Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

   Search:  
validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       



Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.


graph

graph

All subjects (including unvalidated):
subject book bibliographic info
galba Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160
Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 159
Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 453
Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 323
Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 262
Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 147
Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 351, 352
Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 287, 289
Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 352
Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 195
Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55, 88, 137, 154
Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 259
Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 5, 107, 224, 226, 231, 234, 280, 356
Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 239
Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 76
Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 60
Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 52, 53, 159, 175, 277
Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160
Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 83, 363
galba, calpurnius piso, l., adopted by Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 190
galba, consul and general, sulpicius Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 219
galba, emperor Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 37, 172
Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 190
Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 14
Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 129, 138, 139, 159, 163
Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 320, 366
Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 78, 79, 80, 92, 217
galba, emperors Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 105, 106
galba, imperator caesar galba, ser. augustus Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 158, 232, 234, 235
galba, imperial adoption of piso by Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 59, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 93, 96
galba, piso, adoption by Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 59, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 93, 96
galba, portrait Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 159
galba, roman emperor Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 79
galba, s. sulpicius Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 205, 210, 211, 212, 213
galba, ser., cos. 144 sulpicius bce Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 220
galba, ser., sulpicius Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 138, 139, 142, 143
Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 290
galba, servius Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 116, 180, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190
galban, galbae, rome, warehouses, horrea Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 593, 673

List of validated texts:
7 validated results for "galba"
1. Suetonius, Otho, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Galba

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160

sup>
7.1 \xa0Next, as the day was drawing to its close, he entered the senate and after giving a brief account of himself, alleging that he had been carried off in the streets and forced to undertake the rule, which he would exercise in accordance with the general will, he went to the Palace. When in the midst of the other adulations of those who congratulated and flattered him, he was hailed by the common herd as Nero, he made no sign of dissent; on the contrary, according to some writers, he even made use of that surname in his commissions and his first letters to some of the governors of the provinces. Certain it is that he suffered Nero's busts and statues to be set up again, and reinstated his procurators and freedmen in their former posts, while the first grant that he signed as emperor was one of fifty million sesterces for finishing the Golden House."" None
2. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Galba • Galba, S. Sulpicius

 Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 195; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 205

sup>
16.1 \xa0The only thing for which he can fairly be censured was his love of money. For not content with reviving the imposts which had been repealed under Galba, he added new and heavy burdens, increasing the amount of tribute paid by the provinces, in some cases actually doubling it, and quite openly carrying on traffic which would be shameful even for a man in private life; for he would buy up certain commodities merely in order to distribute them at a profit.'' None
3. Tacitus, Annals, 1.4.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Galba • Galba, Emperor

 Found in books: Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 226; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 80

sup>
1.4.2 \xa0It was thus an altered world, and of the old, unspoilt Roman character not a trace lingered. Equality was an outworn creed, and all eyes looked to the mandate of the sovereign â\x80\x94 with no immediate misgivings, so long as Augustus in the full vigour of his prime upheld himself, his house, and peace. But when the wearing effects of bodily sickness added themselves to advancing years, and the end was coming and new hopes dawning, a\xa0few voices began idly to discuss the blessings of freedom; more were apprehensive of war; others desired it; the great majority merely exchanged gossip derogatory to their future masters:â\x80\x94 "Agrippa, fierce-tempered, and hot from his humiliation, was unfitted by age and experience for so heavy a burden. Tiberius Nero was mature in years and tried in war, but had the old, inbred arrogance of the Claudian family, and hints of cruelty, strive as he would to repress them, kept breaking out. He had been reared from the cradle in a regt house; consulates and triumphs had been heaped on his youthful head: even during the years when he lived at Rhodes in ostensible retirement and actual exile, he had studied nothing save anger, hypocrisy, and secret lasciviousness. Add to the tale his mother with her feminine caprice: they must be slaves, it appeared, to the distaff, and to a pair of striplings as well, who in the interval would oppress the state and in the upshot rend it asunder!" <'' None
4. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1, 1.1.1, 1.4.2, 1.5, 1.7, 1.13.3, 1.15-1.16, 1.40, 1.44.1, 1.48, 2.5.1, 2.101, 3.55, 3.85, 4.2-4.4, 4.36 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Galba • Galba (Roman emperor) • Galba (Ser. Galba Imperator Caesar Augustus) • Galba, Emperor • Galba, S. Sulpicius • Piso, adoption by Galba • Servius Galba • imperial adoption of Piso by Galba

