| 1. Septuagint, Amos, 1.8.74 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 181 |
2. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 26.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tyche (fortuna) Found in books: Levine (2005) 482| 26.1. "לֹא־תַעֲשׂוּ לָכֶם אֱלִילִם וּפֶסֶל וּמַצֵּבָה לֹא־תָקִימוּ לָכֶם וְאֶבֶן מַשְׂכִּית לֹא תִתְּנוּ בְּאַרְצְכֶם לְהִשְׁתַּחֲוֺת עָלֶיהָ כִּי אֲנִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃", 26.1. "וַאֲכַלְתֶּם יָשָׁן נוֹשָׁן וְיָשָׁן מִפְּנֵי חָדָשׁ תּוֹצִיאוּ׃", | 26.1. "Ye shall make you no idols, neither shall ye rear you up a graven image, or a pillar, neither shall ye place any figured stone in your land, to bow down unto it; for I am the LORD your God.", |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 6.1-6.4, 30.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 145; Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 136| 6.1. "וַיְהִי כִּי־הֵחֵל הָאָדָם לָרֹב עַל־פְּנֵי הָאֲדָמָה וּבָנוֹת יֻלְּדוּ לָהֶם׃", 6.1. "וַיּוֹלֶד נֹחַ שְׁלֹשָׁה בָנִים אֶת־שֵׁם אֶת־חָם וְאֶת־יָפֶת׃", 6.2. "וַיִּרְאוּ בְנֵי־הָאֱלֹהִים אֶת־בְּנוֹת הָאָדָם כִּי טֹבֹת הֵנָּה וַיִּקְחוּ לָהֶם נָשִׁים מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר בָּחָרוּ׃", 6.2. "מֵהָעוֹף לְמִינֵהוּ וּמִן־הַבְּהֵמָה לְמִינָהּ מִכֹּל רֶמֶשׂ הָאֲדָמָה לְמִינֵהוּ שְׁנַיִם מִכֹּל יָבֹאוּ אֵלֶיךָ לְהַחֲיוֹת׃", 6.3. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה לֹא־יָדוֹן רוּחִי בָאָדָם לְעֹלָם בְּשַׁגַּם הוּא בָשָׂר וְהָיוּ יָמָיו מֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה׃", 6.4. "הַנְּפִלִים הָיוּ בָאָרֶץ בַּיָּמִים הָהֵם וְגַם אַחֲרֵי־כֵן אֲשֶׁר יָבֹאוּ בְּנֵי הָאֱלֹהִים אֶל־בְּנוֹת הָאָדָם וְיָלְדוּ לָהֶם הֵמָּה הַגִּבֹּרִים אֲשֶׁר מֵעוֹלָם אַנְשֵׁי הַשֵּׁם׃", 30.11. "וַתֹּאמֶר לֵאָה בגד [בָּא] [גָד] וַתִּקְרָא אֶת־שְׁמוֹ גָּד׃", | 6.1. "And it came to pass, when men began to multiply on the face of the earth, and daughters were born unto them,", 6.2. "that the sons of nobles saw the daughters of men that they were fair; and they took them wives, whomsoever they chose.", 6.3. "And the LORD said: ‘My spirit shall not abide in man for ever, for that he also is flesh; therefore shall his days be a hundred and twenty years.’", 6.4. "The Nephilim were in the earth in those days, and also after that, when the sons of nobles came in unto the daughters of men, and they bore children to them; the same were the mighty men that were of old, the men of renown.", 30.11. "And Leah said: ‘Fortune is come! ’ And she called his name Gad.", |
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4. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 2.1-2.10 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 146| 2.1. "יְהוָה יֵחַתּוּ מריבו [מְרִיבָיו] עלו [עָלָיו] בַּשָּׁמַיִם יַרְעֵם יְהוָה יָדִין אַפְסֵי־אָרֶץ וְיִתֶּן־עֹז לְמַלְכּוֹ וְיָרֵם קֶרֶן מְשִׁיחוֹ׃", 2.1. "וַתִּתְפַּלֵּל חַנָּה וַתֹּאמַר עָלַץ לִבִּי בַּיהוָה רָמָה קַרְנִי בַּיהוָה רָחַב פִּי עַל־אוֹיְבַי כִּי שָׂמַחְתִּי בִּישׁוּעָתֶךָ׃", 2.2. "אֵין־קָדוֹשׁ כַּיהוָה כִּי אֵין בִּלְתֶּךָ וְאֵין צוּר כֵּאלֹהֵינוּ׃", 2.2. "וּבֵרַךְ עֵלִי אֶת־אֶלְקָנָה וְאֶת־אִשְׁתּוֹ וְאָמַר יָשֵׂם יְהוָה לְךָ זֶרַע מִן־הָאִשָּׁה הַזֹּאת תַּחַת הַשְּׁאֵלָה אֲשֶׁר שָׁאַל לַיהוָה וְהָלְכוּ לִמְקֹמוֹ׃", 2.3. "לָכֵן נְאֻם־יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אָמוֹר אָמַרְתִּי בֵּיתְךָ וּבֵית אָבִיךָ יִתְהַלְּכוּ לְפָנַי עַד־עוֹלָם וְעַתָּה נְאֻם־יְהוָה חָלִילָה לִּי כִּי־מְכַבְּדַי אֲכַבֵּד וּבֹזַי יֵקָלּוּ׃", 2.3. "אַל־תַּרְבּוּ תְדַבְּרוּ גְּבֹהָה גְבֹהָה יֵצֵא עָתָק מִפִּיכֶם כִּי אֵל דֵּעוֹת יְהוָה ולא [וְלוֹ] נִתְכְּנוּ עֲלִלוֹת׃", 2.4. "קֶשֶׁת גִּבֹּרִים חַתִּים וְנִכְשָׁלִים אָזְרוּ חָיִל׃", 2.5. "שְׂבֵעִים בַּלֶּחֶם נִשְׂכָּרוּ וּרְעֵבִים חָדֵלּוּ עַד־עֲקָרָה יָלְדָה שִׁבְעָה וְרַבַּת בָּנִים אֻמְלָלָה׃", 