to say nothing of so many other human beings?,2. He it was who undertook as his own task to guard and preserve the provinces that were troublesome and at war, restoring to you such as were peaceful and free from danger; and though he supported so vast a number of soldiers as a permanent force to fight in your behalf, he permitted them to annoy no Roman citizen, but made them most formidable protectors against alien races while being to the people at home unarmed and unwarlike.,3. "Furthermore, as regards the members of the senate, he did not take away from them the right to cast lots for the governorship of provinces, but even offered them additional prizes as a reward for excellence; nor in connection with the senate's decrees did he do away with their privilege of voting, but even added safeguards for their freedom of speech.,4. From the people he transferred matters difficult of decision to the strict jurisdiction of the courts, but preserved to them the dignity of the elections; and at these elections he inculcated in the citizens the love of honour rather than the love of party strife, and eliminating the element of greed from their office-seeking, he put in its place the regard for reputation. His own wealth, which enhanced by sober living, he spent for the public needs; with the public funds he was as careful as if they were his own, but would not touch them as belonging to others.,5. He repaired all the public works that had suffered injury, but deprived none of the original builders of the glory of their founding. He also erected many new buildings, some in his own name and some in others', or else permitted these others to erect them, constantly having an eye to the public good, but grudging no one the private fame attaching to these services.,6. "Wantonness on the part of his next of kin he followed up relentlessly, but the offences of others he treated with human kindness. Those who had traits of excellence he ungrudgingly allowed to approach his own standard, but he did not try to censor those whose standards of life were different.,7. In fact, even in the case of such as conspired against him, he punished only those whose lives would have been of no profit even to themselves, while he treated the rest in such a way that for years afterward they could find no pretext true or false for attacking him. That he was, indeed, conspired against at times is not surprising, for even the gods do not please all alike; but the excellence of good rulers is discerned, not in the villainy of others, but in their own good deeds. 56.41. 1. "I have spoken, Quirites, only of his greatest and most striking characteristics, and in a rather summary way; for if one wished to enumerate all his qualities mainly one by one, he would require many days. Furthermore, I know well that though you will have heard from me only these few facts, yet they will lead you to recall in your own minds all the rest, so that you will feel that I have in a manner related those also.,2. For neither I, in what I have said about him, have been moved by a spirit of vain boasting, nor have you in listening; rather my purpose has been that his many noble achievements should gain the meed of everlasting glory in your souls.,3. Yet how can one refrain from mentioning his senators? Without giving offence he removed from their number the scum that had come to the surface from the factions, and by this very act exalted the remainder, magnified it by increasing the property requirement, and enriched it by grants of money; he voted on an equality with his colleagues and with them took part in a division of the house; he always communicated to them all the greatest and most important matters, either in the senate chamber or else at his house, whither he summoned different members at different times because of his age and bodily infirmity.,4. How can one refrain from mentioning the Roman people at large? For them he provided public works, largesses, games, festivals, amnesty, food in abundance, and safety, not only from the enemy and from evildoers, but even from the acts of Heaven, both those that befall by day and those also that befall by night. There are, again, the allies: for them he freed the liberty of its dangers and their alliance of its costs. There are the subject nations also: no one of them was ever treated with insolence or abuse.,5. How could one forget to mention a man who in private life was poor, in public life rich; who with himself was frugal, but towards others lavish of his means; who always endured every toil and danger himself on your behalf, but would not inflict upon you the hardship of so much as escorting him when he left the city or of meeting him when he returned; who on holidays admitted even the populace to his house, but on other days greeted even the senate only in its chamber?,6. How could one pass over the vast number of his laws and their precision? They contained for the wronged an all- sufficient consolation, and for the wrongdoers a not inhuman punishment. Or his rewards offered to those who married