| 1. Homer, Odyssey, 3.130-3.158, 4.6-4.7, 4.244-4.258, 4.499-4.509, 6.99, 11.121-11.137, 11.235-11.259, 11.266-11.268, 11.298-11.299, 11.321, 11.494-11.497, 11.519-11.521, 11.567-11.568, 11.582-11.600, 11.623-11.626, 19.357-19.358, 24.199 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 549, 555, 563, 564, 566, 574, 578, 583, 586, 587, 588, 591, 593, 596, 599, 604, 605, 607 |
2. Homer, Iliad, 1.5, 1.59, 1.512, 2.594-2.600, 2.711-2.712, 2.763-2.764, 2.811, 2.822-2.823, 2.852, 3.205-3.206, 6.153, 6.160-6.161, 6.298, 7.345-7.346, 7.468-7.469, 8.366-8.369, 9.448-9.480, 9.484, 9.527-9.599, 11.138-11.140, 11.326, 11.832, 14.296, 14.321-14.322, 23.288-23.289, 24.27-24.30, 24.257, 24.496, 24.602-24.617 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 556, 557, 558, 559, 560, 562, 563, 565, 567, 569, 574, 576, 579, 580, 582, 583, 584, 586, 587, 593, 596, 603, 609, 610, 611, 612, 613 | 1.5. / The wrath sing, goddess, of Peleus' son, Achilles, that destructive wrath which brought countless woes upon the Achaeans, and sent forth to Hades many valiant souls of heroes, and made them themselves spoil for dogs and every bird; thus the plan of Zeus came to fulfillment, 1.5. / from the time when first they parted in strife Atreus' son, king of men, and brilliant Achilles.Who then of the gods was it that brought these two together to contend? The son of Leto and Zeus; for he in anger against the king roused throughout the host an evil pestilence, and the people began to perish, 1.59. / since she pitied the Danaans, when she saw them dying. When they were assembled and gathered together, among them arose and spoke swift-footed Achilles:Son of Atreus, now I think we shall return home, beaten back again, should we even escape death, 1.512. / So she spoke; but Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, spoke no word to her, but sat a long time in silence. Yet Thetis, even as she had clasped his knees, so held to him, clinging close, and questioned him again a second time:Give me your infallible promise, and bow your head to it, or else deny me, for there is nothing to make you afraid; so that I may know well 2.594. / to get him requital for his strivings and groanings for Helen's sake.And they that dwelt in Pylos and lovely Arene and Thryum, the ford of Alpheius, and fair-founded Aepy, and that had their abodes in Cyparisseïs and Amphigeneia and Pteleos and Helus and Dorium, 2.595. / where the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian and made an end of his singing, even as he was journeying from Oechalia, from the house of Eurytus the Oechalian: for he vaunted with boasting that he would conquer, were the Muses themselves to sing against him, the daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis; but they in their wrath maimed him, 2.596. / where the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian and made an end of his singing, even as he was journeying from Oechalia, from the house of Eurytus the Oechalian: for he vaunted with boasting that he would conquer, were the Muses themselves to sing against him, the daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis; but they in their wrath maimed him, 2.597. / where the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian and made an end of his singing, even as he was journeying from Oechalia, from the house of Eurytus the Oechalian: for he vaunted with boasting that he would conquer, were the Muses themselves to sing against him, the daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis; but they in their wrath maimed him, 2.598. / where the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian and made an end of his singing, even as he was journeying from Oechalia, from the house of Eurytus the Oechalian: for he vaunted with boasting that he would conquer, were the Muses themselves to sing against him, the daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis; but they in their wrath maimed him, 2.599. / where the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian and made an end of his singing, even as he was journeying from Oechalia, from the house of Eurytus the Oechalian: for he vaunted with boasting that he would conquer, were the Muses themselves to sing against him, the daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis; but they in their wrath maimed him, 2.600. / and took from him his wondrous song, and made him forget his minstrelsy;—all these folk again had as leader the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia. And with him were ranged ninety hollow ships.And they that held Arcadia beneath the steep mountain of Cyllene, beside the tomb of Aepytus, where are warriors that fight in close combat; 2.711. / And with him there followed forty black ships.And they that dwelt in Pherae beside the lake Boebeïs, and in Boebe, and Glaphyrae, and well-built Iolcus, these were led by the dear son of Admetus with eleven ships, even by Eumelus, whom Alcestis, queenly among women, bare to Admetus, 2.712. / And with him there followed forty black ships.And they that dwelt in Pherae beside the lake Boebeïs, and in Boebe, and Glaphyrae, and well-built Iolcus, these were led by the dear son of Admetus with eleven ships, even by Eumelus, whom Alcestis, queenly among women, bare to Admetus, 2.763. / These were the leaders of the Danaans and their lords. But who was far the best among them do thou tell me, Muse—best of the warriors and of the horses that followed with the sons of Atreus.of horses best by far were the mares of the son of Pheres, those that Eumelas drave, swift as birds, 2.764. / These were the leaders of the Danaans and their lords. But who was far the best among them do thou tell me, Muse—best of the warriors and of the horses that followed with the sons of Atreus.of horses best by far were the mares of the son of Pheres, those that Eumelas drave, swift as birds, 2.811. / both footmen and charioteers; and a great din arose.Now there is before the city a steep mound afar out in the plain, with a clear space about it on this side and on that; this do men verily call Batieia, but the immortals call it the barrow of Myrine, light of step. 2.822. / even Aeneas, whom fair Aphrodite conceived to Anchises amid the spurs of Ida, a goddess couched with a mortal man. Not alone was he; with him were Antenor's two sons, Archelochus and Acamas, well skilled in all manner of fighting.And they that dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, 2.823. / even Aeneas, whom fair Aphrodite conceived to Anchises amid the spurs of Ida, a goddess couched with a mortal man. Not alone was he; with him were Antenor's two sons, Archelochus and Acamas, well skilled in all manner of fighting.And they that dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, 2.852. / Axius the water whereof floweth the fairest over the face of the earth.And the Paphlagonians did Pylaemenes of the shaggy heart lead from the land of the Eneti, whence is the race of wild she-mules. These were they that held Cytorus and dwelt about Sesamon, and had their famed dwellings around the river Parthenius 3.205. / for erstwhile on a time goodly Odysseus came hither also on an embassy concerning thee, together with Menelaus, dear to Ares; and it was I that gave them entertainment and welcomed them in my halls, and came to know the form and stature of them both and their cunning devices. Now when they mingled with the Trojans, as they were gathered together, 3.206. / for erstwhile on a time goodly Odysseus came hither also on an embassy concerning thee, together with Menelaus, dear to Ares; and it was I that gave them entertainment and welcomed them in my halls, and came to know the form and stature of them both and their cunning devices. Now when they mingled with the Trojans, as they were gathered together, 6.153. / Howbeit, if thou wilt, hear this also, that thou mayest know well my lineage; and many there be that know it. There is a city Ephyre in the heart of Argos, pasture-land of horses, and there dwelt Sisyphus that was craftiest of men, Sisyphus, son of Aeolus; and he begat a son Glaucus; 6.160. / Now the wife of Proetus, fair Anteia, lusted madly for Bellerophon, to lie with him in secret love, but could in no wise prevail upon wise-hearted Bellerophon, for that his heart was upright. So she made a tale of lies, and spake to king Proetus:Either die thyself, Proetus, or slay Bellerophon, 6.161. / Now the wife of Proetus, fair Anteia, lusted madly for Bellerophon, to lie with him in secret love, but could in no wise prevail upon wise-hearted Bellerophon, for that his heart was upright. So she made a tale of lies, and spake to king Proetus:Either die thyself, Proetus, or slay Bellerophon, 6.298. / and shone like a star, and lay undermost of all. Then she went her way, and the throng of aged wives hastened after her. 7.345. / And of the Trojans likewise was a gathering held in the citadel of Ilios, a gathering fierce and tumultuous, beside Priam's doors. Among them wise Antenor was first to speak, saying:Hearken to me, ye Trojans and Dardanians and allies, that I may speak what the heart in my breast biddeth me. 7.346. / And of the Trojans likewise was a gathering held in the citadel of Ilios, a gathering fierce and tumultuous, beside Priam's doors. Among them wise Antenor was first to speak, saying:Hearken to me, ye Trojans and Dardanians and allies, that I may speak what the heart in my breast biddeth me. 7.468. / and the sun set, and the work of the Achaeans was accomplished; and they slaughtered oxen throughout the huts and took supper. And ships full many were at hand from Lemnos, bearing wine, sent forth by Jason's son, Euneus, whom Hypsipyle bare to Jason, shepherd of the host. 7.469. / and the sun set, and the work of the Achaeans was accomplished; and they slaughtered oxen throughout the huts and took supper. And ships full many were at hand from Lemnos, bearing wine, sent forth by Jason's son, Euneus, whom Hypsipyle bare to Jason, shepherd of the host. 8.366. / send me forth to succour him. Had I but known all this in wisdom of my heart when Eurystheus sent him forth to the house of Hades the Warder, to bring from out of Erebus the hound of loathed Hades, then had he not escaped the sheer-falling waters of Styx. 8.367. / send me forth to succour him. Had I but known all this in wisdom of my heart when Eurystheus sent him forth to the house of Hades the Warder, to bring from out of Erebus the hound of loathed Hades, then had he not escaped the sheer-falling waters of Styx. 8.368. / send me forth to succour him. Had I but known all this in wisdom of my heart when Eurystheus sent him forth to the house of Hades the Warder, to bring from out of Erebus the hound of loathed Hades, then had he not escaped the sheer-falling waters of Styx. 8.369. / send me forth to succour him. Had I but known all this in wisdom of my heart when Eurystheus sent him forth to the house of Hades the Warder, to bring from out of Erebus the hound of loathed Hades, then had he not escaped the sheer-falling waters of Styx. 9.448. / to be left alone without thee, nay, not though a god himself should pledge him to strip from me my old age and render me strong in youth as in the day when first I left Hellas, the home of fair women, fleeing from strife with my father Amyntor, son of Ormenus; for he waxed grievously wroth against me by reason of his fair-haired concubine, 9.449. / to be left alone without thee, nay, not though a god himself should pledge him to strip from me my old age and render me strong in youth as in the day when first I left Hellas, the home of fair women, fleeing from strife with my father Amyntor, son of Ormenus; for he waxed grievously wroth against me by reason of his fair-haired concubine, 9.450. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. 9.451. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. 9.452. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. 9.453. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. 9.454. / whom himself he ever cherished, and scorned his wife, my mother. So she besought me by my knees continually, to have dalliance with that other first myself, that the old man might be hateful in her eyes. I hearkened to her and did the deed, but my father was ware thereof forthwith and cursed me mightily, and invoked the dire Erinyes 9.455. / that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child begotten of me; and the gods fulfilled his curse, even Zeus of the nether world and dread Persephone. Then I took counsel to slay him with the sharp sword, but some one of the immortals stayed mine anger, bringing to my mind 9.456. / that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child begotten of me; and the gods fulfilled his curse, even Zeus of the nether world and dread Persephone. Then I took counsel to slay him with the sharp sword, but some one of the immortals stayed mine anger, bringing to my mind 9.457. / that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child begotten of me; and the gods fulfilled his curse, even Zeus of the nether world and dread Persephone. Then I took counsel to slay him with the sharp sword, but some one of the immortals stayed mine anger, bringing to my mind 9.458. / that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child begotten of me; and the gods fulfilled his curse, even Zeus of the nether world and dread Persephone. Then I took counsel to slay him with the sharp sword, but some one of the immortals stayed mine anger, bringing to my mind 9.459. / that never should there sit upon his knees a dear child begotten of me; and the gods fulfilled his curse, even Zeus of the nether world and dread Persephone. Then I took counsel to slay him with the sharp sword, but some one of the immortals stayed mine anger, bringing to my mind 9.460. / the voice of the people and the many revilings of men, to the end that I should not be called a father-slayer amid the Achaeans. Then might the heart in my breast in no wise be any more stayed to linger in the halls of my angered father. My fellows verily and my kinsfolk beset me about 9.461. / the voice of the people and the many revilings of men, to the end that I should not be called a father-slayer amid the Achaeans. Then might the heart in my breast in no wise be any more stayed to linger in the halls of my angered father. My fellows verily and my kinsfolk beset me about 9.462. / the voice of the people and the many revilings of men, to the end that I should not be called a father-slayer amid the Achaeans. Then might the heart in my breast in no wise be any more stayed to linger in the halls of my angered father. My fellows verily and my kinsfolk beset me about 9.463. / the voice of the people and the many revilings of men, to the end that I should not be called a father-slayer amid the Achaeans. Then might the heart in my breast in no wise be any more stayed to linger in the halls of my angered father. My fellows verily and my kinsfolk beset me about 9.464. / the voice of the people and the many revilings of men, to the end that I should not be called a father-slayer amid the Achaeans. Then might the heart in my breast in no wise be any more stayed to linger in the halls of my angered father. My fellows verily and my kinsfolk beset me about 9.465. / with many prayers and sought to stay me there in the halls, and many goodly sheep did they slaughter, and sleek kine of shambling gait, and many swine, rich with fat, were stretched to singe over the flame of Hephaestus, and wine in plenty was drunk from the jars of that old man. 9.466. / with many prayers and sought to stay me there in the halls, and many goodly sheep did they slaughter, and sleek kine of shambling gait, and many swine, rich with fat, were stretched to singe over the flame of Hephaestus, and wine in plenty was drunk from the jars of that old man. 9.467. / with many prayers and sought to stay me there in the halls, and many goodly sheep did they slaughter, and sleek kine of shambling gait, and many swine, rich with fat, were stretched to singe over the flame of Hephaestus, and wine in plenty was drunk from the jars of that old man. 9.468. / with many prayers and sought to stay me there in the halls, and many goodly sheep did they slaughter, and sleek kine of shambling gait, and many swine, rich with fat, were stretched to singe over the flame of Hephaestus, and wine in plenty was drunk from the jars of that old man. 9.469. / with many prayers and sought to stay me there in the halls, and many goodly sheep did they slaughter, and sleek kine of shambling gait, and many swine, rich with fat, were stretched to singe over the flame of Hephaestus, and wine in plenty was drunk from the jars of that old man. 9.470. / For nine nights' space about mine own body did they watch the night through; in turn kept they watch, neither were the fires quenched, one beneath the portico of the well-fenced court, and one in the porch before the door of my chamber. Howbeit when the tenth dark night was come upon me, 9.471. / For nine nights' space about mine own body did they watch the night through; in turn kept they watch, neither were the fires quenched, one beneath the portico of the well-fenced court, and one in the porch before the door of my chamber. Howbeit when the tenth dark night was come upon me, 9.472. / For nine nights' space about mine own body did they watch the night through; in turn kept they watch, neither were the fires quenched, one beneath the portico of the well-fenced court, and one in the porch before the door of my chamber. Howbeit when the tenth dark night was come upon me, 9.473. / For nine nights' space about mine own body did they watch the night through; in turn kept they watch, neither were the fires quenched, one beneath the portico of the well-fenced court, and one in the porch before the door of my chamber. Howbeit when the tenth dark night was come upon me, 9.474. / For nine nights' space about mine own body did they watch the night through; in turn kept they watch, neither were the fires quenched, one beneath the portico of the well-fenced court, and one in the porch before the door of my chamber. Howbeit when the tenth dark night was come upon me, 9.475. / then verily I burst the cunningly fitted doors of my chamber and leapt the fence of the court full easily, unseen of the watchmen and the slave women. Thereafter I fled afar through spacious Hellas, and came to deep-soiled Phthia, mother of flocks, 9.476. / then verily I burst the cunningly fitted doors of my chamber and leapt the fence of the court full easily, unseen of the watchmen and the slave women. Thereafter I fled afar through spacious Hellas, and came to deep-soiled Phthia, mother of flocks, 9.477. / then verily I burst the cunningly fitted doors of my chamber and leapt the fence of the court full easily, unseen of the watchmen and the slave women. Thereafter I fled afar through spacious Hellas, and came to deep-soiled Phthia, mother of flocks, 9.478. / then verily I burst the cunningly fitted doors of my chamber and leapt the fence of the court full easily, unseen of the watchmen and the slave women. Thereafter I fled afar through spacious Hellas, and came to deep-soiled Phthia, mother of flocks, 9.479. / then verily I burst the cunningly fitted doors of my chamber and leapt the fence of the court full easily, unseen of the watchmen and the slave women. Thereafter I fled afar through spacious Hellas, and came to deep-soiled Phthia, mother of flocks, 9.480. / unto king Peleus; and he received me with a ready heart, and cherished me as a father cherisheth his only son and well-beloved, that is heir to great possessions; and he made me rich and gave much people to me, and I dwelt on the furthermost border of Phthia, ruling over the Dolopians. 9.484. / unto king Peleus; and he received me with a ready heart, and cherished me as a father cherisheth his only son and well-beloved, that is heir to great possessions; and he made me rich and gave much people to me, and I dwelt on the furthermost border of Phthia, ruling over the Dolopians. 9.527. / that were warriors, whenso furious wrath came upon any; won might they be by gifts, and turned aside by pleadings. Myself I bear in mind this deed of old days and not of yesterday, how it was; and I will tell it among you that are all my friends. The Curetes on a time were fighting and the Aetolians staunch in battle 9.528. / that were warriors, whenso furious wrath came upon any; won might they be by gifts, and turned aside by pleadings. Myself I bear in mind this deed of old days and not of yesterday, how it was; and I will tell it among you that are all my friends. The Curetes on a time were fighting and the Aetolians staunch in battle 9.529. / that were warriors, whenso furious wrath came upon any; won might they be by gifts, and turned aside by pleadings. Myself I bear in mind this deed of old days and not of yesterday, how it was; and I will tell it among you that are all my friends. The Curetes on a time were fighting and the Aetolians staunch in battle 9.530. / around the city of Calydon, and were slaying one another, the Aetolians defending lovely Calydon and the Curetes fain to waste it utterly in war. For upon their folk had Artemis of the golden throne sent a plague in wrath that Oeneus offered not to her the first-fruits of the harvest in his rich orchard land; 9.531. / around the city of Calydon, and were slaying one another, the Aetolians defending lovely Calydon and the Curetes fain to waste it utterly in war. For upon their folk had Artemis of the golden throne sent a plague in wrath that Oeneus offered not to her the first-fruits of the harvest in his rich orchard land; 9.532. / around the city of Calydon, and were slaying one another, the Aetolians defending lovely Calydon and the Curetes fain to waste it utterly in war. For upon their folk had Artemis of the golden throne sent a plague in wrath that Oeneus offered not to her the first-fruits of the harvest in his rich orchard land; 9.533. / around the city of Calydon, and were slaying one another, the Aetolians defending lovely Calydon and the Curetes fain to waste it utterly in war. For upon their folk had Artemis of the golden throne sent a plague in wrath that Oeneus offered not to her the first-fruits of the harvest in his rich orchard land; 9.534. / around the city of Calydon, and were slaying one another, the Aetolians defending lovely Calydon and the Curetes fain to waste it utterly in war. For upon their folk had Artemis of the golden throne sent a plague in wrath that Oeneus offered not to her the first-fruits of the harvest in his rich orchard land; 9.535. / whereas the other gods feasted on hecatombs, and it was to the daughter of great Zeus alone that he offered not, whether haply he forgat, or marked it not; and he was greatly blinded in heart. 9.536. / whereas the other gods feasted on hecatombs, and it was to the daughter of great Zeus alone that he offered not, whether haply he forgat, or marked it not; and he was greatly blinded in heart. 9.537. / whereas the other gods feasted on hecatombs, and it was to the daughter of great Zeus alone that he offered not, whether haply he forgat, or marked it not; and he was greatly blinded in heart. 9.538. / whereas the other gods feasted on hecatombs, and it was to the daughter of great Zeus alone that he offered not, whether haply he forgat, or marked it not; and he was greatly blinded in heart. 9.539. / whereas the other gods feasted on hecatombs, and it was to the daughter of great Zeus alone that he offered not, whether haply he forgat, or marked it not; and he was greatly blinded in heart. Thereat the Archer-goddess, the child of Zeus, waxed wroth and sent against him a fierce wild boar, white of tusk, 9.540. / that wrought much evil, wasting the orchard land of Oeneus; many a tall tree did he uproot and cast upon the ground, aye, root and apple blossom therewith. But the boar did Meleager, son of Oeneus, slay, when he had gathered out of many cities huntsmen 9.541. / that wrought much evil, wasting the orchard land of Oeneus; many a tall tree did he uproot and cast upon the ground, aye, root and apple blossom therewith. But the boar did Meleager, son of Oeneus, slay, when he had gathered out of many cities huntsmen 9.542. / that wrought much evil, wasting the orchard land of Oeneus; many a tall tree did he uproot and cast upon the ground, aye, root and apple blossom therewith. But the boar did Meleager, son of Oeneus, slay, when he had gathered out of many cities huntsmen 9.543. / that wrought much evil, wasting the orchard land of Oeneus; many a tall tree did he uproot and cast upon the ground, aye, root and apple blossom therewith. But the boar did Meleager, son of Oeneus, slay, when he had gathered out of many cities huntsmen 9.544. / that wrought much evil, wasting the orchard land of Oeneus; many a tall tree did he uproot and cast upon the ground, aye, root and apple blossom therewith. But the boar did Meleager, son of Oeneus, slay, when he had gathered out of many cities huntsmen 9.545. / and hounds; for not of few men could the boar have been slain, so huge was he; and many a man set he upon the grievous pyre. But about his body the goddess brought to pass much clamour and shouting concerning his head and shaggy hide, between the Curetes and the great-souled Aetolians. 9.546. / and hounds; for not of few men could the boar have been slain, so huge was he; and many a man set he upon the grievous pyre. But about his body the goddess brought to pass much clamour and shouting concerning his head and shaggy hide, between the Curetes and the great-souled Aetolians. 9.547. / and hounds; for not of few men could the boar have been slain, so huge was he; and many a man set he upon the grievous pyre. But about his body the goddess brought to pass much clamour and shouting concerning his head and shaggy hide, between the Curetes and the great-souled Aetolians. 9.548. / and hounds; for not of few men could the boar have been slain, so huge was he; and many a man set he upon the grievous pyre. But about his body the goddess brought to pass much clamour and shouting concerning his head and shaggy hide, between the Curetes and the great-souled Aetolians. 9.549. / and hounds; for not of few men could the boar have been slain, so huge was he; and many a man set he upon the grievous pyre. But about his body the goddess brought to pass much clamour and shouting concerning his head and shaggy hide, between the Curetes and the great-souled Aetolians. 