2.6. "יְהוָה מֵמִית וּמְחַיֶּה מוֹרִיד שְׁאוֹל וַיָּעַל׃", 2.7. "יְהוָה מוֹרִישׁ וּמַעֲשִׁיר מַשְׁפִּיל אַף־מְרוֹמֵם׃", 2.8. "מֵקִים מֵעָפָר דָּל מֵאַשְׁפֹּת יָרִים אֶבְיוֹן לְהוֹשִׁיב עִם־נְדִיבִים וְכִסֵּא כָבוֹד יַנְחִלֵם כִּי לַיהוָה מְצֻקֵי אֶרֶץ וַיָּשֶׁת עֲלֵיהֶם תֵּבֵל׃", 2.9. "רַגְלֵי חסידו [חֲסִידָיו] יִשְׁמֹר וּרְשָׁעִים בַּחֹשֶׁךְ יִדָּמּוּ כִּי־לֹא בְכֹחַ יִגְבַּר־אִישׁ׃", | 2.1. "And Ĥanna prayed, and said, My heart rejoices in the Lord, my horn is exalted in the Lord: my mouth is enlarged over my enemies; because I rejoice in Thy salvation.", 2.2. "There is none holy as the Lord: for there is none beside Thee: neither is there any rock like our God.", 2.3. "Talk no more so very proudly; let not arrogancy come out of your mouth: for the Lord is a God of knowledge, and by him actions are weighed.", 2.4. "The bows of the mighty men are broken, and they that stumbled are girded with strength.", 2.5. "They that were full have hired out themselves for bread; and they that were hungry have ceased: while the barren has born seven; and she that has many children has become wretched.", 2.6. "The Lord kills, and gives life: he brings down to the grave, and brings up.", 2.7. "The Lord makes poor, and makes rich: he brings low, and raises up.", 2.8. "He raises up the poor out of the dust, and lifts up the beggar from the dunghill, to set them among princes, and to make them inherit the throne of glory: for the pillars of the earth are the Lord’s, and he has set the world upon them.", 2.9. "He will keep the feet of his pious ones, and the wicked shall be silent in darkness; for it is not by strength that man prevails.", 2.10. "The adversaries of the Lord shall be broken in pieces; out of heaven shall he thunder upon them: the Lord shall judge the ends of the earth; and he shall give strength to his king, and exalt the horn of his anointed.", |
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5. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 61.1-61.2, 65.11 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 145, 254| 61.1. "שׂוֹשׂ אָשִׂישׂ בַּיהוָה תָּגֵל נַפְשִׁי בֵּאלֹהַי כִּי הִלְבִּישַׁנִי בִּגְדֵי־יֶשַׁע מְעִיל צְדָקָה יְעָטָנִי כֶּחָתָן יְכַהֵן פְּאֵר וְכַכַּלָּה תַּעְדֶּה כֵלֶיהָ׃", 61.1. "רוּחַ אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה עָלָי יַעַן מָשַׁח יְהוָה אֹתִי לְבַשֵּׂר עֲנָוִים שְׁלָחַנִי לַחֲבֹשׁ לְנִשְׁבְּרֵי־לֵב לִקְרֹא לִשְׁבוּיִם דְּרוֹר וְלַאֲסוּרִים פְּקַח־קוֹחַ׃", 61.2. "לִקְרֹא שְׁנַת־רָצוֹן לַיהוָה וְיוֹם נָקָם לֵאלֹהֵינוּ לְנַחֵם כָּל־אֲבֵלִים׃", 65.11. "וְאַתֶּם עֹזְבֵי יְהוָה הַשְּׁכֵחִים אֶת־הַר קָדְשִׁי הַעֹרְכִים לַגַּד שֻׁלְחָן וְהַמְמַלְאִים לַמְנִי מִמְסָךְ׃", | 61.1. "The spirit of the Lord God is upon me; Because the LORD hath anointed me To bring good tidings unto the humble; He hath sent me to bind up the broken-hearted, To proclaim liberty to the captives, And the opening of the eyes to them that are bound;", 61.2. "To proclaim the year of the LORD’S good pleasure, And the day of vengeance of our God; To comfort all that mourn;", 65.11. "But ye that forsake the LORD, That forget My holy mountain, That prepare a table for Fortune, And that offer mingled wine in full measure unto Destiny,", |
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6. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 215, 216| 524e. παρὰ τὸν Ῥαδάμανθυν, ὁ Ῥαδάμανθυς ἐκείνους ἐπιστήσας θεᾶται ἑκάστου τὴν ψυχήν, οὐκ εἰδὼς ὅτου ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως ἐπιλαβόμενος ἢ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν βασιλέως ἢ δυνάστου κατεῖδεν οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς ὂν τῆς ψυχῆς, ἀλλὰ διαμεμαστιγωμένην καὶ οὐλῶν μεστὴν ὑπὸ | 524e. in presence of their judge, they of Asia before Rhadamanthus, these Rhadamanthus sets before him and surveys the soul of each, not knowing whose it is; nay, often when he has laid hold of the Great King or some other prince or potentate, he perceives the utter unhealthiness of his soul, striped all over with the scourge, and a mass of wounds, the work of perjuries and injustice; Soc. |