and had children? Or the prizes given to the soldiers without injury to anyone else?,7. Or, again, shall I not tell how satisfied he was with our possessions acquired once for all under the compulsion of necessity, but refused to subjugate any additional territory, the acquisition of which might, while seeming to give us a wider sway, have entailed the loss of even what we had? Or how he always shared the joys and sorrows, the jests and earnestness of his intimate friends,,8. and allowed all, in a word, who could make any useful suggestion to speak their minds freely? Or how he praised those who spoke the truth, but hated flatterers? Or how he bestowed upon many people large sums from his own means, and how, when anything was bequeathed to him by men who had children, he restored it all to the children? Could a speaker's forgetfulness cause all these things to be blotted out?,9. "It was for all this, therefore, that you, with good reason, made him your leader and a father of the people, that you honoured him with many marks of esteem and with ever so many consulships, and that you finally made him a demigod and declared him to be immortal. Hence it is fitting also that we should not mourn for him, but that, while we now at last give his body back to Nature, we should glorify his spirit, as that of a god, for ever." 56.42. 1. Such was the eulogy read by Tiberius. Afterwards the same men as before took up the couch and carried it through the triumphal gateway, according to a decree of the senate. Present and taking part in the funeral procession were the senate and the equestrian order, their wives, the pretorian guard, and practically all the others who were in the city at the time.,2. When the body had been placed on the pyre in the Campus Martius, all the priests marched round it first; and then the knights, not only those belonging to the equestrian order but the others as well, and the infantry from the garrison ran round it; and they cast upon it all the triumphal decorations that any of them had ever received from him for any deed of valour.,3. Next the centurions took torches, conformably to a decree of the senate, and lighted the pyre from beneath. So it was consumed, and an eagle released from it flew aloft, appearing to bear his spirit to heaven. When these ceremonies had been performed, all the other people departed;,4. but Livia remained on the spot for five days in company with the most prominent knights, and then gathered up his bones and placed them in his tomb. 56.43. 1. The mourning required by law was observed only for a few days by the men, but for a whole year by the women, in accordance with a decree. Real grief was not in the hearts of many at the time, but later was felt by all. For Augustus had been accessible to all alike and was accustomed to aid many persons in the matter of money. He showed great honour to his friends, and delighted exceedingly when they frankly spoke their opinions.,2. One instance, in addition to those already related, occurred in the case of Athenodorus. This man was once brought into his room in a covered litter, as if he were a woman, and leaping from it sword in hand cried: "Aren't you afraid that someone may enter in this way and kill you?" Augustus, far from being angry, thanked him for his suggestion.,3. Besides these traits of his, people also recalled that he did not get blindly enraged at those who had injured him, and that he kept faith even with those who were unworthy of it. For instance, there was a robber named Corocotta, who flourished in Spain, at whom he was so angry at first that he offered a million sesterces to the man that should capture him alive; but later, when the robber came to him of his own accord, he not only did him no harm, but actually made him richer by the amount of the reward.,4. Not alone for these reasons did the Romans greatly miss him, but also because by combining monarchy with democracy he preserved their freedom for them and at the same time established order and security, so that they were free alike from the license of a democracy and from the insolence of a tyranny, living at once in a liberty of moderation and in a monarchy without terrors; they were subjects of royalty, yet not slaves, and citizens of a democracy, yet without discord. 56.44. 1. If any of them remembered his former deeds in the course of the civil wars, they attributed them to the pressure of circumstances, and they thought it fair to seek for his real disposition in what he did after he was in undisputed possession of the supreme power; for this afforded in truth a mighty contrast.,2. Anybody who examines his acts in detail can establish this fact; but summing them all up briefly, I may state that he put an end to all the factional discord, transferred the government in a way to give it the greatest power, and vastly strengthened it. Therefore, even if an occasional deed of violence did occur, as is apt to happen in extraordinary situations, one might more justly blame the circumstances themselves than him.,3. Now not the least factor in his glory was the length of his reign. For the majority as well as the more powerful of those who had lived under the republic were now dead,,4. and the later generation, knowing naught of that form of government and having been reared entirely or largely under existing conditions, were not only not displeased with them, familiar as they now were, but actually took delight in them, since they saw that their present state was better and more free from terror than that of which they knew by tradition. 