| 1. Cicero, Pro Marcello, 19, 7, 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 247 |
2. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215| 28. imperatore quattuor has res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auctoritatem, felicitatem facilitatem t . quis igitur hoc homine scientior umquam aut fuit aut esse debuit? qui e ludo atque e atque e HW : atque cett. pueritiae disciplinis bello maximo atque acerrimis hostibus ad patris exercitum atque in militiae disciplinam profectus est, qui extrema pueritia miles in exercitu in exercitu om. dp summi fuit fuit summi Eb imperatoris, ineunte adulescentia maximi ipse exercitus imperator, qui saepius cum hoste conflixit quam quisquam cum inimico concertavit, plura bella gessit quam ceteri legerunt, pluris provincias confecit quam alii concupiverunt, cuius adulescentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praeceptis sed suis imperiis, non offensionibus belli sed victoriis, non stipendiis sed triumphis est erudita. quod denique genus esse belli esse belli HE : belli esse cett. potest in quo illum non exercuerit fortuna rei publicae? civile, Africanum, Transalpinum, Hispaniense mixtum ex civibus civibus Gulielmius : civilibus H : civitatibus cett. atque ex atque ex et H : atque b bellicosissimis nationibus mixtum... nationibus del. Bloch, servile, navale bellum, varia et diversa genera et bellorum et hostium non solum gesta ab hoc uno sed etiam confecta nullam rem esse declarant in usu positam militari quae huius huius om. H viri viri om. b 1 scientiam fugere possit. | |
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| 3. Cicero, Pro Fonteio, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215 |
| 4. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 1.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 218 |
| 5. Cicero, Philippicae, 4.10, 5.29 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215, 218 |
| 6. Cicero, Oratio Pro Rege Deiotaro, 21, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 247 |
| 7. Cicero, Pro Milone, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215 |
| 8. Cicero, In Pisonem, 33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215 |
| 9. Cicero, Republic, 83 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215 |
| 10. Cicero, Cato, 1.25, 2.25, 4.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215, 218 |
| 11. Varro, On The Latin Language, 6.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 111 |
| 12. Cicero, In Catilinam, 1.25, 2.25, 4.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215, 218 |
| 13. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 50 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 218 |
| 14. Livy, History, 1.42.3, 2.40.12-2.40.13, 3.7.1, 5.47.3, 7.8.4, 7.23.2, 7.30.8, 7.34.6, 7.34.10, 7.35.5, 7.35.8, 7.35.12, 7.37.3, 9.17.3, 10.46.14, 21.62.8, 22.12.10, 23.42.4, 25.24.13, 26.41.9, 29.36.8, 33.27.4, 35.42.8, 38.25.8, 40.40.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Davies (2004) 117, 118, 120, 122; Rutledge (2012) 83 |
| 15. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 29.57, 35.4, 35.52, 35.85-35.86, 35.128 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83, 188 |
16. Plutarch, Brutus, 9.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83| 9.8. αἴτιοι δὲ τούτων οἱ Καίσαρος κόλακες ἄλλας τε τιμὰς ἐπιφθόνους ἀνευρίσκοντες αὐτῷ καὶ διαδήματα τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι νύκτωρ ἐπιτιθέντες, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπαξόμενοι βασιλέα προσειπεῖν ἀντὶ δικτάτορος. | 9.8. |
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17. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.43, 31.47-31.53, 31.71, 31.99, 31.105-31.106, 31.112, 31.155 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 | 31.43. "Yes," you say, "for the majority of them are Romans and who would think of touching them? But those who stand beside them here are Macedonians, while these over here are Spartans, and by heavens, it is these we touch." And yet all that stood here formerly, or the most of them at any rate, you will admit were erected in acknowledgement of a benefaction, whereas of those now receiving honour many are being courted owing to their political power. Now the question which of the two classes has the greater right to be held in higher regard I will pass over; but this further question, which of the two classes â assuming that the honours granted are not to belong rightfully to all â can more reasonably be expected to take them on the basis of so uncertain a title, this question, I say, even these men themselves know well how to answer. For all know how much more permanent a benefaction is than power, for there is no strength which time does not destroy, but it destroys no benefaction. 