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7. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.23.4-1.23.6, 1.76.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 103, 138; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 288| 1.23.4. ἤρξαντο δὲ αὐτοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι λύσαντες τὰς τριακοντούτεις σπονδὰς αἳ αὐτοῖς ἐγένοντο μετὰ Εὐβοίας ἅλωσιν. 1.23.5. διότι δ’ ἔλυσαν, τὰς αἰτίας προύγραψα πρῶτον καὶ τὰς διαφοράς, τοῦ μή τινα ζητῆσαί ποτε ἐξ ὅτου τοσοῦτος πόλεμος τοῖς Ἕλλησι κατέστη. 1.23.6. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεστάτην πρόφασιν, ἀφανεστάτην δὲ λόγῳ, τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡγοῦμαι μεγάλους γιγνομένους καὶ φόβον παρέχοντας τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀναγκάσαι ἐς τὸ πολεμεῖν: αἱ δ’ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν λεγόμεναι αἰτίαι αἵδ’ ἦσαν ἑκατέρων, ἀφ’ ὧν λύσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἐς τὸν πόλεμον κατέστησαν. 1.76.2. οὕτως οὐδ’ ἡμεῖς θαυμαστὸν οὐδὲν πεποιήκαμεν οὐδ’ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου τρόπου, εἰ ἀρχήν τε διδομένην ἐδεξάμεθα καὶ ταύτην μὴ ἀνεῖμεν ὑπὸ <τριῶν> τῶν μεγίστων νικηθέντες, τιμῆς καὶ δέους καὶ ὠφελίας, οὐδ’ αὖ πρῶτοι τοῦ τοιούτου ὑπάρξαντες, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ καθεστῶτος τὸν ἥσσω ὑπὸ τοῦ δυνατωτέρου κατείργεσθαι, ἄξιοί τε ἅμα νομίζοντες εἶναι καὶ ὑμῖν δοκοῦντες μέχρι οὗ τὰ ξυμφέροντα λογιζόμενοι τῷ δικαίῳ λόγῳ νῦν χρῆσθε, ὃν οὐδείς πω παρατυχὸν ἰσχύι τι κτήσασθαι προθεὶς τοῦ μὴ πλέον ἔχειν ἀπετράπετο. | 1.23.4. which was begun by the Athenians and Peloponnesians by the dissolution of the thirty years' truce made after the conquest of Euboea . 1.23.5. To the question why they broke the treaty, I answer by placing first an account of their grounds of complaint and points of difference, that no one may ever have to ask the immediate cause which plunged the Hellenes into a war of such magnitude. 1.23.6. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens , and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon , made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. 1.76.2. It follows that it was not a very wonderful action, or contrary to the common practice of mankind, if we did accept an empire that was offered to us, and refused to give it up under the pressure of three of the strongest motives, fear, honor, and interest. And it was not we who set the example, for it has always been the law that the weaker should be subject to the stronger. Besides, we believed ourselves to be worthy of our position, and so you thought us till now, when calculations of interest have made you take up the cry of justice—a consideration which no one ever yet brought forward to hinder his ambition when he had a chance of gaining anything by might. |
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8. Herodotus, Histories, 1.31, 3.30.1, 6.75, 7.6, 8.36-8.39, 8.51-8.54, 8.77, 9.77.