9.550. / Now so long as Meleager, dear to Ares, warred, so long went it ill with the Curetes, nor might they abide without their wall, for all they were very many. But when wrath entered into Meleager, wrath that maketh the heart to swell in the breasts also of others, even though they be wise, 9.551. / Now so long as Meleager, dear to Ares, warred, so long went it ill with the Curetes, nor might they abide without their wall, for all they were very many. But when wrath entered into Meleager, wrath that maketh the heart to swell in the breasts also of others, even though they be wise, 9.552. / Now so long as Meleager, dear to Ares, warred, so long went it ill with the Curetes, nor might they abide without their wall, for all they were very many. But when wrath entered into Meleager, wrath that maketh the heart to swell in the breasts also of others, even though they be wise, 9.553. / Now so long as Meleager, dear to Ares, warred, so long went it ill with the Curetes, nor might they abide without their wall, for all they were very many. But when wrath entered into Meleager, wrath that maketh the heart to swell in the breasts also of others, even though they be wise, 9.554. / Now so long as Meleager, dear to Ares, warred, so long went it ill with the Curetes, nor might they abide without their wall, for all they were very many. But when wrath entered into Meleager, wrath that maketh the heart to swell in the breasts also of others, even though they be wise, 9.555. / he then, wroth at heart against his dear mother Althaea, abode beside his wedded wife, the fair Cleopatra, daughter of Marpessa of the fair ankles, child of Evenus, and of Idas that was mightiest of men that were then upon the face of earth; who also took his bow to face the king 9.556. / he then, wroth at heart against his dear mother Althaea, abode beside his wedded wife, the fair Cleopatra, daughter of Marpessa of the fair ankles, child of Evenus, and of Idas that was mightiest of men that were then upon the face of earth; who also took his bow to face the king 9.557. / he then, wroth at heart against his dear mother Althaea, abode beside his wedded wife, the fair Cleopatra, daughter of Marpessa of the fair ankles, child of Evenus, and of Idas that was mightiest of men that were then upon the face of earth; who also took his bow to face the king 9.558. / he then, wroth at heart against his dear mother Althaea, abode beside his wedded wife, the fair Cleopatra, daughter of Marpessa of the fair ankles, child of Evenus, and of Idas that was mightiest of men that were then upon the face of earth; who also took his bow to face the king 9.559. / he then, wroth at heart against his dear mother Althaea, abode beside his wedded wife, the fair Cleopatra, daughter of Marpessa of the fair ankles, child of Evenus, and of Idas that was mightiest of men that were then upon the face of earth; who also took his bow to face the king 9.560. / Phoebus Apollo for the sake of the fair-ankled maid. Her of old in their halls had her father and honoured mother called Halcyone by name, for that the mother herself in a plight even as that of the halcyon-bird of many sorrows, wept because Apollo that worketh afar had snatched her child away. 9.561. / Phoebus Apollo for the sake of the fair-ankled maid. Her of old in their halls had her father and honoured mother called Halcyone by name, for that the mother herself in a plight even as that of the halcyon-bird of many sorrows, wept because Apollo that worketh afar had snatched her child away. 9.562. / Phoebus Apollo for the sake of the fair-ankled maid. Her of old in their halls had her father and honoured mother called Halcyone by name, for that the mother herself in a plight even as that of the halcyon-bird of many sorrows, wept because Apollo that worketh afar had snatched her child away. 9.563. / Phoebus Apollo for the sake of the fair-ankled maid. Her of old in their halls had her father and honoured mother called Halcyone by name, for that the mother herself in a plight even as that of the halcyon-bird of many sorrows, wept because Apollo that worketh afar had snatched her child away. 9.564. / Phoebus Apollo for the sake of the fair-ankled maid. Her of old in their halls had her father and honoured mother called Halcyone by name, for that the mother herself in a plight even as that of the halcyon-bird of many sorrows, wept because Apollo that worketh afar had snatched her child away. 9.565. / By her side lay Meleager nursing his bitter anger, wroth because of his mother's curses; for she prayed instantly to the gods, being grieved for her brother's slaying; and furthermore instantly beat with her hands upon the all-nurturing earth, calling upon Hades and dread Persephone, 9.566. / By her side lay Meleager nursing his bitter anger, wroth because of his mother's curses; for she prayed instantly to the gods, being grieved for her brother's slaying; and furthermore instantly beat with her hands upon the all-nurturing earth, calling upon Hades and dread Persephone, 9.567. / By her side lay Meleager nursing his bitter anger, wroth because of his mother's curses; for she prayed instantly to the gods, being grieved for her brother's slaying; and furthermore instantly beat with her hands upon the all-nurturing earth, calling upon Hades and dread Persephone, 9.568. / By her side lay Meleager nursing his bitter anger, wroth because of his mother's curses; for she prayed instantly to the gods, being grieved for her brother's slaying; and furthermore instantly beat with her hands upon the all-nurturing earth, calling upon Hades and dread Persephone, 9.569. / By her side lay Meleager nursing his bitter anger, wroth because of his mother's curses; for she prayed instantly to the gods, being grieved for her brother's slaying; and furthermore instantly beat with her hands upon the all-nurturing earth, calling upon Hades and dread Persephone, 9.570. / the while she knelt and made the folds of her bosom wet with tears, that they should bring death upon her son; and the Erinys that walketh in darkness heard her from Erebus, even she of the ungentle heart. Now anon was the din of the foemen risen about their gates, and the noise of the battering of walls, and to Meleager the elders 9.571. / the while she knelt and made the folds of her bosom wet with tears, that they should bring death upon her son; and the Erinys that walketh in darkness heard her from Erebus, even she of the ungentle heart. Now anon was the din of the foemen risen about their gates, and the noise of the battering of walls, and to Meleager the elders 9.572. / the while she knelt and made the folds of her bosom wet with tears, that they should bring death upon her son; and the Erinys that walketh in darkness heard her from Erebus, even she of the ungentle heart. Now anon was the din of the foemen risen about their gates, and the noise of the battering of walls, and to Meleager the elders 9.573. / the while she knelt and made the folds of her bosom wet with tears, that they should bring death upon her son; and the Erinys that walketh in darkness heard her from Erebus, even she of the ungentle heart. Now anon was the din of the foemen risen about their gates, and the noise of the battering of walls, and to Meleager the elders 9.574. / the while she knelt and made the folds of her bosom wet with tears, that they should bring death upon her son; and the Erinys that walketh in darkness heard her from Erebus, even she of the ungentle heart. Now anon was the din of the foemen risen about their gates, and the noise of the battering of walls, and to Meleager the elders 9.575. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.576. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.577. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.578. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.579. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.580. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. 9.581. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. 9.582. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. 9.583. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. 9.584. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. And earnestly the old horseman Oeneus besought him, standing upon the threshold of his high-roofed chamber, and shaking the jointed doors, in prayer to his son, and earnestly too did his sisters and his honoured mother beseech him 9.585. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.586. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.587. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.588. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.589. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.590. / Then verily his fair-girdled wife besought Meleager with wailing, and told him all the woes that come on men whose city is taken; the men are slain and the city is wasted by fire, and their children and low-girdled women are led captive of strangers. 9.591. / Then verily his fair-girdled wife besought Meleager with wailing, and told him all the woes that come on men whose city is taken; the men are slain and the city is wasted by fire, and their children and low-girdled women are led captive of strangers. 9.592. / Then verily his fair-girdled wife besought Meleager with wailing, and told him all the woes that come on men whose city is taken; the men are slain and the city is wasted by fire, and their children and low-girdled women are led captive of strangers. 9.593. / Then verily his fair-girdled wife besought Meleager with wailing, and told him all the woes that come on men whose city is taken; the men are slain and the city is wasted by fire, and their children and low-girdled women are led captive of strangers. 9.594. / Then verily his fair-girdled wife besought Meleager with wailing, and told him all the woes that come on men whose city is taken; the men are slain and the city is wasted by fire, and their children and low-girdled women are led captive of strangers. 9.595. / Then was his spirit stirred, as he heard the evil tale, and he went his way and did on his body his gleaming armour. Thus did he ward from the Aetolians the day of evil, yielding to his own spirit; and to him thereafter they paid not the gifts, many and gracious; yet even so did he ward from them evil. 9.596. / Then was his spirit stirred, as he heard the evil tale, and he went his way and did on his body his gleaming armour. Thus did he ward from the Aetolians the day of evil, yielding to his own spirit; and to him thereafter they paid not the gifts, many and gracious; yet even so did he ward from them evil. 9.597. / Then was his spirit stirred, as he heard the evil tale, and he went his way and did on his body his gleaming armour. Thus did he ward from the Aetolians the day of evil, yielding to his own spirit; and to him thereafter they paid not the gifts, many and gracious; yet even so did he ward from them evil. 9.598. / Then was his spirit stirred, as he heard the evil tale, and he went his way and did on his body his gleaming armour. Thus did he ward from the Aetolians the day of evil, yielding to his own spirit; and to him thereafter they paid not the gifts, many and gracious; yet even so did he ward from them evil. 9.599. / Then was his spirit stirred, as he heard the evil tale, and he went his way and did on his body his gleaming armour. Thus did he ward from the Aetolians the day of evil, yielding to his own spirit; and to him thereafter they paid not the gifts, many and gracious; yet even so did he ward from them evil. 11.138. / should he hear that we are alive at the ships of the Achaeans. So with weeping the twain spake unto the king with gentle words, but all ungentle was the voice they heard:If ye are verily the sons of wise-hearted Antimachus, who on a time in the gathering of the Trojans, when Menelaus 11.139. / should he hear that we are alive at the ships of the Achaeans. So with weeping the twain spake unto the king with gentle words, but all ungentle was the voice they heard:If ye are verily the sons of wise-hearted Antimachus, who on a time in the gathering of the Trojans, when Menelaus 11.140. / had come on an embassage with godlike Odysseus, bade slay him then and there, neither suffer him to return to the Achaeans, now of a surety shall ye pay the price of your father's foul outrage. He spake, and thrust Peisander from his chariot to the ground, smiting him with his spear upon the breast, and backward was he hurled upon the earth. 11.326. / with high hearts fall upon hunting hounds; even so they turned again upon the Trojans and slew them, and the Achaeans gladly had respite in their flight before goodly Hector.Then took they a chariot and two men, the best of their people, sons twain of Merops of Percote, that was above all men 11.832. / with warm water, and sprinkle thereon kindly simples of healing power, whereof men say that thou hast learned from Achilles, whom Cheiron taught, the most righteous of the Centaurs. For the leeches, Podaleirius and Machaon, the one methinks lieth wounded amid the huts, 14.296. / even as when at the first they had gone to the couch and had dalliance together in love, their dear parents knowing naught thereof. And he stood before her, and spake, and addressed her:Hera, with what desire art thou thus come hither down from Olympus? Lo, thy horses are not at hand, neither thy chariot, whereon thou mightest mount. 14.321. / who bare Perseus, pre-eminent above all warriors; nor of the daughter of far-famed Phoenix, that bare me Minos and godlike Rhadamanthys; nor of Semele, nor of Alcmene in Thebes, and she brought forth Heracles, her son stout of heart, 14.322. / who bare Perseus, pre-eminent above all warriors; nor of the daughter of far-famed Phoenix, that bare me Minos and godlike Rhadamanthys; nor of Semele, nor of Alcmene in Thebes, and she brought forth Heracles, her son stout of heart, 23.288. / But do ye others make yourselves ready throughout the host, whosoever of the Achaeans hath trust in his horses and his jointed car. 23.289. / But do ye others make yourselves ready throughout the host, whosoever of the Achaeans hath trust in his horses and his jointed car. So spake the son of Peleus, and the swift charioteers bestirred them. Upsprang, for the first, Eumelus, king of men, Admetus' dear son, a man well-skilled in horsemanship 24.27. / And the thing was pleasing unto all the rest, yet not unto Hera or Poseidon or the flashing-eyed maiden, but they continued even as when at the first sacred Ilios became hateful in their eyes and Priam and his folk, by reason of the sin of Alexander, for that he put reproach upon those goddesses when they came to his steading, 24.28. / And the thing was pleasing unto all the rest, yet not unto Hera or Poseidon or the flashing-eyed maiden, but they continued even as when at the first sacred Ilios became hateful in their eyes and Priam and his folk, by reason of the sin of Alexander, for that he put reproach upon those goddesses when they came to his steading, 24.29. / And the thing was pleasing unto all the rest, yet not unto Hera or Poseidon or the flashing-eyed maiden, but they continued even as when at the first sacred Ilios became hateful in their eyes and Priam and his folk, by reason of the sin of Alexander, for that he put reproach upon those goddesses when they came to his steading, 24.30. / and gave precedence to her who furthered his fatal lustfulness. But when at length the twelfth morn thereafter was come, then among the immortals spake Phoebus Apollo:Cruel are ye, O ye gods, and workers of bane. Hath Hector then never burned for you thighs of bulls and goats without blemish? 24.257. / Woe is me, that am all unblest, seeing that I begat sons the best in the broad land of Troy, yet of them I avow that not one is left, not godlike Nestor, not Troilus the warrior charioteer, not Hector that was a god among men, neither seemed he as the son of a mortal man, but of a god: 24.496. / Fifty I had, when the sons of the Achaeans came; nineteen were born to me of the self-same womb, and the others women of the palace bare. of these, many as they were, furious Ares hath loosed the knees, and he that alone was left me, that by himself guarded the city and the men, 24.602. / and lieth upon a bier; and at break of day thou shalt thyself behold him, as thou bearest him hence; but for this present let us bethink us of supper. For even the fair-haired Niobe bethought her of meat, albeit twelve children perished in her halls, six daughters and six lusty sons. 24.603. / and lieth upon a bier; and at break of day thou shalt thyself behold him, as thou bearest him hence; but for this present let us bethink us of supper. For even the fair-haired Niobe bethought her of meat, albeit twelve children perished in her halls, six daughters and six lusty sons. 24.604. / and lieth upon a bier; and at break of day thou shalt thyself behold him, as thou bearest him hence; but for this present let us bethink us of supper. For even the fair-haired Niobe bethought her of meat, albeit twelve children perished in her halls, six daughters and six lusty sons. 24.605. / The sons Apollo slew with shafts from his silver bow, being wroth against Niobe, and the daughters the archer Artemis, for that Niobe had matched her with fair-cheeked Leto, saying that the goddess had borne but twain, while herself was mother to many; wherefore they, for all they were but twain, destroyed them all. 24.606. / The sons Apollo slew with shafts from his silver bow, being wroth against Niobe, and the daughters the archer Artemis, for that Niobe had matched her with fair-cheeked Leto, saying that the goddess had borne but twain, while herself was mother to many; wherefore they, for all they were but twain, destroyed them all. 24.607. / The sons Apollo slew with shafts from his silver bow, being wroth against Niobe, and the daughters the archer Artemis, for that Niobe had matched her with fair-cheeked Leto, saying that the goddess had borne but twain, while herself was mother to many; wherefore they, for all they were but twain, destroyed them all. 24.608. / The sons Apollo slew with shafts from his silver bow, being wroth against Niobe, and the daughters the archer Artemis, for that Niobe had matched her with fair-cheeked Leto, saying that the goddess had borne but twain, while herself was mother to many; wherefore they, for all they were but twain, destroyed them all. 24.609. / The sons Apollo slew with shafts from his silver bow, being wroth against Niobe, and the daughters the archer Artemis, for that Niobe had matched her with fair-cheeked Leto, saying that the goddess had borne but twain, while herself was mother to many; wherefore they, for all they were but twain, destroyed them all. 24.610. / For nine days' space they lay in their blood, nor was there any to bury them, for the son of Cronos turned the folk to stones; howbeit on the tenth day the gods of heaven buried them; and Niobe bethought her of meat, for she was wearied with the shedding of tears. And now somewhere amid the rocks, on the lonely mountains, 24.611. / For nine days' space they lay in their blood, nor was there any to bury them, for the son of Cronos turned the folk to stones; howbeit on the tenth day the gods of heaven buried them; and Niobe bethought her of meat, for she was wearied with the shedding of tears. And now somewhere amid the rocks, on the lonely mountains, 24.612. / For nine days' space they lay in their blood, nor was there any to bury them, for the son of Cronos turned the folk to stones; howbeit on the tenth day the gods of heaven buried them; and Niobe bethought her of meat, for she was wearied with the shedding of tears. And now somewhere amid the rocks, on the lonely mountains, 24.613. / For nine days' space they lay in their blood, nor was there any to bury them, for the son of Cronos turned the folk to stones; howbeit on the tenth day the gods of heaven buried them; and Niobe bethought her of meat, for she was wearied with the shedding of tears. And now somewhere amid the rocks, on the lonely mountains, 24.614. / For nine days' space they lay in their blood, nor was there any to bury them, for the son of Cronos turned the folk to stones; howbeit on the tenth day the gods of heaven buried them; and Niobe bethought her of meat, for she was wearied with the shedding of tears. And now somewhere amid the rocks, on the lonely mountains, 24.615. / on Sipylus, where, men say, are the couching-places of goddesses, even of the nymphs that range swiftly in the dance about Achelous, there, albeit a stone, she broodeth over her woes sent by the gods. But come, let us twain likewise, noble old sire, bethink us of meat; and thereafter shalt thou make lament over thy dear son, 24.616. / on Sipylus, where, men say, are the couching-places of goddesses, even of the nymphs that range swiftly in the dance about Achelous, there, albeit a stone, she broodeth over her woes sent by the gods. But come, let us twain likewise, noble old sire, bethink us of meat; and thereafter shalt thou make lament over thy dear son, 24.617. / on Sipylus, where, men say, are the couching-places of goddesses, even of the nymphs that range swiftly in the dance about Achelous, there, albeit a stone, she broodeth over her woes sent by the gods. But come, let us twain likewise, noble old sire, bethink us of meat; and thereafter shalt thou make lament over thy dear son, |
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3. Hesiod, Theogony, 214, 311, 570-571, 769, 986-987 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 593 | 987. Melted the limbs of all. Indeed the eye |
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| 4. Hesiod, Shield, 1, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-129, 13, 130-132, 134-139, 14, 140-149, 15, 150-159, 16, 160-169, 17, 170-179, 18, 180-189, 19, 190-199, 2, 20, 200-209, 21, 210-219, 22, 220-229, 23, 230-239, 24, 240-249, 25, 250-259, 26, 260-269, 27, 270-279, 28, 280-289, 29, 290-299, 3, 30, 300-309, 31, 310-319, 32, 320-329, 33, 330-339, 34, 340-349, 35, 350-359, 36, 360-369, 37, 370-379, 38, 380-389, 39, 390-399, 4, 40, 400-409, 41, 410-419, 42, 420-429, 43, 430-439, 44, 440-449, 45, 450-459, 46, 460-469, 47, 470-479, 48, 480-489, 49, 490-499, 5, 50, 500-509, 51, 510-519, 52, 520-529, 53, 530-539, 54, 540-549, 55, 550-556, 56-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 133 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 555 |
5. Hesiod, Works And Days, 54-55, 566, 61, 81-82 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 590 | 82. Placed necklaces about her; then the Hours, |
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| 6. Hesiod, Catalogue of Women, 25.10-25.13 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 568, 581 |
7. Bacchylides, Epinicia, 5 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 581| 5. part= ¯¯˘]γαίας Ἰσθμί[ας ¯¯˘]ν, εὐβούλου ν̣[˘¯ ¯˘γαμ]βρὸν Νηρέ[ος !˘!!˘!¯!] νάσοιό τʼ ἐϋ- 5. part= καλῶν δʼ ἀνέμνασεν, ὅσʼ ἐν κλεεννῷ αὐχένι ϝισθμοῦ ζαθέαν λιπόντες Εὐξαντίδα νᾶ- σον ἐπεδείξαμεν ἑβδομή- 5. part= σὺν Ἀγ]λαΐᾳ τε παρʼ εὐρυδίναν Ἀλφ εό ν, τόθι Δ]εινομέν εο ς ἔθηκαν ὄλβιον [γόνον στεφάνω]ν κυρῆσαι. θρόησε δὲ λ[αὸς ἀπείρων· 5. part= ὠκυπόδ[ων ἀρετᾶ] σὺν ἵππων. έ̣[!!!!] ἁδυεπὴς ἀ[να- ξιφόρ]μιγγος Ουρ[αν]ίας ἀλέκτωρ !!!!!!]εν· ἀλλʼ ἑκ[όν]τι νόῳ, 5. part= ὀρθῶς· φρένα δʼ εὐθύδικον ἀτρέμʼ ἀμπαύσας μεριμνᾶν δεῦρʼ ἐπάθρησον νόῳ, ᾗ σὺν Χαρίτεσσι βαθυζώνοις ὑφάνας 5. part= ἄεισάν ποτʼ Ὀλυμπίᾳ πύξ τε καὶ στάδιον κρατεῦ- σαν] στεφάνοις ἐθείρας νεανίαι βρύοντες. 5. part= κρίνειν τα[χυτᾶτά τε] λαιψηρῶν ποδῶν Ἕλλασι καὶ γυίων ἀρισταλκὲς σθένος· ᾧ δὲ σὺ πρεσβύτατον νείμῃς γέρας νίκας ἐπʼ ἀνθρώποισιν εὔδοξος κέκλη- 5. part= ὑμνεῖν, ὅθι μηλοδαΐκταν θρέψεν ἁ λευκώλενος Ἥρα περικλειτῶν ἀέθλων πρῶτον Ἡρακλεῖ βαρύφθογγον λέοντα. 5. part= ¯˘]!!ῳ ξ[υν]όν, ὅ,τι χρυ[σέαν ˘˘¯ ο[!!!] ὀφθαλμοῖσι Ν[ίκαν π[αῦλ]αν ἀπράκταν [!!!!![ Ἀ[γλ]αῷ καὶ νῦν κασιγνήτας ἀκοίτας 5. part= κρίνεις τέλος ἀθανάτοι- σίν τε καὶ θνατοῖς ἀρετᾶς. ἔλλαθι, [βαθυ]πλοκάμου κούρα [Στυγὸς ὀρ]θοδίκου· σέθεν δʼ ἕκατι 5. part= νᾶσον Αἰγίνας ἀπάρχει ἐλθόντα κοσμῆσαι θεόδματον πόλιν· τάν τʼ ἐν Νεμέᾳ γυιαλκέα μουνοπάλαν̣ Lines 9-32 are missing. 5. part= χει κ]ατορθωθεῖσα· τιμὰν δʼ ἄλ]λος ἀλλοίαν ἔχει· μυρί]αι δʼ ἀνδρῶν ἀρεταί, μία δʼ ἐ[κ πασᾶ]ν πρόκειται, 5. part= μηλοτρόφου ἐν γυάλοις· κεῖθεν καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης Κίρ- ραν πρὸς εὐθαλέα μολών δὶς στεφανώσατο Λα- | |
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| 8. Pindar, Paeanes, 6.113-6.115, 6.117-6.120 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 564, 593 |
9. Bacchylides, Dithyrambi, 15 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 561| 15. part= θʼ, ἵκετο δʼ ἀμφικύμονʼ ἀκτάν· ἔνθʼ ἀπὸ λαΐδος εὐρυνεφεῖ Κηναίῳ Ζηνὶ θύεν βαρυαχέας ἐννέα ταύρους δύο τʼ ὀρσιάλῳ δαμασίχθονι μέλ- 15. part= ἔκγονον· ἴδεν δὲ Θησεύς, μέλαν δʼ ὑπʼ ὀφρύων δίνασεν ὄμμα, καρδίαν τέ ϝοι σχέτλιον ἄμυξεν ἄλγος, 15. part= Αἰγεύς νέ]ον ἦλθεν δολιχὰν ἀμείψας Column 37 κᾶρυξ ποσὶν Ἰσθμίαν κέλευθον· ἄφατα δʼ ἔργα λέγει κραταιοῦ φωτός· τὸν ὑπέρβιόν τʼ ἔπεφνεν 15. part= φεῦγε χρυσέα βοῦς, εῦρυσθενέος φραδαῖσι φερτάτου Διός, Ἰνάχου ῥοδοδάκτυλος κόρα· ὅτʼ Ἄργον ὄμμασιν βλέποντα | |
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| 10. Pindar, Pythian Odes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 575 |
11. Aeschylus, Suppliant Women, 291-303, 305, 304 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 568| 304. ποῖον πανόπτην οἰοβουκόλον λέγεις; Βασιλεύς | 304. What manner of all-seeing herdsman with a single duty do you mean? King |
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| 12. Aeschylus, Persians, 897 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 599 |
| 13. Theognis, Elegies, 703-704 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 596 |
| 14. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 1.33-1.34, 4.46-4.47 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 566, 599 |
| 15. Pindar, Fragments, 184 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 560 |
| 16. Aeschylus, Libation-Bearers, 602, 604-612, 603 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 581 |
17. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 562-563, 786-787, 789, 436 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 610| 436. μή τοι χλιδῇ δοκεῖτε μηδʼ αὐθαδίᾳ | 436. No, do not think it is from pride or even from wilfulness that I am silent. Painful thoughts devour my heart as I behold myself maltreated in this way. And yet who else but I definitely assigned |
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| 18. Pindar, Olympian Odes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 599 |
| 19. Alcidamas, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 552, 584 |
20. Euripides, Hecuba, 41, 644-649, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 592| 1. ̔́Ηκω νεκρῶν κευθμῶνα καὶ σκότου πύλας | |
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21. Euripides, Andromache, 1108, 274-292, 53 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 608| 53. ᾔτησε Φοῖβον πατρὸς οὗ κτείνει δίκην, | |
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22. Euripides, Bacchae, 193, 58 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 603| 58. αἴρεσθε τἀπιχώριʼ ἐν πόλει Φρυγῶν | |
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| 23. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 24-25, 23 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 563 |
| 24. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 1291-1309 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 576 |
| 25. Euripides, Medea, 1334 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 576 |
| 26. Euripides, Orestes, 1648, 1691, 193, 452, 540-541, 812, 900, 1655 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 564 |
27. Euripides, Rhesus, 915-922, 924-925, 923 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 567 | 923. We Sisters came with lutes and psalteries, |
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28. Herodotus, Histories, 5.66, 7.94, 7.170.1, 8.44 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 573 | 5.66. Athens, which had been great before, now grew even greater when her tyrants had been removed. The two principal holders of power were Cleisthenes an Alcmaeonid, who was reputed to have bribed the Pythian priestess, and Isagoras son of Tisandrus, a man of a notable house but his lineage I cannot say. His kinsfolk, at any rate, sacrifice to Zeus of Caria. ,These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally. 7.94. The Ionians furnished a hundred ships; their equipment was like the Greek. These Ionians, as long as they were in the Peloponnese, dwelt in what is now called Achaia, and before Danaus and Xuthus came to the Peloponnese, as the Greeks say, they were called Aegialian Pelasgians. They were named Ionians after Ion the son of Xuthus. 7.170.1. Now Minos, it is said, went to Sicania, which is now called Sicily, in search for Daedalus, and perished there by a violent death. Presently all the Cretans except the men of Polichne and Praesus were bidden by a god to go with a great host to Sicania. Here they besieged the town of Camicus, where in my day the men of Acragas dwelt, for five years. 8.44. These, then, were the Peloponnesians who took part in the war. From the mainland outside the Peloponnese came the following: the Athenians provided more than all the rest, one hundred and eighty ships. They provided these alone, since the Plataeans did not fight with the Athenians at Salamis for this reason: when the Hellenes departed from Artemisium and were off Chalcis, the Plataeans landed on the opposite shore of Boeotia and attended to the removal of their households. In bringing these to safety they were left behind. ,The Athenians, while the Pelasgians ruled what is now called Hellas, were Pelasgians, bearing the name of Cranai. When Cecrops was their king they were called Cecropidae, and when Erechtheus succeeded to the rule, they changed their name and became Athenians. When, however, Ion son of Xuthus was commander of the Athenian army, they were called after him Ionians. |
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| 29. Pherecydes of Athens, Fragments, 7 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 593 |
| 30. Euripides, Alcestis, 393-394 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 565 |
| 31. Sophocles, Ichneutai, 17-19 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 572 |
32. Euripides, Helen, 1126-1127, 1291-1309, 17, 23-25, 27-31, 767, 26 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 576| 26. μορφῆς θέλουσαι διαπεράνασθαι κρίσιν. | |
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33. Aristophanes, Wasps, 351 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 577| 351. εἶτ' ἐκδῦναι ῥάκεσιν κρυφθεὶς ὥσπερ πολύμητις ̓Οδυσσεύς; | |
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| 34. Sophocles, Ajax, 1008-1010, 1168-1169, 1409-1411, 190, 545-546, 575, 1011 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 599 |
| 35. Sophocles, Antigone, 781-782, 823-833, 944-951, 968-987 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 603, 609 |
| 36. Sophocles, Electra, 150-153, 505, 509, 894 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 613 |
| 37. Sophocles, Fragments, 710 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 649 |
| 38. Sophocles, Oedipus At Colonus, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 571 |
| 39. Sophocles, Women of Trachis, 1098, 7 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 570 |
40. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.102.5-2.102.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 554| 2.102.5. ἐρῆμοι δ’ εἰσὶ καὶ οὐ μεγάλαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Ἀλκμέωνι τῷ Ἀμφιάρεω, ὅτε δὴ ἀλᾶσθαι αὐτὸν μετὰ τὸν φόνον τῆς μητρός, τὸν Ἀπόλλω ταύτην τὴν γῆν χρῆσαι οἰκεῖν, ὑπειπόντα οὐκ εἶναι λύσιν τῶν δειμάτων πρὶν ἂν εὑρὼν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ κατοικίσηται ἥτις ὅτε ἔκτεινε τὴν μητέρα μήπω ὑπὸ ἡλίου ἑωρᾶτο μηδὲ γῆ ἦν, ὡς τῆς γε ἄλλης αὐτῷ μεμιασμένης. 2.102.6. ὁ δ’ ἀπορῶν, ὥς φασι, μόλις κατενόησε τὴν πρόσχωσιν ταύτην τοῦ Ἀχελῴου, καὶ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ ἱκανὴ ἂν κεχῶσθαι δίαιτα τῷ σώματι ἀφ’ οὗπερ κτείνας τὴν μητέρα οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐπλανᾶτο. καὶ κατοικισθεὶς ἐς τοὺς περὶ Οἰνιάδας τόπους ἐδυνάστευσέ τε καὶ ἀπὸ Ἀκαρνᾶνος παιδὸς ἑαυτοῦ τῆς χώρας τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐγκατέλιπεν. τὰ μὲν περὶ Ἀλκμέωνα τοιαῦτα λεγόμενα παρελάβομεν. | 2.102.5. The islands in question are uninhabited and of no great size. There is also a story that Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, during his wanderings after the murder of his mother was bidden by Apollo to inhabit this spot, through an oracle which intimated that he would have no release from his terrors until he should find a country to dwell in which had not been seen by the sun; or existed as land at the time he slew his mother; all else being to him polluted ground. 2.102.6. Perplexed at this, the story goes on to say, he at last observed this deposit of the Achelous, and considered that a place sufficient to support life upon, might have been thrown up during the long interval that had elapsed since the death of his mother and the beginning of his wanderings. Settling, therefore, in the district round Oeniadae, he founded a dominion, and left the country its name from his son Acar. Such is the story we have received concerning Alcmaeon. |