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 266; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 116, 180, 185, 187, 188, 190; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 234, 235; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37, 138; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 219, 220, 221, 223, 225, 229; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 152; Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 81, 82, 84; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 79; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 211, 212, 213; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 107; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 175; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160

2.5 \xa0Vespasian was energetic in war. He used to march at the head of his troops, select a place for camp, oppose the enemy night and day with wise strategy and, if occasion demanded, with his own hands. His food was whatever chance offered; in his dress and bearing he hardly differed from the common soldier. He would have been quite equal to the generals of old if he had not been avaricious. Mucianus, on the other hand, was eminent for his magnificence and wealth and by the complete superiority of his scale of life to that of a private citizen. He was the readier speaker, experienced in civil administration and in statesmanship. It would have been a rare combination for an emperor if the faults of the two could have been done away with and their virtues only combined in one man. But Mucianus was governor of Syria, Vespasian of Judea. They had quarrelled through jealousy because they governed neighbouring provinces. Finally at Nero's death they had laid aside their hostilities and consulted together, at first through friends as go-betweens; and then Titus, the chief bond of their concord, had ended their dangerous feud by pointing out their common interests; both by his nature and skill he was well calculated to win over even a person of the character of Mucianus. Tribunes, centurions, and the common soldiers were secured for the cause by industry or by licence, by virtues or by pleasures, according to the individual's character."
3.55
\xa0Vitellius was like a man wakened from a deep sleep. He ordered Julius Priscus and Alfenus Avarus to block the passes of the Apennines with fourteen praetorian cohorts and all the cavalry. A\xa0legion of marines followed them later. These thousands of armed forces, consisting too of picked men and horses, were equal to taking the offensive if they had had another leader. The rest of the cohorts Vitellius gave to his brother Lucius for the defence of Rome, while he, abating in no degree his usual life of pleasure and urged on by his lack of confidence in the future, held the comitia before the usual time, and designated the consuls for many years to come. He granted special treaties to allies and bestowed Latin rights on foreigners with a generous hand; he reduced the tribute for some provincials, he relieved others from all obligations â\x80\x94 in short, with no regard for the future he crippled the empire. But the mob attended in delight on the great indulgences that he bestowed; the most foolish citizens bought them, while the wise regarded as worthless privileges which could neither be granted nor accepted if the state was to stand. Finally Vitellius listened to the demands of his army which had stopped at Mevania, and left Rome, accompanied by a long line of senators, many of whom were drawn in his train by their desire to secure his favour, most however by fear. So he came to camp with no clear purpose in mind, an easy prey to treacherous advice.
3.85
\xa0Vitellius was forced at the point of the sword now to lift his face and offer it to his captors\' insults, now to see his own statues falling, and to look again and again on the rostra or the place where Galba had been killed. Finally, the soldiers drove him to the Gemonian stairs where the body of Flavius Sabinus had recently been lying. His only utterance marked his spirit as not ignoble, for when the tribune insulted him, he replied, "Yet I\xa0was your Emperor." Then he fell under a shower of blows; and the people attacked his body after he was dead with the same base spirit with which they had fawned on him while he lived.' "
4.2
\xa0Domitian had accepted the name of Caesar and the imperial residence, with no care as yet for his duties; but with debauchery and adulteries he played the part of an emperor's son. The prefecture of the Praetorian watch was held by Arrius Varus, but the supreme authority was exercised by Antonius Primus. He appropriated money and slaves from the emperor's palace as if it were the booty of Cremona; all the other leaders, whom modesty or humble lineage had made obscure in war, had accordingly no share of the rewards. The citizens were in a state of terror and quite ready for slavery; they demanded that Lucius Vitellius, who was on his way back from Tarracina with his cohorts, should be arrested and that the last embers of war should be extinguished: the cavalry was sent forward to Aricia; the infantry rested this side of Bovillae. Vitellius did not hesitate to surrender himself and his legions at the discretion of the victor; his troops threw away their unsuccessful arms no less in anger than in fear. A\xa0long line of prisoners, hedged in by armed soldiers, advanced through the city; no man had a suppliant look, but all