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005) 38; Mueller (2002) 36; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 116; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 215 | 1.31. When Solon had provoked him by saying that the affairs of Tellus were so fortunate, Croesus asked who he thought was next, fully expecting to win second prize. Solon answered, “Cleobis and Biton. ,They were of Argive stock, had enough to live on, and on top of this had great bodily strength. Both had won prizes in the athletic contests, and this story is told about them: there was a festival of Hera in Argos , and their mother absolutely had to be conveyed to the temple by a team of oxen. But their oxen had not come back from the fields in time, so the youths took the yoke upon their own shoulders under constraint of time. They drew the wagon, with their mother riding atop it, traveling five miles until they arrived at the temple. ,When they had done this and had been seen by the entire gathering, their lives came to an excellent end, and in their case the god made clear that for human beings it is a better thing to die than to live. The Argive men stood around the youths and congratulated them on their strength; the Argive women congratulated their mother for having borne such children. ,She was overjoyed at the feat and at the praise, so she stood before the image and prayed that the goddess might grant the best thing for man to her children Cleobis and Biton, who had given great honor to the goddess. ,After this prayer they sacrificed and feasted. The youths then lay down in the temple and went to sleep and never rose again; death held them there. The Argives made and dedicated at Delphi statues of them as being the best of men.” 3.30.1. But Cambyses, the Egyptians say, owing to this wrongful act immediately went mad, although even before he had not been sensible. His first evil act was to destroy his full brother Smerdis, whom he had sent away from Egypt to Persia out of jealousy, because Smerdis alone could draw the bow brought from the Ethiopian by the Fish-eaters as far as two fingerbreadths, but no other Persian could draw it. 6.75. When the Lacedaemonians learned that Cleomenes was doing this, they took fright and brought him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms as before. Cleomenes had already been not entirely in his right mind, and on his return from exile a mad sickness fell upon him: any Spartan that he happened to meet he would hit in the face with his staff. ,For doing this, and because he was out of his mind, his relatives bound him in the stocks. When he was in the stocks and saw that his guard was left alone, he demanded a dagger; the guard at first refused to give it, but Cleomenes threatened what he would do to him when he was freed, until the guard, who was a helot, was frightened by the threats and gave him the dagger. ,Cleomenes took the weapon and set about slashing himself from his shins upwards; from the shin to the thigh he cut his flesh lengthways, then from the thigh to the hip and the sides, until he reached the belly, and cut it into strips; thus he died, as most of the Greeks say, because he persuaded the Pythian priestess to tell the tale of Demaratus. The Athenians alone say it was because he invaded Eleusis and laid waste the precinct of the gods. The Argives say it was because when Argives had taken refuge after the battle in their temple of Argus he brought them out and cut them down, then paid no heed to the sacred grove and set it on fire. 7.6. He said this because he desired adventures and wanted to be governor of Hellas. Finally he worked on Xerxes and persuaded him to do this, and other things happened that helped him to persuade Xerxes. ,Messengers came from Thessaly from the Aleuadae (who were princes of Thessaly) and invited the king into Hellas with all earnestness; the Pisistratidae who had come up to Susa used the same pleas as the Aleuadae, offering Xerxes even more than they did. ,They had come up to Sardis with Onomacritus, an Athenian diviner who had set in order the oracles of Musaeus. They had reconciled their previous hostility with him; Onomacritus had been banished from Athens by Pisistratus' son Hipparchus, when he was caught by Lasus of