31.47. Now perhaps some one will say that the statues belong to the city. Yes, and the land also belongs to the city, but none the less every one who possesses any has full authority over what is his own. Speaking in a political sense, if anyone inquires who owns the Island or who owns Caria, he will be told that the Rhodians own it. But if you ask in a different sense about this specific estate here or this field, it is clear that you will learn the name of the private owner. So also with the statues; in a general sense men say that they belong to the people of Rhodes, but in the particular or special sense they say that this or that statue belongs to So-andâso or to So-andâso, naming whatever man it has been given to. And yet, whereas in the case of estates, houses, and other possessions, you cannot learn who owns them unless you inquire, the statue has an inscription on it and preserves not only the name but also the lineaments of the man to whom it was first given, so that it is possible to step near and at once know whose it is. I refer to those on which the truth is still given. 31.48. Moreover, the plea that they stand on public property is most absurd, if this is really held to be an indication that they do not belong to those who received them, but to the city. Why, if that be true, it will be possible to say that also the things which are on sale in the centre of the market-place belong to the commonwealth, and that the boats, no doubt, do belong, not to their possessors, but to the city, just because they are lying in the harbours. Then, too, an argument which I heard a man advance, as a very strong one in support of that position, I am not disposed to conceal from you: he said that you have made an official list of your statues. What, pray, is the significance of that? Why, the country lying opposite us, Carpathos yonder, the mainland, the other islands, and in general many possessions can be found which the city has listed in its public records, but they have been parcelled out among individuals. 31.49. And in fine, even if each man who has been honoured does not in this sense 'possess' his statue as he would possess anything else he has acquired, it cannot for that reason be said that it belongs to him any the less or that he suffers no wrong when you give his statue to another. For you will find countless senses in which we say that a thing 'belongs' to an individual and very different senses too, for instance, a priesthood, a public office, a wife, citizenship, none of which their possessors are at liberty either to sell or to use in any way they like. 31.50. But certainly a common principle of justice is laid down in regard to them all, to the effect that anything whatsoever which any one has received justly â whether he happens to have got it once for all or for a specified time, just as, for instance, he obtains public offices â that is his secure possession and nobody can deprive him of it. How, then, is it possible to have anything more justly, than when a man who has proved himself good and worthy of gratitude receives honour in return for many noble deeds? Or from whom could he receive it that has fuller authority and is greater than the democracy of Rhodes and your city? For it is no trifling consideration that it was not the Calymnians who gave it, or those ill-advised Caunians; just as in private business the better and more trustworthy you prove the man to be from whom you obtain any possession, the stronger your title to it is, and by so much more no one can dispute it. Yet any city which one might mention is in every way better and more trustworthy than one private citizen, even if he has the highest standing, and arrangements made by the state are more binding than those which are negotiated privately. 31.51. Then consider, further, that all men regard those agreements as having greater validity which are made with the sanction of the state and are entered in the city's records; and it is impossible for anything thus administered to be annulled, either in case one buys a piece of land from another, a boat or a slave, or if a man makes a loan to another, or frees a slave, or makes gift to any one. How in the world, then, has it come to pass that these transactions carry a greater security than any other? It is because the man who has handled any affair of his in this way has made the city a witness to the transaction. 31.52. In heaven's name, will it then be true that, while anything a person may get from a private citizen by acting through the state cannot possibly be taken from him, yet what one has received, not only by a state decree, but also as a gift of the people, shall not be inalienable? And whereas an action taken in this way by anybody else will never be annulled by the authority of the state, yet shall the state, in the offhand way we observe here, cancel what it has itself done? â and that too, not by taking it away in the same manner in which it was originally given, that is, by the commonwealth officially, but by letting one man, if he happens to be your chief magistrate, have the power to do so? 31.53. And besides, there are official records of those transactions of which I have spoken; for the decrees by which honours are given are recorded, I take it, and remain on public record for all time. For though repaying a favour is so strictly guarded among you, yet taking it back from the recipients is practised with no formality at all. Then, while the one action cannot be taken except by a decree passed by you as a body, yet the other comes to pass by a sort of custom, even though it is the will of only one person. Note, however, that, as I said, these matters have been recorded officially, not only in the decrees, but also upon the statues themselves, on which we find both the name of the man who received the honour and the statement that the assembly has bestowed it, and, again, that these statues are set up on public property. 