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63 results for "galba"
1. Ennius, Annales, 372-373 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105
2. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 124, 106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
3. Cicero, In Verrem, 1.15.45, 2.5.41, 2.5.106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
4. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 2.15.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
5. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 8.2.1, 8.11.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
6. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.83 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •emperors, galba Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105
1.83. Should not the physical philosopher therefore, that is, the explorer and tracker-out of nature, be ashamed to go to minds besotted with habit for evidence of truth? On your principle it will be legitimate to assert that Jupiter always wears a beard and Apollo never, and that Minerva has grey eyes and Neptune blue. Yes, and at Athens there is a much-praised statue of Vulcan made by Alcamenes, a standing figure, draped, which displays a slight lameness, though not enough to be unsightly. We shall therefore deem god to be lame, since tradition represents Vulcan so. Tell me now, do we also make out the gods to have the same names as those by which they are known to us?
7. Cicero, On Laws, 2.22, 2.38-2.39, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
8. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.76, 2.96 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 129
9. Catullus, Poems, 36.11-36.13, 45.6-45.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •emperors, galba Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105, 106
10. Asconius Pedianus Quintus, In Pisonianam, 9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 129
11. Horace, Letters, 2.2.81-2.2.85 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 163
12. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 7.64.5, 9.25.2, 10.55.3, 11.43.5, 12.2.9, 12.15, 15.3.4-15.3.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 129, 159
7.64.5.  Such was the intention of Marcius in this affair; but to the festering anger and envy of enemies the action, when considered by itself, appeared a kind of flattery of the people and a bribery tending toward tyranny. As a result the whole Forum was full of clamour and tumult and neither Marcius himself nor the consul nor anyone else had any answer to make to the charge, so incredible and unexpected did it appear to them. 9.25.2.  For of adult citizens there were more than 110,000, as appeared by the latest census; and the number of the women, children, domestics, foreign traders and artisans who plied the menial trades — for no Roman citizen was permitted to earn a livelihood as a tradesman or artisan — was not less than treble the number of the citizens. This multitude was not easy to placate; for they were exasperated at their misfortune, and gathering together in the Forum, clamoured against the magistrates, rushed in a body to the houses of the rich and endeavoured to seize without payment the provisions that were stored up by them. 10.55.3.  The populace praising them for their goodwill and rushing in a body to the senate-house, Sestius was forced to assemble the senate alone, Menenius being unable to attend by reason of his illness, and proposed to them the consideration of the laws. Many speeches were made on this occasion also both by those who contended that the commonwealth ought to be governed by laws and by those who advised adhering to the customs of their ancestors. 11.43.5.  Those who departed from the camp marched throughout the entire day, and when evening came on, arrived in Rome, no one having announced their approach. Hence they caused the inhabitants no slight dismay, since they thought that a hostile army had entered the city; and there was shouting and disorderly running to and fro throughout the city. Nevertheless, the confusion did not last long enough to produce any mischief. For the soldiers, passing through the streets, called out that they were friends and had come for the good of the commonwealth; and they made their words match their deeds, as they did no harm to anyone. 12.2.9.  Thus Maelius, who craved greatness and came very close to gaining the leadership over the Roman people, came to an unenviable and bitter end. When his body had been carried into the Forum and exposed to the view of all the citizens, there was a rush thither and a clamour and uproar on the part of all who were in the Forum, as some bewailed his fate, others angrily protested, and still others were eager to come to blows with the perpetrators of the deed. 12.15. 1.  (21) Veii was in no respect inferior to Rome as a place in which to live, possessing much fertile land, partly hilly and partly level, and an atmosphere surrounding it that was most pure and conducive to the health of human beings. For there was neither any marsh near by as a source of oppressive and foul vapours nor any river to send up cold breezes at dawn, and its supplies of water were neither scanty nor brought in from outside, but rose in the neighbourhood and were abundant and most excellent for drinking. 15.3.4.  The Campanians, taking these men into their homes, welcomed them with lavish tables and entertained them with all the other marks of hospitality. For the manner of life of the Campanians is extravagant and luxurious enough now, and was then, and will be for all time to come, since they dwell in a plain that is rich in both crops and flocks and is most salubrious for men who till the soil. 15.3.5.  At first, accordingly, the garrison gladly accepted the hospitality of these people; then, as their souls grew corrupted by the surfeit of good things, they gradually gave way to base considerations, and remarked when meeting that they would be playing the part of witless men if they left such great good fortune behind and returned to their life at Rome, where the land was wretched and there were numerous war taxes, where there was no respite from wars and evils, and the rewards for the hardships suffered by all in common were at the disposition of a few.
13. Livy, History, 3.56.8, 5.24.5-5.24.6, 5.55.4-5.55.5, 7.38.7, 9.30.5, 22.55.3, 23.4.4, 23.25.1, 23.45.2, 27.37.7, 31.12.9-31.12.10, 40.5.7, 45.1.2-45.1.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 129
45.1.2. quarto post die, quam cum rege est pugnatum, cum in circo ludi fierent, murmur repente populi tota spectacula pervasit pugnatum in Macedonia et devictum regem esse; 45.1.3. dein fremitus increvit; postremo clamor plaususque velut certo nuntio victoriae allato est exortus. 45.1.4. mirari magistratus et quaerere auctorem repentinae laetitiae; qui postquam nullus erat, evanuit quidem tamquam certae rei gaudium, omen tamen laetum insidebat animis.