Hermione in the act of interpolating into the writings of Musaeus an oracle showing that the islands off Lemnos would disappear into the sea. ,Because of this Hipparchus banished him, though they had previously been close friends. Now he had arrived at Susa with the Pisistratidae, and whenever he came into the king's presence they used lofty words concerning him and he recited from his oracles; all that portended disaster to the Persian he left unspoken, choosing and reciting such prophecies as were most favorable, telling how the Hellespont must be bridged by a man of Persia and describing the expedition. ,So he brought his oracles to bear, while the Pisistratidae and Aleuadae gave their opinions. 8.36. When the Delphians learned all this, they were very much afraid, and in their great fear they inquired of the oracle whether they should bury the sacred treasure in the ground or take it away to another country. The god told them to move nothing, saying that he was able to protect what belonged to him. ,Upon hearing that, the Delphians took thought for themselves. They sent their children and women overseas to Achaia. Most of the men went up to the peaks of Parnassus and carried their goods into the Corycian cave, but some escaped to Amphissa in Locris. In short, all the Delphians left the town save sixty men and the prophet. 8.37. Now when the barbarians drew near and could see the temple, the prophet, whose name was Aceratus, saw certain sacred arms, which no man might touch without sacrilege, brought out of the chamber within and laid before the shrine. ,So he went to tell the Delphians of this miracle, but when the barbarians came with all speed near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were visited by miracles yet greater than the aforesaid. Marvellous indeed it is, that weapons of war should of their own motion appear lying outside in front of the shrine, but the visitation which followed was more wondrous than anything else ever seen. ,When the barbarians were near to the temple of Athena Pronaea, they were struck by thunderbolts from the sky, and two peaks broken off from Parnassus came rushing among them with a mighty noise and overwhelmed many of them. In addition to this a shout and a cry of triumph were heard from the temple of Athena. 8.38. All of this together struck panic into the barbarians, and the Delphians, perceiving that they fled, descended upon them and killed a great number. The survivors fled straight to Boeotia. Those of the barbarians who returned said (as I have been told) that they had seen other divine signs besides what I have just described: two men-at-arms of stature greater than human,they said, had come after them, slaying and pursuing. 8.39. These two, say the Delphians, were the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous, whose precincts are near the temple, Phylacus' by the road itself above the shrine of Athena Pronaea, and Autonous' near the Castalian spring, under the Hyarapean Peak. ,The rocks that fell from Parnassus were yet to be seen in my day, lying in the precinct of Athena Pronaea, from where their descent through the foreigners' ranks had hurled them. Such, then, was the manner of those men's departure from the temple. 8.51. Since the crossing of the Hellespont, where the barbarians began their journey, they had spent one month there crossing into Europe and in three more months were in Attica, when Calliades was archon at Athens. ,When they took the town it was deserted, but in the sacred precinct they found a few Athenians, stewards of the sacred precinct and poor people, who defended themselves against the assault by fencing the acropolis with doors and logs. They had not withdrawn to Salamis not only because of poverty but also because they thought they had discovered the meaning of the oracle the Pythia had given, namely that the wooden wall would be impregnable. They believed that according to the oracle this, not the ships, was the refuge. 