31.71. Come, then, if any one were to question the magistrate who is set over you, who commands that the inscription be erased and another man's name engraved in its place, asking: "What does this mean? Ye gods, has this man been found guilty of having done the city some terrible wrong so many years after the deed?" In heaven's name, do you not think that he would be deterred, surely if he is a man of common decency? For my part I think that even the mason will blush for shame. And then if children or kinsmen of the great man should happen to appear, what floods of tears do you think they will shed when some one begins to obliterate the name? 31.99. Neither can we be so sure, moreover, that such treatment might not be brought about by some persons through hatred, I mean if it so happens that one of your chief magistrates has a grudge against any of his predecessors. You have heard how the Theagenes incident, at any rate, grew out of political envy and jealousy. For even if they urge that now they follow this practice only in the case of the old statues, yet as time goes on, just as ever happens in the case of all bad habits, this one too will of necessity grow worse and worse. The reason is that it is utterly impossible to call the culprit to account because the whole business from first to last lies in his hands. "Yes, by heavens," you say, "but the kinsmen will certainly put a stop to it." Well then, if the kinsmen happen to be absent or to have had no knowledge of the matter, what do we propose to do when they do learn of it? Will it be necessary to chisel out again the man's name which someone has been in a hurry to insert? 31.105. So much for that. Well then, neither can it be said that the persons you honour are more numerous; for the mere number of the statues standing which date from that time reveals the truth. And apart from that, who would say that those who are zealous to serve the state are now more numerous than then? Oh yes! you may say, "but we simply must honour the commanders who rule over us, one and all." What of it? Do not also the Athenians, Spartans, Byzantines, and Mytilenaeans pay court to these same? But nevertheless, whenever they decide to set up in bronze one of these, they do so, and they manage to find the cost. 31.106. Indeed I once heard a certain Rhodian remark â "The position of those people is not comparable to ours. For all that they, the Athenians excepted, possess is liberty and the Athenians have no great possessions either; but our city is the envy of all because it is the most prosperous, and consequently it needs a greater number of loyal friends. Furthermore, none of the Romans particularly cares to have a statue among those peoples, but they do not despise that honour here." 31.112. Then again, whereas the Eleans, who are not superior in other respects to any of the other Peloponnesians, put so high a value upon their own position, are you Rhodians so afraid of all your casual visitors that you think if you fail to set up some one person in bronze, you will lose your freedom? But if your freedom is in so precarious a state that it can be stripped from you on any petty pretext, it would in every way be better for you to be slaves forthwith. So too when men's bodies are so dangerously ill that there is no longer hope for their recovery, death is better than life. 31.155. For instance, many people assert that the statues of the Rhodians are like actors. For just as every actor makes his entrance as one character at one time and at another as another, so likewise your statues assume different rôles at different times and stand almost as if they were acting a part. For instance, one and the same statue, they say, is at one time a Greek, at another time a Roman, and later on, if it so happens, a Macedonian or a Persian; and what is more, with some statues the deception is so obvious that the beholder at once is aware of the deceit. For in fact, clothing, foot-gear, and everything else of that kind expose the fraud. |
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| 18. Suetonius, Tiberius, 15.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 188 |
| 19. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 |