14. Propertius, Elegies, 2.13.20 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
15. Plutarch, Cicero, 44.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
44.3. τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθʼ ἕνα τῶν παίδων ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παραπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀποπέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δʼ οὗτος ἦν προσιὼν κατʼ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος. 44.3.
16. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.63-18.64 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37
18.63. 3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. 18.64. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.
17. Plutarch, Lucullus, 43.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
43.2. τὰ δὲ φάρμακα δοθῆναι μὲν, ὡς ἀγαπῷτο μᾶλλον ὁ Καλλισθένης ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἔχειν δοκοῦντα τὴν δύναμιν, ἐκστῆσαι δὲ καὶ κατακλύσαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὥστʼ ἔτι ζῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν διοικεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀπέθανε, καθάπερ ἂν ἂν supplied by Reiske. ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς πολιτείας αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠχθέσθη καὶ συνέδραμε, καὶ τὸ σῶμα κομισθὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων νεανίσκων ἐβιάζετο θάπτειν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεως, ὅπου καὶ Σύλλαν ἔθαψεν. 43.2.
18. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 3.522-3.531 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37
3.522. 9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon shipboard as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies’ hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, 3.523. for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian’s vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. 3.524. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; 3.525. yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the other, and were drowned, they and their ships together. 3.526. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. 3.527. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; 3.528. and indeed they were destroyed after various manners everywhere, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: 3.529. but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. 3.530. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. 3.531. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred.
19. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 15.1, 16.1, 17.1, 17.3, 32.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159, 163
15.1. ἀλλὰ τοῦ γε Μαρκίου πολλὰς ὑποφαίνοντος ὠτειλὰς ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀγώνων, ἐν οἷς ἐπρώτευσεν ἑπτακαίδεκα ἔτη συνεχῶς στρατευόμενος, ἐδυσωποῦντο τὴν ἀρετὴν, καὶ λόγον ἀλλήλοις ἐδίδοσαν ὡς ἐκεῖνον ἀποδείξοντες. ἐπεὶ δέ, τῆς ἡμέρας ἐν ᾗ τὴν ψῆφον ἔδει φέρειν ἐνστάσης, ὁ Μάρκιος εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε σοβαρῶς ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς προπεμπόμενος, καὶ πάντες οἱ πατρίκιοι περὶ αὐτὸν ἐγένοντο φανεροὶ πρὸς μηδένʼ οὕτω μηδέποτε σπουδάσαντες, 16.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ σῖτος ἧκεν εἰς Ῥώμην, πολὺς μέν ὠνητὸς ἐξ Ἰταλίας, οὐκ ἐλάττων δὲ δωρητὸς ἐκ Συρακουσῶν, Γέλωνος τοῦ τυράννου πέμψαντος· ὥστε τοὺς πλείστους ἐν ἐλπίσι γενέσθαι χρησταῖς, ἅμα τῆς ἀπορίας καὶ τῆς διαφορᾶς τὴν πόλιν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι προσδοκῶντας, εὐθὺς οὖν βουλῆς ἀθροισθείσης περιχυθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἔξωθεν ἐκαραδόκει τό τέλος, ἐλπίζων ἀγορᾷ τε χρήσεσθαι φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ προῖκα τὰς δωρεὰς νεμήσεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἔνδον ἦσαν οἱ ταῦτα τὴν βουλὴν πείθοντες. 17.1. πολλὰ τοιαῦτα λέγων ὁ Μάρκιος ὑπερφυῶς εἶχε τοὺς νέους συνενθουσιῶντας αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς πλουσίους ὀλίγου δεῖν ἅπαντας, μόνον ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα τὴν πόλιν ἔχειν ἀήττητον καὶ ἀκολάκευτον βοῶντας, ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἠναντιοῦντο, ὑφορώμενοι τὸ ἀποβησόμενον. ἀπέβη δὲ χρηστὸν οὐδέν. οἱ γὰρ δήμαρχοι παρόντες, ὡς ᾔσθοντο τῇ γνώμῃ κρατοῦντα τὸν Μάρκιον, ἐξέδραμον εἰς τὸν ὄχλον μετὰ βοῆς παρακελευόμενοι συνίστασθαι καὶ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς πολλούς. 17.3. τότε μὲν οὖν ἑσπέρα καταλαβοῦσα τὴν ταραχὴν διέλυσεν· ἅμα δὲʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν δῆμον ἐξηγριωμένον ὁρῶντες οἱ ὕπατοι καὶ συντρέχοντα πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν ἔδεισαν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἀθροίσαντες ἐκέλευον σκοπεῖν ὅπως ἐπιεικέσι λόγοις καὶ δόγμασι χρηστοῖς πραΰνωσι καὶ καταστήσωσι τοὺς πολλούς, ὡς οὐ φιλοτιμίας οὖσαν ὥραν, οὐδʼ ὑπὲρ δόξης ἅμιλλαν, εἰ σωφρονοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καιρὸν ἐπισφαλῆ καὶ ὀξὺν, εὐγνώμονος πολιτείας καὶ φιλανθρώπου δεόμενον. 32.1. ἐπανελθόντων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων ἀκούσασα ἡ βουλή, καθάπερ ἐν χειμῶνι πολλῷ καὶ κλύδωνι τῆς πόλεως, ἄρασα τὴν ἀφʼ· ἱερᾶς ἀφῆκεν. ὅσοι γὰρ ἦσαν ἱερεῖς θεῶν ἢ μυστηρίων ὀργιασταὶ ἢ φύλακες ἢ τὴν ἀπʼ οἰωνῶν πάτριον οὖσαν ἐκ παλαιῶν μαντικὴν ἔχοντες, τούτους πάντας ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὸν Μάρκιον ἐψηφίσαντο, κεκοσμημένους ὡς ἦν ἑκάστῳ νόμος ἐν ταῖς ἱερουργίαις· λέγειν δὲ ταὐτὰ, καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὅπως ἀπαλλάξας τὸν πόλεμον οὕτω διαλέγηται περὶ τῶν Οὐολούσκων τοῖς πολίταις. 15.1. 16.1. 17.1. With many such words as these Marcius was beyond measure successful in filling the younger senators, and almost all the wealthy ones, with his own fierce enthusiasm, and they cried out that he was the only man in the city who disdained submission and flattery. But some of the older senators opposed him, suspecting the outcome. And the outcome was wholly bad. For the tribunes were present, and when they saw that the proposal of Marcius was likely to prevail, they ran out among the crowd with loud cries, calling upon the plebeians to rally to their help. 17.3. 32.1.