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41. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 559| 337a. μᾶλλον εἰκός ἐστίν που ὑπὸ ὑμῶν τῶν δεινῶν ἢ χαλεπαίνεσθαι. | 337a. from clever fellows like you than severity. |
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| 42. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 1311, 1333, 1423-1425, 1427-1433, 1437-1438, 240-243, 326, 343-344, 368, 381, 417, 459, 677-680, 697-699, 72, 970, 1426 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 608 |
43. Aristophanes, Birds, 100, 1240, 1337-1339, 1527, 212, 275, 511-512 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 593| 512. ὁπότ' ἐξέλθοι Πρίαμός τις ἔχων ὄρνιν ἐν τοῖσι τραγῳδοῖς, | |
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44. Aristophanes, Frogs, 911-912, 914, 913 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 584, 586| 913. πρόσχημα τῆς τραγῳδίας, γρύζοντας οὐδὲ τουτί. | |
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45. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 421 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 609| 421. τὰ τοῦ τυφλοῦ Φοίνικος; οὐ Φοίνικος, οὔ: | |
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46. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 621, 635, 656, 659, 633 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 609| 633. ὁ δεσπότης πέπραγεν εὐτυχέστατα, | |
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47. Aristophanes, Clouds, 1468, 583, 257 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 547, 548| 257. ὥσπερ με τὸν ̓Αθάμανθ' ὅπως μὴ θύσετε. | |
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48. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 138 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 606| 138. οὐκ ἐτὸς ἀφ' ἡμῶν εἰσιν αἱ τραγῳδίαι. | |
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49. Lycophron, Alexandra, 152, 308-313, 344, 307 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 603| 307. αἰαῖ, στενάζω καὶ σὸν εὔγλαγον θάλος, | |
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| 50. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 2.23-2.24, 3.15 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 598, 599, 600, 606 |
| 51. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 41.2 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 573 |
| 52. Aristotle, Poetics, 12-14, 16, 23-24, 18 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 591, 608 |
53. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 559| 4.816. ἠδʼ αὐτῷ Πηλῆι. τί τοι χόλος ἐστήρικται; | |
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| 54. Nicander, Theriaca, 343 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 577 |
| 55. Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 343 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 577 |
| 56. Philodemus of Gadara, De Musica \ , 1.35.31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 563 |
57. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 2.48-2.50, 3.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 587, 599| 2.48. vel ut dominus servo vel ut imperator velud imp. R militi vel ut parens filio. sed... 306, 1 filio H si turpissime se illa pars animi geret, quam dixi esse mollem, si se lamentis muliebriter lacrimisque dedet, si ... lacrimisque dedecoret Char. GL. I 206,17 vinciatur et constringatur amicorum propinquorumque custodiis; saepe enim videmus fractos pudore, qui ratione qui ratione add. K 2 nulla vincerentur. ergo hos quidem ut famulos vinclis vin clis V 1 prope ac custodia, acad custodia KV (ad exp. m. vet. ) G 2 (adac 1 ) ac ad custodiam R atque c. Halm ( sed cf. Th. l. l. II, 1049 ) qui autem erunt firmiores nec tamen robustissimi, hos admonitu oportebit ut bonos milites revocatos dignitatem tueri. non nimis in Niptris in niptris R 1 in ni ptris 2 ille sapientissimus Graeciae saucius lamentatur lamentator vel modice potius: pedetemptim, inquit, inquid G 1 K ite ite, quod Cic. ipse addidit, del. Dav. et sedato/ nisu Pacuv. 256 Soph.p. 230 pedetemptim ac sedato nisu Char. GL. I 214, 10 pedi temptim K ( ss. 2 ) peditemtim R 1 (pedetemptim ) V 1 (pedetemtim corr. 1 ) peditentẽ in -ĩ corr. G 2? cf. p. 345, 1 nisi G 1 -su ne suc in r. V Ne su/ccussu arripia/t maior Dolor (Pacuvius hoc melius quam Sophocles; 2.49. apud illum enim perquam flebiliter Ulixes lamentatur in volnere); tamen huic leviter gementi illi ipsi, qui ferunt fuerunt G 1 ( non R) saucium, personae gravitatem intuentes non dubitant dubitant s dubitarunt X dicere: Tu quo/que, Ulixes, quamqua/m graviter Cerni/mus ictum, ictu X (˜ add. V 1 R 2 ) nimis pae/ne animo es Molli/, qui consuetu/s consuetu's Wo. in armis Aevom aevo m R 1 K 2 a/gere ferrendi GR (corr. 1 et 2 ) intellegit poëta prudens ferendi doloris consuetudinem esse non contemnendam magistram. 2.50. atque ille non inmoderate magno in dolore: Retine/te, tenete! oppri/mit retinetene oppr. G 1 opprimit Vossius opprimite ulcus; Nuda/te! heu miserum me: e/xcrucior. incipit labi, deinde ilico lico G 2 desinit: desin t G 2 Operi/te, abscedite ia/m iam! iam iam iam tandem Mue. Mitti/te! nam attrectatu atrectatu X ( corr. R 2 ) e/t quassu Saevum a/mplificatis dolo/rem. videsne, ut ut ex et G 2 obmutuerit ommut. KR 1 V non sedatus corporis, sed castigatus animi dolor? itaque in extremis Niptris alios quoque obiurgat, idque moriens: Co/nqueri fortu/nam adversam, no/n lamentari/ decet; Id viri est offi/cium, fletus mu/liebri ingenio a/dditus. 3.71. quid hos aliud placavit nisi quod luctum et maerorem esse non putabant viri? ergo id, quod alii rectum opites aegritudini se solent dedere, id hi turpe putantes aegritudinem reppulerunt. ex quo intellegitur non in natura, sed in opinione esse aegritudinem. Contra dicuntur haec: quis tam demens, ut sua voluntate maereat? natura adfert dolorem, cui quidem Crantor, inquiunt, vester cedendum putat; premit enim atque instat, nec resisti potest. itaque Oileus oileus V ille apud Sophoclem, qui Telamonem antea de Aiacis morte morte V consolatus esset, is cum audivisset audisset K de suo, fractus est. de cuius commutata mente sic dicitur: Nec ve/ro tanta prae/ditus sapie/ntia Soph.fr. 666 Quisqua/m est, quisquamst edd. qui aliorum aeru/mnam dictis a/dlevans Non i/dem, cum fortu/na mutata i/mpetum Conve/rtat, convertit Sey. clade ut subita X corr. s clade su/bita frangatu/r sua, Ut i/lla ad alios di/cta et praecepta e/xcidant. ex p. G 2 haec cum disputant, hoc student efficere, naturae obsisti nullo modo posse; idem iidem Ern. (idem tamen Phil. 2, 91 al. ) hi (= i cf. praef. ) W et Sey. tamen fatentur graviores aegritudines suscipi, quam natura cogat. quae est igitur amentia—? ut nos quoque idem ab illis illis Urs. ex s allis requiramus. | |
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| 58. Livy, History, 1.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 557 |
59. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.690-7.691, 8.317-8.318, 12.64-12.145 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 581, 592, 594| 7.690. “Hoc me, nate dea, (quis possit credere?) telum 7.691. flere facit facietque diu, si vivere nobis 8.317. Oeclides, nemorisque decus Tegeaea Lycaei. 8.318. Rasilis huic summam mordebat fibula vestem, 12.64. Fecerat haec notum Graias cum milite forti 12.65. adventare rates, neque inexspectatus in armis 12.66. hostis adest: prohibent aditus litusque tuentur 12.67. Troes, et Hectorea primus fataliter hasta, 12.68. Protesilae, cadis, commissaque proelia magno 12.69. stant Danais, fortisque animae nece cognitus Hector. 12.70. Nec Phryges exiguo, quid Achaica dextera possit 12.71. sanguine senserunt. Et iam Sigea rubebant 12.72. litora, iam leto proles Neptunia Cygnus 12.73. mille viros dederat, iam curru instabat Achilles 12.74. totaque Peliacae sternebat cuspidis ictu 12.75. agmina, perque acies aut Cygnum aut Hectora quaerens 12.76. congreditur Cygno (decimum dilatus in annum 12.77. Hector erat): tum colla iugo canentia pressos 12.78. exhortatus equos currum direxit in hostem 12.79. concutiensque suis vibrantia tela lacertis 12.80. “quisquis es, o iuvenis” dixit “solamen habeto 12.81. mortis, ab Haemonio quod sis iugulatus Achille.” 12.82. Hactenus Aeacides; vocem gravis hasta secuta est. 12.83. Sed quamquam certa nullus fuit error in hasta, 12.84. nil tamen emissi profecit acumine ferri 12.85. utque hebeti pectus tantummodo contudit ictu. 12.86. “Nate dea, nam te fama praenovimus,” inquit 12.87. ille “quid a nobis vulnus miraris abesse?” 12.88. (mirabatur enim) “non haec, quam cernis, equinis 12.89. fulva iubis cassis neque onus cava parma sinistrae 12.90. auxilio mihi sunt: decor est quaesitus ab istis. 12.91. Mars quoque ob hoc capere arma solet! Removebitur omne 12.92. tegminis officium, tamen indestrictus abibo. 12.93. Est aliquid non esse satum Nereide, sed qui 12.94. Nereaque et natas et totum temperat aequor.” 12.95. Dixit et haesurum clipei curvamine telum 12.96. misit in Aeaciden, quod et aes et proxima rupit 12.97. terga novena boum, decimo tamen orbe moratum est. 12.98. Excutit hoc heros rursusque trementia forti 12.99. tela manu torsit: rursus sine vulnere corpus 12.100. sincerumque fuit! Nec tertia cuspis apertum 12.101. et se praebentem valuit destringere Cygnum. 12.102. Haud secus exarsit, quam circo taurus aperto, 12.103. cum sua terribili petit inritamina cornu, 12.104. poeniceas vestes, elusaque vulnera sentit. 12.105. Num tamen exciderit ferrum, considerat hastae: 12.106. haerebat ligno. “Manus est mea debilis ergo, 12.107. quasque” ait “ante habuit vires, effudit in uno? 12.108. Nam certe valuit, vel cum Lyrnesia primus 12.109. moenia deieci, vel cum Tenedonque suoque 12.110. Eetioneas inplevi sanguine Thebas, 12.111. vel cum purpureus populari caede Caicus 12.112. fluxit opusque meae bis sensit Telephus hastae. 12.113. Hic quoque tot caesis, quorum per litus acervos 12.114. et feci et video, valuit mea dextra valetque.” 12.115. Dixit et, ante actis veluti male crederet, hastam 12.116. misit in adversum Lycia de plebe Menoeten 12.117. loricamque simul subiectaque pectora rupit. 12.118. Quo plangente gravem moribundo pectore terram 12.119. extrahit illud idem calido de vulnere telum 12.120. atque ait: “Haec manus est, haec, qua modo vicimus, hasta: 12.121. utar in hoc isdem; sit in hoc, precor, exitus idem!” 12.122. Sic fatus Cygnum repetit, nec fraxinus errat 12.123. inque umero sonuit non evitata sinistro, 12.124. inde velut muro solidaque a caute repulsa est; 12.125. qua tamen ictus erat, signatum sanguine Cygnum 12.126. viderat et frustra fuerat gavisus Achilles: 12.127. vulnus erat nullum, sanguis fuit ille Menoetae! 12.128. Tum vero praeceps curru fremebundus ab alto 12.129. desilit et nitido securum comminus hostem 12.130. ense petens parmam gladio galeamque cavari 12.131. cernit et in duro laedi quoque corpore ferrum! 12.132. Haud tulit ulterius, clipeoque adversa reducto 12.133. ter quater ora viri, capulo cava tempora pulsat 12.134. cedentique sequens instat turbatque ruitque 12.135. attonitoque negat requiem: pavor occupat illum, 12.136. ante oculosque natant tenebrae, retroque ferenti 12.137. aversos passus medio lapis obstitit arvo. 12.138. Quem super inpulsum resupino corpore Cygnum 12.139. vi multa vertit terraeque adflixit Achilles. 12.140. Tum clipeo genibusque premens praecordia duris 12.141. vincla trahit galeae: quae presso subdita mento 12.142. elidunt fauces et respiramen utrumque 12.143. eripiunt animae. Victum spoliare parabat: 12.144. arma relicta videt; corpus deus aequoris albam 12.145. contulit in volucrem, cuius modo nomen habebat. | |
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| 60. Parthenius of Nicaea, Love Stories, 3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 565 |
61. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 4.34-4.35, 4.49.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 570, 571, 581 | 4.34. 1. In the fifth year after Heracles had changed his residence to Pheneus, being grieved over the death of Oeonus, the son of Licymnius, and of Iphiclus his brother, he removed of his free will from Arcadia and all Peloponnesus. There withdrew with him a great many people of Arcadia and he went to Calydon in Aetolia and made his home there. And since he had neither legitimate children nor a lawful wife, he married Deïaneira, the daughter of Oeneus, Meleager being now dead. In this connection it would not, in our opinion, be inappropriate for us to digress briefly and to speak of the reversal of fortune which befel Meleager.,2. The facts are these: Once when Oeneus had an excellent crop of grain, he offered sacrifices to the other gods, but neglected Artemis alone; and angered at him for this the goddess sent forth against him the famous Calydonian boar, a creature of enormous size.,4. But Atalantê, the daughter of Schoeneus, participated in the hunt, and since Meleager was enamoured of her, he relinquished in her favour the skin and the praise for the greatest bravery. The sons of Thestius, however, who had also joined in the hunt, were angered at what he had done, since he had honoured a stranger woman above them and set kinship aside. Consequently, setting at naught the award which Meleager had made, they lay in wait for Atalantê, and falling upon her as she returned to Arcadia took from her the skin.,5. Meleager, however, was deeply incensed both because of the love which he bore Atalantê and because of the dishonour shown her, and espoused the cause of Atalantê. And first of all he urged the robbers to return to the woman the meed of valour which he had given her; and when they paid no heed to him he slew them, although they were brothers of Althaea. Consequently Althaea, overcome with anguish at the slaying of the men of her own blood, uttered a curse in which she demanded the death of Meleager; and the immortals, so the account runs, gave heed to her and made an end of his life.,6. But certain writers of myths give the following account: â At the time of the birth of Meleager the Fates stood over Althaea in her sleep and said to her that her son Meleager would die at the moment when the brand in the fire had been consumed. Consequently, when she had given birth, she believed that the safety of her child depended upon the preservation of the brand and so she guarded the brand with every care.,7. Afterward, however, being deeply incensed at the murder of her brothers, she burned the brand and so made herself the cause of the death of Meleager; but as time went on she grieved more and more over what she had done and finally made an end of her life by hanging. 4.35. 1. At the time that these things were taking place, the myth continues, Hipponoüs in Olenus, angered at his daughter Periboea because she claimed that she was with child by Ares, sent her away into Aetolia to Oeneus with orders for him to do away with him at the first opportunity.,2. Oeneus, however, who had recently lost son and wife, was unwilling to slay Periboea, but married her instead and begat a son Tydeus. Such, then, is the way the story runs of Meleager and Althaea and Oeneus.,3. But Heracles, desiring to do a service to the Calydonians, diverted the river Acheloüs, and making another bed for it he recovered a large amount of ')" onMouseOut="nd();" fruitful land which was now irrigated by this stream.,4. Consequently certain poets, as we are told, have made this deed into a myth; for they have introduced Heracles as joining battle with Acheloüs, the river assuming the form of a bull, and as breaking off in the struggle one of his horns, which he gave to the Aetolians. This they call the "Horn of Amaltheia," and represent it as filled with a great quantity of every kind of autumn fruit, such as grapes and apples and the like, the poets signifying in this obscure manner by the horn of Acheloüs the stream which ran through the canal, and by the apples and pomegranates and grapes the fruitful land which was watered by the river and the multitude of its fruit-bearing plants. Moreover, they say that the phrase "Amaltheia's Horn" is used as of a quality incapable of being softened (a-malakistia), whereby is indicated the tense vigour of the man who built the work. 4.49.3. After this they put out to sea, and after sailing through the Propontis and Hellespont they landed at the Troad. Here, when Heracles dispatched to the city his brother Iphiclus and Telamon to demand back both the mares and Hesionê, Laomedon, it is said, threw the ambassadors into prison and planned to lay an ambush for the other Argonauts and encompass their death. He had the rest of his sons as willing aids in the deed, but Priam alone opposed it; for he declared that Laomedon should observe justice in his dealings with the strangers and should deliver to them both his sister and the mares which had been promised. |
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| 62. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 108.3, 120.5, 244.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 553, 568, 595, 611 |
| 63. Hyginus, Astronomica, 2.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 610 |
| 64. Longinus, On The Sublime, 15.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 592 |
| 65. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 18.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 598 |
66. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.9.7, 1.80-1.82 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 595, 610| 1.9.7. Σαλμωνεὺς δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον περὶ Θεσσαλίαν κατῴκει, παραγενόμενος δὲ αὖθις εἰς Ἦλιν ἐκεῖ πόλιν ἔκτισεν. ὑβριστὴς δὲ ὢν καὶ τῷ Διὶ ἐξισοῦσθαι θέλων διὰ τὴν ἀσέβειαν ἐκολάσθη· ἔλεγε γὰρ ἑαυτὸν εἶναι Δία, καὶ τὰς ἐκείνου θυσίας ἀφελόμενος ἑαυτῷ προσέτασσε θύειν, καὶ βύρσας μὲν ἐξηραμμένας ἐξ ἅρματος μετὰ λεβήτων χαλκῶν σύρων ἔλεγε βροντᾶν, βάλλων δὲ εἰς οὐρανὸν αἰθομένας λαμπάδας ἔλεγεν ἀστράπτειν. Ζεὺς δὲ αὐτὸν κεραυνώσας τὴν κτισθεῖσαν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ πόλιν καὶ τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἠφάνισε πάντας. | |
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67. Apollodorus, Epitome, 1.4-1.15, 1.18-1.19, 2.14, 3.2, 3.7-3.8, 3.17, 3.19, 3.21-3.22, 3.29, 3.32, 4.21, 5.3, 5.5, 5.11-5.13, 5.15, 5.17-5.19, 5.22, 5.25, 6.7-6.11, 6.13-6.14, 6.25, 7.16, 7.36-7.37 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 549, 550, 558, 559, 564, 565, 566, 567, 568, 571, 573, 576, 578, 583, 584, 585, 587, 588, 589, 591, 592, 593, 595, 598, 600, 603, 607| 1.4. ἕκτον ἀπέκτεινε Δαμάστην, ὃν ἔνιοι Πολυπήμονα λέγουσιν. οὗτος τὴν οἴκησιν ἔχων παρʼ ὁδὸν ἐστόρεσε δύο κλίνας, μίαν μὲν μικράν, ἑτέραν δὲ μεγάλην, καὶ τοὺς παριόντας ἐπὶ ξένια 1 -- καλῶν τοὺς μὲν βραχεῖς ἐπὶ τῆς μεγάλης κατακλίνων σφύραις ἔτυπτεν, ἵνʼ ἐξισωθῶσι 2 -- τῇ κλίνῃ, 3 -- τοὺς δὲ μεγάλους ἐπὶ τῆς μικρᾶς, καὶ τὰ ὑπερέχοντα τοῦ σώματος ἀπέπριζε. καθάρας οὖν Θησεὺς τὴν ὁδὸν ἧκεν εἰς Ἀθήνας. 4 -- 1.5. Μήδεια δὲ Αἰγεῖ τότε συνοικοῦσα 5 -- ἐπεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ, καὶ πείθει τὸν Αἰγέα φυλάττεσθαι ὡς ἐπίβουλον αὐτῷ. 6 -- Αἰγεὺς δὲ τὸν ἴδιον ἀγνοῶν παῖδα, δείσας 7 -- ἔπεμψεν ἐπὶ τὸν Μαραθώνιον ταῦρον. 8 -- 1.6. ὡς δὲ ἀνεῖλεν αὐτόν, παρὰ Μηδείας λαβὼν αὐθήμερον 9 -- προσήνεγκεν αὐτῷ φάρμακον. ὁ δὲ μέλλοντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ποτοῦ προσφέρεσθαι ἐδωρήσατο τῷ πατρὶ τὸ ξίφος, ὅπερ ἐπιγνοὺς Αἰγεὺς 10 -- τὴν κύλικα ἐξέρριψε τῶν χειρῶν αὐτοῦ. Θησεὺς δὲ ἀναγνωρισθεὶς τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν μαθὼν ἐξέβαλε τὴν Μήδειαν. 1.7. καὶ εἰς τὸν τρίτον δασμὸν τῷ Μινωταύρῳ συγκαταλέγεται 1 -- ὡς δέ τινες λέγουσιν, ἑκὼν ἑαυτὸν ἔδωκεν. ἐχούσης δὲ τῆς νεὼς μέλαν ἱστίον Αἰγεὺς τῷ παιδὶ ἐνετείλατο, ἐὰν ὑποστρέφῃ ζῶν, λευκοῖς πετάσαι τὴν ναῦν ἱστίοις. 1.8. ὡς δὲ ἧκεν εἰς Κρήτην, 2 -- Ἀριάδνη θυγάτηρ Μίνωος ἐρωτικῶς διατεθεῖσα πρὸς αὐτὸν 3 -- συμπράσσειν 4 -- ἐπαγγέλλεται, 5 --ἐὰν ὁμολογήσῃ γυναῖκα αὐτὴν ἕξειν ἀπαγαγὼν εἰς Ἀθήνας. ὁμολογήσαντος δὲ σὺν ὅρκοις Θησέως δεῖται Δαιδάλου μηνῦσαι τοῦ λαβυρίνθου τὴν ἔξοδον. 1.9. ὑποθεμένου δὲ ἐκείνου, λίνον εἰσιόντι Θησεῖ δίδωσι· τοῦτο ἐξάψας Θησεὺς τῆς θύρας 6 -- ἐφελκόμενος εἰσῄει. καταλαβὼν δὲ Μινώταυρον ἐν ἐσχάτῳ μέρει τοῦ λαβυρίνθου παίων πυγμαῖς ἀπέκτεινεν, 1 -- ἐφελκόμενος δὲ τὸ λίνον πάλιν ἐξῄει. καὶ διὰ νυκτὸς μετὰ Ἀριάδνης καὶ τῶν παίδων εἰς Νάξον ἀφικνεῖται. ἔνθα Διόνυσος ἐρασθεὶς Ἀριάδνης ἥρπασε, καὶ κομίσας εἰς Λῆμνον ἐμίγη. καὶ γεννᾷ Θόαντα Στάφυλον Οἰνοπίωνα καὶ Πεπάρηθον. 2 -- 1.10. λυπούμενος δὲ Θησεὺς ἐπʼ Ἀριάδνῃ καταπλέων ἐπελάθετο πετάσαι τὴν ναῦν λευκοῖς ἱστίοις. Αἰγεὺς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως τὴν ναῦν ἰδὼν ἔχουσαν μέλαν ἱστίον, Θησέα νομίσας ἀπολλέναι ῥίψας ἑαυτὸν μετήλλαξε. 1.11. Θησεὺς δὲ παρέλαβε 1 -- τὴν Ἀθηναίων δυναστείαν, καὶ 2 -- τοὺς μὲν Πάλλαντος παῖδας πεντήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἀπέκτεινεν· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ὅσοι ἀντᾶραι ἤθελον παρʼ αὐτοῦ ἀπεκτάνθησαν, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἅπασαν ἔσχε μόνος. 1.12. ὅτι Μίνως, αἰσθόμενος τοῦ φεύγειν τοὺς μετὰ Θησέως, Δαίδαλον αἴτιον ἐν τῷ λαβυρίνθῳ μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς Ἰκάρου καθεῖρξεν, ὃς ἐγεγέννητο αὐτῷ ἐκ δούλης Μίνωος Ναυκράτης. ὁ δὲ πτερὰ κατασκευάσας ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῷ παιδὶ ἀναπτάντι ἐνετείλατο μήτε εἰς ὕψος πέτεσθαι, μὴ τακείσης τῆς κόλλης ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου αἱ πτέρυγες λυθῶσι, μήτε ἐγγὺς θαλάσσης, ἵνα μὴ τὰ πτερὰ ὑπὸ τῆς νοτίδος λυθῇ. 1.13. Ἴκαρος δὲ ἀμελήσας τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολῶν ψυχαγωγούμενος ἀεὶ μετέωρος ἐφέρετο· τακείσης δὲ τῆς κόλλης πεσὼν εἰς τὴν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου κληθεῖσαν Ἰκαρίαν θάλασσαν ἀπέθανε. Δαίδαλος δὲ διασώζεται εἰς Κάμικον τῆς Σικελίας 1 --. 1.14. Δαίδαλον δὲ ἐδίωκε Μίνως, καὶ καθʼ ἑκάστην χώραν ἐρευνῶν ἐκόμιζε κόχλον, καὶ πολὺν ἐπηγγέλλετο δώσειν μισθὸν τῷ διὰ τοῦ κοχλίου λίνον διείραντι, 2 -- διὰ τούτου νομίζων εὑρήσειν Δαίδαλον. ἐλθὼν δὲ εἰς Κάμικον τῆς Σικελίας παρὰ Κώκαλον, παρʼ ᾧ Δαίδαλος ἐκρύπτετο, δείκνυσι τὸν κοχλίαν. ὁ δὲ λαβὼν ἐπηγγέλλετο διείρειν 3 -- καὶ Δαιδάλῳ δίδωσιν· 1.15. ὁ δὲ ἐξάψας μύρμηκος λίνον καὶ τρήσας τὸν κοχλίαν εἴασε διʼ αὐτοῦ διελθεῖν. λαβὼν δὲ Μίνως τὸ λίνον διειρμένον 4 -- ᾔσθετο ὄντα παρʼ ἐκείνῳ Δαίδαλον, καὶ εὐθέως ἀπῄτει. Κώκαλος δὲ ὑποσχόμενος ἐκδώσειν ἐξένισεν αὐτόν· ὁ δὲ λουσάμενος ὑπὸ τῶν Κωκάλου θυγατέρων ἔκλυτος ἐγένετο· 1 -- ὡς δὲ ἔνιοί φασι, ζεστῷ καταχυθεὶς ὕδατι 2 -- μετήλλαξεν. 1.18. Φαίδρα δὲ γεννήσασα Θησεῖ δύο παιδία Ἀκάμαντα καὶ Δημοφῶντα ἐρᾷ 3 -- τοῦ ἐκ τῆς Ἀμαζόνος παιδὸς ἤγουν τοῦ Ἱππολύτου 4 -- καὶ δεῖται συνελθεῖν αὐτῇ. 5 -- ὁ δὲ μισῶν πάσας γυναῖκας 6 -- τὴν συνουσίαν ἔφυγεν. ἡ δὲ Φαίδρα, δείσασα μὴ τῷ πατρὶ διαβάλῃ, κατασχίσασα 7 -- τὰς τοῦ θαλάμου θύρας καὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας σπαράξασα κατεψεύσατο Ἱππολύτου βίαν. 1.19. Θησεὺς δὲ πιστεύσας ηὔξατο Ποσειδῶνι Ἱππόλυτον διαφθαρῆναι· ὁ δέ, θέοντος αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος 8 -- καὶ παρὰ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ὀχουμένου, ταῦρον ἀνῆκεν ἐκ τοῦ κλύδωνος. πτοηθέντων δὲ τῶν ἵππων κατηρράχθη 1 -- τὸ ἅρμα. ἐμπλακεὶς δὲ ταῖς ἡνίαις 2 -- Ἱππόλυτος συρόμενος ἀπέθανε. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ ἔρωτος περιφανοῦς ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρτησε Φαίδρα. 2.14. Θυέστης δὲ κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ζητῶν Ἀτρέα μετελθεῖν ἐχρηστηριάζετο περὶ τούτου καὶ λαμβάνει χρησμόν, ὡς εἰ παῖδα γεννήσει τῇ θυγατρὶ συνελθών. ποιεῖ οὖν 1 -- οὕτω καὶ γεννᾷ ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς Αἴγισθον, 2 -- ὃς ἀνδρωθεὶς καὶ μαθών, ὅτι Θυέστου παῖς ἐστι, κτείνας Ἀτρέα Θυέστῃ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποκατέστησεν. 3.2. διὰ δὴ τούτων μίαν αἰτίαν μῆλον περὶ κάλλους Ἔρις ἐμβάλλει Ἥρᾳ καὶ Ἀθηνᾷ καὶ Ἀφροδίτῃ, καὶ κελεύει Ζεὺς 1 -- Ἑρμῆν εἰς Ἴδην πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἄγειν, ἵνα ὑπʼ ἐκείνου διακριθῶσι. αἱ δὲ ἐπαγγέλλονται δῶρα δώσειν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, Ἥρα μὲν πασῶν προκριθεῖσα βασιλείαν πάντων, 2 -- Ἀθηνᾶ δὲ πολέμου νίκην, Ἀφροδίτη δὲ γάμον Ἑλένης. ὁ δὲ 3 -- Ἀφροδίτην προκρίνει καὶ πηξαμένου Φερέκλου ναῦς 4 -- εἰς Σπάρτην ἐκπλέει. 3.7. ὁ δὲ οὐ βουλόμενος 1 -- στρατεύεσθαι προσποιεῖται μανίαν. Παλαμήδης δὲ ὁ Ναυπλίου ἤλεγξε τὴν μανίαν ψευδῆ, καὶ προσποιησαμένῳ 2 -- μεμηνέναι παρηκολούθει· ἁρπάσας δὲ Τηλέμαχον ἐκ τοῦ κόλπου τῆς Πηνελόπης 3 -- ὡς κτενῶν ἐξιφούλκει. Ὀδυσσεὺς δὲ περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς εὐλαβηθεὶς ὡμολόγησε τὴν προσποίητον μανίαν καὶ στρατεύεται. 3.8. ὅτι Ὀδυσσεὺς λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον Φρύγα ἠνάγκασε γράψαι περὶ προδοσίας ὡς παρὰ Πριάμου πρὸς Παλαμήδην· καὶ χώσας ἐν ταῖς σκηναῖς 1 -- αὐτοῦ χρυσὸν τὴν δέλτον ἔρριψεν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ. Ἀγαμέμνων δὲ ἀναγνοὺς καὶ εὑρὼν τὸν χρυσόν, τοῖς συμμάχοις αὐτὸν ὡς προδότην παρέδωκε καταλεῦσαι. 3.17. ἀγνοοῦντες δὲ τὸν ἐπὶ Τροίαν πλοῦν Μυσίᾳ προσίσχουσι καὶ ταύτην ἐπόρθουν, Τροίαν νομίζοντες εἶναι. βασιλεύων δὲ Τήλεφος Μυσῶν, Ἡρακλέους παῖς, ἰδὼν τὴν χώραν λεηλατουμένην, τοὺς Μυσοὺς καθοπλίσας ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς συνεδίωκε τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐν οἷς καὶ Θέρσανδρον τὸν Πολυνείκους ὑποστάντα. ὁρμήσαντος δὲ Ἀχιλλέως ἐπʼ αὐτὸν οὐ μείνας ἐδιώκετο· καὶ διωκόμενος ἐμπλακεὶς εἰς ἀμπέλου κλῆμα 2 -- τὸν μηρὸν τιτρώσκεται δόρατι. 3.19. συνελθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν Ἄργει αὖθις μετὰ τὴν ῥηθεῖσαν ὀκταετίαν, ἐν ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ πλοῦ πολλῇ καθεστήκεσαν, καθηγεμόνα μὴ ἔχοντες, ὃς ἦν δυνατὸς δεῖξαι τὴν εἰς Τροίαν. 3.21. ἀναχθέντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπʼ Ἄργους καὶ παραγενομένων τὸ δεύτερον εἰς Αὐλίδα, τὸν στόλον ἄπλοια κατεῖχε· 1 -- Κάλχας δὲ ἔφη οὐκ 2 -- ἄλλως δύνασθαι πλεῖν αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ τῶν Ἀγαμέμνονος θυγατέρων ἡ κρατιστεύουσα κάλλει σφάγιον Ἀρτέμιδι 3 -- παραστῇ, διὰ τὸ μηνίειν 4 -- τὴν θεὸν τῷ Ἀγαμέμνονι, ὅτι τε βαλὼν ἔλαφον εἶπεν· οὐδὲ ἡ Ἄρτεμις, καὶ ὅτι Ἀτρεὺς οὐκ ἔθυσεν αὐτῇ τὴν χρυσῆν ἄρνα. 3.22. τοῦ δὲ χρησμοῦ τούτου γενομένου, πέμψας Ἀγαμέμνων 5 -- πρὸς Κλυταιμνήστραν Ὀδυσσέα καὶ Ταλθύβιον Ἰφιγένειαν ᾔτει, λέγων 6 -- ὑπεσχῆσθαι δώσειν αὐτὴν Ἀχιλλεῖ γυναῖκα μισθὸν τῆς στρατείας. 7 -- πεμψάσης δὲ ἐκείνης Ἀγαμέμνων τῷ βωμῷ παραστήσας ἔμελλε σφάζειν, Ἄρτεμις δὲ αὐτὴν ἁρπάσασα εἰς Ταύρους ἱέρειαν ἑαυτῆς 1 -- κατέστησεν, ἔλαφον ἀντʼ αὐτῆς παραστήσασα τῷ βωμῷ· 2 -- ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, ἀθάνατον αὐτὴν ἐποίησεν. 3.29. ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν 3 -- ἔσωσεν Ἀντήνωρ, οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες, ἀχθόμενοι ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν βαρβάρων καταφρονήσει, 1 -- ἀναλαβόντες τὴν πανοπλίαν ἔπλεον ἐπʼ αὐτούς. Ἀχιλλεῖ δὲ ἐπιστέλλει Θέτις πρῶτον 2 -- μὴ ἀποβῆναι τῶν νεῶν· τὸν γὰρ ἀποβάντα πρῶτον πρῶτον 3 -- μέλλειν τελευτήσειν. 4 -- πυθόμενοι δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι τὸν στόλον ἐπιπλεῖν, 5 -- σὺν ὅπλοις ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ὥρμησαν καὶ βάλλοντες πέτροις ἀποβῆναι ἐκώλυον. 3.32. ἀνέλκουσι δὲ τὰς ναῦς. μὴ θαρρούντων δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων, Ἀχιλλεὺς ἐνεδρεύσας Τρωίλον ἐν τῷ τοῦ Θυμβραίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ φονεύει, καὶ νυκτὸς ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν Λυκάονα λαμβάνει. παραλαβὼν δὲ Ἀχιλλεύς τινας τῶν ἀριστέων τὴν χώραν ἐπόρθει, καὶ παραγίνεται εἰς Ἴδην ἐπὶ τὰς Αἰνείου τοῦ Πριάμου 1 -- βόας. φυγόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ, τοὺς βουκόλους κτείνας καὶ Μήστορα 2 -- τὸν Πριάμου τὰς βόας ἐλαύνει. 5.3. ὅτι Μέμνονα 2 -- τὸν Τιθωνοῦ καὶ Ἠοῦς μετὰ πολλῆς Αἰθιόπων δυνάμεως παραγενόμενον ἐν Τροίᾳ καθʼ Ἑλλήνων καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων κτείναντα καὶ Ἀντίλοχον κτείνει ὁ Ἀχιλλεύς. διώξας δὲ καὶ τοὺς 3 -- Τρῶας πρὸς ταῖς Σκαιαῖς πύλαις τοξεύεται 1 -- ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος εἰς τὸ σφυρόν. 5.5. Ἀχιλλέως δὲ ἀποθανόντος συμφορᾶς ἐπληρώθη τὸ στράτευμα. θάπτουσι δὲ αὐτὸν 1 -- ἐν Λευκῇ νήσῳ 2 -- μετὰ Πατρόκλου, τὰ ἑκατέρων ὀστᾶ συμμίξαντες. λέγεται δὲ 3 -- μετὰ θάνατον Ἀχιλλεὺς ἐν Μακάρων νήσοις Μηδείᾳ συνοικεῖν. 4 -- τιθέασι δὲ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ ἀγῶνα, ἐν ᾧ νικᾷ Εὔμηλος ἵπποις, Διομήδης σταδίῳ, Αἴας δίσκῳ, Τεῦκρος τόξῳ. 5.11. ταῦτα 4 -- ἀκούσαντες Ἕλληνες 5 -- τὰ μὲν Πέλοπος ὀστᾶ μετακομίζουσιν, Ὀδυσσέα δὲ καὶ Φοίνικα πρὸς Λυκομήδην πέμπουσιν εἰς Σκῦρον, οἱ δὲ πείθουσι αὐ τὸν Νεοπτόλεμον 6 -- προέσθαι. παραγενόμενος δὲ οὗτος εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ λαβὼν παρʼ ἑκόντος Ὀδυσσέως τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς πανοπλίαν πολλοὺς τῶν Τρώων ἀναιρεῖ. 5.12. ἀφικνεῖται δὲ ὕστερον Τρωσὶ σύμμαχος Εὐρύπυλος ὁ Τηλέφου πολλὴν Μυσῶν δύναμιν ἄγων· τοῦτον ἀριστεύσαντα Νεοπτόλεμος ἀπέκτεινεν. 5.13. Ὀδυσσεὺς δὲ μετὰ Διομήδους παραγενόμενος νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν πόλιν Διομήδην μὲν αὐτοῦ μένειν εἴα, αὐτὸς δὲ ἑαυτὸν 1 -- αἰκισάμενος καὶ πενιχρὰν στολὴν ἐνδυσάμενος 2 -- ἀγνώστως εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσέρχεται ὡς ἐπαίτης· γνωρισθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ Ἑλένης διʼ ἐκείνης τὸ παλλάδιον ἔκλεψε 3 -- καὶ πολλοὺς κτείνας τῶν φυλασσόντων ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς μετὰ Διομήδους κομίζει. 