20. Tacitus, Annals, 1.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83| 1.74. Nec multo post Granium Marcellum praetorem Bithyniae quaestor ipsius Caepio Crispinus maiestatis postulavit, subscribente Romano Hispone: qui formam vitae iniit, quam postea celebrem miseriae temporum et audaciae hominum fecerunt. nam egens, ignotus, inquies, dum occultis libellis saevitiae principis adrepit, mox clarissimo cuique periculum facessit, potentiam apud unum, odium apud omnis adeptus dedit exemplum, quod secuti ex pauperibus divites, ex contemptis metuendi perniciem aliis ac postremum sibi invenere. sed Marcellum insimulabat sinistros de Tiberio sermones habuisse, inevitabile crimen, cum ex moribus principis foedissima quaeque deligeret accusator obiectaretque reo. nam quia vera erant, etiam dicta credebantur. addidit Hispo statuam Marcelli altius quam Caesarum sitam, et alia in statua amputato capite Augusti effigiem Tiberii inditam. ad quod exarsit adeo, ut rupta taciturnitate proclamaret se quoque in ea causa laturum sententiam palam et iuratum, quo ceteris eadem necessitas fieret. manebant etiam tum vestigia morientis libertatis. igitur Cn. Piso 'quo' inquit 'loco censebis, Caesar? si primus, habebo quod sequar: si post omnis, vereor ne inprudens dissentiam.' permotus his, quantoque incautius efferverat, paenitentia patiens tulit absolvi reum criminibus maiestatis: de pecuniis repetundis ad reciperatores itum est. | 1.74. Before long, Granius Marcellus, praetor of Bithynia, found himself accused of treason by his own quaestor, Caepio Crispinus, with Hispo Romanus to back the charge. Caepio was the pioneer in a walk of life which the miseries of the age and effronteries of men soon rendered popular. Indigent, unknown, unresting, first creeping, with his private reports, into the confidence of his pitiless sovereign, then a terror to the noblest, he acquired the favour of one man, the hatred of all, and set an example, the followers of which passed from beggary to wealth, from being despised to being feared, and crowned at last the ruin of others by their own. He alleged that Marcellus had retailed sinister anecdotes about Tiberius: a damning indictment, when the accuser selected the foulest qualities of the imperial character, and attributed their mention to the accused. For, as the facts were true, they were also believed to have been related! Hispo added that Marcellus' own statue was placed on higher ground than those of the Caesars, while in another the head of Augustus had been struck off to make room for the portrait of Tiberius. This incensed the emperor to such a degree that, breaking through his taciturnity, he exclaimed that, in this case, he too would vote, openly and under oath, â the object being to impose a similar obligation on the rest. There remained even yet some traces of dying liberty. Accordingly Gnaeus Piso inquired: "In what order will you register your opinion, Caesar? If first, I shall have something to follow: if last of all, I fear I may inadvertently find myself on the other side." The words went home; and with a meekness that showed how profoundly he rued his unwary outburst, he voted for the acquittal of the defendant on the counts of treason. The charge of peculation went before the appropriate commission. |
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| 21. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.1.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 |
22. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 43.45.3-43.45.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 | 43.45.3. Another likeness they set up in the temple of Quirinus with the inscription, "To the Invincible God," and another on the Capitol beside the former kings of Rome. 43.45.4. Now it occurs to me to marvel at the coincidence: there were eight such statues, â seven to the kings, and an eighth to the Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, â and they set up the statue of Caesar beside the last of these; and it was from this cause chiefly that the other Brutus, Marcus, was roused to plot against him. |
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| 23. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Carus, 19.1-19.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 188 |
24. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.6, 14.6.2, 16.1, 19.8.6, 22.9.7, 22.15.24, 25.9.7, 28.1.3-28.1.4, 28.4, 31.16.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Davies (2004) 235 | 14.6.2. Now I think that some foreigners Here Ammianus, writing his History at Rome, classes himself as a Roman; see note on 6, 12, below, and Introd., p. xiv. who will perhaps read this work (if I shall be so fortunate) may wonder why it is that when the narrative turns to the description of what goes on at Rome, I tell of nothing save dissensions, taverns, and other similar vulgarities. Accordingly, I shall briefly touch upon the reasons, intending nowhere to depart intentionally from the truth. 19.8.6. At the post-house there we got a little rest, and when we were making ready to go farther and I was already unequal to the excessive walking, to which as a gentleman I was unused, I met a terrible sight, which however furnished me a most timely relief, worn out as I was by extreme weariness. 22.9.7. for some have maintained that since the image of the goddess fell from heaven, the city was named from πεσεῖν, which is the Greek word meaning to fall. Others say that Ilus, son of Tros, king of Dardania, Herodian, i. 11, 1. gave the place that name. But Theopompus of Chios, a pupil of Isocrates, and a rhetorician and historian. His works are lost. asserts that it was not Ilus who did it, but Midas, According to Diod. Sic. (iii. 59, 8), he was the first to build a splendid temple to Cybele at Pessinus. the once mighty king of Phrygia. 