20. Lucan, Pharsalia, 9.215-9.216 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
21. Plutarch, Camillus, 42.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
42.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ προκαθημένου τοῦ Καμίλλου καὶ χρηματίζοντος ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὑπηρέτης πεμφθεὶς παρὰ τῶν δημάρχων ἐκέλευσεν ἀκολουθεῖν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα τῷ σώματι προσῆγεν ὡς ἀπάξων, κραυγὴ δὲ καὶ θόρυβος, οἷος οὔπω, κατέσχε τὴν ἀγοράν, τῶν μὲν περὶ τὸν Κάμιλλον ὠθούντων ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος τὸν δημόσιον, τῶν δὲ πολλῶν κάτωθεν ἕλκειν ἐπικελευομένων, ἀπορούμενος τοῖς παροῦσι τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν οὐ προήκατο, τοὺς δὲ βουλευτὰς ἀναλαβὼν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον. 42.2. But once when Camillus was seated in state and despatching public business in the forum, an officer, sent by the tribunes of the people, ordered him to follow, actually laying hands upon him as though to hale him away. All at once such cries and tumult as had never been heard before filled the forum, the friends of Camillus thrusting the plebeian officer down from the tribunal, and the multitude below ordering him to drag the dictator away. Camillus, perplexed at the issue, did not renounce his office, but taking the senators with him, marched off to their place of meeting.
22. Martial, Epigrams, 10.58.7-10.58.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 163
23. Martial, Epigrams, 10.58.7-10.58.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 163
24. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 8.3, 14.7, 33.2, 67.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 163
8.3. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ οἶ δα ὅπως ὁ Κικέρων, εἴπερ ἦν ἀληθές, ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς ὑπατείας οὐκ ἔγραψεν αἰτίαν δὲ εἶχεν ὕστερον ὡς ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ τότε παρασχόντι κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος μὴ χρησάμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀποδειλιάσας τὸν δῆμον ὑπερφυῶς περιεχόμενον τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὅς γε καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας εἰς τὴν βουλὴν εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐν ὑποψίαις ἦν ἀπολογουμένου καὶ περιπίπτοντος θορύβοις πονηροῖς, ἐπειδὴ πλείων τοῦ συνήθους ἐγίγνετο τῇ βουλῇ καθεζομένῃ χρόνος, ἐπῆλθε μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ περιέστη τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀπαιτῶν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κελεύων ἀφεῖναι. 14.7. Κάτωνα μὲν οὖν ἐπιχειρήσαντα τούτοις ἀντιλέγειν ἀπῆγεν εἰς φυλακὴν ὁ Καῖσαρ, οἰόμενος αὐτὸν ἐπικαλέσεσθαι τοὺς δημάρχους· ἐκείνου δὲ ἀφώνου βαδίζοντος ὁρῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐ μόνον τοὺς κρατίστους δυσφοροῦντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν αἰδοῖ τῆς Κάτωνος ἀρετῆς σιωπῇ καὶ μετὰ κατηφείας ἑπόμενον, αὐτὸς ἐδεήθη κρύφα τῶν δημάρχων ἑνὸς ἀφελέσθαι τὸν Κάτωνα. 33.2. τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥευμάτων πιμπλαμένην φυγαῖς τῶν πέριξ δήμων καὶ μεταστάσεσιν, οὔτε ἄρχοντι πεῖσαι ῥᾳδίαν οὖσαν οὔτε λόγῳ καθεκτήν, ἐν πολλῷ κλύδωνι καὶ σάλῳ μικρὸν ἀπολιπεῖν αὐτὴν ὑφʼ αὑτῆς ἀνατετράφθαι. πάθη γὰρ ἀντίπαλα καὶ βίαια κατεῖχε κινήματα πάντα τόπον. 67.4. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον κατελθόντων καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους, ὁ μὲν δῆμος οὔτε δυσχεραίνων οὔτε ὡς ἐπαινῶν τὰ πεπραγμένα τοῖς λεγομένοις προσεῖχεν, ἀλλʼ ὑπεδήλου τῇ πολλῇ σιωπῇ Καίσαρα μὲν οἰκτείρων, αἰδούμενος δὲ Βροῦτον, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἀμνηστίας τινὰς καὶ συμβάσεις πράττουσα πᾶσι Καίσαρα μὲν ὡς θεὸν τιμᾶν ἐψηφίσατο καὶ κινεῖν μηδὲ τὸ μικρότατον ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἄρχων ἐβούλευσε, τοῖς δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας τε διένειμε καὶ τιμὰς ἀπέδωκε πρεπούσας, ὥστε πάντας οἴεσθαι τὰ πράγματα κατάστασιν ἔχειν καὶ σύγκρασιν ἀπειληφέναι τὴν ἀρίστην. 8.3. 14.7. 33.2. 67.4.
25. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 2.4, 10.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 163
2.4. ἑτέρα δὲ ταραχὴ καὶ στάσις κατελάμβανε τὴν πόλιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀποδειχθήσεσθαι βασιλέως, οὔπω τῶν ἐπηλύδων κομιδῇ τοῖς πρώτοις συγκεκραμένων πολίταις, ἀλλʼ ἔτι τοῦ τε δήμου πολλὰ κυμαίνοντος ἐν ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῶν πατρικίων ἐν ὑποψίαις ἐκ τοῦ διαφόρου πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντων, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ βασιλεύεσθαι μὲν ἐδόκει πᾶσιν, ἤρισαν δὲ καὶ διέστησαν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ γένους, ὁπότερον παρέξει τὸν ἡγεμόνα, καὶ γάρ οἱ μετὰ Ῥωμύλου· 10.6. αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν κολαζομένην εἰς φορεῖον ἐνθέμενοι καὶ καταστεγάσαντες ἔξωθεν καὶ καταλαβόντες ἱμᾶσιν, ὡς μηδὲ φωνὴν ἐξάκουστον γενέσθαι, κομίζουσι διʼ ἀγορᾶς, ἐξίστανται δὲ πάντες σιωπῇ καὶ παραπέμπουσιν ἄφθογγοι μετά τινος δεινῆς κατηφείας οὐδὲ ἔστιν ἕτερον θέαμα φρικτότερον, οὐδʼ ἡμέραν ἡ πόλις ἄλλην ἄγει στυγνοτέραν ἐκείνης. 2.4. The city was now beset with fresh disturbance and faction over the king to be appointed in his stead, for the new comers were not yet altogether blended with the original citizens, but the commonalty was still like a surging sea, and the patricians full of jealousy towards one another on account of their different nationalities. It is indeed true that it was the pleasure of all to have a king, but they wrangled and quarrelled, not only about the man who should be their leader, but also about the tribe which should furnish him. 2.4. The city was now beset with fresh disturbance and faction over the king to be appointed in his stead, for the new comers were not yet altogether blended with the original citizens, but the commonalty was still like a surging sea, and the patricians full of jealousy towards one another on account of their different nationalities. It is indeed true that it was the pleasure of all to have a king, but they wrangled and quarrelled, not only about the man who should be their leader, but also about the tribe which should furnish him. 10.6. Then the culprit herself is placed on a litter, over which coverings are thrown and fastened down with cords so that not even a cry can be heard from within, and carried through the forum. All the people there silently make way for the litter, and follow it without uttering a sound, in a terrible depression of soul. No other spectacle is more appalling, nor does any other day bring more gloom to the city than this. 10.6. Then the culprit herself is placed on a litter, over which coverings are thrown and fastened down with cords so that not even a cry can be heard from within, and carried through the forum. All the people there silently make way for the litter, and follow it without uttering a sound, in a terrible depression of soul. No other spectacle is more appalling, nor does any other day bring more gloom to the city than this.
26. Plutarch, Pompey, 53.5, 61.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 163
53.5. αὐτῶν δὲ ἐκείνων μεῖζον ἐδόκει μέρος ἀπόντι Καίσαρι νέμειν ὁ δῆμος ἢ Πομπηΐῳ παρόντι τῆς τιμῆς, εὐθὺς γὰρ ἐκύμαινεν ἡ πόλις, καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα σάλον εἶχε καὶ λόγους διαστατικούς, ὡς ἡ πρότερον παρακαλύπτουσα μᾶλλον ἢ κατείργουσα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν φιλαρχίαν οἰκειότης ἀνῄρηται. 61.2. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔξωθεν φερόμενοι φυγῇ πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐνέπιπτον, οἱ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην οἰκοῦντες ἐξέπιπτον αὐτοὶ καὶ ἀπέλειπον τὴν πόλιν, ἐν χειμῶνι καὶ ταράχῳ τοσούτῳ τὸ μὲν χρήσιμον ἀσθενὲς ἔχουσαν, τὸ δὲ ἀπειθὲς ἰσχυρὸν καὶ δυσμεταχείριστον τοῖς ἄρχουσιν. οὐ γὰρ ἦν παῦσαι τὸν φόβον, οὐδὲ εἴασέ τις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ λογισμοῖς Πομπήϊον, ἀλλʼ ᾧ τις ἐνετύγχανε πάθει, φοβηθεὶς ἢ λυπηθεὶς ἢ διαπορήσας, τούτῳ φέρων ἐκεῖνον ἀνεπίμπλη· 53.5. 61.2.