5.15. οἱ δὲ πείθονται καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀρίστους ἐμβιβάζουσιν εἰς τὸν ἵππον, ἡγεμόνα καταστήσαντες αὐτῶν Ὀδυσσέα, γράμματα ἐγχαράξαντες τὰ δηλοῦντα· τῆς εἰς οἶκον ἀνακομιδῆς 1 -- Ἕλληνες Ἀθηνᾷ χαριστήριον. αὐτοὶ 2 -- δὲ ἐμπρήσαντες τὰς σκηνὰς καὶ καταλιπόντες Σίνωνα, ὃς ἔμελλεν αὐτοῖς πυρσὸν ἀνάπτειν, τῆς νυκτὸς ἀνάγονται καὶ περὶ Τένεδον ναυλοχοῦσιν. 5.17. Κασάνδρας δὲ λεγούσης ἔνοπλον ἐν αὐτῷ δύναμιν εἶναι, καὶ προσέτι Λαοκόωντος τοῦ μάντεως, τοῖς μὲν ἐδόκει κατακαίειν, τοῖς δὲ κατὰ βαράθρων ἀφιέναι· δόξαν δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἵνα αὐτὸν ἐάσωσι θεῖον ἀνάθημα, τραπέντες ἐπὶ θυσίαν εὐωχοῦντο. 5.18. Ἀπόλλων δὲ αὐτοῖς σημεῖον ἐπιπέμπει· δύο γὰρ δράκοντες διανηξάμενοι διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐκ τῶν πλησίον 4 -- νήσων τοὺς Λαοκόωντος υἱοὺς κατεσθίουσιν. 5.19. ὡς δὲ ἐγένετο νὺξ καὶ πάντας ὕπνος κατεῖχεν, οἱ ἀπὸ Τενέδου προσέπλεον, καὶ Σίνων αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως τάφου πυρσὸν ἧπτεν. Ἑλένη δὲ ἐλθοῦσα περὶ τὸν ἵππον, μιμουμένη τὰς φωνὰς ἑκάστης τῶν γυναικῶν, τοὺς ἀριστέας ἐκάλει. ὑπακοῦσαι δὲ Ἀντίκλου θέλοντος Ὀδυσσεὺς τὸ στόμα κατέσχεν. 5.22. Μενέλαος δὲ Δηίφοβον κτείνας Ἑλένην ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς ἄγει· ἀπάγουσι δὲ καὶ τὴν Θησέως μητέρα Αἴθραν οἱ Θησέως παῖδες Δημοφῶν καὶ Ἀκάμας· καὶ γὰρ τούτους λέγουσιν εἰς Τροίαν ἐλθεῖν ὕστερον. Αἴας δὲ ὁ Λοκρὸς Κασάνδραν ὁρῶν περιπεπλεγμένην τῷ ξοάνῳ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς βιάζεται· διὰ τοῦ το τὸ 1 -- ξόανον εἰς οὐρανὸν βλέπειν. 2 -- 6.7. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων Εὐβοίᾳ προσφερομένων νυκτὸς Ναύπλιος ἐπὶ τοῦ Καφηρέως ὄρους 3 -- πυρσὸν ἀνάπτει· οἱ δὲ νομίσαντες εἶναί τινας τῶν σεσωσμένων προσπλέουσι, καὶ περὶ τὰς Καφηρίδας πέτρας θραύεται τὰ σκάφη καὶ πολλοὶ τελευτῶσιν. 6.8. ὁ γὰρ τοῦ Ναυπλίου 1 -- καὶ Κλυμένης τῆς Κατρέως υἱὸς Παλαμήδης ἐπιβουλαῖς Ὀδυσσέως λιθοβοληθεὶς ἀναιρεῖται. τοῦτο μαθὼν Ναύπλιος ἔπλευσε πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς ἀπῄτει ποινήν· 6.9. ἄπρακτος δὲ ὑποστρέψας, ὡς πάντων χαριζομένων τῷ βασιλεῖ Ἀγαμέμνονι, μεθʼ οὗ τὸν Παλαμήδην ἀνεῖλεν Ὀδυσσεύς, παραπλέων τὰς χώρας τὰς Ἑλληνίδας παρεσκεύασε τὰς τῶν Ἑλλήνων γυναῖκας μοιχευθῆναι, Κλυταιμνήστραν Αἰγίσθῳ, Αἰγιάλειαν τῷ Σθενέλου Κομήτῃ, τὴν Ἰδομενέως Μήδαν ὑπὸ Λεύκου· 6.10. ἣν καὶ ἀνεῖλε Λεῦκος ἅμα Κλεισιθύρᾳ 2 -- τῇ θυγατρὶ ταύτης ἐν τῷ ναῷ 3 -- προσφυγούσῃ, καὶ δέκα πόλεις ἀποσπάσας 4 -- τῆς Κρήτης ἐτυράννησε· καὶ μετὰ τὸν Τρωικὸν πόλεμον καὶ τὸν Ἰδομενέα κατάραντα τῇ Κρήτῃ ἐξήλασε. 6.11. ταῦτα πρότερον κατασκευάσας ὁ Ναύπλιος, ὕστερον μαθὼν τὴν εἰς τὰς πατρίδας τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐπάνοδον, τὸν εἰς τὸν Καφηρέα, νῦν δὲ Ξυλοφάγον λεγόμενον, ἀνῆψε φρυκτόν· ἔνθα προσπελάσαντες Ἕλληνες ἐν τῷ δοκεῖν λιμένα εἶναι διεφθάρησαν. 6.13. Ἕλενος δὲ κτίσας ἐν τῇ Μολοσσίᾳ πόλιν κατοικεῖ, καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ Νεοπτόλεμος εἰς γυναῖκα τὴν μητέρα Δηιδάμειαν. Πηλέως δὲ ἐκ Φθίας ἐκβληθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀκάστου παίδων καὶ ἀποθανόντος, Νεοπτόλεμος τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ πατρὸς παρέλαβε. 6.14. καὶ μανέντος Ὀρέστου ἁρπάζει τὴν ἐκείνου γυναῖκα Ἑρμιόνην κατηγγυημένην αὐτῷ πρότερον ἐν Τροίᾳ, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ Ὀρέστου κτείνεται. ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτόν φασι παραγενόμενον εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀπαιτεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρὸς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα δίκας καὶ συλᾶν τὰ ἀναθήματα καὶ τὸν νεὼν ἐμπιμπράναι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ Μαχαιρέως 1 -- τοῦ Φωκέως ἀναιρεθῆναι. 6.25. τοῦτο δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπιτρέποντος 3 -- ἀπέρχεται εἰς Μυκήνας 4 -- μετὰ Πυλάδου λαθραίως καὶ κτείνει 5 -- τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν Αἴγισθον, καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ μανίᾳ κατασχεθεὶς ὑπὸ Ἐρινύων 6 -- διωκόμενος εἰς Ἀθήνας παραγίνεται καὶ κρίνεται 7 -- ἐν Ἀρείῳ πάγῳ, 8 -- ὡς μὲν λέγουσί τινες ὑπὸ Ἐρινύων, ὡς δέ τινες ὑπὸ Τυνδάρεω, ὡς δέ τινες ὑπὸ Ἠριγόνης τῆς Αἰγίσθου καὶ Κλυταιμνήστρας, καὶ κριθεὶς ἴσων γενομένων τῶν ψήφων ἀπολύεται. 7.16. Εὐρύλοχος δὲ ἰδὼν ταῦτα Ὀδυσσεῖ ἀπαγγέλλει. ὁ δὲ λαβὼν μῶλυ παρὰ Ἑρμοῦ πρὸς Κίρκην ἔρχεται, καὶ βαλὼν εἰς τὰ φάρμακα τὸ μῶλυ μόνος πιὼν οὐ φαρμάσσεται· σπασάμενος δὲ τὸ ξίφος ἤθελε 1 -- Κίρκην ἀποκτεῖναι. ἡ δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν παύσασα τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀποκαθίστησι. καὶ λαβὼν ὅρκους Ὀδυσσεὺς παρʼ αὐτῆς μηδὲν ἀδικηθῆναι συνευνάζεται, καὶ γίνεται αὐτῷ παῖς Τηλέγονος. 7.36. Τηλέγονος δὲ παρὰ Κίρκης μαθὼν ὅτι παῖς Ὀδυσσέως ἐστίν, ἐπὶ τὴν τούτου ζήτησιν ἐκπλεῖ. παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Ἰθάκην τὴν νῆσον ἀπελαύνει 3 -- τινὰ τῶν βοσκημάτων, καὶ Ὀδυσσέα βοηθοῦντα τῷ μετὰ χεῖρας δόρατι Τηλέγονος τρυγόνος 4 -- κέντρον τὴν αἰχμὴν ἔχοντι τιτρώσκει, καὶ Ὀδυσσεὺς θνήσκει. 7.37. ἀναγνωρισάμενος δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ πολλὰ κατοδυράμενος, τὸν νεκρὸν καὶ 1 -- τὴν Πηνελόπην πρὸς Κίρκην ἄγει, κἀκεῖ τὴν Πηνελόπην γαμεῖ. Κίρκη δὲ ἑκατέρους αὐτοὺς εἰς Μακάρων νήσους ἀποστέλλει. | 1.4. Sixth, he slew Damastes, whom some call Polypemon. More commonly known as Procrustes. See Bacch. 17(18).27ff., ed. Jebb ; Diod. 4.59.5 ; Plut. Thes. 11 ; Paus. 1.38.5 ; Scholiast on Eur. Hipp. 977 ; Ov. Met. 7.438 ; Hyginus, Fab. 38 . Ancient authorities are not agreed as to the name of this malefactor. Apollodorus and Plutarch call him Damastes; but Apollodorus says that some people called him Polypemon, and this latter name is supported by Pausanias, who adds that he was surnamed Procrustes. Ovid in two passages ( Ov. Met. 7.438, Her. ii. 69 ) calls him simply Procrustes, but in a third passage ( Ovid, Ibis 407 ) he seems to speak of him as the son of Polypemon. The Scholiast on Eur. Hipp. 977 wrongly names him Sinis. The reference of Bacchylides to him is difficult of interpretation. Jebb translates the passage: “The mighty hammer of Polypemon has dropt from the hand of the Maimer [Prokoptes], who has met with a stronger than himself.” Here Jebb understands Prokoptes to be another name for Procrustes, who received the hammer and learned the use of it from Polypemon, his predecessor, perhaps his father. But other translations and explanations have been proposed. See the note in Jebb's Appendix, pp. 490ff. ; W. H. Roscher, Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie , iii.2683, 2687ff. The hammer in question was the instrument with which Procrustes operated on the short men, beating them out till they fitted the long bed, as we learn from the Scholiast on Euripides as well as from Apollodorus; a handsaw was probably the instrument with which he curtailed the length of the tall men. According to Apollodorus, with whom Hyginus agrees, Procrustes had two beds for the accommodation of his guests, a long one for the short men, and a short one for the long men. But according to Diodorus Siculus, with whom the Scholiast on Euripides agrees, he had only one bed for all comers, and adjusted his visitors to it with the hammer or the handsaw according to circumstances. He had his dwelling beside the road, and made up two beds, one small and the other big; and offering hospitality to the passers-by, he laid the short men on the big bed and hammered them, to make them fit the bed; but the tall men he laid on the little bed and sawed off the portions of the body that projected beyond it. So, having cleared the road, Theseus came to Athens . 1.5. But Medea, being then wedded to Aegeus, plotted against him That Theseus was sent against the Marathonian bull at the instigation of Medea is affirmed also by the First Vatican Mythographer. See Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. p. 18, (First Vatican Mythographer, Fab. 48) . Compare Plut. Thes. 14 ; Paus. 1.27.10 ; Ov. Met. 7.433ff. As to Medes at Athens , see above, Apollod. 1.9.28 . and persuaded Aegeus to beware of him as a traitor. And Aegeus, not knowing his own son, was afraid and sent him against the Marathonian bull. 1.6. And when Theseus had killed it, Aegeus presented to him a poison which he had received the selfsame day from Medea. But just as the draught was about to be administered to him, he gave his father the sword, and on recognizing it Aegeus dashed the cup from his hands. Compare Plut. Thes. 12 ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. xi.741 ; Ov. Met. 7.404-424 . According to Ovid, the poison by which Medea attempted the life of Theseus was aconite, which she had brought with her from Scythia . The incident seems to have been narrated by Sophocles in his tragedy Aegeus . See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 15ff. And when Theseus was thus made known to his father and informed of the plot, he expelled Medea. 1.7. And he was numbered among those who were to be sent as the third tribute to the Minotaur; or, as some affirm, he offered himself voluntarily. Compare Plut. Thes. 17 ; Eustathius on Hom. Od. xi.320, p. 1688 ; Scholiast on Hom. Od. xi.322, and Il. xviii.590 ; Hyginus, Fab. 41 ; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, Achill. 192 . The usual tradition seems to have been that he volunteered for the dangerous service; but a Scholiast on Hom. Il. 18.590 speaks as if the lot had fallen on him with the other victims. According to Hellanicus, cited by Plut. Thes. 17 , the victims were not chosen by lot, but Minos came to Athens and picked them for himself, and on this particular occasion Theseus was the first on whom his choice fell. And as the ship had a black sail, Aegeus charged his son, if he returned alive, to spread white sails on the ship. As to the black and white sails, see Diod. 4.61.4 ; Plut. Thes. 17 and Plut. Thes. 22 ; Paus. 1.22.5 ; Catul. 64.215-245 ; Hyginus, Fab. 41, 43 ; Serv. Verg. A. 3.74 . According to Simonides, quoted by Plut. Thes. 22 , the sail that was to be the sign of safety was not white but scarlet, which, by contrast with the blue sea, would have caught the eye almost as easily as a white sail at a great distance. 1.8. And when he came to Crete , Ariadne, daughter of Minos, being amorously disposed to him, offered to help him if he would agree to carry her away to Athens and have her to wife. Theseus having agreed on oath to do so, she besought Daedalus to disclose the way out of the labyrinth. 1.9. And at his suggestion she gave Theseus a clue when he went in; Theseus fastened it to the door, and, drawing it after him, entered in. Compare Scholiast on Hom. Od. xi.322 , Scholiast on Hom. Il. xviii.590 ; Eustathius on Hom. Od. xi.320, p. 1688 ; Diod. 4.61.4 ; Plut. Thes. 19 ; Hyginus, Fab. 42 ; Serv. Verg. A. 6.14 , and on Georg. i.222 ; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, Theb. xii.676 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 16, 116ff. (First Vatican Mythographer 43; Second Vatican Mythographer 124) . The clearest description of the clue, with which the amorous Ariadne furnished Theseus, is given by the Scholiasts and Eustathius on Homer l.c. . From them we learn that it was a ball of thread which Ariadne had begged of Daedalus for the use of her lover. He was to fasten one end of the thread to the lintel of the door on entering into the labyrinth, and holding the ball in his hand to unwind the skein while he penetrated deeper and deeper into the maze, till he found the Minotaur asleep in the inmost recess; then he was to catch the monster by the hair and sacrifice him to Poseidon; after which he was to retrace his steps, gathering up the thread behind him as he went. According to the Scholiast on the Odyssey (l.c.) , the story was told by Pherecydes, whom later authors may have copied. And having found the Minotaur in the last part of the labyrinth, he killed him by smiting him with his fists; and drawing the clue after him made his way out again. And by night he arrived with Ariadne and the children That is, the boys and girls whom he had rescued from the Minotaur. at Naxos . There Dionysus fell in love with Ariadne and carried her off; Compare Diod. 4.61.5 ; Plut. Thes. 20 ; Paus. 1.20.3 ; Paus. 10.29.4 ; Scholiast on Ap. Rhod., Argon. iii.997 ; Scholiast on Theocritus ii.45 ; Catul. 64.116ff. ; Ovid, Her. x. ; Ovid, Ars Am. i.527ff. ; Ov. Met. 8.174ff. ; Hyginus, Fab. 43 ; Serv. Verg. G. 1.222 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 116ff. (Second Vatican Mythographer 124) . Homer's account of the fate of Ariadne is different. He says ( Hom. Od. 11.321-325 ) that when Theseus was carrying off Ariadne from Crete to Athens she was slain by Artemis in the island of Dia at the instigation of Dionysus. Later writers, such as Diodorus Siculus identified Dia with Naxos , but it is rather “the little island, now Standia, just off Heraclaion, on the north coast of Crete . Theseus would pass the island in sailing for Athens ” ( Merry on Hom. Od. xi.322 ). Apollodorus seems to be the only extant ancient author who mentions that Dionysus carried off Ariadne from Naxos to Lemnos and had intercourse with her there. and having brought her to Lemnos he enjoyed her, and begat Thoas, Staphylus, Oenopion, and Peparethus. Compare Scholiast on Ap. Rhod., Argon. iii.997 . Others said that Ariadne bore Staphylus and Oenopion to Theseus ( Plut. Thes. 20 ). 1.10. In his grief on account of Ariadne, Theseus forgot to spread white sails on his ship when he stood for port; and Aegeus, seeing from the acropolis the ship with a black sail, supposed that Theseus had perished; so he cast himself down and died. Compare Diod. 4.61.6ff. ; Plut. Thes. 22 ; Paus. 1.22.5 ; Hyginus, Fab. 43 ; Serv. Verg. A. 3.74 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. p. 117 (Second Vatican Mythographer 125) . The three Latin writers say that Aegeus threw himself into the sea, which was hence called the Aegean after him. The Greek writers say that he cast himself down from the rock of the acropolis. Pausanius describes the exact point from which he fell, to wit the lofty bastion at the western end of the acropolis, on which in after ages the elegant little temple of Wingless Victory stood and still stands. It commands a wonderful view over the ports of Athens and away across the sea to Aegina and the coast of Peloponnese , looming clear and blue through the diaphanous Attic air in the far distance. A better look out the old man could not have chosen from which to watch, with straining eyes, for the white or scarlet sail of his returning son. 1.11. But Theseus succeeded to the sovereignty of Athens , and killed the sons of Pallas, fifty in number; Pallas was the brother of Aegeus (see above, Apollod. 3.15.5 ); hence his fifty sons were cousins to Theseus. So long as Aegeus was childless, his nephews hoped to succeed to the throne; but when Theseus appeared from Troezen , claiming to be the king's son and his heir apparent, they were disappointed and objected to his succession, on the ground that he was a stranger and a foreigner. Accordingly, when Theseus succeeded to the crown, Pallas and his fifty sons rebelled against him, but were defeated and slain. See Plut. Thes. 3 and Plut. Thes. 13 ; Paus. 1.22.2 ; Paus. 1.28.10 ; Scholiast on Eur. Hipp. 35 , who quotes from Philochorus a passage about the rebellion. In order to be purified from the guilt incurred by killing his cousins, Theseus went into banishment for a year along with his wife Phaedra. The place of their exile was Troezen , where Theseus had been born; and it was there that Phaedra saw and conceived a fatal passion for her stepson Hippolytus, and laid the plot of death. See Eur. Hipp. 34ff. ; Paus. 1.22.2 . According to a different tradition, Theseus was tried for murder before the court of the Delphinium at Athens , and was acquitted on the plea of justifiable homicide ( Paus. 1.28.10 ). likewise all who would oppose him were killed by him, and he got the whole government to himself. 1.12. On being apprized of the flight of Theseus and his company, Minos shut up the guilty Daedalus in the labyrinth, along with his son Icarus, who had been borne to Daedalus by Naucrate, a female slave of Minos. But Daedalus constructed wings for himself and his son, and enjoined his son, when he took to flight, neither to fly high, lest the glue should melt in the sun and the wings should drop off, nor to fly near the sea, lest the pinions should be detached by the damp. 1.13. But the infatuated Icarus, disregarding his father's injunctions, soared ever higher, till, the glue melting, he fell into the sea called after him Icarian, and perished. Compare Strab. 14.1.19 ; Lucian, Gallus 23 ; Arrian, Anabasis vii.20.5 ; Zenobius, Cent. iv.92 ; Tzetzes, Chiliades i.498ff. ; Severus, Narr. 5, in Westermann's Mythographi Graeci, Appendix Narrationum, 32. p. 373 ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. ii.145 ; Ov. Met. 8.183-235 ; Hyginus, Fab. 40 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 16, 117 (First Vatican Mythographer 43, Second Vatican Mythographer 125) . According to one account, Daedalus landed from his flight at Cumae , where he dedicated his wings to Apollo. See Verg. A. 6.14ff. ; Juvenal iii.25 . The myth of the flight of Daedalus and Icarus is rationalized by Diod. 4.77.5ff. and Paus. 9.11.4ff. According to Diodorus, the two were provided by Pasiphae with a ship in which they escaped, but in landing on a certain island Icarus fell into the sea and was drowned. According to Pausanias, father and son sailed in separate ships, scudding before the wind with sails, which Daedalus had just invented and spread for the first time to the sea breeze. The only writer besides Apollodorus who mentions the name of Icarus's mother is Tzetzes; he agrees with Apollodorus, whom he may have copied, in describing her as a slave woman named Naucrate. But Daedalus made his way safely to Camicus in Sicily . 1.14. And Minos pursued Daedalus, and in every country that he searched he carried a spiral shell and promised to give a great reward to him who should pass a thread through the shell, believing that by that means he should discover Daedalus. And having come to Camicus in Sicily , to the court of Cocalus, with whom Daedalus was concealed, he showed the spiral shell. Cocalus took it, and promised to thread it, and gave it to Daedalus; 1.15. and Daedalus fastened a thread to an ant, and, having bored a hole in the spiral shell, allowed the ant to pass through it. But when Minos found the thread passed through the shell, he perceived that Daedalus was with Cocalus, and at once demanded his surrender. The story of the quaint device by which Minos detected Daedalus is repeated by Zenobius, Cent. iv.92 , who probably copied Apollodorus. The device was mentioned by Sophocles in a lost play, The Camicians , in which he dealt with the residence of Daedalus at the court of Cocalus in Sicily . See Athenaeus iii.32, p. 86 CD ; The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, ii.3ff. Cocalus promised to surrender him, and made an entertainment for Minos; but after his bath Minos was undone by the daughters of Cocalus; some say, however, that he died through being drenched with boiling water. Compare Zenobius, Cent. iv.92 ; Diod. 4.79.2 ; Tzetzes, Chiliades i.508ff. ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. ii.145 ; Scholiast on Pind. N. 4.59(95) ; Ovid, Ibis 289ff. , with the Scholia. The account of Zenobius agrees closely with that of Apollodorus, except that he makes the daughters of Cocalus pour boiling pitch instead of boiling water on the head of their royal guest. The other authorities speak of boiling water. The Scholiast on Pindar informs us that the ever ingenious Daedalus persuaded the princesses to lead a pipe through the roof, which discharged a stream of boiling water on Minos while he was disporting himself in the bath. Other writers mention the agency of the daughters of Cocalus in the murder of Minos, without describing the mode of his taking off. See Paus. 7.4.6 ; Conon 25 ; Hyginus, Fab. 44 . Herodotus contents himself with saying ( Hdt. 7.169ff. ) that Minos died a violent death at Camicus in Sicily , whither he had gone in search of Daedalus. The Greek expression which I have translated “was undone” ( ἔκλυτος ἐγένετο ) is peculiar. If the text is sound (see Critical Note), the words must be equivalent to ἐξελύθη , “was relaxed, unstrung, or unnerved.” Compare Aristot. Prob. 862b 2ff. , κατεψυγμένου παντὸς τοῦ σώματος καὶ ἐκλελυμένου πρὸς τοὺς πόνους. Aristotle also uses the adjective ἔκλυτος to express a supple, nerveless, or effeminate motion of the hands ( Aristot. Physiog. 80a 14 ); and he says that tame elephants were trained to strike wild elephants, ἕως ἂν ἐκλύσωσιν ʽαὐτούσ̓ , “until they relax or weaken them” ( Aristot. Hist. anim. 9.610a 27 ). Isocrates speaks of a mob ʽὁ̓́χλοσ̓ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐκλελυμένος ( Isoc. 4.150 ). The verb ἐκλύειν is used in the sense of making an end of something troublesome or burdensome ( Soph. OT 35ff. with Jebb's note); from which it might perhaps be extended to persons regarded as troublesome or burdensome. We may compare the parallel uses of the Latin dissolvere , as applied both to things ( Hor. Carm. 1.9.5, dissolve frigus ) and to persons ( Sallust, Jugurtha 17 , plerosque senectus dissolvit ). 1.18. And Phaedra, after she had borne two children, Acamas and Demophon, to Theseus, fell in love with the son he had by the Amazon, to wit, Hippolytus, and besought him to lie with her. Howbeit, he fled from her embraces, because he hated all women. But Phaedra, fearing that he might accuse her to his father, cleft open the doors of her bed-chamber, rent her garments, and falsely charged Hippolytus with an assault. 1.19. Theseus believed her and prayed to Poseidon that Hippolytus might perish. So, when Hippolytus was riding in his chariot and driving beside the sea, Poseidon sent up a bull from the surf, and the horses were frightened, the chariot dashed in pieces, and Hippolytus, entangled in the reins, was dragged to death. And when her passion was made public, Phaedra hanged herself. The guilty passion of Phaedra for her stepson Hippolytus and the tragic end of the innocent youth, done to death by the curses of his father Theseus, are the subject of two extant tragedies, the Hippolytus of Euripides, and the Hippolytus or Phaedra of Seneca. Compare also Diod. 4.62 ; Paus. 1.22 , Paus. 1.22.1ff. , Paus. 2.32.1-4 ; Scholiast on Hom. Od. xi.321 , citing Asclepiades as his authority; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 1329 ; Tzetzes, Chiliades vi.504ff. ; Scholiast on Plat. Laws 9, 931b ; Ov. Met. 15.497ff. ; Ovid, Her. iv ; Hyginus, Fab. 47 ; Serv. Verg. A. 6.445 and vii.761 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 17, 117ff. (First Vatican Mythographer 46; Second Vatican Mythographer 128) . Sophocles composed a tragedy Phaedra , of which some fragments remain, but little or nothing is known of the plot. See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 294ff. Euripides wrote two tragedies on the same subject, both under the title of Hippolytus : it is the second which has come down to us. In the first Hippolytus the poet, incensed at the misconduct of his wife, painted the character and behaviour of Phaedra in much darker colours than in the second, where he has softened the portrait, representing the unhappy woman as instigated by the revengeful Aphrodite, but resisting the impulse of her fatal passion to the last, refusing to tell her love to Hippolytus, and dying by her own hand rather than endure the shame of its betrayal by a blabbing nurse. This version of the story is evidently not the one here followed by Apollodorus, according to whom Phaedra made criminal advances to her stepson. On the other hand the version of Apollodorus agrees in this respect with that of the Scholiast on Hom. Od. xi.321 : both writers may have followed the first Hippolytus of Euripides. As to that lost play, of which some fragments have come down to us, see the Life of Euripides in Westermann's Vitarum Scriptores Graeci Minores , p. 137 ; the Greek Argument to the extant Hippolytus of Euripides vol. i.163, ed. Paley ; TGF (Nauck 2nd ed.), pp. 491ff. Apollodorus says nothing as to the scene of the tragedy. Euripides in his extant play lays it at Troezen , whither Theseus had gone with Phaedra to be purified for the slaughter of the sons of Pallas ( Eur. Hipp. 34ff. ). Pausanias agrees with this account, and tells us that the graves of the unhappy pair were to be seen beside each other at Troezen , near a myrtle-tree, of which the pierced leaves still bore the print of Phaedra's brooch. The natural beauty of the spot is in keeping with the charm which the genius of Euripides has thrown over the romantic story of unhappy love and death. of Troezen itself only a few insignificant ruins remain, overgrown with weeds and dispersed amid a wilderness of bushes. But hard by are luxuriant groves of lemon and orange with here and there tall cypresses towering like dark spires above them, while behind this belt of verdure rise wooded hills, and across the blue waters of the nearly landlocked bay lies Calauria, the sacred island of Poseidon, its peaks veiled in the sombre green of the pines. A different place and time were assigned by Seneca to the tragedy. According to him, the events took place at Athens , and Phaedra conceived her passion for Hippolytus and made advances to him during the absence of her husband, who had gone down to the nether world with Pirithous and was there detained for four years ( Eur. Hipp.835ff. ). Diodorus Siculus agrees with Euripides in laying the scene of the tragedy at Troezen , and he agrees with Apollodorus in saying that at the time when Phaedra fell in love with Hippolytus she was the mother of two sons, Acamas and Demophon, by Theseus. In his usual rationalistic vein Diodorus omits all mention of Poseidon and the sea-bull, and ascribes the accident which befell Hippolytus to the mental agitation he felt at his stepmother's calumny. 2.14. But seeking by all means to pay Atreus out, Thyestes inquired of the oracle on the subject, and received an answer that it could be done if he were to beget a son by intercourse with his own daughter. He did so accordingly, and begot Aegisthus by his daughter. And Aegisthus, when he was grown to manhood and had learned that he was a son of Thyestes, killed Atreus, and restored the kingdom to Thyestes. The later history of Thyestes, including his incest with his daughter Pelopia, is narrated much more fully by Hyginus, Fab. 87, 88 , who is believed to have derived the story from the Thyestes of Sophocles. See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 185ff. The incest and the birth of Aegisthus, who is said to have received his name because he was suckled by a goat, are told more briefly by Lactantius Placidus (on Statius, Theb. iv.306) and the First and Second Vatican Mythographers ( Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 7ff., 126 ). The incest is said to have been committed at Sicyon , where the father and daughter met by night without recognizing each other; the recognition occurred at a later time by means of a sword which Pelopia had wrested from her ravisher, and with which, on coming to a knowledge of her relationship to him, she stabbed herself to death. 3.2. For one of these reasons Strife threw an apple as a prize of beauty to be contended for by Hera, Athena, and Aphrodite; and Zeus commanded Hermes to lead them to Alexander on Ida in order to be judged by him. And they promised to give Alexander gifts. Hera said that if she were preferred to all women, she would give him the kingdom over all men; and Athena promised victory in war, and Aphrodite the hand of Helen. And he decided in favour of Aphrodite As to the judgment of Paris (Alexander), see Hom. Il. 24.25ff. ; Cypria, in Proclus, Chrestom. i. (Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 16ff.) ; Eur. Tro. 924ff. ; Eur. IA 1290ff. ; Eur. Hel. 23ff. ; Eur. And. 274ff. ; Isoc. 10.41 ; Lucian, Dial. Deorum 20, Dial. marin. 5 ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 93 ; Hyginus, Fab. 92 ; Serv. Verg. A. 1.27 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 65ff., 142ff. (First Vatican Mythographer 208; Second Vatican Mythographer 205) . The story ran that all the gods and goddesses, except Strife, were invited to attend the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, and that Strife, out of spite at being overlooked, threw among the wedding guests a golden apple inscribed with the words, “Let the fair one take it,” or “The apple for the fair.” Three goddesses, Hera, Athena, and Aphrodite, contended for this prize of beauty, and Zeus referred the disputants to the judgment of Paris. The intervention of Strife was mentioned in the Cypria according to Proclus, but without mention of the golden apple, which first appears in late writers, such as Lucian and Hyginus. The offers made by the three divine competitors to Paris are recorded with substantial agreement by Eur. Tro. 924ff. , Isocrates, Lucian, and Apollodorus. Hyginus is also in harmony with them, if in his text we read fortissimum for the formissimum of the MSS., for which some editors wrongly read formosissimum . The scene of the judgment of Paris was represented on the throne of Apollo at Amyclae and on the chest of Cypselus at Olympia ( Paus. 3.8.12 ; Paus. 5.19.5 ). ; and sailed away to Sparta with ships built by Phereclus. Compare Hom. Il. 5.59ff. , from which we learn that the shipbuilder was a son of Tecton, who was a son of Harmon. The names of his father and grandfather indicate, as Dr. Leaf observes, that the business had been carried on in the family for three generations. Compare Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 97 . 