56.45. 1. Though the people understood all this during his lifetime, they nevertheless realized it more fully after he was gone; for human nature is so constituted that in good fortune it does not so fully perceive its happiness as it misses it when misfortune has come. This is what happened at that time in the case of Augustus. For when they found his successor Tiberius a different sort of man, they yearned for him who was gone.,2. Indeed, it was possible at once for people of any intelligence to foresee the change in conditions. For the consul Pompeius, upon going out to meet the men who were bearing the body of Augustus, received a blow on the leg and had to be carried back on a litter with the body; and an owl sat on the roof of the senate-house again at the very first meeting of the senate after his death and uttered many ill-omened cries.,3. At all events, the two emperors differed so completely from each other, that some suspected that Augustus, with full knowledge of Tiberius' character, had purposely appointed him his successor that his own glory might be enhanced thereby. |
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62. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 9.36, 10.18.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 16, 345 | 9.36. To Fuscus. You ask me how I spend the day on my Tuscan villa in summer time. Well, I wake at my own sweet will, usually about the first hour, though it is often before, and rarely later. I keep my windows shut, for it is remarkable how, when all is still and in darkness, and I am withdrawn from distracting influences and am left to myself, and free to do what I like, my thoughts are not led by my eyes, but my eyes by my thoughts; and so my eyes, when they have nothing else to look at, only see the objects which are present before my mind. If I have anything on hand, I think it over, and weigh every word as carefully as though I were actually writing or revising, and in this way I get through more or less work, according as the subject is easy or difficult to compose and bear in mind. I call for a shorthand writer, and, after letting in the daylight, I dictate the passages which I have composed, then he leaves me, and I send for him again, and once again dismiss him. At the fourth or fifth hour, according as the weather tempts me - for I have no fixed and settled plan for the day - I betake myself to my terrace or covered portico, and there again I resume my thinking and dictating. I ride in my carriage, and still continue my mental occupation, just as when I am walking or lying down. My concentration of thought is unaffected, or rather is refreshed by the change. Then I snatch a brief sleep and again walk, and afterwards read aloud a Greek or Latin speech, as clearly and distinctly as I can, not so much to exercise the vocal organs as to help my digestion, though it does at the same time strengthen my voice. I take another walk, then I am anointed, and take exercise and a bath. While I am at dinner, if I am dining with my wife or a few friends, a book is read to us, and afterwards we hear a comic actor or a musician; then I walk with my attendants, some of whom are men of learning. Thus the evening is passed away with talk on all sorts of subjects, and even the longest day is soon done. Sometimes I vary this routine, for, if I have been lying down, or walking for any length of time, as soon as I have had my sleep and read aloud, I ride on horseback instead of in a carriage, as it takes less time, and one gets over the ground faster. My friends come in from the neighbouring towns to see me, and take up part of the day, and occasionally, when I am tired, I welcome their call as a pleasant relief. Sometimes I go hunting, but never without my tablets, so that though I may take no game, I still have something to bring back with me. Part of my time too is given to my tets - though in their opinion not enough - and their clownish complaints give me a fresh zest for my literary work and my round of engagements in town. Farewell. |
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| 63. Aelius Aristides, Hymn To Serapis, 101 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Pandey (2018) 246 |
| 64. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 4.4.6, 6.8.9 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 300 |
| 65. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 47.6, 48.1, 48.3, 48.5, 49.1-49.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 299, 300 |