27. Plutarch, Fabius, 8.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
8.3. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ ἔργου λόγος μείζων διεφοίτησεν εἰς Ῥώμην. καί Φάβιος μὲν ἀκούσας ἔφη μᾶλλον τοῦ Μινουκίου φοβεῖσθαι τήν εὐτυχίαν ἢ τήν ἀτυχίαν, ἢ τὴν ἀτυχίαν supplied by Sintenis, followed by Bekker. Cf. Morals , p. 195 d. Secunda se magis quam adversa timere, Livy, xxii. 25. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἦρτο καί μετὰ χαρᾶς εἰς ἀγορὰν συνέτρεχε, καί Μετίλιος ὁ δήμαρχος ἐπί τοῦ βήματος καταστὰς ἐδημηγόρει μεγαλύνων τὸν Μινούκιον, τοῦ δὲ Φαβίου κατηγορῶν οὐ μαλακίαν οὐδʼ ἀνανδρίαν, ἀλλʼ ἤδη προδοσίαν, 8.3. An exaggerated version of the affair speedily made its way to Rome, and Fabius, when he heard it, said he was more afraid of the success of Minucius than he would be of his failure. But the people were exalted in spirit and joyfully ran to a meeting in the forum. There Metilius their tribune mounted the rostra and harangued them, extolling Minucius, but denouncing Fabius, not as a weakling merely, nor yet as a coward, but actually as a traitor. 8.3. An exaggerated version of the affair speedily made its way to Rome, and Fabius, when he heard it, said he was more afraid of the success of Minucius than he would be of his failure. But the people were exalted in spirit and joyfully ran to a meeting in the forum. There Metilius their tribune mounted the rostra and harangued them, extolling Minucius, but denouncing Fabius, not as a weakling merely, nor yet as a coward, but actually as a traitor.
28. Plutarch, Galba, 26.3, 26.27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 138, 159, 163
26.3. οἷα δὲ ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ, τῶν μὲν ἀναστρέφειν, τῶν δὲ προϊέναι, τῶν δὲ θαρρεῖν, τῶν δὲ ἀπιστεῖν βοώντων, καὶ τοῦ φορείου, καθάπερ ἐν κλύδωνι, δεῦρο κἀκεῖ διαφερομένου καὶ πυκνὸν ἀπονεύοντος, ἐφαίνοντο πρῶτον ἱππεῖς, εἶτα ὁπλῖται διὰ τῆς Παύλου βασιλικῆς προσφερόμενοι, μιᾷ φωνῇ μέγα βοῶντες ἐκποδὼν ἵστασθαι τὸν ἰδιώτην. 26.3.
29. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 719-724, 726-735, 896-900, 725 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217
725. Adeste, Athenae! fida famulorum manus,
30. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 25.3, 32.2, 33.1, 34.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 163
25.3. ὁ δʼ ἐντυχὼν πρῶτος αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἀγορὰν πρὸ τῆς κρήνης, ἀναψύχουσι τοὺς ἵππους ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ περιρρεομένους, ἐθαύμαζε τὸν περὶ τῆς νίκης λόγον. 32.2. πεμφθῆναι δʼ αὐτὸν οὕτω λέγουσιν. ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἔν τε τοῖς ἱππικοῖς θεάτροις, ἃ κίρκους καλοῦσι, περί τε τήν ἀγορὰν ἰκρία πηξάμενοι, καὶ τἆλλα τῆς πόλεως μέρη καταλαβόντες, ὡς ἕκαστα παρεῖχε τῆς πομπῆς ἔποψιν, ἐθεῶντο καθαραῖς ἐσθῆσι κεκοσμημένοι. 33.1. τῆς δὲ τρίτης ἡμέρας ἕωθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπορεύοντο σαλπιγκταί μέλος οὐ προσόδιον καὶ πομπικόν, ἀλλʼ οἵῳ μαχομένους ἐποτρύνουσιν αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι, προσεγκελευόμενοι. 34.4. δηλῶν τὸν πρὸ αἰσχύνης θάνατον, ὃν οὐχ ὑπομείνας ὁ δείλαιος, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἐλπίδων τινῶν ἀπομαλακισθείς ἐγεγόνει μέρος τῶν αὑτοῦ λαφύρων. 25.3. The first man who met them in front of the spring in the forum, where they were cooling their horses, which were reeking with sweat, was amazed at their report of the victory. See the Coriolanus , iii. 4. 32.2. And it was conducted, In November, 167 B.C. they say, after the following fashion. The people erected scaffoldings in the theatres for equestrian contests, which they call circuses, and round the forum, occupied the other parts of the city which afforded a view of the procession, and witnessed the spectacle arrayed in white garments. 33.1. On the third day, as soon as it was morning, trumpeters led the way, sounding out no marching or processional strain, but such a one as the Romans use to rouse themselves to battle. 34.4. ignifying death in preference to disgrace; for this, however, the coward had not the heart, but was made weak by no one knows what hopes, and became a part of his own spoils.