3.7. But he, not wishing to go to the war, feigned madness. However, Palamedes, son of Nauplius, proved his madness to be fictitious; and when Ulysses pretended to rave, Palamedes followed him, and snatching Telemachus from Penelope's bosom, drew his sword as if he would kill him. And in his fear for the child Ulysses confessed that his madness was pretended, and he went to the war. As to the madness which Ulysses feigned in order to escape going to the Trojan war, see Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 18 ; Lucian, De domo 30 ; Philostratus, Her. xi.2 ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 818 ; Cicero, De officiis iii.26.97 ; Hyginus, Fab. 95 ; Serv. Verg. A. 2.81 ; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, Achill. i.93 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 12, 140ff. (First Vatican Mythographer 35; Second Vatican Mythographer 200) . The usual story seems to have been that to support his pretence of insanity Ulysses yoked an ox and a horse or an ass to the plough and sowed salt. While he was busy fertilizing the fields in this fashion, the Greek envoys arrived, and Palamedes, seeing through the deception, laid the infant son of Ulysses in front of the plough, whereupon the father at once checked the plough and betrayed his sanity. However, Lucian agrees with Apollodorus in saying that Palamedes threatened the child with his sword, though at the same time, by mentioning the unlike animals yoked together, he shows that he had the scene of the ploughing in his mind. His description purports to be based on a picture, probably a famous picture of the scene which was still exhibited at Ephesus in the time of Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv.129 . Sophocles wrote a play on the subject, called The Mad Ulysses . See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 115ff. 3.8. Having taken a Phrygian prisoner, Ulysses compelled him to write a letter of treasonable purport ostensibly sent by Priam to Palamedes; and having buried gold in the quarters of Palamedes, he dropped the letter in the camp. Agamemnon read the letter, found the gold, and delivered up Palamedes to the allies to be stoned as a traitor. The Machiavellian device by which the crafty Ulysses revenged himself on Palamedes for forcing him to go to the war is related more fully by a Scholiast on Eur. Or. 432 and Hyginus, Fab. 105 . According to the Scholiast, a servant of Palamedes was bribed to secrete the forged letter and the gold under his master's bed, where they were discovered and treated as damning evidence of treason. According to Hyginus, Ulysses had recourse to a still more elaborate stratagem in order to bury the gold in the earth under the tent of Palamedes. Compare Serv. Verg. A. 2.81 ; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, Achill. i.93 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 12, 140ff. (First Vatican Mythographer 35; Second Vatican Mythographer 200) . An entirely different account of the plot against Palamedes is told by Dictys Cretensis ii.15 . He says that Ulysses and Diomede induced him to descend into a well, and then buried him under rocks which they hurled down on the top of him. 3.17. But not knowing the course to steer for Troy , they put in to Mysia and ravaged it, supposing it to be Troy . With the following account of the landing of the Greeks in Mysia and their encounter with Telephus, compare Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 18ff. ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. i.59 . The accounts of both these writers agree, to some extent verbally, with that of Apollodorus and are probably drawn from the same source, which may have been the epic Cypria summarized by Proclus. The Scholiast tells us that it was Dionysus who caused Telephus to trip over a vine-branch, because Telephus had robbed the god of the honours that were his due. The incident is alluded to by Pind. I. 8.48(106)ff. The war in Mysia is narrated in more detail by Philostratus, Her. iii.28-36 and Dictys Cretensis ii.1-7 . Philostratus, Her. 35 says that the wounded were washed in the waters of the hot Ionian springs, which the people of Smyrna called the springs of Agamemnon. Now Telephus son of Hercules, was king of the Mysians, and seeing the country pillaged, he armed the Mysians, chased the Greeks in a crowd to the ships, and killed many, among them Thersander, son of Polynices, who had made a stand. But when Achilles rushed at him, Telephus did not abide the onset and was pursued, and in the pursuit he was entangled in a vine-branch and wounded with a spear in the thigh. 3.19. Having again assembled at Aulis after the aforesaid interval of eight years, they were in great perplexity about the voyage, because they had no leader who could show them the way to Troy . 3.21. But when they had put to sea from Argos and arrived for the second time at Aulis , the fleet was windbound, and Calchas said that they could not sail unless the fairest of Agamemnon's daughters were presented as a sacrifice to Artemis; for the goddess was angry with Agamemnon, both because, on shooting a deer, he had said, “ Artemis herself could not ( do it better),” Compare Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 183 . The full expression is reported by the Scholiast on Hom. Il. 1.108 , οὐδὲ ἡ Ἄρτεμις οὕτως ἂν ἐτόξευσε , “Not even Artemis could have shot like that.” The elliptical phrase is wrongly interpreted by the Sabbaitic scribe. See the Critical Note. and because Atreus had not sacrificed to her the golden lamb. 3.22. On receipt of this oracle, Agamemnon sent Ulysses and Talthybius to Clytaemnestra and asked for Iphigenia, alleging a promise of his to give her to Achilles to wife in reward for his military service. So Clytaemnestra sent her, and Agamemnon set her beside the altar, and was about to slaughter her, when Artemis carried her off to the Taurians and appointed her to be her priestess, substituting a deer for her at the altar; but some say that Artemis made her immortal. This account of the attempted sacrifice of Iphigenia at Aulis and the substitution of a doe agrees with the narrative of the same events in the epic Cypria as summarized by Proclus ( Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19 ). It is also in harmony with the tragedy of Euripides on the same subject. See Eur. IA 87ff. ; Eur. IA 358ff. ; Eur. IA 1541ff. Compare Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 183 ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. 1.108 ; Hyginus, Fab. 98 ; Ov. Met. 12.24-38 ; Dictys Cretensis i.19-22 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 6ff., 141 (First Vatican Mythographer 20; Second Vatican Mythographer 202) . Some said that Iphigenia was turned by the goddess into a bear or a bull ( Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 183 ). Dictys Cretensis dispenses with the intervention of Artemis to save Iphigenia; according to him it was Achilles who rescued the maiden from the altar and conveyed her away to the Scythian king. 3.29. These were, however, saved by Antenor; As to the embassy of Ulysses and Menelaus to Troy to demand the surrender of Helen, see Hom. Il. 3.205ff. ; Hom. Il. 11.138ff. ; Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19 ; Bacch. 14(15), ed. Jebb ; Hdt. 2.118 ; Tzetzes, Antehomerica 154ff. ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. iii.206 . According to the author of the epic Cypria , as reported by Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 19 , the embassy was sent before the first battle, in which Protesilaus fell (see below); according to Tzetzes, it was sent before the Greek army assembled at Aulis ; according to the Scholiast on Hom. Il. iii.206 , it was despatched from Tenedos . Herodotus says that the envoys were sent after the landing of the army in the Troad . Sophocles wrote a play on the subject of the embassy, called The Demand for the Surrender of Helen . See TGF (Nauck 2nd ed.), pp. 171ff. ; The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 121ff. Libanius has bequeathed to us two imaginary speeches, which are supposed to have been delivered by the Greek ambassadors, Menelaus and Ulysses, to the Trojan assembly before the opening of hostilities, while the Greek army was encamped within sight of the walls of Troy . See Libanius, Declam. iii. and iv. (vol. v. pp. 199ff., ed. R. Foerster) . but the Greeks, exasperated at the insolence of the barbarians, stood to arms and made sail against them. Now Thetis charged Achilles not to be the first to land from the ships, because the first to land would be the first to die. Being apprized of the hostile approach of the fleet, the barbarians marched in arms to the sea, and endeavored by throwing stones to prevent the landing. 3.32. The barbarians showing no courage, Achilles waylaid Troilus and slaughtered him in the sanctuary of Thymbraean Apollo, Compare Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 20 ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. xxiv.257 (where for ὀχευθῆναι it has been proposed to read λοχηθῆναι or λογχευθῆναἰ; Eustathius on Hom. Il. xxiv.251,p. 1348 ; Dio Chrysostom xi. vol. i. p. 189, ed. L. Dindorf ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 307-313 ; Verg. A. 1.474ff. ; Serv. Verg. A. 1.474 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. p. 66 (First Vatican Mythographer 210) . Troilus is represented as a youth, but the stories concerning his death are various. According to Eustathius, the lad was exercising his horses in the Thymbraeum or sanctuary of the Thymbraean Apollo, when Achilles killed him with his spear. Tzetzes says that he was a son of Hecuba by Apollo, though nominally by Priam, that he fled from his assailant to the temple of Apollo, and was cut down by Achilles at the altar. There was a prophecy that Troy could not be taken if Troilus should live to the age of twenty (so the First Vatican Mythographer). This may have been the motive of Achilles for slaying the lad. According to Dictys Cretensis iv.9 , Troilus was taken prisoner and publicly slaughtered in cold blood by order of Achilles. The indefatigable Sophocles, as usual, wrote a tragedy on the subject. See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 253ff. and coming by night to the city he captured Lycaon. Compare Hom. Il. 11.34ff. ; Hom. Il. 13.746ff. Lycaon was captured by Achilles when he was cutting sticks in the orchard of his father Priam. After being sold by his captor into slavery in Lemnos he was ransomed and returned to Troy , but meeting Achilles in battle a few days later, he was ruthlessly slain by him. The story seems to have been told also in the epic Cypria . See Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 20 . Moreover, taking some of the chiefs with him, Achilles laid waste the country, and made his way to Ida to lift the kine of Aeneas. But Aeneas fled, and Achilles killed the neatherds and Nestor, son of Priam, and drove away the kine. Compare Hom. Il. 20.90ff. ; Hom. Il. 20.188ff. ; Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 20 . 5.3. Memnon, the son of Tithonus and the Dawn, came with a great force of Ethiopians to Troy against the Greeks, and having slain many of the Greeks, including Antilochus, he was himself slain by Achilles. These events were narrated in the Aethiopis of Arctinus, as we learn from the summary of Proclus. See Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 33 . Compare Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica ii.100ff., 235ff., 452ff. ; Tzetzes, Posthomerica 234ff. ; Dictys Cretensis iv.6 . The fight between Memnon and Achilles was represented on the throne of Apollo at Amyclae, and on the chest of Cypselus at Olympia ( Paus. 3.18.12 ; Paus. 5.19.1 ). It was also the subject of a group of statuary, which was set up beside the Hippodamium at Olympia ( Paus. 5.22.2 ). Some fragments of the pedestal which supported the group have been discovered: one of them bears the name MEMNON inscribed in archaic letters. See Die Inschriften von Olympia 662 ; and Frazer, commentary on Pausanias, vol. iii. pp. 629ff. Aeschylus wrote a tragedy on the subject called Psychostasia , in which he described Zeus weighing the souls of the rival heroes in scales. See Plut. De audiendis poetis 2 ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. viii.70 ; TGF (Nauck 2nd ed.), pp. 88ff. A play of Sophocles, called The Ethiopians , probably dealt with the same theme. See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 22ff. The slaying of Antilochus by Memnon is mentioned by Hom. Od. 4.187ff. Having chased the Trojans also, Achilles was shot with an arrow in the ankle by Alexander and Apollo at the Scaean gate. 5.5. The death of Achilles filled the army with dismay, and they buried him with Patroclus in the White Isle, mixing the bones of the two together. According to Arctinus in the Aethiopis , when the body of Achilles was lying in state, his mother Thetis came with the Muses and her sisters and mourned over her dead son; then she snatched it away from the pyre and conveyed it to the White Isle; but the Greeks raised a sepulchral mound and held games in honour of the departed hero. See Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 34 . Compare Hom. Od. 24.43-92 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica iii.525-787 (the laying-out of the body, the lamentation of Thetis, the Nereids, and the Muses, and the burning of the corpse); Tzetzes, Posthomerica 431-467 ; Dictys Cretensis iv.13, 15 . Homer tells how the bones of Achilles, after his body had been burnt on the pyre, were laid with the bones of his friend Patroclus in a golden urn, made by Hephaestus, which Thetis had received from Dionysus. The urn was buried at the headland of Sigeum, according to Tzetzes and Dictys Cretensis. In Quintus Smyrnaeus, iii.766-780 we read how Poseidon comforted Thetis by assuring her that Achilles, her sorrow, was not dead, for he himself would bestow on the departed hero an island in the Euxine Sea where he should be a god for evermore, worshipped with sacrifices by the neighbouring tribes. The promised land was the White Isle mentioned by Apollodorus. It is described as a wooded island off the mouth of the Danube. In it there was a temple of Achilles with an image of him; and there the hero was said to dwell immortal with Helen for his wife and his friends Patroclus and Antilochus for his companions. There he chanted the verses of Homer, and mariners who sailed near the island could hear the song wafted clearly across the water; while such as put in to the shore or anchored off the coast, heard the trampling of horses, the shouts of warriors, and the clash of arms. See Paus. 3.19.11-13 ; Philostratus, Her. xx.32-40 . As the mortal remains of Achilles were buried in the Troad , and only his immortal spirit was said to dwell in the White Isle, the statement of Apollodorus that the Greeks interred him in the White Isle must be regarded as erroneous, whether the error is due to Apollodorus himself, or, as is more probable, either to his abbreviator or to a copyist. Perhaps in the original form of his work Apollodorus followed Arctinus in describing how Thetis snatched the body of Achilles from the pyre and transported it to the White Isle. It is said that after death Achilles consorts with Medea in the Isles of the Blest. Compare Ap. Rhod., Argon. iv.810ff. ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 174 . According to the Scholiast on Ap. Rhod., Argon. iv.815 , the first to affirm that Achilles married Medea in the Elysian Fields was the poet Ibycus, and the tale was afterwards repeated by Simonides. The story is unknown to Homer, who describes the shade of Achilles repining at his lot and striding alone in the Asphodel Meadow ( Hom. Od. 11.471-540 ). And they held games in his honor, at which Eumelus won the chariot-race, Diomedes the footrace, Ajax the quoit match, and Teucer the competition in archery. The funeral games in honour of Achilles are described at full length, in the orthodox manner, by Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica iv.88-595 . He agrees with Apollodorus in representing Teucer and Ajax as victorious in the contests of archery and quoit-throwing respectively ( Posthomerica iv.405ff., 436ff. ); and he seems to have described Eumelus as the winner of the chariot-race ( Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica iv.500ff. ), but the conclusion of the race is lost through a gap in the text. 5.11. On hearing these things the Greeks caused the bones of Pelops to be fetched, and they sent Ulysses and Phoenix to Lycomedes at Scyros, and these two persuaded him to let Neoptolemus go. As to the fetching of Neoptolemus from Scyros, see Hom. Od. 11.506ff. ; the Little Iliad of Lesches, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 36ff. ; Pind. Pa. 6.98ff. ; Soph. Phil. 343-356 ; Philostratus Junior, Im. 2 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica vi.57-113, vii.169- 430 ; Tzetzes, Posthomerica 523-534 . Apollodorus agrees with Sophocles in saying that the Greek envoys who fetched Neoptolemus from Scyros were Ulysses and Phoenix. According to Quintus Smyrnaeus, they were Ulysses and Diomedes. Ulysses is the only envoy mentioned by Homer, Lesches, and Tzetzes; and Phoenix is the only envoy mentioned by Philostratus. Pindar speaks vaguely of “messengers.” In this passage I have adopted Wagner's conjecture πείθουσι < αὐ> τὸν νεοπτόλεμον προέσθαι , “persuaded him to let Neoptolemus go.” If this conjecture is not accepted, we seem forced to translate the passage “persuaded Neoptolemus to venture.” But I cannot cite any exact parallel to such a use of the middle of προΐημι. When employed absolutely, the verb seems often to convey a bad meaning. Thus Demosthenes uses it in the sense of “throwing away a chance,” “neglecting an opportunity” ( Dem.19.150, 152 , μὴ πρόεσθαι, οὐ προήσεσθαι ). Iphicrates employed it with the same significance (quoted by Aristot. Rh. 2.1397b διότι προεῖτο ). Aristotle applied the verb to a man who had “thrown away” his health ( Aristot. Nic. Eth. 3.1114a 15 , τότε μὲν οὖν ἐξῆν αὐτῷ μὴ νοσεῖν, προεμένῳ δ’ οὐκέτι, ὥσπερ οὐδ’ ἀφέντι λίθον ἔτ’ αὐτὸν δυνατὸν ἀναλαβεῖν ). However, elsewhere Aristotle uses the word to describe the lavish liberality of generous men ( Aristot. Rh. 1.1366b , εἶτα ἡ ἐλευθεριότης: προΐενται γὰρ καὶ οὐκ ἀνταγωνίζονται περὶ τῶν χρημάτων, ὧν μάλιστα ἐφίενται ἄλλοι ). In the present passage of Apollodorus, if Wagner's emendation is not accepted, we might perhaps read <μὴ>πρόεσθαι and translate, “persuaded Neoptolemus not to throw away the chance.” But it is better to acquiesce in Wagner's simple and probable correction. On coming to the camp and receiving his father's arms from Ulysses, who willingly resigned them, Neoptolemus slew many of the Trojans. 5.12. Afterwards, Eurypylus, son of Telephus, arrived to fight for the Trojans, bringing a great force of Mysians. He performed doughty deeds, but was slain by Neoptolemus. As to the single combat of Eurypylus and Neoptolemus, and the death of Eurypylus, see Hom. Od. 11.516-521 ; the Little Iliad of Lesches, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 37 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica viii.128-220 ; Tzetzes, Posthomerica 560-565 ; Dictys Cretensis iv.17 . Eurypulus was king of Mysia . At first his mother Astyoche refused to let him go to the Trojan war, but Priam overcame her scruples by the present of a golden vine. See Scholiast on Hom. Od. xi.520 . The brief account which Apollodorus gives of the death of Eurypylus agrees closely with the equally summary narrative of Proclus. Sophocles composed a tragedy on the subject, of which some very mutilated fragments have been discovered in Egypt . See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. i. pp. 146ff. ; A. S. Hunt, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta Papyracea nuper reperta (Oxford; no date, no pagination) . 5.13. And Ulysses went with Diomedes by night to the city, and there he let Diomedes wait, and after disfiguring himself and putting on mean attire he entered unknown into the city as a beggar. And being recognized by Helen, he with her help stole away the Palladium, and after killing many of the guards, brought it to the ships with the aid of Diomedes. These events were narrated in the Little Iliad of Lesches, as we learn from the summary of Proclus (Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 37) , which runs thus: “And Ulysses, having disfigured himself, comes as a spy to Troy , and being recognized by Helen he makes a compact with her concerning the capture of the city; and having slain some of the Trojans he arrives at the ships. And after these things he with Diomedes conveys the Palladium out of Ilium .” From this it appears that Ulysses made two different expeditions to Troy : in one of them he went by himself as a spy in mean attire, and being recognized by Helen concerted with her measures for betraying Troy to the Greeks; in the other he went with Diomedes, and together the two stole the Palladium. The former of these expeditions is described by Homer in the Odyssey ( Hom. Od. 4.242ff. ), where Helen tells how Ulysses disfigured himself with wounds, and disguising himself in mean attire came as a beggar to Troy ; how she alone detected him, wormed the secrets of the Greeks out of him, and having sworn not to betray him till he had returned in safety to the ships, let him go free, whereupon on his way back he killed many Trojans. Euripides also relates this visit of Ulysses to Troy , adding that Helen revealed his presence to Hecuba, who spared his life and sent him out of the country ( Eur. Hec. 239-250 ). These two quite distinct expeditions of Ulysses have been confused and blended into one by Apollodorus. As to the joint expedition of Ulysses and Diomedes to Troy , and the stealing of the Palladium, see further Conon 34 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica x.350-360 ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. vi.311 ; Malalas, Chr. v. pp. 109, 111ff., ed. L. Dindorf ; Zenobius, Cent. iii.8 ; Apostolius, Cent. vi.15 ; Suidas, s. vv. Διομήδειος ἀνάγκη and Παλλάδιον ; Hesychius, s.v. Διομήδειος ἀνάγκη ; Eustathius on Hom. Il. x.531, p. 822 ; Scholiast on Plat. Rep. 6, 493b ; Verg. A. 2.162-170 ; Serv. Verg. A. 2.166 ; Dictys Cretensis v.5, 8ff. The narrative of Apollodorus suggests that Ulysses had the principal share in the exploit. But according to another and seemingly more prevalent tradition it was Diomedes who really bore off the image. This emerges particularly from Conon's account. Diomedes, he tells us, mounted on the shoulders of Ulysses, and having thus scaled the wall, he refused to draw his comrade up after him, and went in search of the Palladium. Having secured it, he returned with it to Ulysses, and together they retraced their steps to the Greek camp. But by the way the crafty Ulysses conceived the idea of murdering his companion and making himself master of the fateful image. So he dropped behind Diomedes and drew his sword. But the moon shone full; and as he raised his arm to strike, the flash of the blade in the moonlight caught the eye of the wary Diomedes. He faced round, drew his sword, and, upbraiding the other with his cowardice, drove him before him, while he beat the back of the recreant with the flat of his sword. This incident gave rise to the proverb, “Diomedes's compulsion,” applied to such as did what they were forced to do by dire necessity. The proverb is similarly explained by the other Greek proverb-writers and lexicographers cited above, except that, instead of the flash of the sword in the moonlight, they say it was the shadow of the sword raised to strike him which attracted the attention of Diomedes. The picturesque story appears to have been told in the Little Iliad ( Hesychius, s.v. Διομήδειος ἀνάγκη ). According to one account, Diomedes and Ulysses made their way into the Trojan citadel through a sewer ( Serv. Verg. A. 2.166 ), indeed a narrow and muddy sewer, as Sophocles called it in the play which he composed on the subject. See Julius Pollux, ix.49 ; The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, ii.36, frag. 367 . Some affirmed that the Palladium was treacherously surrendered to the Greek heroes by Theano, the priestess of the goddess ( Scholiast on Hom. Il. vi.311 ; Suidas, s.v. Παλλάδιον ); to this step she was said to have been instigated by her husband Antenor ( Malalas, Chr. v. p. 109, ed. L. Dindorf ; Dictys Cretensis v.5, 8 ). As to Theano in her capacity of priestess, see Hom. Il. 6.297ff. The theft of the Palladium furnished a not infrequent subject to Greek artists; but the artistic, like the literary, tradition was not agreed on the question whether the actual thief was Diomedes or Ulysses. See Frazer on Paus. 1.22.6 (vol. ii. pp. 264 sq.) . 5.15. They followed the advice of Ulysses and introduced the doughtiest into the horse, after appointing Ulysses their leader and engraving on the horse an inscription which signified, “ For their return home, the Greeks dedicate this thank—offering to Athena.” But they themselves burned their tents, and leaving Sinon, who was to light a beacon as a signal to them, they put to sea by night, and lay to off Tenedos . 5.17. As Cassandra said that there was an armed force in it, and she was further confirmed by Laocoon, the seer, some were for burning it, and others for throwing it down a precipice; but as most were in favour of sparing it as a votive offering sacred to a divinity, As to these deliberations of the Trojans, compare Hom. Od. 8.505ff. ; Arctinus, Ilii Persis, summarized by Proclus in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 49 ; Tryphiodorus, Excidium Ilii 250ff. they betook them to sacrifice and feasting. 5.18. However, Apollo sent them a sign; for two serpents swam through the sea from the neighboring islands and devoured the sons of Laocoon. Compare Arctinus, Ilii Persis, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 49 ; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ant. Rom. i.48.2 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica xii.444-497 ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 347 ; Verg. A. 2.199-227 ; Hyginus, Fab. 135 ; Serv. Verg. A. 2.201 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 144ff. (Second Vatican Mythographer 207) . According to Arctinus, our oldest authority for the tragedy of Laocoon, the two serpents killed Laocoon himself and one of his sons. According to Virgil, Hyginus, and Servius, they killed Laocoon and both his sons. According to Quintus Smyrnaeus, the serpents killed the two sons but spared the father, who lived to lament their fate. This last seems to have been the version followed by Apollodorus. The reason of the calamity which befell Laocoon is explained by Servius on the authority of Euphorion. He tells us that when the Greek army landed in the Troad , the Trojans stoned the priest of Poseidon to death, because he had not, by offering sacrifices to the sea god, prevented the invasion. Accordingly, when the Greeks seemed to be departing, it was deemed advisable to sacrifice to Poseidon, no doubt in order to induce him to give the Greeks a stormy passage. But the priesthood was vacant, and it was necessary to choose a priest by lot. The lot fell on Laocoon, priest of the Thymbraean Apollo, but he had incurred the wrath of Apollo by sleeping with his wife in front of the divine image, and for this sacrilege he perished with his two sons. This narrative helps us to understand the statement of Apollodorus that the two serpents were sent by Apollo for a sign. According to Tzetzes, the death of Laocoon's son took place in the temple of the Thymbraean Apollo, the scene of the crime thus becoming the scene of the punishment. Sophocles wrote a tragedy on the subject of Laocoon, but though a few fragments of the play have survived, its contents are unknown. See TGF (Nauck 2nd ed.), pp. 211ff. ; The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 38ff. In modern times the story of Laocoon is probably even better known from the wonderful group of statuary in the Vatican than from the verses of Virgil. That group, the work of three Rhodian sculptors, graced the palace of the emperor Titus in the time of Pliny, who declared that it was to be preferred to any other work either of sculpture or painting ( Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvi.37 ). Lessing took the group for the text of his famous essay on the comparative limitations of poetry and art. 5.19. And when night fell, and all were plunged in sleep, the Greeks drew near by sea from Tenedos , and Sinon kindled the beacon on the grave of Achilles to guide them. The beacon-light kindled by the deserter and traitor Sinon to guide the Greeks across the water to the doomed city is a regular feature in the narratives of the taking of Troy ; but the only other writer who mentions that it shone from the grave of Achilles is Tryphiodorus, who adds that all night long there blazed a light like the full moon above Helen's chamber, for she too was awake and signalling to the enemy, while all the town was plunged in darkness and silence; the sounds of revelry and music had died away, and not even the barking of a dog broke the stillness of the summer night. See Tryphiodorus, Excidium Ilii 487-521 . That the poet conceived the fall of Troy to have happened in the summer time is shown by his describing how the Trojans wreathed the mane of the Wooden Horse with flowers culled on river banks, and how the women spread carpets of roses under its feet ( Tryphiodorus, Excidium Ilii 316ff., 340-344 ). For these flowers of fancy Tryphiodorus is severely taken to task by the pedantic Tzetzes on the ground that Troy fell at midwinter; and he clinches the lesson administered to his predecessor by observing that he had learned from Orpheus, “who had it from another man,” never to tell a lie. Such was the state of the Higher Criticism at Byzantium in the twelfth century of our era. See Tzetzes, Posthomerica 700-707 . And Helen, going round the horse, called the chiefs, imitating the voices of each of their wives. But when Anticlus would have answered, Ulysses held fast his mouth. This incident is derived from Hom. Od. 4.274-289 . It is copied and told with fuller details by Tryphiodorus, who says that Anticlus expired under the iron grip of Ulysses ( Tryphiodorus, Excidium Ilii 463-490 ). 