| 66. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 16.13 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 24 |
67. Vergil, Georgics, 3.1-3.48 Tagged with subjects: •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 10; Pandey (2018) 230, 233, 239| 3.1. Te quoque, magna Pales, et te memorande canemus 3.2. pastor ab Amphryso, vos, silvae amnesque Lycaei. 3.3. Cetera, quae vacuas tenuissent carmine mentes, 3.4. omnia iam volgata: quis aut Eurysthea durum 3.5. aut inlaudati nescit Busiridis aras? 3.6. Cui non dictus Hylas puer et Latonia Delos 3.7. Hippodameque umeroque Pelops insignis eburno, 3.8. acer equis? Temptanda via est, qua me quoque possim 3.9. tollere humo victorque virum volitare per ora. 3.10. Primus ego in patriam mecum, modo vita supersit, 3.11. Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas; 3.12. primus Idumaeas referam tibi, Mantua, palmas, 3.13. et viridi in campo templum de marmore ponam 3.14. propter aquam. Tardis ingens ubi flexibus errat 3.15. Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 3.16. In medio mihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit: 3.17. illi victor ego et Tyrio conspectus in ostro 3.18. centum quadriiugos agitabo ad flumina currus. 3.19. Cuncta mihi Alpheum linquens lucosque Molorchi 3.20. cursibus et crudo decernet Graecia caestu. 3.21. Ipse caput tonsae foliis ornatus olivae 3.22. dona feram. Iam nunc sollemnis ducere pompas 3.23. ad delubra iuvat caesosque videre iuvencos, 3.24. vel scaena ut versis discedat frontibus utque 3.25. purpurea intexti tollant aulaea Britanni. 3.26. In foribus pugnam ex auro solidoque elephanto 3.27. Gangaridum faciam victorisque arma Quirini, 3.28. atque hic undantem bello magnumque fluentem 3.29. Nilum ac navali surgentis aere columnas. 3.30. Addam urbes Asiae domitas pulsumque Niphaten 3.31. fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis, 3.32. et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste tropaea 3.33. bisque triumphatas utroque ab litore gentes. 3.34. Stabunt et Parii lapides, spirantia signa, 3.35. Assaraci proles demissaeque ab Iove gentis 3.36. nomina, Trosque parens et Troiae Cynthius auctor. 3.37. Invidia infelix Furias amnemque severum 3.38. Cocyti metuet tortosque Ixionis anguis 3.39. immanemque rotam et non exsuperabile saxum. 3.40. Interea Dryadum silvas saltusque sequamur 3.41. intactos, tua, Maecenas, haud mollia iussa. 3.42. Te sine nil altum mens incohat; en age segnis 3.43. rumpe moras; vocat ingenti clamore Cithaeron 3.44. Taygetique canes domitrixque Epidaurus equorum 3.45. et vox adsensu nemorum ingeminata remugit. 3.46. Mox tamen ardentis accingar dicere pugnas 3.47. Caesaris et nomen fama tot ferre per annos, 3.48. Tithoni prima quot abest ab origine Caesar. | |
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| 68. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.3-1.11.5, 2.59, 2.92 Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 175, 182, 331 |
69. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.405, 1.437-1.440, 8.348, 8.714-8.731 Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 148, 176, 331; Pandey (2018) 251 | 1.405. These words he gave, and summoned Maia's son, 1.437. Over her lovely shoulders was a bow, 1.438. lender and light, as fits a huntress fair; 1.439. her golden tresses without wimple moved 1.440. in every wind, and girded in a knot 8.348. the starting eyeballs stared. Then Hercules 8.714. Olympus calls. My goddess-mother gave 8.715. long since her promise of a heavenly sign 8.716. if war should burst; and that her power would bring 8.717. a panoply from Vulcan through the air, 8.718. to help us at our need. Alas, what deaths 8.719. over Laurentum's ill-starred host impend! 8.720. O Turnus, what a reckoning thou shalt pay 8.721. to me in arms! O Tiber , in thy wave 8.722. what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723. hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 8.725. He said: and from the lofty throne uprose. 8.726. Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire 8.727. acred to Hercules, and glad at heart 8.728. adored, as yesterday, the household gods 8.729. revered by good Evander, at whose side 8.730. the Trojan company made sacrifice 8.731. of chosen lambs, with fitting rites and true. |
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| 70. Arch., Att., 2.16.2, 4.1.5, 12.21.5, 14.16.2 Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 16, 155, 175, 182 |
| 71. Strabo, Geography, 17.54 Tagged with subjects: •augustus/octavian, as object of public gaze Found in books: Pandey (2018) 253 |
| 73. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Or., 7.27.1, 12.2.10 Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public, withdrawal from •withdrawal from public gaze Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182 |
| 74. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Copa, 16 Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 18 |
| 75. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 2.13.45 Tagged with subjects: •gaze, public Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 10 |