31. Suetonius, Domitianus, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •emperors, galba Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 106
32. Suetonius, Galba, 21, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 14
33. Suetonius, Iulius, 56.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92
34. Suetonius, Nero, 38.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 129
35. Suetonius, Titus, 11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
36. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217
37. Suetonius, Claudius, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba (roman emperor) •galba, emperor Found in books: Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 14; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
38. Tacitus, Agricola, 2.3-3.1, 45 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48
39. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1, 1.1.4, 1.15-1.16, 1.32, 1.40, 1.72, 1.85, 2.9.1, 2.38, 2.101 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor •galba (roman emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 138, 139; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 320; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 78, 79; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
1.72.  Equal delight, but for different reasons, was felt when the destruction of Tigellinus was secured. ofonius Tigellinus was of obscure parentage; his youth had been infamous and in his old age he was profligate. Command of the city watch and of the praetorians and other prizes which belong to virtue he had obtained by vices as the quicker course; then, afterwards, he practised cruelty and later greed, offences which belong to maturity. He also corrupted Nero so that he was ready for any wickedness; he dared certain acts without Nero's knowledge and finally deserted and betrayed him. So no one was more persistently demanded for punishment from different motives, both by those who hated Nero and by those who regretted him. Under Galba Tigellinus had been protected by the influence of Titus Vinius, who claimed that Tigellinus had saved his daughter. He undoubtedly had saved her, not, however, prompted by mercy (he had killed so many victims!) but to secure a refuge for the future, since the worst of rascals in their distrust of the present and fear of a change always try to secure private gratitude as an off-set to public detestation, having no regard for innocence, but wishing to obtain mutual impunity in wrong-doing. These facts made the people more hostile toward him, and their old hatred was increased by their recent dislike for Titus Vinius. They rushed from every part of the city to the Palatine and the fora, and, pouring into the circus and theatres where the common people have the greatest licence, they broke out into seditious cries, until finally Tigellinus, at the baths of Sinuessa, receiving the message that the hour of his supreme necessity had come, amid the embraces and kisses of his mistresses, shamefully delaying his end, finally cut his throat with a razor, still further defiling a notorious life by a tardy and ignominious death. 1.85.  Both this speech, well adapted as it was to reprove and quiet the soldiers, and also his moderation (for he had not ordered the punishment of more than two) were gratefully received, and in this way those who could not be checked by force were calmed for the present. But the city was not yet quiet; there was the din of weapons and the face of war, for while the troops did not engage in any general riot, they nevertheless distributed themselves in disguise among the houses and suspiciously kept watch on all whom high birth or wealth or some distinction had made the object of gossip. Most of them believed that soldiers of Vitellius, too, had come to Rome to learn the sentiments of the different parties, so that there was suspicion everywhere, and the intimacy of the home was hardly free from fear. But there was the greatest terror in public, where men changed their spirit and looks according to the message that rumour brought at the moment, that they might not seem to lose heart over doubtful news or show too much joy over favourable report. Moreover, when the senate had assembled in the chamber, it was hard to maintain the proper measure in anything, that silence might not seem sullen or open speech suspicious; while Otho, who had so recently been a subject and had used the same terms, fully understood flattery. So the senators turned and twisted their proposals to mean this or that, many calling Vitellius an enemy and traitor; but the most foreseeing attacked him only with ordinary terms of abuse, although some made the truth the basis of their insults. Still they did this when there was an uproar and many speaking, or else they obscured their own meaning by a riot of words. 2.38.  The old greed for power, long ingrained in mankind, came to full growth and broke bounds as the empire became great. When resources were moderate, equality was easily maintained; but when the world had been subjugated and rival states or kings destroyed, so that men were free to covet wealth without anxiety, then the first quarrels between patricians and plebeians broke out. Now the tribunes made trouble, again the consuls usurped too much power; in the city and forum the first essays at civil war were made. Later Gaius Marius, who had sprung from the dregs of the people, and that most cruel of nobles, Lucius Sulla, defeated liberty with arms and turned it into tyranny. After them came Gnaeus Pompey, no better man than they, but one who concealed his purpose more cleverly; and thenceforth there was never any aim but supreme power. The legions made up of Roman citizens did not lay down their arms at Pharsalia or Philippi; much less were the armies of Otho and Vitellius likely to abandon war voluntarily. The same divine wrath, the same human madness, the same motives to crime drove them on to strife. The fact that these wars were ended by a single blow, so to speak, was due to the worthlessness of the emperors. However, my reflections on the character of antiquity and of modern times have taken me too far afield; now I return to my narrative.
40. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 14.1, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 159
41. Plutarch, Sulla, 33.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
33.4. Λουκρητίου δὲ Ὀφέλλα τοῦ Μάριον ἐκπολιορκήσαντος αἰτουμένου καὶ μετιόντος ὑπατείαν πρῶτον μὲν ἐκώλυεν ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ πολλῶν σπουδαζόμενος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε, πέμψας τινὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἑκατονταρχῶν ἀπέσφαξε τὸν ἄνδρα, καθεξόμενος αὐτὸς ἐπὶ βήματος ἐν τῷ Διοσκουρείῳ καὶ τὸν φόνον ἐφορῶν ἄνωθεν, τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην συλλαβόντων καὶ προσαγαγόντων τῷ βήματι, σιωπῆσαι κελεύσας τοὺς θορυβοῦντας αὐτὸς ἔφη κελεῦσαι τοῦτο, καὶ τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην ἀφεῖναι προσέταξεν. 33.4.