were gloomy and grim; they faced the cheers, the riot, and the mockery of the crowd unmoved. The few who dared to break out of line were killed by their guards; all the rest were put in ward. No one uttered a word unworthy of him, and even in the midst of misfortune, all maintained their reputation for bravery. Next Lucius Vitellius was put to death. His brother's equal in viciousness, he was more vigilant while that brother was emperor; yet he was not so much associated in his brother's success as dragged to ruin by his adversity." '4.3 \xa0During these same days Lucilius Bassus was sent with a force of light armed cavalry to restore order in Campania, where the people of the towns were rather at variance with one another than rebellious toward the emperor. The sight of the soldiers restored order, and the smaller towns escaped punishment. Capua, however, had the Third legion quartered on it for the winter, and its nobler houses were ruined; while the people of Tarracina, on the other hand, received no assistance: so much easier is it to repay injury than to reward kindness, for gratitude is regarded as a burden, revenge as gain. The Tarracines, however, found comfort in the fact that the slave of Verginius Capito, who had betrayed them, was crucified wearing the very rings that he had received from Vitellius. But at Rome the senators voted to Vespasian all the honours and privileges usually given the emperors. They were filled with joy and confident hope, for it seemed to them that civil warfare, which, breaking out in the Gallic and Spanish provinces, had moved to arms first the Germanies, then Illyricum, and which had traversed Egypt, Judea, Syria, and all provinces and armies, was now at an end, as if the expiation of the whole world had been completed: their zeal was increased by a letter from Vespasian, written as if war were still going on. That at least was the impression that it made at first; but in reality Vespasian spoke as an emperor, with humility of himself, magnificently of the state. Nor did the senate fail in homage: it elected Vespasian consul with his son Titus, and bestowed a praetorship with consular power on Domitian. 4.4 \xa0Mucianus also had sent a letter to the senate that gave occasion for comment. "If," they said, "he were a private citizen, why this official language? He might have said the same things a\xa0few days later, speaking in the senate." Even his attack on Vitellius came too late and showed no independence. But they thought it a haughty thing toward the state and an act of insolence toward the emperor for him to boast that he had had the empire in his own hand and had presented it to Vespasian. Yet their discontent was concealed; their flattery was open: in magnificent terms the senators gave Mucianus the insignia of a triumph, in reality for civil war, although his expedition against the Sarmatae was made the pretext. They also voted Antonius Primus the insignia of consular rank, Cornelius Fuscus and Arrius Varus of praetorian. Then they took thought for the gods: they voted to restore the Capitol. All these measures were proposed by Valerius Asiaticus, consul elect; the rest of the senators showed their approval by their looks and hands; a\xa0few of conspicuous dignity or whose nature was well trained in flattery expressed themselves in formal speeches. When the turn came to Helvidius Priscus, praetor elect, he spoke in terms which, while honourable to a good emperor, .\xa0.\xa0. There was no false flattery in his speech, which was received with enthusiasm by the senate. This was the day that stood out in his career as marking the beginning of great disfavour and of great glory.' "
4.36
\xa0Meanwhile Civilis besieged Vetera: Vocula withdrew to Gelduba and then to Novaesium. Later he was successful in an engagement with the cavalry not far from Novaesium. But success and failure alike fired the soldiers with a wish to murder their leaders; and when the legionaries had been reinforced by the arrival of the men from the Fifth and Fifteenth, they began to demand the donative, for they had learned that Vitellius had sent the money. Hordeonius did not long delay, but gave them the gift in Vespasian's name, and this act more than anything else fostered the mutiny. The soldiers, abandoning themselves to debauchery, feasts, and meetings by night, revived their old hatred for Hordeonius, and without a legate or tribune daring to oppose them, they actually dragged him from his bed and killed him. They were preparing to treat Vocula in the same way, but he disguised himself in a slave's clothes and escaped in the darkness." "' None
5. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Galba • Galba,, career • Galba,, plan

 Found in books: Katzoff (2019), On Jews in the Roman World: Collected Studies. 352; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 222, 228; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 137; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 239; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 146, 397; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 83

6. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Galba • Galba, S. Sulpicius

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 210; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 83

7. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Galba

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160




Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.