5.22. But Menelaus slew Deiphobus and led away Helen to the ships Compare Arctinus, Ilii Persis, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 49 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica xiii.354ff. ; Tryphiodorus, Excidium Ilii 627-633 ; Tzetzes, Posthomerica 729-731 ; Dictys Cretensis v.12 . Deiphobus had married Helen after the death of Paris. See above, Apollod. E.5.8.9 . ; and Aethra, mother of Theseus, was also led away by Demophon and Acamas, the sons of Theseus; for they say that they afterwards went to Troy . Compare Arctinus, Ilii Persis, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 50 ; Paus. 10.25.8 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica xiii.496-543 ; Scholiast on Eur. Hec. 123 and Scholiast on Eur. Tro. 31 ; Dictys Cretensis v.13 . Homer mentions Aethra as one of the handmaids of Helen at Troy ( Hom. Il. 3.53 ). Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica xiii.496-543 has described at length the recognition of the grandmother by the grandsons, who, according to Hellanicus, went to Troy for the purpose of rescuing or ransoming her ( Scholiast on Eur. Hec. 123 ). The recognition was related also by Lesches ( Paus. 10.25.8 ). Aethra had been taken prisoner at Athens by Castor and Pollux when they rescued their sister Helen. See above, Apollod. 3.7.4 , Apollod. E.1.23 . On the chest of Cypselus at Olympia the artist portrayed Helen setting her foot on Aethra's head and tugging at her handmaid's hair. See Paus. 5.19.3 ; Dio Chrysostom xi. vol. i. p. 179, ed. L. Dindorf . And the Locrian Ajax, seeing Cassandra clinging to the wooden image of Athena, violated her; therefore they say that the image looks to heaven. As to the violence offered to Cassandra by Ajax, compare Arctinus, Ilii Persis, summarized by Proclus, in Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 49ff. ; Scholiast on Hom. Il. xiii.66, referring to Callimachus ; Paus. 1.15.2 ; Paus. 5.11.6 ; Paus. 5.19.5 ; Paus. 10.26.3 ; Paus. 10.31.2 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica xiii.420-429 ; Tryphiodorus, Excidium Ilii 647-650 ; Verg. A. 2.403-406 ; Dictys Cretensis v.12 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. p. 55 (First Vatican Mythographer 181) . Arctinus described how, in dragging Cassandra from the image of Athena, at which she had taken refuge, Ajax drew down the image itself. This incident was carved on the chest of Cypselus at Olympia ( Paus. 5.19.5 ), and painted by Polygnotus in his great picture of the sack of Troy at Delphi ( Paus. 10.26.3 ). The Scholiast on Hom. Il. xiii.66 and Quintus Smyrnaeus describe how the image of Athena turned up its eyes to the roof in horror at the violence offered to the suppliant. 6.7. The others being driven to Euboea by night, Nauplius kindled a beacon on Mount Caphareus; and they, thinking it was some of those who were saved, stood in for the shore, and the vessels were wrecked on the Capherian rocks, and many men perished. As to the false lights kindled by Nauplius to lure the Greek ships on to the breakers, see above, Apollod. 2.1.5 ; Eur. Hel. 766ff. ; Eur. Hel. 1126ff. ; Scholiast on Eur. Or. 432 ; Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica xiv.611-628 ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 384 ; Prop. v.1.115ff. ; Hyginus, Fab. 116 ; Seneca, Agamemnon 557-575 ; Dictys Cretensis vi.1 ; Serv. Verg. A. 11.260 ; Lactantius Placidus on Statius, Achill. i.93 ; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini, ed. Bode, i. pp. 46, 141 (First Vatican Mythographer 144; Second Vatican Mythographer 201) . The story was probably told by Hagias in his epic The Returns (Nostoi) , though in the abstract of that poem there occurs merely a mention of “the storm at the Capherian Rocks.” See Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 53 . The wrecker Nauplius was the subject of a tragedy by Sophocles. See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 80ff. 6.8. For Palamedes, the son of Nauplius and Clymene daughter of Catreus, had been stoned to death through the machinations of Ulysses. As to the death of Palamedes, see above, Apollod. E.3.8 . And when Nauplius learned of it, This passage, down to the end of Section 12, is quoted with some slight verbal changes, but without citing his authority, by Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 384-386 ; compare Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 1093 . he sailed to the Greeks and claimed satisfaction for the death of his son; 6.9. but when he returned unsuccessful ( for they all favoured King Agamemnon, who had been the accomplice of Ulysses in the murder of Palamedes), he coasted along the Grecian lands and contrived that the wives of the Greeks should play their husbands false, Clytaemnestra with Aegisthus, Aegialia with Cometes, son of Sthenelus, and Meda, wife of Idomeneus, with Leucus. 6.10. But Leucus killed her, together with her daughter Clisithyra, who had taken refuge in the temple; and having detached ten cities from Crete he made himself tyrant of them; and when after the Trojan war Idomeneus landed in Crete , Leucus drove him out. See Frazer's Appendix to Apollodorus, “The vow of Idomeneus.” 6.11. These were the earlier contrivances of Nauplius; but afterwards, when he learned that the Greeks were on their way home to their native countries, he kindled the beacon fire on Mount Caphereus, which is now called Xylophagus; and there the Greeks, standing in shore in the belief that it was a harbor, were cast away. 6.13. Helenus founded a city in Molossia and inhabited it, and Neoptolemus gave him his mother Deidamia to wife. As to Deidamia, mother of Neoptolemus, see above, Apollod. 3.13.8 . The marriage of Helenus to Deidamia appears not to be mentioned by any other ancient writer. And when Peleus was expelled from Phthia by the sons of Acastus According to Eur. Tro. 1126-1130 , while Neoptolemus was still at Troy , he heard that his grandfather Peleus had been expelled by Acastus; hence he departed for home in haste, taking Andromache with him. The Scholiast on this passage of Euripides ( 1128 ) says that Peleus was expelled by Acastus's two sons, Archander and Architeles, and that the exiled king, going to meet his grandson Neoptolemus, was driven by a storm to the island of Cos, where he was entertained by a certain Molon and died. As to an early connexion between Thessaly and Cos, see W. R. Paton and E. L. Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos , pp. 344ff. A different and much more detailed account of the exile of Peleus is furnished by Dictys Cretensis vi.7-9 . According to it, when Neoptolemus was refitting his shattered ships in Molossia, he heard that Peleus had been deposed and expelled by Acastus. Hastening to the aid of his aged grandfather, he found him hiding in a dark cave on the shore of one of the Sepiades Islands, where he eagerly scanned every passing sail in hopes that one of them would bring his grandson to his rescue. By disguising himself Neoptolemus contrived to attack and kill Acastus's two sons, Menalippus and Plisthenes, when they were out hunting. Afterwards, disguising himself as a Trojan captive, he lured Acastus himself to the cave and would have slain him there, if it had not been for the intercession of Thetis, who had opportunely arrived from the sea to visit her old husband Peleus. Happy at his escape, Acastus resigned the kingdom on the spot to Neoptolemus, and that hero at once took possession of the realm in company with his grandfather, his divine grandmother Thetis, and the companions of his voyage. This romantic narrative may be based on a lost Greek tragedy, perhaps on the Peleus of Sophocles, a play in which the dramatist appears to have dealt with the fortunes of Peleus in his old age. See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 140ff. The statement of Dictys Cretensis that Peleus took refuge in one of the Sepiades Islands suggests that in the Scholium on Eur. Tro. 1126-1130 the name Icos should be read instead of Cos, as has been argued by several scholars ( A. C. Pearson, op. cit. ii.141 ); for Icos was a small island near Euboea ( Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Ἰκός ), and would be a much more natural place of refuge for Peleus than the far more distant island of Cos. Moreover, we have the positive affirmation of the poet Antipater of Sidon that Peleus was buried in Icos ( Anth. Pal. vii.2.9ff. ). The connexion of Peleus with the Sepiades Islands is further supported by Euripides; for in his play Andromache ( Eur. And. 1253-1269 ) he tells how Thetis bids her old husband Peleus tarry in a cave of these islands, till she should come with a band of Nereids to fetch him away, that he might dwell with her as a god for ever in the depths of the sea. In the same play ( Eur. And. 22ff. ) Euripides says that Neoptolemus refused to accept the sceptre of Pharsalia in the lifetime of his grandfather Peleus. and died, Neoptolemus succeeded to his father's kingdom. 6.14. And when Orestes went mad, Neoptolemus carried off his wife Hermione, who had previously been betrothed to him in Troy In this passage Apollodorus appears to follow the account given by Euripides in his Andromache , ( Eur. And. 967-981 ). According to that account, Menelaus gave his daughter Hermione in marriage to her cousin Orestes, the son of Agamemnon and Clytaemnestra. But in the Trojan war he afterwards promised the hand of Hermione to Neoptolemus, if Neoptolemus should succeed in capturing Troy . Accordingly on his return from the war Neoptolemus claimed his bride from her husband Orestes, who was then haunted and maddened by the Furies of his murdered mother Clytaemnestra. Orestes protested, but in vain; Neoptolemus insolently reproached him with his crime of matricide and with the unseen avengers of blood by whom he was pursued. So Orestes was obliged to yield up his wife to his rival, but he afterwards took his revenge by murdering Neoptolemus at Delphi . This version of the legend is followed also by Hyginus, Fab. 123 . An obvious difficulty is presented by the narrative; for if Menelaus had given his daughter in marriage to Orestes, how could he afterwards have promised her to Neoptolemus in the lifetime of her first husband? This difficulty was met by another version of the story, which alleged that Hermione was betrothed or married to Orestes by her grandfather Tyndareus in the absence of her father Menelaus, who was then away at the Trojan war; that meantime, in ignorance of this disposal of his daughter, Menelaus had promised her hand to Neoptolemus before Troy , and that on his return from the war Neoptolemus took her by force from Orestes. See Eustathius on Hom. Od. iv.3, p. 1479 ; Scholiast on Hom. Od. iv.4 ; Ovid, Her. viii.31ff. ; Serv. Verg. A. 3.330, compare on 297 . According to the tragic poet Philocles, not only had Hermione been given in marriage by Tyndareus to Orestes, but she was actually with child by Orestes when her father afterwards married her to Neoptolemus. See Scholiast on Eur. Andr. 32 . This former marriage of Hermione to Orestes, before she became the wife of Neoptolemus, is recognized by Verg. A. 3.330 , and Ovid, Heroides, viii. passim , but it is unknown to Homer. On the other hand, Homer records that Menelaus betrothed Hermione to Neoptolemus at Troy , and celebrated the marriage after his return to Sparta ( Hom. Od. 4.1-9 ). Sophocles wrote a tragedy Hermione , the plot of which seems to have resembled that of the Andromache of Euripides. See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 141ff. Euripides does not appear to have been consistent in his view that Neoptolemus forcibly deprived Orestes of Hermione and married her himself; for in his play Orestes ( Eur. Or. 1653-1657 ) he makes Apollo prophesy to Orestes that he shall wed Hermione, but that Neoptolemus shall never do so. ; and for that reason he was slain by Orestes at Delphi . But some say that he went to Delphi to demand satisfaction from Apollo for the death of his father, and that he rifled the votive offerings and set fire to the temple, and was on that account slain by Machaereus the Phocian. The murder of Neoptolemus at Delphi , as Apollodorus observes, was variously related. According to Euripides, Neoptolemus paid two visits to Delphi . On the first occasion he went to claim redress from Apollo, who had shot his father Achilles at Troy (see above, Apollod. E.5.3 ). On the second occasion he went to excuse himself to the god for the rashness and impiety of which he had been guilty in calling the deity to account for the murder; and it was then that Orestes, enraged at having been robbed of his wife Hermione by Neoptolemus, waylaid and murdered his rival in the temple of Apollo, the fatal blow being struck, however, not by Orestes but by “a Delphian man.” See Eur. And. 49-55 , Eur. And. 1086-1165 ; compare Eur. Or. 1656ff. This is the version of the story which Apollodorus appears to prefer. It is accepted also by Hyginus, Fab. 123 , Velleius Paterculus i.1.3 , Serv. Verg. A. 3.297, 330 , and somewhat ambiguously by Dictys Cretensis vi.12ff. The murder of Neoptolemus by Orestes is mentioned, but without any motive assigned, by Heliodorus ii.34 and Justin xvii.3.7 . A different account is given by Pindar. He says that Neoptolemus went to consult the god at Delphi , taking with him first-fruit offerings of the Trojan spoil; that there he was stabbed to death by a man in a brawl concerning the flesh of the victim, and that after death he was supposed to dwell within the sacred precinct and to preside over the processions and sacrifices in honour of heroes. See Pind. N. 7.34(50)-47(70) ; compare Pind. Pa. 6.117ff. P The Scholiast on the former of these passages of Pindar, Scholiast on Pind. Pa. 42(62) , explains the brawl by saying that it was the custom of the Delphians to appropriate ( ἁρπάζειν ) the sacrifices; that Neoptolemus attempted to prevent them from taking possession of his offerings, and that in the squabble the Delphians despatched him with their swords. This explanation seems to be due to Pherecydes, for a Scholiast on Eur. Or. 1655 quotes the following passage from that early historian: “When Neoptolemus married Hermione, daughter of Menelaus, he went to Delphi to inquire about offspring; for he had no children by Hermione. And when at the oracle he saw the Delphians scrambling for ( διαρπάζοντας ) the flesh, he attempted to take it from them. But their priest Machaereus killed him and buried him under the threshold of the temple.” This seems to have been the version of the story followed by Pausanias, for he mentions the hearth at Delphi on which the priest of Apollo slew Neoptolemus ( Paus. 10.24.4 ), and elsewhere he says that “the Pythian priestess ordered the Delphians to kill Pyrrhus (Neoptolemus), son of Achilles” ( Paus. 1.13.9 ; compare Paus. 4.17.4 ). That the slayer of Neoptolemus was called Machaereus is mentioned also by a Scholiast on Eur. Andr. 53 and by Strab. 9.3.9 , who says that Neoptolemus was killed “because he demanded satisfaction from the god for the murder of his father, or, more probably, because he had made an attack on the sanctuary.” Indeed, Asclepiades, in his work Tragodoumena , wrote as follows: “About his death almost all the poets agree that he was killed by Machaereus and buried at first under the threshold of the temple, but that afterwards Menelaus came and took up his body, and made his grave in the precinct. He says that Machaereus was a son of Daetas.” See Scholiast on Pind. N. 7.42(62) . The story that Neoptolemus came to Delphi to plunder the sanctuary, which is noticed by Apollodorus and preferred by Strabo, is mentioned by Paus. 10.7.1 and a Scholiast on Pind. N. 7.58, Boeckh . It is probably not inconsistent with the story that he went to demand satisfaction from, or to inflict punishment on, the god for the death of his father; for the satisfaction or punishment would naturally take the shape of a distress levied on the goods and chattels of the defaulting deity. The tradition that the slain Neoptolemus was buried under the threshold of Apollo's temple is remarkable and, so far as I remember, unique in Greek legend. The statement that the body was afterwards taken up and buried within the precinct agrees with the observation of Paus. 10.24.6 that “quitting the temple and turning to the left you come to an enclosure, inside of which is the grave of Neoptolemus, son of Achilles. The Delphians offer sacrifice to him annually as to a hero.” From Pind. N. 7.44(65)ff. we learn that Neoptolemus even enjoyed a preeminence over other heroes at Delphi , being called on to preside over the processions and sacrifices in their honour. The Aenianes of Thessaly used to send a grand procession and costly sacrifices to Delphi every fourth year in honour of Neoptolemus. The ceremony fell at the same time as the Pythian games. See Heliodorus, Aeth. ii.34-iii.6 . It is a little difficult to understand how a man commonly accused of flagrant impiety and sacrilege should have been raised to such a pitch of glory at the very shrine which he was said to have attacked and robbed. The apparent contradiction might be more intelligible if we could suppose that, as has been suggested, Neoptolemus was publicly sacrificed as a scapegoat, perhaps by being stoned to death, as seems to have been the fate of the human victims at the Thargelia, whose sacrifice was justified by a legend that the first of their number had stolen some sacred cups of Apollo. See Harpocration, s.v. φάρμακος ; and as to the suggestion that Neoptolemus may have been sacrificed as a scapegoat, see J. Toepffer, “Thargelienbrauche,” Beiträge zur griechischen Altertumswissenschaft (Berlin, 1897), pp. 132ff. , who points out that according to Eur. And. 1127ff. Neoptolemus was stoned as well as stabbed at the altar of Apollo. As to the custom of burying the dead under a threshold, see Folk-Lore in the Old Testament , iii.13ff. 6.25. The god gave him leave, so he departed secretly to Mycenae in company with Pylades, and killed both his mother and Aegisthus. This vengeance for the murder of Agamemnon is the theme of three extant Greek tragedies, the Choephori of Aeschylus, the Electra of Sophocles, and the Electra of Euripides. It was related by Hagias in his epic, the Returns , as we learn from the brief summary of Proclus ( Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, p. 53 ). Compare Pind. P. 11.36ff. ; Hyginus, Fab. 119 . Homer briefly mentions the murder of Aegisthus by Orestes ( Hom. Od. 1.29ff. ; Hom. Od. 1.298-300 ; Hom. Od. 3.306ff. ); he does not expressly mention, but darkly hints at, the murder of Clytaemnestra by her son ( Hom. Od. 3.309ff. ). And not long afterwards, being afflicted with madness and pursued by the Furies, he repaired to Athens and was tried in the Areopagus. He is variously said to have been brought to trial by the Furies, or by Tyndareus, or by Erigone, daughter of Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra; and the votes at his trial being equal he was acquitted. The trial and acquittal of Orestes in the court of the Areopagus at Athens is the subject of Aeschylus's tragedy, the Eumenides , where the poet similarly represents the matricide as acquitted because the votes were equal ( Aesch. Eum. 752ff. ). The Parian Chronicle also records the acquittal on the same ground, and dates it in the reign of Demophon, king of Athens . See Marmor Parium 40ff. (Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, i.546) . Compare Eur. IT 940-967 ; Eur. IT 1469-1472 ; Eur. Or. 1648-1652 ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 1374 ; Paus. 1.28.5 ; Paus. 8.34.4 ; Dictys Cretensis vi.4 . In the Eumenides the accusers of Orestes are the Furies. According to the Parian Chronicler, it was Erigone, the daughter of Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra, who instituted the prosecution for the murder of her father; the chronicler does not mention the murder of Clytaemnestra as an article in the indictment of Orestes. According to the author of the Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. Αἰώρα , p. 42 , the prosecution was conducted at Athens jointly by Erigone and her grandfather Tyndareus, and when it failed, Erigone hanged herself. Peloponnesian antiquaries, reported by Paus. 8.34.4 , alleged that the accuser was not Tyndareus, who was dead, but Perilaus, a cousin of Clytaemnestra. According to Hyginus, Fab. 119 , Orestes was accused by Tyndareus before the people of Mycenae , but was suffered to retire into banishment for the sake of his father. As to the madness of Orestes, caused by the Furies of his murdered mother, see Eur. Or. 931ff. ; Paus. 3.22.1 ; Paus. 8.34.1-4 . The incipient symptoms of madness, showing themselves immediately after the commission of the crime, are finely described by Aesch. Lib. 1021ff. 7.16. But Eurylochus saw these things and reported them to Ulysses. And Ulysses went to Circe with moly, As to moly, see Hom. Od. 10.302-306 . Homer says that it was a plant dug up from the earth, with a black root and a white flower. According to Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. ix.15.7 , moly resembled Allium nigrum , which was found in the valley of Pheneus and on Mount Cyllene in northern Arcadia ; he says it had a round root, like an onion, and a leaf like a squill, and that it was used as an antidote to spells and enchantments. But probably the moly of Homer grew on no earthly hill or valley, but only in “fairyland forlorn.” which he had received from Hermes, and throwing the moly among her enchantments, he drank and alone was not enchanted. Then drawing his sword, he would have killed her, but she appeased his wrath and restored his comrades. And when he had taken an oath of her that he should suffer no harm, Ulysses shared her bed, and a son, Telegonus, was born to him. Telegonus is unknown to Homer, who mentions no offspring of Ulysses by the enchantress Circe. He is named as a son of Ulysses and Circe by Hesiod in a line which is suspected, however, of being spurious ( Hes. Th. 1014 ). He was recognized by Hagias in his epic, The Returns , and by another Cyclic poet Eugammon of Cyrene ; indeed Eugammon composed an epic called the Telegony on the adventures of Telegonus, but according to him Telegonus was a son of Ulysses by Calypso, not by Circe. See Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. G. Kinkel, pp. 56, 57ff. ; Eustathius on Hom. Od. xvi.118, p. 1796 . According to Hyginus, Fab. 125 , Ulysses had two sons, Nausithous and Telegonus, by Circe. As to Telegonus, see also below, Apollod. E.7.36ff. 7.36. When Telegonus learned from Circe that he was a son of Ulysses, he sailed in search of him. And having come to the island of Ithaca , he drove away some of the cattle, and when Ulysses defended them, Telegonus wounded him with the spear he had in his hands, which was barbed with the spine of a sting-ray, and Ulysses died of the wound. Compare Oppian, Halieut. ii.497-500 ; Scholia Graeca in Homeri Odysseam, ed. G. Dindorf, vol. i. p. 6 ; Hom. Od. 11.134 ; Eustathius on Hom. Od. xi.133, p. 1676 ; Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. vi.32 ; Philostratus, Her. iii.42 ; Parthenius, Narrat. 3 ; Tzetzes, Scholiast on Lycophron 794 ; Scholiast on Aristoph. Plutus 303 ; Cicero, Tusc. Disp. ii.21.48ff. ; Hor. Carm. 3.29.8 ; Hyginus, Fab. 127 ; Ovid, Ibis 567ff. ; Dictys Cretensis vi.14ff. ; Serv. Verg. A. 2.44 . The fish ( τρυγών ), whose spine is said to have barbed the fatal spear, is the common stingray ( Trygon pastinaca ), as I learn from Professor D'Arcy Wentworth Thompson, who informs me that the fish is abundant in the Mediterranean and not uncommon on our southern coasts. For ancient descriptions of the fish he refers me to Oppian, Halieut. ii.470ff. (the locus classicus ); Ael., Nat. Anim. i.56 ; Nicander, Ther. 828ff. According to Aelian, the wound inflicted by the stingray is incurable. Hercules is said to have lost one of his fingers by the bite of a stingray ( Ptolemy Hephaest., Nov. Hist. ii. in Westermann's Mythographi Graeci, p. 184 ). Classical scholars, following Liddell and Scott, sometimes erroneously identify the fish with the roach. The death of Ulysses through the wound of a stingray is foreshadowed in the prophecy of Tiresias that his death would come from the sea ( Hom. Od. 11.134ff. ). According to a Scholiast on Hom. (Scholia Graeca in Homeri Odysseam, ed. G. Dindorf, vol. i. p. 6) , Hyginus, and Dictys Cretensis, Ulysses had been warned by an oracle or a dream to beware of his son, who would kill him; accordingly, fearing to be slain by Telemachus, he banished him to Cephallenia ( Dictys Cretensis vi.14 ). But he forgot his son Telegonus, whom he had left behind with his mother Circe in her enchanted island. The death of Ulysses at the hands of his son Telegonus was the subject of a tragedy by Sophocles. See The Fragments of Sophocles , ed. A. C. Pearson, vol. ii. pp. 105ff. 7.37. But when Telegonus recognized him, he bitterly lamented, and conveyed the corpse and Penelope to Circe, and there he married Penelope. And Circe sent them both away to the Islands of the Blest. |
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| 68. Juvenal, Satires, 6.655 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 565 |
69. Plutarch, Solon, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 566| 10.3. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐξελέγξαι τοὺς Μεγαρέας βουλόμενον ἰσχυρίσασθαι περὶ τῶν νεκρῶν ὡς οὐχ ὃν τρόπον ἐκεῖνοι θάπτουσι κεκηδευμένων, ἀλλʼ ὃν αὐτοί. θάπτουσι δὲ Μεγαπεῖς πρὸς ἕω τοὺς νεκροὺς στρέφοντες, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν. Ἡρέας δὲ ὁ Μεγαρεὺς ἐνιστάμενος λέγει καὶ Μεγαρεῖς πρὸς ἑσπέραν τετραμμένα τὰ σώματα τῶν νεκρῶν τιθέναι· καὶ μεῖζον ἔτι τούτου, μίαν ἕκαστον Ἀθηναίων ἔχειν θήκην, Μεγαρέων δὲ καὶ τρεῖς καὶ τέσσαρας ἐν μιᾷ κεῖσθαι. | 10.3. They say, too, that Solon, wishing to refute the claims of the Megarians still further, made the point that the dead on the island of Salamis were not buried after the Megarian, but after the Athenian fashion. For the Megarians bury their dead facing the east, but the Athenians facing the west. However, Hereas the Megarian denies this, and says that the Megarians also turn the faces of their dead to the west. And what is still more important than this, he says that the Athenians use one tomb for each body, whereas the Megarians (like the early inhabitants of Salamis) place three or four bodies in one tomb. |
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| 70. Dionysius, Description of The Inhabited World, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 597 |
| 71. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 18.65, 37.11.40 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 582, 602 |
| 72. Hero of Alexandria, Automatopoetica (De Automatis), 22.3-22.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 585 |
| 73. Plutarch, Theseus, 3-4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 550 |
| 74. Statius, Thebais, 376-380, 382-397, 381 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 579 |
| 75. Lucian, Hermotimus, Or Sects, 20 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 585 |
| 76. Lucian, The Hall, 28, 30, 29 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 574 |
| 77. Polyaenus, Stratagems, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 589 |
| 78. Pollux, Onomasticon, 4.111, 4.141 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 567, 571, 606 |
| 79. Telephus Pergamenus, Fragments, 696.5-696.6, 696.8-696.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 552, 553 |
| 80. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 6.51, 11.18 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 577, 606 |
81. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.14.1-1.14.2, 1.15.2, 1.22.6, 1.28.4, 1.31.3, 1.35.2-1.35.3, 3.25.5, 5.17.7, 7.1.2, 7.1.4-7.1.5, 8.14.9-8.14.10, 8.24.7-8.24.10, 10.26.7, 10.27.3-10.27.4, 10.29.6, 10.31.2-10.31.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 549, 554, 557, 563, 566, 571, 573, 581, 586, 589, 594, 602| 1.14.1. ἡ μὲν Ἠπειρωτῶν ἀκμὴ κατέστρεψεν ἐς τοῦτο· ἐς δὲ τὸ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἐσελθοῦσιν Ὠιδεῖον ἄλλα τε καὶ Διόνυσος κεῖται θέας ἄξιος. πλησίον δέ ἐστι κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον, οὕτω κοσμηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτου· φρέατα μὲν γὰρ καὶ διὰ πάσης τῆς πόλεώς ἐστι, πηγὴ δὲ αὕτη μόνη. ναοὶ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν κρήνην ὁ μὲν Δήμητρος πεποίηται καὶ Κόρης, ἐν δὲ τῷ Τριπτολέμου κείμενόν ἐστιν ἄγαλμα· τὰ δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν ὁποῖα λέγεται γράψω, παρεὶς ὁπόσον ἐς Δηιόπην ἔχει τοῦ λόγου. 1.14.2. Ἑλλήνων οἱ μάλιστα ἀμφισβητοῦντες Ἀθηναίοις ἐς ἀρχαιότητα καὶ δῶρα, ἃ παρὰ θεῶν φασὶν ἔχειν, εἰσὶν Ἀργεῖοι, καθάπερ βαρβάρων Φρυξὶν Αἰγύπτιοι. λέγεται οὖν ὡς Δήμητρα ἐς Ἄργος ἐλθοῦσαν Πελασγὸς δέξαιτο οἴκῳ καὶ ὡς Χρυσανθὶς τὴν ἁρπαγὴν ἐπισταμένη τῆς Κόρης διηγήσαιτο· ὕστερον δὲ Τροχίλον ἱεροφάντην φυγόντα ἐξ Ἄργους κατὰ ἔχθος Ἀγήνορος ἐλθεῖν φασιν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν καὶ γυναῖκά τε ἐξ Ἐλευσῖνος γῆμαι καὶ γενέσθαι οἱ παῖδας Εὐβουλέα καὶ Τριπτόλεμον. ὅδε μὲν Ἀργείων ἐστὶ λόγος Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ καὶ ὅσοι παρὰ τούτοις ἴσασι Τριπτόλεμον τὸν Κελεοῦ πρῶτον σπεῖραι καρπὸν ἥμερον. 1.15.2. ἐν δὲ τῷ μέσῳ τῶν τοίχων Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Θησεὺς Ἀμαζόσι μάχονται. μόναις δὲ ἄρα ταῖς γυναιξὶν οὐκ ἀφῄρει τὰ πταίσματα τὸ ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους ἀφειδές, εἴ γε Θεμισκύρας τε ἁλούσης ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους καὶ ὕστερον φθαρείσης σφίσι τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἣν ἐπʼ Ἀθήνας ἔστειλαν, ὅμως ἐς Τροίαν ἦλθον Ἀθηναίοις τε αὐτοῖς μαχούμεναι καὶ τοῖς πᾶσιν Ἕλλησιν. ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς Ἀμαζόσιν Ἕλληνές εἰσιν ᾑρηκότες Ἴλιον καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἠθροισμένοι διὰ τὸ Αἴαντος ἐς Κασσάνδραν τόλμημα· καὶ αὐτὸν ἡ γραφὴ τὸν Αἴαντα ἔχει καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἄλλας τε καὶ Κασσάνδραν. 1.22.6. —ἔστι δὲ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῶν προπυλαίων οἴκημα ἔχον γραφάς· ὁπόσαις δὲ μὴ καθέστηκεν ὁ χρόνος αἴτιος ἀφανέσιν εἶναι, Διομήδης ἦν, ὁ μὲν ἐν Λήμνῳ τὸ Φιλοκτήτου τόξον, ὁ δὲ τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν ἀφαιρούμενος ἐξ Ἰλίου. ἐνταῦθα ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς Ὀρέστης ἐστὶν Αἴγισθον φονεύων καὶ Πυλάδης τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς Ναυπλίου βοηθοὺς ἐλθόντας Αἰγίσθῳ· τοῦ δὲ Ἀχιλλέως τάφου πλησίον μέλλουσά ἐστι σφάζεσθαι Πολυξένη. Ὁμήρῳ δὲ εὖ μὲν παρείθη τόδε τὸ ὠμὸν οὕτως ἔργον· εὖ δέ μοι φαίνεται ποιῆσαι Σκῦρον ὑπὸ Ἀχιλλέως ἁλοῦσαν, οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ ὅσοι λέγουσιν ὁμοῦ ταῖς παρθένοις Ἀχιλλέα ἔχειν ἐν Σκύρῳ δίαιταν, ἃ δὴ καὶ Πολύγνωτος ἔγραψεν. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ ταῖς ὁμοῦ Ναυσικᾷ πλυνούσαις ἐφιστάμενον Ὀδυσσέα κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ καθὰ δὴ καὶ Ὅμηρος ἐποίησε. γραφαὶ δέ εἰσι καὶ ἄλλαι καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης, 1.28.4. καταβᾶσι δὲ οὐκ ἐς τὴν κάτω πόλιν ἀλλʼ ὅσον ὑπὸ τὰ προπύλαια πηγή τε ὕδατός ἐστι καὶ πλησίον Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερὸν ἐν σπηλαίῳ· Κρεούσῃ δὲ θυγατρὶ Ἐρεχθέως Ἀπόλλωνα ἐνταῦθα συγγενέσθαι νομίζουσι. ὡς πεμφθείη Φιλιππίδης ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἄγγελος ἀποβεβηκότων Μήδων ἐς τὴν γῆν, ἐπανήκων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ὑπερβαλέσθαι φαίη τὴν ἔξοδον, εἶναι γὰρ δὴ νόμον αὐτοῖς μὴ πρότερον μαχουμένους ἐξιέναι πρὶν ἢ πλήρη τὸν κύκλον τῆς σελήνης γενέσθαι· τὸν δὲ Πᾶνα ὁ Φιλιππίδης ἔλεγε περὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐντυχόντα οἱ τὸ Παρθένιον φάναι τε ὡς εὔνους Ἀθηναίοις εἴη καὶ ὅτι ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἥξει συμμαχήσων. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ἀγγελίᾳ τετίμηται· 1.31.3. Κραναὸν δὲ τὸν βασιλεύσαντα Ἀθηναίων ὅτι μὲν ἐξέβαλεν Ἀμφικτύων κηδεστὴν ὄντα, ἔτι πρότερον εἴρηταί μοι· φυγόντα δὲ αὐτὸν σὺν τοῖς στασιώταις ἐς τὸν δῆμον τὸν Λαμπτρέα ἀποθανεῖν τε αὐτοῦ καὶ ταφῆναί φασι, καὶ ἔστι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς Λαμπτρεῦσι Κραναοῦ μνῆμα. Ἴωνος δὲ τοῦ Ξούθου —καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ᾤκησε παρὰ Ἀθηναίοις καὶ Ἀθηναίων ἐπὶ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Ἐλευσινίους ἐπολεμάρχησε —τάφος ἐν Ποταμοῖς ἐστι τῆς χώρας. 1.35.2. Σαλαμὶς δὲ κατὰ Ἐλευσῖνα κειμένη παρήκει καὶ ἐς τὴν Μεγαρικήν. πρῶτον δὲ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τὸ ὄνομα θέσθαι τοῦτο ν Κυχρέα ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Σαλαμῖνος τῆς Ἀσωποῦ, καὶ ὕστερον Αἰγινήτας τοὺς σὺν Τελαμῶνι ἐποικῆσαι· Φίλαιον δὲ τὸν Εὐρυσάκους τοῦ Αἴαντος παραδοῦναι λέγουσιν Ἀθηναίοις τὴν νῆσον, γενόμενον ὑπʼ αὐτῶν Ἀθηναῖον. Σαλαμινίους δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τούτων ὕστερον πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἀναστάτους ἐποίησαν, καταγνόντες ἐθελοκακῆσαι σφᾶς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς Κάσσανδρον καὶ τὴν πόλιν γνώμῃ τὸ πλέον Μακεδόσιν ἐνδοῦναι· καὶ Αἰσχητάδου τε κατέγνωσαν θάνατον, ὃς τότε ᾕρητο ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα στρατηγός, καὶ ἐς τὸν πάντα ἐπώμοσαν χρόνον Σαλαμινίοις ἀπομνημονεύ ς ειν προδοσίαν. 1.35.3. ἔστι δὲ ἀγορᾶς τε ἔτι ἐρείπια καὶ ναὸς Αἴαντος, ἄγαλμα δὲ ἐξ ἐβένου ξύλου· διαμένουσι δὲ καὶ ἐς τόδε τῷ Αἴαντι παρὰ Ἀθηναίοις τιμαὶ αὐτῷ τε καὶ Εὐρυσάκει, καὶ γὰρ Εὐρυσάκους βωμός ἐστιν ἐν Ἀθήναις. δείκνυται δὲ λίθος ἐν Σαλαμῖνι οὐ πόρρω τοῦ λιμένος· ἐπὶ τούτου καθήμενον Τελαμῶνα ὁρᾶν λέγουσιν ἐς τὴν ναῦν ἀποπλεόντων οἱ τῶν παίδων ἐς Αὐλίδα ἐπὶ τὸν κοινὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων στόλον. 3.25.5. ἐποίησαν δὲ Ἑλλήνων τινὲς ὡς Ἡρακλῆς ἀναγάγοι ταύτῃ τοῦ Ἅιδου τὸν κύνα, οὔτε ὑπὸ γῆν ὁδοῦ διὰ τοῦ σπηλαίου φερούσης οὔτε ἕτοιμον ὂν πεισθῆναι θεῶν ὑπόγαιον εἶναί τινα οἴκησιν ἐς ἣν ἀθροίζεσθαι τὰς ψυχάς. ἀλλὰ Ἑκαταῖος μὲν ὁ Μιλήσιος λόγον εὗρεν εἰκότα, ὄφιν φήσας ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ τραφῆναι δεινόν, κληθῆναι δὲ Ἅιδου κύνα, ὅτι ἔδει τὸν δηχθέντα τεθνάναι παραυτίκα ὑπὸ τοῦ ἰοῦ, καὶ τοῦτον ἔφη τὸν ὄφιν ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους ἀχθῆναι παρʼ Εὐρυσθέα· 5.17.7. Οἰνόμαος διώκων Πέλοπά ἐστιν ἔχοντα Ἱπποδάμειαν· ἑκατέρῳ μὲν δὴ δύο αὐτῶν εἰσιν ἵπποι, τοῖς δὲ τοῦ Πέλοπός ἐστι πεφυκότα καὶ πτερά. ἑξῆς δὲ Ἀμφιαράου τε ἡ οἰκία πεποίηται καὶ Ἀμφίλοχον φέρει νήπιον πρεσβῦτις ἥτις δή· πρὸ δὲ τῆς οἰκίας Ἐριφύλη τὸν ὅρμον ἔχουσα ἕστηκε, παρὰ δὲ αὐτὴν αἱ θυγατέρες Εὐρυδίκη καὶ Δημώνασσα, καὶ Ἀλκμαίων παῖς γυμνός. 7.1.2. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἀποθανόντος Ἕλληνος Ξοῦθον οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦ Ἕλληνος παῖδες διώκουσιν ἐκ Θεσσαλίας, ἐπενεγκόντες αἰτίαν ὡς ἰδίᾳ χρήματα ὑφελόμενος ἔχοι τῶν πατρῴων· ὁ δὲ ἐς Ἀθήνας φυγὼν θυγατέρα Ἐρεχθέως ἠξιώθη λαβεῖν καὶ παῖδας Ἀχαιὸν καὶ Ἴωνα ἔσχεν ἐξ αὐτῆς. ἀποθανόντος δὲ Ἐρεχθέως τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ δικαστὴς Ξοῦθος ἐγένετο ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ—ἔγνω γὰρ τὸν πρεσβύτατον Κέκροπα βασιλέα εἶναι—οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦ Ἐρεχθέως παῖδες ἐξελαύνουσιν ἐκ τῆς χώρας αὐτόν· 7.1.4. καί πως ταῦτα τῷ Ἴωνι ἐγένετο οὐκ ἄπο γνώμης, καὶ τῶν Αἰγιαλέων τὴν ἀρχὴν Ἴων ἔσχεν ἀποθανόντος Σελινοῦντος, καὶ Ἑλίκην τε ἀπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ᾤκισεν ἐν τῷ Αἰγιαλῷ πόλιν καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐκάλεσεν Ἴωνας ἀφʼ αὑτοῦ. τοῦτο οὐ μεταβολὴ τοῦ ὀνόματος, προσθήκη δέ σφισιν ἐγένετο· Αἰγιαλεῖς γὰρ ἐκαλοῦντο Ἴωνες. τῇ χώρᾳ δὲ ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον διέμεινεν ὄνομα τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς· Ὁμήρῳ γοῦν ἐν καταλόγῳ τῶν μετὰ Ἀγαμέμνονος ἐξήρκεσε τὸ ἀρχαῖον δηλῶσαι τῆς γῆς ὄνομα· Αἰγιαλόν τʼ ἀνὰ πάντα καὶ ἀμφʼ Ἑλίκην εὐρεῖαν. Hom. Il. 2.575 7.1.5. τότε δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἴωνος βασιλείας πολεμησάντων Ἀθηναίοις Ἐλευσινίων καὶ Ἀθηναίων Ἴωνα ἐπαγαγομένων ἐπὶ ἡγεμονίᾳ τοῦ πολέμου, τὸν μὲν ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ τὸ χρεὼν ἐπιλαμβάνει, καὶ Ἴωνος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ μνῆμα τῷ Ποταμίων ἐστίν· οἱ δὲ ἀπόγονοι τοῦ Ἴωνος τὸ Ἰώνων ἔσχον κράτος, ἐς ὃ ὑπʼ Ἀχαιῶν ἐξέπεσον καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ὁ δῆμος. τοῖς δὲ Ἀχαιοῖς τηνικαῦτα ὑπῆρξε καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος καὶ Ἄργους ὑπὸ Δωριέων ἐξεληλάσθαι· 8.14.9. Φενεατῶν δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καταβαίνοντι ἔστι μὲν στάδιον, ἔστι δὲ ἐπὶ λόφου μνῆμα Ἰφικλέους ἀδελφοῦ τε Ἡρακλέους καὶ Ἰολάου πατρός. Ἰόλαον μὲν δὴ τὰ πολλὰ Ἡρακλεῖ συγκάμνειν λέγουσιν Ἕλληνες· Ἰφικλῆς δὲ ὁ Ἰολάου πατήρ, ἡνίκα ἐμαχέσατο Ἡρακλῆς πρὸς Ἠλείους τε καὶ Αὐγέαν τὴν προτέραν μάχην, τότε ὑπὸ τῶν παίδων ἐτρώθη τῶν Ἄκτορος, καλουμένων δὲ ἀπὸ Μολίνης τῆς μητρός. καὶ ἤδη κάμνοντα κομίζουσιν οἱ προσήκοντες ἐς Φενεόν· ἐνταῦθα ἀνὴρ Φενεάτης αὐτὸν Βουφάγος καὶ ἡ τοῦ Βουφάγου γυνὴ Πρώμνη περιεῖπόν τε εὖ καὶ ἀποθανόντα ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος ἔθαψαν. 8.14.10. Ἰφικλεῖ μὲν δὴ καὶ ἐς τόδε ἔτι ἐναγίζουσιν ὡς ἥρωι, θεῶν δὲ τιμῶσιν Ἑρμῆν Φενεᾶται μάλιστα καὶ ἀγῶνα ἄγουσιν Ἕρμαια, καὶ ναός ἐστιν Ἑρμοῦ σφισι καὶ ἄγαλμα λίθου· τοῦτο ἐποίησεν ἀνὴρ Ἀθηναῖος Εὔχειρ Εὐβουλίδου. ὄπισθεν δέ ἐστι τοῦ ναοῦ τάφος Μυρτίλου. τοῦτον Ἑρμοῦ παῖδα εἶναι τὸν Μυρτίλον λέγουσιν Ἕλληνες, ἡνιοχεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν Οἰνομάῳ· καὶ ὁπότε ἀφίκοιτό τις μνώμενος τοῦ Οἰνομάου τὴν θυγατέρα, ὁ μὲν ἠπείγετο ὁ Μυρτίλος σὺν τέχνῃ τοῦ Οἰνομάου τὰς ἵππους, ὁ δὲ ἐν τῷ δρόμῳ τὸν μνηστῆρα, ὁπότε ἐγγὺς γένοιτο, κατηκόντιζεν. 8.24.7. Προμάχου δὲ καὶ Ἐχέφρονος τῶν Ψωφῖδος οὐκ ἐπιφανῆ κατʼ ἐμὲ ἔτι ἦν τὰ ἡρῷα. τέθαπται δὲ καὶ Ἀλκμαίων ἐν Ψωφῖδι ὁ Ἀμφιαράου, καί οἱ τὸ μνῆμά ἐστιν οἴκημα οὔτε μεγέθει μέγα οὔτε ἄλλως κεκοσμημένον· περὶ δὲ αὐτὸ κυπάρισσοι πεφύκασιν ἐς τοσοῦτον ὕψος ἀνήκουσαι, ὥστε καὶ τὸ ὄρος τὸ πρὸς τῇ Ψωφῖδι κατεσκιάζετο ὑπʼ αὐτῶν. ταύτας οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν ἐκκόπτειν ἱερὰς τοῦ Ἀλκμαίωνος νομίζοντες· καλοῦνται δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων παρθένοι. 8.24.8. ὁ δὲ Ἀλκμαίων ἡνίκα τὴν μητέρα ἀποκτείνας ἔφυγεν ἐξ Ἄργους, τότε ἐς τὴν Ψωφῖδα ἐλθών, Φηγίαν ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ Φηγέως ὀνομαζομένην, συνῴκησεν Ἀλφεσιβοίᾳ τῇ Φηγέως θυγατρὶ καὶ αὐτῇ δῶρα ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς καὶ ἄλλα καὶ τὸν ὅρμον δίδωσιν. ὡς δὲ οἰκοῦντι αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῖς Ἀρκάσιν οὐδὲν ἐγίνετο ἡ νόσος ῥᾴων, κατέφυγεν ἐπὶ τὸ μαντεῖον τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς, καὶ αὐτὸν ἡ Πυθία διδάσκει τὸν Ἐριφύλης ἀλάστορα ἐς ταύτην οἱ μόνην χώραν οὐ συνακολουθήσειν, ἥτις ἐστὶ νεωτάτη καὶ ἡ θάλασσα τοῦ μητρῴου μιάσματος ἀνέφηνεν ὕστερον αὐτήν. 8.24.9. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐξευρὼν τοῦ Ἀχελῴου τὴν πρόσχωσιν ἐνταῦθα ᾤκησε, καὶ γυναῖκα ἔσχε Καλλιρόην τοῦ Ἀχελῴου θυγατέρα λόγῳ τῷ Ἀκαρνάνων, καί οἱ παῖδες Ἀκαρνάν τε καὶ Ἀμφότερος ἐγένοντο· ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Ἀκαρνᾶνος τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ ταύτῃ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ νῦν γενέσθαι λέγουσι τὰ πρὸ τούτου Κούρησι καλουμένοις. ἐς ἐπιθυμίας δὲ ἀνοήτους πολλοὶ μὲν ἄνδρες, γυναῖκες δὲ ἔτι πλέον ἐξοκέλλουσιν. 8.24.10. ἐπεθύμησεν ἡ Καλλιρόη τῆς Ἐριφύλης οἱ γενέσθαι τὸν ὅρμον καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ἐς τὴν Φηγίαν τὸν Ἀλκμαίωνα ἔστειλεν ἄκοντα, καὶ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Φηγέως τῶν παίδων Τημένου καὶ Ἀξίονος δολοφονηθέντα ἐπέλαβεν ἡ τελευτή. τοῦ Φηγέως δὲ οἱ παῖδες τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἀναθεῖναι τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖς λέγονται τὸν ὅρμον. καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων βασιλευόντων ἐν Φηγίᾳ τότε ἔτι καλουμένῃ τῇ πόλει Φηγίᾳ στρατεῦσαί φασιν Ἕλληνας ἐς Τροίαν· σφᾶς δὲ οἱ Ψωφίδιοι τοῦ στόλου φασὶν οὐ μετασχεῖν, ὅτι αὐτῶν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν οἱ Ἀργείων ἀπηχθάνοντο ἡγεμόνες, κατὰ γένος τε τῷ Ἀλκμαίωνι οἱ πολλοὶ προσήκοντες καὶ τῆς ἐπιστρατείας αὐτῷ κοινωνήσαντες τῆς ἐς Θήβας. 10.26.7. τοῦ βωμοῦ δὲ ἐπέκεινα Λαοδίκην ἔγραψεν ἑστῶσαν. ταύτην οὔτε ὑπὸ ποιητοῦ κατειλεγμένην ἐν ταῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ταῖς Τρῳάσιν εὕρισκον οὔτε ἄλλως ἐφαίνετο ἔχειν μοι τὸ εἰκὸς ἢ ἀφεθῆναι τὴν Λαοδίκην ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων. Ὅμηρος μέν γε ἐδήλωσεν ἐν Ἰλιάδι Μενελάου καὶ Ὀδυσσέως ξενίαν παρὰ Ἀντήνορι καὶ ὡς Ἑλικάονι ἡ Λαοδίκη συνοικοίη τῷ Ἀντήνορος· 10.27.3. Λαομέδοντος δὲ τὸν νεκρὸν Σίνων τε ἑταῖρος Ὀδυσσέως καὶ Ἀγχίαλός εἰσιν ἐκκομίζοντες. γέγραπται δὲ καὶ ἄλλος τεθνεώς· ὄνομά οἱ Ἔρεσος· τὰ δὲ ἐς Ἔρεσόν τε καὶ Λαομέδοντα, ὅσα γε ἡμεῖς ἐπιστάμεθα, ᾖσεν οὐδείς. ἔστι δὲ οἰκία τε ἡ Ἀντήνορος καὶ παρδάλεως κρεμάμενον δέρμα ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐσόδου, σύνθημα εἶναι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀπέχεσθαι σφᾶς οἴκου τοῦ Ἀντήνορος. γέγραπται δὲ Θεανώ τε καὶ οἱ παῖδες, Γλαῦκος μὲν καθήμενος ἐπὶ θώρακι γυάλοις συνηρμοσμένῳ, Εὐρύμαχος δὲ ἐπὶ πέτρᾳ. 10.27.4. παρὰ δὲ αὐτὸν ἕστηκεν Ἀντήνωρ καὶ ἐφεξῆς θυγάτηρ Ἀντήνορος Κρινώ· παιδίον δὲ ἡ Κρινὼ φέρει νήπιον. τῶν προσώπων δὲ ἅπασιν οἷον ἐπὶ συμφορᾷ σχῆμά ἐστι. κιβωτὸν δὲ ἐπὶ ὄνον καὶ ἄλλα τῶν σκευῶν εἰσιν ἀνατιθέντες οἰκέται· κάθηται δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄνου παιδίον μικρόν. κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς γραφῆς καὶ ἐλεγεῖόν ἐστι Σιμωνίδου· γράψε Πολύγνωτος, Θάσιος γένος, Ἀγλαοφῶντος υἱός, περθομένην Ἰλίου ἀκρόπολιν. Simonides, unknown location. 10.29.6. παρὰ δὲ τὴν Θυίαν Πρόκρις τε ἕστηκεν ἡ Ἐρεχθέως καὶ μετʼ αὐτὴν Κλυμένη· ἐπιστρέφει δὲ αὐτῇ τὰ νῶτα ἡ Κλυμένη. ἔστι δὲ πεποιημένα ἐν Νόστοις Μινύου μὲν τὴν Κλυμένην θυγατέρα εἶναι, γήμασθαι δὲ αὐτὴν Κεφάλῳ τῷ Δηίονος καὶ γενέσθαι σφίσιν Ἴφικλον παῖδα. τὰ δὲ ἐς τὴν Πρόκριν καὶ οἱ πάντες ᾄδουσιν, ὡς προτέρα Κεφάλῳ ἢ Κλυμένη συνῴκησε καὶ ὃν τρόπον ἐτελεύτησεν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀνδρός. 10.31.2. ἐς δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐπίτηδες τοῦ Ὀδυσσέως τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἤγαγεν ὁ Πολύγνωτος· ἀφίκετο δὲ ἐς Ὀδυσσέως δυσμένειαν ὁ τοῦ Ὀιλέως Αἴας, ὅτι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν Ὀδυσσεὺς παρῄνει καταλιθῶσαι τὸν Αἴαντα ἐπὶ τῷ ἐς Κασσάνδραν τολμήματι· Παλαμήδην δὲ ἀποπνιγῆναι προελθόντα ἐπὶ ἰχθύων θήραν, Διομήδην δὲ τὸν ἀποκτείναντα εἶναι καὶ Ὀδυσσέα ἐπιλεξάμενος ἐν ἔπεσιν οἶδα τοῖς Κυπρίοις. 10.31.3. Μελέαγρος δὲ ὁ Οἰνέως ἀνωτέρω μὲν ἢ ὁ τοῦ Ὀιλέως Αἴας ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ γραφῇ, ἔοικε δὲ ὁρῶντι ἐς τὸν Αἴαντα. τούτοις πλὴν τῷ Παλαμήδει γένειά ἐστι τοῖς ἄλλοις. ἐς δὲ τοῦ Μελεάγρου τὴν τελευτὴν Ὁμήρῳ μέν ἐστιν εἰρημένα ὡς Ἐρινὺς καταρῶν ἀκούσαι τῶν Ἀλθαίας καὶ ἀποθάνοι κατὰ ταύτην ὁ Μελέαγρος τὴν αἰτίαν, αἱ δὲ Ἠοῖαί τε καλούμεναι καὶ ἡ Μινυὰς ὡμολογήκασιν ἀλλήλαις· Ἀπόλλωνα γὰρ δὴ αὗταί φασιν αἱ ποιήσεις ἀμῦναι Κούρησιν ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ ἀποθανεῖν Μελέαγρον ὑπὸ Ἀπόλλωνος. 10.31.4. τὸν δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ δαλῷ λόγον, ὡς δοθείη μὲν ὑπὸ Μοιρῶν τῇ Ἀλθαίᾳ, Μελεάγρῳ δὲ οὐ πρότερον ἔδει τὴν τελευτὴν συμβῆναι πρὶν ἢ ὑπὸ πυρὸς ἀφανισθῆναι τὸν δαλὸν καὶ ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ θυμοῦ καταπρήσειεν αὐτὸν ἡ Ἀλθαία, τοῦτον τὸν λόγον Φρύνιχος ὁ Πολυφράδμονος πρῶτος ἐν δράματι ἔδειξε Πλευρωνίαις· κρυερὸν γὰρ οὐκ ἤλυξεν μόρον, ὠκεῖα δέ νιν φλὸξ κατεδαίσατο, δαλοῦ περθομένου ματρὸς ὑπʼ αἰνᾶς κακομηχάνου. Polyphradmon, Pleuronian Women, unknown location. οὐ μὴν φαίνεταί γε ὁ Φρύνιχος προαγαγὼν τὸν λόγον ἐς πλέον ὡς εὕρημα ἄν τις οἰκεῖον, προσαψάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ μόνον ἅτε ἐς ἅπαν ἤδη διαβεβοημένου τὸ Ἑλληνικόν. | 1.14.1. So ended the period of Epeirot ascendancy. When you have entered the Odeum at Athens you meet, among other objects, a figure of Dionysus worth seeing. Hard by is a spring called Enneacrunos (Nine Jets), embellished as you see it by Peisistratus. There are cisterns all over the city, but this is the only fountain. Above the spring are two temples, one to Demeter and the Maid, while in that of Triptolemus is a statue of him. The accounts given of Triptolemus I shall write, omitting from the story as much as relates to Deiope. 1.14.2. The Greeks who dispute most the Athenian claim to antiquity and the gifts they say they have received from the gods are the Argives, just as among those who are not Greeks the Egyptians compete with the Phrygians. It is said, then, that when Demeter came to Argos she was received by Pelasgus into his home, and that Chrysanthis, knowing about the rape of the Maid, related the story to her. Afterwards Trochilus, the priest of the mysteries, fled, they say, from Argos because of the enmity of Agenor, came to Attica and married a woman of Eleusis , by whom he had two children, Eubuleus and Triptolemus. That is the account given by the Argives. But the Athenians and those who with them. . . know that Triptolemus, son of Celeus, was the first to sow seed for cultivation. 1.15.2. On the middle wall are the Athenians and Theseus fighting with the Amazons. So, it seems, only the women did not lose through their defeats their reckless courage in the face of danger; Themiscyra was taken by Heracles, and afterwards the army which they dispatched to Athens was destroyed, but nevertheless they came to Troy to fight all the Greeks as well as the Athenians them selves. After the Amazons come the Greeks when they have taken Troy , and the kings assembled on account of the outrage committed by Ajax against Cassandra. The picture includes Ajax himself, Cassandra and other captive women. 1.22.6. On the left of the gateway is a building with pictures. Among those not effaced by time I found Diomedes taking the Athena from Troy , and Odysseus in Lemnos taking away the bow of Philoctetes. There in the pictures is Orestes killing Aegisthus, and Pylades killing the sons of Nauplius who had come to bring Aegisthus succor. And there is Polyxena about to be sacrificed near the grave of Achilles. Homer did well in passing by this barbarous act. I think too that he showed poetic insight in making Achilles capture Scyros, differing entirely from those who say that Achilles lived in Scyros with the maidens, as Polygnotus has re presented in his picture. He also painted Odysseus coming upon the women washing clothes with Nausicaa at the river, just like the description in Homer. There are other pictures, including a portrait of Alcibiades, 1.28.4. On descending, not to the lower city, but to just beneath the Gateway, you see a fountain and near it a sanctuary of Apollo in a cave. It is here that Apollo is believed to have met Creusa, daughter of Erechtheus.... when the Persians had landed in Attica Philippides was sent to carry the tidings to Lacedaemon . On his return he said that the Lacedacmonians had postponed their departure, because it was their custom not to go out to fight before the moon was full. Philippides went on to say that near Mount Parthenius he had been met by Pan, who told him that he was friendly to the Athenians and would come to Marathon to fight for them. This deity, then, has been honored for this announcement. 1.31.3. How Amphictyon banished Cranaus, his kinsman by marriage and king of Athens , I have already related. They say that fleeing with his supporters to the parish of Lamptrae he died and was buried there, and at the present day there is a monument to Cranaus at Lamptrae. At Potami in Attica is also the grave of Ion the son of Xuthus—for he too dwelt among the Athenians and was their commander-in-chief in the war with Eleusis . 1.35.2. and for this reason the name of the island is Helene. Salamis lies over against Eleusis , and stretches as far as the territory of Megara . It is said that the first to give this name to the island was Cychreus, who called it after his mother Salamis , the daughter of Asopus, and afterwards it was colonized by the Aeginetans with Telamon. Philaeus, the son of Eurysaces, the son of Ajax, is said to have handed the island over to the Athenians, having been made an Athenian by them. Many years afterwards the Athenians drove out all the Salaminians, having discovered that they had been guilty of treachery in the war with Cassander 318 B.C. , and mainly of set purpose had surrendered to the Macedonians. They sentenced to death Aeschetades, who on this occasion had been elected general for Salamis , and they swore never to forget the treachery of the Salaminians. 1.35.3. There are still the remains of a market-place, a temple of Ajax and his statue in ebony. Even at the present day the Athenians pay honors to Ajax himself and to Eurysaces, for there is an altar of Eurysaces also at Athens . In Salamis is shown a stone not far from the harbor, on which they say that Telamon sat when he gazed at the ship in which his children were sailing away to Aulis to take part in the joint expedition of the Greeks. 3.25.5. Some of the Greek poets state that Heracles brought up the hound of Hades here, though there is no road that leads underground through the cave, and it is not easy to believe that the gods possess any underground dwelling where the souls collect. But Hecataeus of Miletus gave a plausible explanation, stating that a terrible serpent lived on Taenarum, and was called the hound of Hades, because any one bitten was bound to die of the poison at once, and it was this snake, he said, that was brought by Heracles to Eurystheus. 5.17.7. Oenomaus is chasing Pelops, who is holding Hippodameia. Each of them has two horses, but those of Pelops have wings. Next is wrought the house of Amphiaraus, and baby Amphilochus is being carried by some old woman or other. In front of the house stands Eriphyle with the necklace, and by her are her daughters Eurydice and Demonassa, and the boy Alcmaeon naked. 7.1.2. Later on, after the death of Hellen, Xuthus was expelled from Thessaly by the rest of the sons of Hellen, who charged him with having appropriated some of the ancestral property. But he fled to Athens , where he was deemed worthy to wed the daughter of Erechtheus, by whom he had sons, Achaeus and Ion. On the death of Erechtheus Xuthus was appointed judge to decide which of his sons should succeed him. He decided that Cecrops, the eldest of them, should be king, and was accordingly banished from the land by the rest of the sons of Erechtheus. 7.1.4. It so happened that the proposal found favour with Ion, and on the death of Selinus he became king of the Aegialians. He called the city he founded in Aegialus Helice after his wife, and called the inhabitants Ionians after himself. This, however, was not a change of name, but an addition to it, for the folk were named Aegialian Ionians. The original name clung to the land even longer than to the people; for at any rate in the list of the allies of Agamemnon, Homer Hom. Il. 2.575 is content to mention the ancient name of the land: Throughout all Aegialus and about wide Helice. Hom. Il. 2.575 7.1.5. At that time in the reign of Ion the Eleusinians made war on the Athenians, and these having invited Ion to be their leader in the war, he met his death in Attica , his tomb being in the deme of Potamus. The descendants of Ion became rulers of the Ionians, until they themselves as well as the people were expelled by the Achaeans. The Achaeans at that time had themselves been expelled from Lacedaemon and Argos by the Dorians. 8.14.9. As you go down from the acropolis of Pheneus you come to a stadium, and on a hill stands a tomb of Iphicles, the brother of Heracles and the father of Iolaus. Iolaus, according to the Greek account, shared most of the labours of Heracles, but his father Iphicles, in the first battle fought by Heracles against the Eleans and Augeas, was wounded by the sons of Actor, who were called after their mother Moline. In a fainting condition he was carried by his relatives to Pheneus, where he was carefully nursed by Buphagus, a citizen of Pheneus, and by his wife Promne, who also buried him when he died of his wound. 8.14.10. They still sacrifice to Iphicles as to a hero, and of the gods the people of Pheneus worship most Hermes, in whose honor they celebrate the games called Hermaea; they have also a temple of Hermes, and a stone image, made by an Athenian, Eucheir the son of Eubulides. Behind the temple is the grave of Myrtilus. The Greeks say that he was the son of Hermes, and that he served as charioteer to Oenomaus. Whenever a man arrived to woo the daughter of Oenomaus, Myrtilus craftily drove on the mares, while Oenomaus on the course shot down the wooer when he came near. 8.24.7. The hero-shrines, however, of Promachus and Echephron, the sons of Psophis , were no longer distinguished when I saw them. In Psophis is buried Alcmaeon also, the son of Amphiaraus, and his tomb is a building remarkable for neither its size nor its ornament. About it grow cypresses, reaching to such a height that even the mountain by Psophis was overshadowed by them. These the inhabitants will not cut down, holding them to be sacred to Alcmaeon. 8.24.8. They are called “maidens” by the natives. Alcmaeon, after killing his mother, fled from Argos and came to Psophis , which was still called Phegia after Phegeus, and married Alphesiboea, the daughter of Phegeus. Among the presents that he naturally gave her was the necklace. While he lived among the Arcadians his disease did not grow any better, so he had recourse to the oracle at Delphi . The Pythian priestess informed him that the only land into which the avenging spirit of Eriphyle would not follow him was the newest land, one brought up to light by the sea after the pollution of his mother's death. 8.24.9. On discovering the alluvial deposit of the Achelous he settled there, and took to wife Callirhoe, said by the Acarians to have been the daughter of Achelous. He had two sons, Acar and Amphoterus; after this Acar were called by their present name (so the story runs) the dwellers in this part of the mainland, who previously were called Curetes. Senseless passions shipwreck many men, and even more women. 8.24.10. Callirhoe conceived a passion for the necklace of Eriphyle, and for this reason sent Alcmaeon against his will to Phegia. Temenus and Axion, the sons of Phegeus, murdered him by treachery. The sons of Phegeus are said to have dedicated the necklace to the god in Delphi , and it is said that the expedition of the Greeks to Troy took place when they were kings in the city that was still called Phegia. The people of Psophis assert that the reason why they took no part in the expedition was because their princes had incurred the enmity of the leaders of the Argives, who were in most cases related by blood to Alcmaeon, and had joined him in his campaign against Thebes . 10.26.7. Beyond the altar he has painted Laodice standing, whom I do not find among the Trojan captive women enumerated by any poet, so I think that the only probable conclusion is that she was set free by the Greeks. Homer in the Iliad speaks of the hospitality given to Menelaus and Odysseus by Antenor, and how Laodice was wife to Helicaon, Antenor's son. See Hom. Il. 3.205 and Hom. 3.123 . 10.27.3. The body of Laomedon is being carried off by Sinon, a comrade of Odysseus, and Anchialus. There is also in the painting another corpse, that of Eresus. The tale of Eresus and Laomedon, so far as we know, no poet has sung. There is the house of Antenor, with a leopard's skin hanging over the entrance, as a sign to the Greeks to keep their hands off the home of Antenor. There are painted Theano and her sons, Glaucus sitting on a corselet fitted with the two pieces, and Eurymachus upon a rock. 10.27.4. By the latter stands Antenor, and next to him Crino, a daughter of Antenor. Crino is carrying a baby. The look upon their faces is that of those on whom a calamity has fallen. Servants are lading an ass with a chest and other furniture. There is also sitting on the ass a small child. At this part of the painting there is also an elegiac couplet of Simonides Polygnotus, a Thasian by birth, son of Aglaophon, Painted a picture of Troy 's citadel being sacked. Simonides, unknown location. 10.29.6. Beside Thyia stands Procris, the daughter of Erechtheus, and after her Clymene, who is turning her back to Chloris. The poem the Returns says that Clymene was a daughter of Minyas, that she married Cephalus the son of Deion, and that a son Iphiclus was born to them. The story of Procris is told by all men, how she had married Cephalus before Clymene, and in what way she was put to death by her husband. 10.31.2. Polygnotus has intentionally gathered into one group the enemies of Odysseus. Ajax, son of Oileus, conceived a hatred of Odysseus, because Odysseus urged the Greeks to stone him for the outrage on Cassandra. Palamedes, as I know from reading the epic poem Cypria , was drowned when he put out to catch fish, and his murderers were Diomedes and Odysseus. 10.31.3. Meleager, the son of Oeneus, is higher up in the picture than Ajax, the son of Oileus, and he seems to be looking at Ajax. Palamedes has no beard, but the others have. As to the death of Meleager, Homer Hom. Il. 1.566 says that the Fury heard the curses of Althaea, and that this was the cause of Meleager's death. But the poem Eoeae , as it is called, and the Minyad agree in giving a different account. For these poems say that Apollo helped the Curetes against the Aetolians, and that Meleager was killed by Apollo. 10.31.4. The story about the brand, how it was given by the Fates to Althaea, how Meleager was not to die before the brand was consumed by fire, and how Althaea burnt it up in a passion—this story was first made the subject of a drama by Phrynichus, the son of Polyphradmon, in his Pleuronian Women :— For chill doom He escaped not, but a swift flame consumed him, As the brand was destroyed by his terrible mother, contriver of evil. Polyphradmon, Pleuronian Women, unknown location. However, it appears that Phrynichus did not elaborate the story as a man would his own invention, but only touched on it as one already in the mouths of everybody in Greece . |
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| 82. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 576 |
| 83. Philostratus The Athenian, On Heroes, 33.4 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 588 |
| 84. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 1.260 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 649 |
| 85. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 5.19.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 594 |
| 86. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 5.19.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 594 |