42. Musonius Rufus, Fragments, 15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 14
43. Tacitus, Annals, 1.2, 1.4.1-1.4.2, 1.72, 2.82, 3.4.2, 3.48.2, 11.22.1, 12.1, 15.53.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba (roman emperor) •galba, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 190; Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 14; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 320; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 80, 217; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
1.2. Postquam Bruto et Cassio caesis nulla iam publica arma, Pompeius apud Siciliam oppressus exutoque Lepido, interfecto Antonio ne Iulianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar dux reliquus, posito triumviri nomine consulem se ferens et ad tuendam plebem tribunicio iure contentum, ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent. neque provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant, suspecto senatus populique imperio ob certamina potentium et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido legum auxilio quae vi ambitu postremo pecunia turbabantur. 1.2. Interea manipuli ante coeptam seditionem Nauportum missi ob itinera et pontes et alios usus, postquam turbatum in castris accepere, vexilla convellunt direptisque proximis vicis ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar erat, retinentis centuriones inrisu et contumeliis, postremo verberibus insectantur, praecipua in Aufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quem dereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine per ludibrium rogitantes an tam immensa onera, tam longa itinera libenter ferret. quippe Rufus diu manipularis, dein centurio, mox castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam revocabat, vetus operis ac laboris et eo inmitior quia toleraverat. 1.72. Decreta eo anno triumphalia insignia A. Caecinae, L. Apronio, C. Silio ob res cum Germanico gestas. nomen patris patriae Tiberius, a populo saepius ingestum, repudiavit; neque in acta sua iurari quamquam censente senatu permisit, cuncta mortalium incerta, quantoque plus adeptus foret, tanto se magis in lubrico dictitans. non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi; nam legem maiestatis reduxerat, cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in iudicium veniebant, si quis proditione exercitum aut plebem seditionibus, denique male gesta re publica maiestatem populi Romani minuisset: facta arguebantur, dicta inpune erant. primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis specie legis eius tractavit, commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustris procacibus scriptis diffamaverat; mox Tiberius, consultante Pompeio Macro praetore an iudicia maiestatis redderentur, exercendas leges esse respondit. hunc quoque asperavere carmina incertis auctoribus vulgata in saevitiam superbiamque eius et discordem cum matre animum. 2.82. At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. vera prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regtibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores vivente adhuc Germanico Syria egressi laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quamvis leviter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum foris; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nec obstitit falsis Tiberius donec tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. 12.1. Caede Messalinae convulsa principis domus, orto apud libertos certamine, quis deligeret uxorem Claudio, caelibis vitae intoleranti et coniugum imperiis obnoxio. nec minore ambitu feminae exarserant: suam quaeque nobilitatem formam opes contendere ac digna tanto matrimonio ostentare. sed maxime ambigebatur inter Lolliam Paulinam M. Lollii consularis et Iuliam Agrippinam Germanico genitam: huic Pallas, illi Callistus fautores aderant; at Aelia Paetina e familia Tuberonum Narcisso fovebatur. ipse huc modo, modo illuc, ut quemque suadentium audierat, promptus, discordantis in consilium vocat ac promere sententiam et adicere rationes iubet. 12.1. Per idem tempus legati Parthorum ad expetendum, ut rettuli, Meherdaten missi senatum ingrediuntur mandataque in hunc modum incipiunt: non se foederis ignaros nec defectione a familia Arsacidarum venire, set filium Vononis, nepotem Phraatis accersere adversus dominationem Gotarzis nobilitati plebique iuxta intolerandam. iam fratres, iam propinquos, iam longius sitos caedibus exhaustos; adici coniuges gravidas, liberos parvos, dum socors domi, bellis infaustus ignaviam saevitia tegat. veterem sibi ac publice coeptam nobiscum amicitiam, et subveniendum sociis virium aemulis cedentibusque per reverentiam. ideo regum obsides liberos dari ut, si domestici imperii taedeat, sit regressus ad principem patresque, quorum moribus adsuefactus rex melior adscisceretur. 1.2.  When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold. 1.72.  In this year triumphal distinctions were voted to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, in return for their services with Germanicus. Tiberius rejected the title Father of his Country, though it had been repeatedly pressed upon him by the people: and, disregarding a vote of the senate, refused to allow the taking of an oath to obey his enactments. "All human affairs," so ran his comment, "were uncertain, and the higher he climbed the more slippery his position." Yet even so he failed to inspire the belief that his sentiments were not monarchical. For he had resuscitated the Lex Majestatis, a statute which in the old jurisprudence had carried the same name but covered a different type of offence — betrayal of an army; seditious incitement of the populace; any act, in short, of official maladministration diminishing the "majesty of the Roman nation." Deeds were challenged, words went immune. The first to take cognizance of written libel under the statute was Augustus; who was provoked to the step by the effrontery with which Cassius Severus had blackened the characters of men and women of repute in his scandalous effusions: then Tiberius, to an inquiry put by the praetor, Pompeius Macer, whether process should still be granted on this statute, replied that "the law ought to take its course." He, too, had been ruffled by verses of unknown authorship satirizing his cruelty, his arrogance, and his estrangement from his mother. 2.82.  But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:— "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve — it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. 12.1.  The execution of Messalina shook the imperial household: for there followed a conflict among the freedmen, who should select a consort for Claudius, with his impatience of celibacy and his docility under wifely government. Nor was competition less fierce among the women: each paraded for comparison her nobility, her charms, and her wealth, and advertised them as worthy of that exalted alliance. The question, however, lay mainly between Lollia Paulina, daughter of the consular Marcus Lollius, and Julia Agrippina, the issue of Germanicus. The latter had the patronage of Pallas; the former, of Callistus; while Aelia Paetina, a Tubero by family, was favoured by Narcissus. The emperor, who leaned alternately to one or the other, according to the advocate whom he had heard the last, called the disputants into council, and ordered each to express his opinion and to add his reasons.