22.15.24. This monstrous and once rare kind of beast the Roman people first saw when Scaurus was aedile, the father of that Scaurus in whose defence Cicero spoke We have fragments of the oration Pro M. Aemilio Scauro , delivered in 54 B.C. The Scaurus who gave magnificent games when aedile was the same as the one defended by Cicero. His father, who was an aedile in 123 B.C. was poor at the time, and nothing is said of his games, while those of his son were famous. Pliny, N.H. viii. 96, says: eum (= hippopotamum) et quinque crocodiles Romae aedilitatis suae ludis M. Scaurus temporario euripo ostendit. It seems natural to apply this to the man defended by Cicero, and temporario euripo may have been a feature of the temporary theatre which he built on that occasion. and bade the Sardinians also to conform with the authority of the whole world in their judgement of so noble a family; and for many ages after that more hippopotami were often brought to Rome. But now they can nowhere be found, since, as the inhabitants of those regions conjecture, they were forced from weariness of the multitude that hunted them to take refuge in the land of the Blemmyae. A people of Aethiopia, near the cataracts of the Nile. 25.9.7. You are here justly censured, O Fortune of the Roman world! that, when storms shattered our country, you did snatch the helm from the hands of an experienced steersman and entrust it to an untried consummando = inconsummato unfinished. youth, who, since he was known during his previous life for no brilliant deeds in that field, cannot be justly either blamed or praised. 28.1.3. When in the first Medic war the Persians had plundered Asia, they besieged Miletus with mighty forces, threatened the defenders with death by torture, and drove the besieged to the necessity, overwhelmed as they all were by a weight of evils, of killing their own dear ones, consigning their movable possessions to the flames, and each one striving to be first to throw himself into the fire, to burn on the common funeral pyre of their country. 28.1.4. Soon after this, Phrynichus composed a play with this disaster as its plot, which he put upon the stage at Athens in the lofty language of tragedy. At first he was heard with pleasure, but as the sad story went on in too tragic style, the people became angry and punished With a fine of 1000 drachmas. The play was the Capture of Miletus , produced soon after 494 B.C.; cf. Herodotus, vi. 21. him, thinking that consolation was not his object but blame and reproach, when he had the bad taste to include among stage-plays a portrayal even of those sufferings which a well-beloved city had undergone, without receiving any support from its founders. For auctores in this sense, cf. Suet., Claud. 25, 3. For Miletus was a colony of the Athenians founded by Nileus, the son of Codrus (who is said to have sacrificed himself for his country in the Dorian war) and by other Ionians. Ammianus’ purpose in telling this story is to show that he might dread to give a description of the degeneracy of the Romans, for fear of what befel Phrynichus. 31.16.9. These events, from the principate of the emperor Nerva to the death of Valens, I, a former soldier and a Greek, have set forth to the measure of my ability, without ever (I believe) consciously venturing to debase through silence or through falsehood a work whose aim was the truth. The rest may be written by abler men, who are in the prime of life and learning. But if they chose to undertake such a task, I advise them to forge For procudere, cf. xv. 2, 8 ( ingenium ); xxx. 4, 13 ( ora ); Horace, Odes , iv. 15, 19. their tongues to the loftier style. The second part, written about 550 in barbarous Latin by another unknown author, under the title Item ex libris Chronicorum inter cetera , covers the period from 474 to 526, and deals mainly with the history of Theodoric. The writer was an opponent of Arianism, and he seems to have based his compilation on the Chronicle of Maximianus, bishop of Ravenna in 546, who died in 556. For this part we have, besides B, cod. Vaticanus Palatinus, Lat. n. 927 (P) of the twelfth century, in which the title appears as De adventu Oduachar regis Cyrorum Apparently for Scyrorum (Scirorum), Exc. § 37. et Erulorum in Italia, et quomodo Rex Theodericus eum fuerit persecutus. The Excerpts as a whole furnish an introduction and a sequel to the narrative of Ammianus. |
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| 25. Procopius, De Bellis, 3.2.24 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83, 188 |
| 26. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 40 Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83, 188 |
| 27. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gordiani Tres, 2.3, 3.6-3.8, 32.1 Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 188 |
| 28. Philostratus Maior, Imagines, None Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 |
| 29. Philostratus Minor, Imagines, None Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 |