| 87. Proclus, Chrestomathia, 38.4, 39.16-39.20, 40.30-40.33, 40.36-40.37, 41.41-41.52, 42.53-42.57, 42.63, 68.10-68.15, 74.7-74.8, 74.10-74.16, 88.6-88.11, 88.13-88.14, 94.3-94.4, 94.9-94.11 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 558, 560, 562, 566, 571, 577, 578, 583, 584, 588, 591, 592, 593, 595, 597, 598, 600, 603, 608 |
| 88. Stobaeus, Anthology, 3.27.6, 4.20.6 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 589, 612 |
| 89. Aristophanes, Cocalus, 0 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 573 |
90. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.20, 8.5.1, 8.7.1, 9.1.6, 9.3.9, 9.5.5, 10.3.22, 14.1.27, 14.5.16 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 550, 560, 561, 563, 564, 573, 577, 602 | 1.2.20. On the whole, however, it is not proper to place the works of Homer in the common catalogue of other poets, without challenging for him a superiority both in respect of his other [excellences] and also for the geography on which our attention is now engaged. If any one were to do no more than merely read through the Triptolemus of Sophocles, or the prologue to the Bacchae of Euripides, and then compare them with the care taken by Homer in his geographical descriptions, he would at once perceive both the difference and superiority of the latter, for wherever there is necessity for arrangement in the localities he has immortalized, he is careful to preserve it as well in regard to Greece, as to foreign countries. They On the Olympian summit thought to fix Huge Ossa, and on Ossa's towering head Pelion with all his forests. And Juno starting from the Olympian height O'erflew Pieria and the lovely plains of broad Emathia; soaring thence she swept The snow-clad summit of the Thracian hills Steed-famed, nor printed, as she pass'd, the soil, From Athos the foaming billows borne. In the Catalogue he does not describe his cities in regular order, because here there was no necessity, but both the people and foreign countries he arranges correctly. Having wandered to Cyprus, and Phoenice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians, and Sidonians, and Erembi, and Libya. Hipparchus has drawn attention to this. But the two tragedians where there was great necessity for proper arrangement, one where he introduces Bacchus visiting the nations, the other Triptolemus sowing the earth, have brought in juxta-position places far remote, and separated those which were near. And having left the wealthy lands of the Lydians and Phrygians, and the sunny plains of the Persians and the Bactrian walls, and having come over the stormy land of the Medes, and the Happy Arabia. And the Triptolemus is just as inaccurate. Further, in respect to the winds and climates, Homer shows the wide extent of his geographical knowledge, for in his topographical descriptions he not unfrequently informs us of both these matters. Thus, My abode Is sun-burnt Ithaca. Flat on the deep she lies, farthest removed Toward the west, while situate apart, Her sister islands face the rising day. [Od. ix. 25.] And, It has a two-fold entrance, One towards the north, the other south. [Od. xiii.] 109, 111. And again, Which I alike despise, speed they their course With right-hand flight towards the ruddy east, Or leftward down into the shades of eve. Iliad xii. 239. Ignorance of such matters he reckons no less than confusion. Alas! my friends, for neither west Know we, nor east; where rises or where sets The all-enlightening sun. [Od. x. 190.] Where the poet has said properly enough, As when two adverse winds, blowing from Thrace, Boreas and Zephyrus, Iliad ix.5. Eratosthenes ill-naturedly misrepresents him as saying in an absolute sense, that the west wind blows from Thrace; whereas he is not speaking in an absolute sense at all, but merely of the meeting of contrary winds near the bay of Melas, on the Thracian sea, itself a part of the Aegean. For where Thrace forms a kind of promontory, where it borders on Macedonia, it takes a turn to the south-west, and projects into the ocean, and from this point it seems to the inhabitants of Thasos, Lemnos, Imbros, Samothrace, and the surrounding sea, that the west winds blow. So in regard to Attica, they seem to come from the rocks of Sciros, and this is the reason why all the westerly winds, the north-west more particularly, are called the Scirones. of this Eratosthenes was not aware, though he suspected as much, for it was he who described this bending of the land [towards the south-west] which we have mentioned. But he interprets our poet in an absolute sense, and then taxes him with ignorance, because, says he, Zephyr blows from the west, and off Spain, and Thrace does not extend so far. Does he then think that Homer was not aware that Zephyr came from the west, notwithstanding the careful manner in which he distinguishes its position when he writes as follows: The east, the south, the heavy-blowing Zephyr, And the cold north-wind clear. (Odyssey v. 295). Or was he ignorant that Thrace did not extend beyond the Paeonian and Thessalian mountains. To be sure he was well acquainted with the position of the countries adjoining Thrace in that direction, and does he not mention by name both the maritime and inland districts, and tells us of the Magnetae, the Malians, and other Grecian [territories], all in order, as far as Thesprotis; also of the Dolopes bordering on Paeonia, and the Sellae who inhabit the territory around Dodona as far as the [river] Achelous, but he never mentions Thrace, as being beyond these. He has evidently a predilection for the sea which is nearest to him, and with which he is most familiar, as where he says, Commotion shook The whole assembly, such as heaves the flood of the Icarian deep. Iliad ii. 144. 8.5.1. Lakonia Be this as it may, after the Messenian Gulf comes the Laconian Gulf, lying between Taenarum and Maleae, which bends slightly from the south towards the east; and Thyrides, a precipitous rock exposed to the currents of the sea, is in the Messenian Gulf at a distance of one hundred and thirty stadia from Taenarum. Above Thyrides lies Taygetus; it is a lofty and steep mountain, only a short distance from the sea, and it connects in its northerly parts with the foothills of the Arcadian mountains in such a way that a glen is left in between, where Messenia borders on Laconia. Below Taygetus, in the interior, lies Sparta, and also Amyclae, where is the sanctuary of Apollo, and Pharis. Now the site of Sparta is in a rather hollow district, although it includes mountains within its limits; yet no part of it is marshy, though in olden times the suburban part was marshy, and this part they called Limnae; and the sanctuary of Dionysus in Limnae stood on wet ground, though now its foundations rest on dry ground. In the bend of the seaboard one comes, first, to a headland that projects into the sea, Taenarum, with its sanctuary of Poseidon situated in a grove; and secondly, near by, to the cavern through which, according to the myth writers, Cerberus was brought up from Hades by Heracles. From here the passage towards the south across the sea to Phycus, a cape in Cyrenaea, is three thousand stadia; and the passage towards the west to Pachynus, the promontory of Sicily, is four thousand six hundred, though some say four thousand; and towards the east to Maleae, following the sinuosities of the gulfs, six hundred and seventy; and to Onugnathus, a low-lying peninsula somewhat this side of Maleae, five hundred and twenty; off Onugnathus and opposite it, at a distance of forty stadia, lies Cythera, an island with a good harbor, containing a city of the same name, which Eurycles, the ruler of the Lacedemonians in our times, seized as his private property; and round it lie several small islands, some near it and others slightly farther away; and to Corycus, a cape in Crete, the shortest voyage is seven hundred stadia. 8.7.1. Achaea In antiquity this country was under the mastery of the Ionians, who were sprung from the Athenians; and in antiquity it was called Aegialeia, and the inhabitants Aegialeians, but later it was called Ionia after the Ionians, just as Attica also was called Ionia after Ion the son of Xuthus. They say that Hellen was the son of Deucalion, and that he was lord of the people between the Peneius and the Asopus in the region of Phthia and gave over his rule to the eldest of his sons, but that he sent the rest of them to different places outside, each to seek a settlement for himself. One of these sons, Dorus, united the Dorians about Parnassus into one state, and at his death left them named after himself; another, Xuthus, who had married the daughter of Erechtheus, founded the Tetrapolis of Attica, consisting of Oinoe, Marathon, Probalinthus, and Tricorynthus. One of the sons of Xuthus, Achaeus, who had committed involuntary manslaughter, fled to Lacedemon and brought it about that the people there were called Achaeans; and Ion conquered the Thracians under Eumolpus, and thereby gained such high repute that the Athenians turned over their government to him. At first Ion divided the people into four tribes, but later into four occupations: four he designated as farmers, others as artisans, others as sacred officers, and a fourth group as the guards. And he made several regulations of this kind, and at his death left his own name to the country. But the country had then come to be so populous that the Athenians even sent forth a colony of Ionians to the Peloponnesus, and caused the country which they occupied to be called Ionia after themselves instead of Aegialus; and the men were divided into twelve cities and called Ionians instead of Aegialeians. But after the return of the Heracleidae they were driven out by the Achaeans and went back again to Athens; and from there they sent forth with the Codridae the Ionian colony to Asia, and these founded twelve cities on the seaboard of Caria and Lydia, thus dividing themselves into the same number of parts as the cities they had occupied in the Peloponnesus. Now the Achaeans were Phthiotae in race, but they lived in Lacedemon; and when the Heracleidae prevailed, the Achaeans were won over by Tisamenus, the son of Orestes, as I have said before, attacked the Ionians, and proving themselves more powerful than the Ionians drove them out and took possession of the land themselves; and they kept the division of the country the same as it was when they received it. And they were so powerful that, although the Heracleidae, from whom they had revolted, held the rest of the Peloponnesus, still they held out against one and all, and named the country Achaea. Now from Tisamenus to Ogyges they continued under the rule of kings; then, under a democratic government, they became so famous for their constitutions that the Italiotes, after the uprising against the Pythagoreians, actually borrowed most of their usages from the Achaeans. And after the battle at Leuctra the Thebans turned over to them the arbitration of the disputes which the cities had with one another; and later, when their league was dissolved by the Macedonians, they gradually recovered themselves. When Pyrrhus made his expedition to Italy, four cities came together and began a new league, among which were Patrae and Dyme; and then they began to add some of the twelve cities, except Olenus and Helice, the former having refused to join and the latter having been wiped out by a wave from the sea. 9.1.6. Furthermore, since the Peloponnesians and Ionians were having frequent disputes about their boundaries, on which, among other places, Crommyonia was situated, they made an agreement and erected a pillar in the place agreed upon, near the Isthmus itself, with an inscription on the side facing the Peloponnesus reading: This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia, and on the side facing Megara, This is not Peloponnesus, but Ionia. And though the writers of the histories of The Land of Atthis are at variance on many things, they all agree on this (at least all writers who are worth mentioning), that Pandion had four sons, Aegeus, Lycus, Pallas, and the fourth, Nisus, and that when Attica was divided into four parts, Nisus obtained Megaris as his portion and founded Nisaea. Now, according to Philochorus, his rule extended from the Isthmus to the Pythium, but according to Andron, only as far as Eleusis and the Thriasian Plain. Although different writers have stated the division into four parts in different ways, it suffices to take the following from Sophocles: Aegeus says that his father ordered him to depart to the shorelands, assigning to him as the eldest the best portion of this land; then to Lycus he assigns Euboea's garden that lies side by side therewith; and for Nisus he selects the neighboring land of Sceiron's shore; and the southerly part of the land fell to this rugged Pallas, breeder of giants. These, then, are the proofs which writers use to show that Megaris was a part of Attica. 9.3.9. of the temples, the one with wings must be placed among the myths; the second is said to be the work of Trophonius and Agamedes; and the present temple was built by the Amphictyons. In the sacred precinct is to be seen the tomb of Neoptolemus, which was made in accordance with an oracle, Machaereus, a Delphian, having slain him because, according to the myth, he was asking the god for redress for the murder of his father; but according to all probability it was because he had attacked the sanctuary. Branchus, who presided over the sanctuary at Didyma, is called a descendant of Machaereus. 9.5.5. Now the first peoples he names in the Catalogue are those under Achilles, who occupied the southern side and were situated alongside Oita and the Epicnemidian Locrians, all who dwelt in the Pelasgian Argos and those who inhabited Alus and Alope and Trachin, and those who held Phthia and also Hellas the land of fair women, and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes and Achaeans. with these he joins also the subjects of Phoenix, and makes the expedition common to both leaders. It is true that the poet nowhere mentions the Dolopian army in connection with the battles round Ilium, for he does not represent their leader Phoenix as going forth into the perils of battle either, any more than he does Nestor; yet others so state, as Pindar, for instance, who mentions Phoenix and then says, who held a throng of Dolopians, bold in the use of the sling and bringing aid to the missiles of the Danaans, tamers of horses. This, in fact, is the interpretation which we must give to the Homeric passage according to the principle of silence, as the grammarians are wont to call it, for it would be ridiculous if the king Phoenix shared in the expedition (I dwelt in the farthermost part of Phthia, being lord over the Dolopians) without his subjects being present; for if they were not present, he would not have been regarded as sharing in the expedition with Achilles, but only as following him in the capacity of a chief over a few men and as a speaker, perhaps as a counsellor. Homer's verses on this subject mean also to make this clear, for such is the import of the words, to be a speaker of words and a doer of deeds. Clearly, therefore, he means, as I have already said, that the forces under Achilles and Phoenix are the same. But the aforesaid statements concerning the places subject to Achilles are themselves under controversy. Some take the Pelasgian Argos as a Thessalian city once situated in the neighborhood of Larisa but now no longer existent; but others take it, not as a city, but as the plain of the Thessalians, which is referred to by this name because Abas, who brought a colony there from Argos, so named it. 10.3.22. Some writers say that the name Idaean Dactyli was given to the first settlers of the lower slopes of Mt. Ida, for the lower slopes of mountains are called feet, and the summits heads; accordingly, the several extremities of Ida (all of which are sacred to the Mother of the Gods) were called Dactyli. Sophocles thinks that the first male Dactyli were five in number, who were the first to discover and to work iron, as well as many other things which are useful for the purposes of life, and that their sisters were five in number, and that they were called Dactyli from their number. But different writers tell the myth in different ways, joining difficulty to difficulty; and both the names and numbers they use are different; and they name one of them Celmis and others Damnameneus and Heracles and Acmon. Some call them natives of Ida, others settlers; but all agree that iron was first worked by these on Ida; and all have assumed that they were wizards and attendants of the Mother of the Gods, and that they lived in Phrygia about Ida; and they use the term Phrygia for the Troad because, after Troy was sacked, the Phrygians, whose territory bordered on the Troad, got the mastery over it. And they suspect that both the Curetes and the Corybantes were offspring of the Idaean Dactyli; at any rate, the first hundred men born in Crete were called Idaean Dactyli, they say, and as offspring of these were born nine Curetes, and each of these begot ten children who were called Idaean Dactyli. 14.1.27. Then one comes to the mountain Gallesius, and to Colophon, an Ionian city, and to the sacred precinct of Apollo Clarius, where there was once an ancient oracle. The story is told that Calchas the prophet, with Amphilochus the son of Amphiaraus, went there on foot on his return from Troy, and that having met near Clarus a prophet superior to himself, Mopsus, the son of Manto, the daughter of Teiresias, he died of grief. Now Hesiod revises the myth as follows, making Calchas propound to Mopsus this question: I am amazed in my heart at all these figs on this wild fig tree, small though it is; can you tell me the number? And he makes Mopsus reply: They are ten thousand in number, and their measure is a medimnus; but there is one over, which you cannot put in the measure. Thus he spake, Hesiod adds,and the number the measure could hold proved true. And then the eyes of Calchas were closed by the sleep of death. But Pherecydes says that the question propounded by Calchas was in regard to a pregt sow, how many pigs she carried, and that Mopsus said, three, one of which is a female, and that when Mopsus proved to have spoken the truth, Calchas died of grief. Some say that Calchas propounded the question in regard to the sow, but that Mopsus propounded the question in regard to the wild fig tree, and that the latter spoke the truth but that the former did not, and died of grief, and in accordance with a certain oracle. Sophocles tells the oracle in his Reclaiming of Helen, that Calchas was destined to die when he met a prophet superior to himself, but he transfers the scene of the rivalry and of the death of Calchas to Cilicia. Such are the ancient stories. 14.5.16. After the Cydnus River one comes to the Pyramus River, which flows from Cataonia, a river which I have mentioned before. According to Artemidorus, the distance thence to Soli in a straight voyage is five hundred stadia. Near by, also, is Mallos, situated on a height, founded by Amphilochus and Mopsus, the latter the son of Apollo and Manto, concerning whom many myths are told. And indeed I, too, have mentioned them in my account of Calchas and of the quarrel between Calchas and Mopsus about their powers of divination. For some writers transfer this quarrel, Sophocles, for example, to Cilicia, which he, following the custom of tragic poets, calls Pamphylia, just as he calls Lycia Caria and Troy and Lydia Phrygia. And Sophocles, among others, tells us that Calchas died there. But, according to the myth, the contest concerned, not only the power of divination, but also the sovereignty; for they say that Mopsus and Amphilochus went from Troy and founded Mallos, and that Amphilochus then went away to Argos, and, being dissatisfied with affairs there, returned to Mallos, but that, being excluded from a share in the government there, he fought a duel with Mopsus, and that both fell in the duel and were buried in places that were not in sight of one another. And today their tombs are to be seen in the neighborhood of Magarsa near the Pyramus River. This was the birthplace of Crates the grammarian, of whom Panaetius is said to have been a pupil. |
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91. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.57-2.197, 2.204, 6.586-6.594 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 577, 578, 595, 596 | 2.57. thus hailed the people: “O unhappy men! 2.58. What madness this? Who deems our foemen fled? 2.59. Think ye the gifts of Greece can lack for guile? 2.60. Have ye not known Ulysses? The Achaean 2.61. hides, caged in yonder beams; or this is reared 2.62. for engin'ry on our proud battlements, 2.63. to spy upon our roof-tops, or descend 2.64. in ruin on the city. 'T is a snare. 2.65. Trust not this horse, O Troy , whate'er it bode! 2.66. I fear the Greeks, though gift on gift they bear.” 2.67. So saying, he whirled with ponderous javelin 2.68. a sturdy stroke straight at the rounded side 2.69. of the great, jointed beast. A tremor struck 2.70. its towering form, and through the cavernous womb 2.71. rolled loud, reverberate rumbling, deep and long. 2.72. If heaven's decree, if our own wills, that hour, 2.73. had not been fixed on woe, his spear had brought 2.74. a bloody slaughter on our ambushed foe, 2.75. and Troy were standing on the earth this day! 2.77. But, lo! with hands fast bound behind, a youth 2.78. by clamorous Dardan shepherds haled along, 2.79. was brought before our king,—to this sole end 2.80. a self-surrendered captive, that he might, 2.81. although a nameless stranger, cunningly 2.82. deliver to the Greek the gates of Troy . 2.83. His firm-set mind flinched not from either goal,— 2.84. uccess in crime, or on swift death to fall. 2.85. The thronging Trojan youth made haste his way 2.86. from every side, all eager to see close 2.87. their captive's face, and clout with emulous scorn. 2.88. Hear now what Greek deception is, and learn 2.89. from one dark wickedness the whole. For he, 2.90. a mark for every eye, defenceless, dazed, 2.91. tood staring at our Phrygian hosts, and cried: 2.92. “Woe worth the day! What ocean or what shore 2.93. will have me now? What desperate path remains 2.94. for miserable me? Now have I lost 2.95. all foothold with the Greeks, and o'er my head 2.96. Troy 's furious sons call bloody vengeance down.” 2.97. Such groans and anguish turned all rage away 2.98. and stayed our lifted hands. We bade him tell 2.99. his birth, his errand, and from whence might be 2.100. uch hope of mercy for a foe in chains. 2.102. “O King! I will confess, whate'er befall, 2.103. the whole unvarnished truth. I will not hide 2.104. my Grecian birth. Yea, thus will I begin. 2.105. For Fortune has brought wretched Sinon low; 2.106. but never shall her cruelty impair 2.107. his honor and his truth. Perchance the name 2.108. of Palamedes, Belus' glorious son, 2.109. has come by rumor to your listening ears; 2.110. whom by false witness and conspiracy, 2.111. because his counsel was not for this war, 2.112. the Greeks condemned, though guiltless, to his death, 2.113. and now make much lament for him they slew. 2.114. I, his companion, of his kith and kin, 2.115. ent hither by my humble sire's command, 2.116. followed his arms and fortunes from my youth. 2.117. Long as his throne endured, and while he throve 2.118. in conclave with his kingly peers, we twain 2.119. ome name and lustre bore; but afterward, 2.120. because that cheat Ulysses envied him 2.121. (Ye know the deed), he from this world withdrew, 2.122. and I in gloom and tribulation sore 2.123. lived miserably on, lamenting loud 2.124. my lost friend's blameless fall. A fool was I 2.125. that kept not these lips closed; but I had vowed 2.126. that if a conqueror home to Greece I came, 2.127. I would avenge. Such words moved wrath, and were 2.128. the first shock of my ruin; from that hour, 2.129. Ulysses whispered slander and alarm; 2.130. breathed doubt and malice into all men's ears, 2.131. and darkly plotted how to strike his blow. 2.132. Nor rest had he, till Calchas, as his tool,- 2.133. but why unfold this useless, cruel story? 2.134. Why make delay? Ye count all sons of Greece 2.135. arrayed as one; and to have heard thus far 2.136. uffices you. Take now your ripe revenge! 2.137. Ulysses smiles and Atreus' royal sons 2.139. We ply him then with passionate appeal 2.140. and question all his cause: of guilt so dire 2.141. or such Greek guile we harbored not the thought. 2.142. So on he prates, with well-feigned grief and fear, 2.143. and from his Iying heart thus told his tale: 2.144. “Full oft the Greeks had fain achieved their flight, 2.145. and raised the Trojan siege, and sailed away 2.146. war-wearied quite. O, would it had been so! 2.147. Full oft the wintry tumult of the seas 2.148. did wall them round, and many a swollen storm 2.149. their embarcation stayed. But chiefly when, 2.150. all fitly built of beams of maple fair, 2.151. this horse stood forth,— what thunders filled the skies! 2.152. With anxious fears we sent Eurypylus 2.153. to ask Apollo's word; and from the shrine 2.154. he brings the sorrowful commandment home: 2.155. ‘By flowing blood and by a virgin slain 2.156. the wild winds were appeased, when first ye came, 2.157. ye sons of Greece , to Ilium 's distant shore. 2.158. Through blood ye must return. Let some Greek life 2.159. your expiation be.’ The popular ear 2.160. the saying caught, all spirits were dimmed o'er; 2.161. cold doubt and horror through each bosom ran, 2.162. asking what fate would do, and on what wretch 2.163. Apollo's choice would fall. Ulysses, then, 2.164. amid the people's tumult and acclaim, 2.165. thrust Calchas forth, some prophecy to tell 2.166. to all the throng: he asked him o'er and o'er 2.167. what Heaven desired. Already not a few 2.168. foretold the murderous plot, and silently 2.169. watched the dark doom upon my life impend. 2.170. Twice five long days the seer his lips did seal, 2.171. and hid himself, refusing to bring forth 2.172. His word of guile, and name what wretch should die. 2.173. At last, reluctant, and all loudly urged 2.174. By false Ulysses, he fulfils their plot, 2.175. and, lifting up his voice oracular, 2.176. points out myself the victim to be slain. 2.177. Nor did one voice oppose. The mortal stroke 2.178. horribly hanging o'er each coward head 2.179. was changed to one man's ruin, and their hearts 2.180. endured it well. Soon rose th' accursed morn; 2.181. the bloody ritual was ready; salt 2.182. was sprinkled on the sacred loaf; my brows 2.183. were bound with fillets for the offering. 2.184. But I escaped that death—yes! I deny not! 2.185. I cast my fetters off, and darkling lay 2.186. concealed all night in lake-side sedge and mire, 2.187. awaiting their departure, if perchance 2.188. they should in truth set sail. But nevermore 2.189. hall my dear, native country greet these eyes. 2.190. No more my father or my tender babes 2.191. hall I behold. Nay, haply their own lives 2.192. are forfeit, when my foemen take revenge 2.193. for my escape, and slay those helpless ones, 2.194. in expiation of my guilty deed. 2.195. O, by yon powers in heaven which witness truth, 2.196. by aught in this dark world remaining now 2.197. of spotless human faith and innocence, 2.204. that pressed him sore; then with benigt mien 6.586. Beheld her near him through the murky gloom, 6.587. As when, in her young month and crescent pale, 6.588. One sees th' o'er-clouded moon, or thinks he sees. 6.589. Down dropped his tears, and thus he fondly spoke: 6.590. “0 suffering Dido! Were those tidings true 6.591. That thou didst fling thee on the fatal steel? 6.592. Thy death, ah me! I dealt it. But I swear 6.593. By stars above us, by the powers in Heaven, 6.594. Or whatsoever oath ye dead believe, |
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| 92. John Malalas, History, 2.34.19 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 559 |
| 93. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 9.98 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 557 |
| 94. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), None Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 562 |
| 95. Philostratus, Heroicus, 33.4 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 588 |
| 96. Dionysius of Byzantium, Sailing Through The Bosporus, 109 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 611 |
| 97. Dionysius Periegetes, Little Iliad, 164-165, 167, 166 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 557, 562, 565, 566, 577, 593, 595, 597, 608 |
| 98. Telephus, The Trojan Women, 1126-1128, 924-927, 929-931, 971-981, 928 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 576 |
| 99. Dionysius Periegetes, Telegony, 164 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 565, 587 |
| 100. Dio Chrysostom, Discourses, 11.77 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 603 |
| 101. Anon., Life of Sophocles, 1.8 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 613 |
| 102. Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentary On The Iliad, 299.5, 381.8, 987.8 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 567, 574, 586 |
| 103. Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentary On The Odyssey, 1479.10, 1553.63 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 565, 586 |
| 104. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.12, 1.48 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 578, 602 |
| 105. Pseudo-Eratosthenes, Catasterismi, 16 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 556 |
| 106. John Tzetzes, Commentary On Lycophron, 772, 384 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 585 |
| 107. Quintus Smyrnaeus, Posthomerica, 7.169, 7.297-7.311 Tagged with subjects: •fragments, of sophocles’ works Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 598 |