44. Suetonius, Caligula, 6.1, 16.1, 24.2-24.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor •galba (roman emperor) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
45. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.26 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •emperors, galba Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105
46. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 163
52.16. 1.  "Witness to the truth of my words is borne by our past. For while we were but few in number and differed in no important respect from our neighbours, we got along well with our government and subjugated almost all Italy;,2.  but ever since we were led outside the peninsula and crossed over to many continents and many islands, filling the whole sea and the whole earth with our name and power, nothing good has been our lot. At first it was only at home and within our walls that we broke up into factions and quarrelled, but afterwards we even carried this plague out into the legions.,3.  Therefore our city, like a great merchantman manned with a crew of every race and lacking a pilot, has now for many generations been rolling and plunging as it has drifted this way and that in a heavy sea, a ship as it were without ballast. Do not, then, allow her to be longer exposed to the tempest;,4.  for you see that she is waterlogged. And do not let her be pounded to pieces upon a reef; for her timbers are rotten and she will not be able to hold out much longer. But since the gods have taken pity on her and have set you over her as her arbiter and overseer, prove not false to her, to the end that, even as now she has received a little by your aid, so she may survive in safety for the ages to come.
47. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.6.43-1.6.44 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
48. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 25.10.14, 30.9.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •emperors, galba Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105
25.10.14. He walked with a dignified bearing; his expression was very cheerful. His eyes were gray. He was so unusually tall that for some time no imperial robe could be found that was long enough for him. He took as his model Constantius, often spending the afternoon in some serious occupation, but accustomed to jest in public with his intimates. 30.9.6. His strong and muscular body, the gleam of his hair, his brilliant complexion, his grey eyes, with a gaze that was always sidelong and stern, his fine stature, and his regular features Cf. membrorum recta compage , xiv. 11, 28. completed a figure of regal charm and majesty.
49. Jerome, Epistula Ad Ephesios, 4.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 14
50. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 5.51  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 366
51. [Aristotle], Physiognomica, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105
52. Caesar, Bc, 2.23-2.30, 2.33-2.37  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92
53. Caesar, Bg, 1.7.1, 2.35.4, 3.1-3.6, 4.38.5, 5.47.4, 6.35-6.42, 7.62.10, 7.90.7  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92
54. Seneca The Younger, Nero, 57.1  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 159
55. Arch., Att., 1.16.11, 2.19.3, 4.15.6  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
56. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 2.5.1, 2.12, 2.14, 2.17-2.18, 3.1-3.2, 3.1.3, 3.2.1, 4.20.1, 4.21.1, 4.25, 4.26.1, 4.32, 5.44.2, 5.53.1  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37, 172
57. Epigraphy, Ils, 1157, 2186, 328, 330, 319  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 190
58. Epigraphy, Cil, 2.2661, 3.4366, 3.7836, 6.225, 8.14852  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 190
59. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.159-1.168, 1.419-1.420  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 139
1.159. weapons of war, spars, planks, and treasures rare, 1.160. once Ilium 's boast, all mingled with the storm. 1.161. Now o'er Achates and Ilioneus, 1.162. now o'er the ship of Abas or Aletes, 1.163. bursts the tempestuous shock; their loosened seams 1.165. Meanwhile how all his smitten ocean moaned, 1.166. and how the tempest's turbulent assault 1.167. had vexed the stillness of his deepest cave, 1.168. great Neptune knew; and with indigt mien 1.419. upon him broke, resolved to take survey 1.420. of this strange country whither wind and wave
60. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.79  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37
61. Strabo, Geography, 12.6.3  Tagged with subjects: •galba, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 320
12.6.3. On the side of Isaurice lies Derbe, which lies closer to Cappadocia than to any other country and was the royal seat of the tyrant Antipater Derbetes. He also possessed Laranda. But in my time Derbe and also the two Isauras have been held by Amyntas, who attacked and killed Derbetes, although he received Isaura from the Romans. And, indeed, after destroying the Old Isaura, he built for himself a royal residence there. And though he was building a new wall in the same place, he did not live to complete it, but was killed by the Cilicians, when he was invading the country of the Homonadeis and was captured by ambuscade.
62. Epigraphy, Suppl.It., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 190
63. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 127-130, 309-315, 317-376, 316  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217