8.52. The Persians took up a position on the hill opposite the acropolis, which the Athenians call the Areopagus, and besieged them in this way: they wrapped arrows in tar and set them on fire, and then shot them at the barricade. Still the besieged Athenians defended themselves, although they had come to the utmost danger and their barricade had failed them. ,When the Pisistratids proposed terms of surrender, they would not listen but contrived defenses such as rolling down boulders onto the barbarians when they came near the gates. For a long time Xerxes was at a loss, unable to capture them. 8.53. In time a way out of their difficulties was revealed to the barbarians, since according to the oracle all the mainland of Attica had to become subject to the Persians. In front of the acropolis, and behind the gates and the ascent, was a place where no one was on guard, since no one thought any man could go up that way. Here some men climbed up, near the sacred precinct of Cecrops' daughter Aglaurus, although the place was a sheer cliff. ,When the Athenians saw that they had ascended to the acropolis, some threw themselves off the wall and were killed, and others fled into the chamber. The Persians who had come up first turned to the gates, opened them, and murdered the suppliants. When they had levelled everything, they plundered the sacred precinct and set fire to the entire acropolis. 8.54. So it was that Xerxes took complete possession of Athens, and he sent a horseman to Susa to announce his present success to Artabanus. On the day after the messenger was sent, he called together the Athenian exiles who accompanied him and asked them go up to the acropolis and perform sacrifices in their customary way, an order given because he had been inspired by a dream or because he felt remorse after burning the sacred precinct. The Athenian exiles did as they were commanded. 8.77. I cannot say against oracles that they are not true, and I do not wish to try to discredit them when they speak plainly. Look at the following matter: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" When the sacred headland of golden-sworded Artemis and Cynosura by the sea they bridge with ships, /l l After sacking shiny Athens in mad hope, /l l Divine Justice will extinguish mighty Greed the son of Insolence /l l Lusting terribly, thinking to devour all. /l /quote , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Bronze will come together with bronze, and Ares /l l Will redden the sea with blood. To Hellas the day of freedom /l l Far-seeing Zeus and august Victory will bring. /l /quote Considering this, I dare to say nothing against Bacis concerning oracles when he speaks so plainly, nor will I consent to it by others. 9.77.1. Immediately after the arrival of this woman, the men of Mantinea came when everything was already over. Upon learning that they had come too late for the battle, they were extremely upset and said that they ought to punish themselves for that. |
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| 9. Xenophon, Memoirs, 8.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, and prodigies Found in books: Clark (2007) 189 |
| 10. Euripides, Ion, 1312-13, 1385-8, 437-51 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 11. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 502, 339-47 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 12. Plautus, Captiui, 1-2, 834, 863, 877, 864 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 87 |
| 13. Plautus, Rudens, 501 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •altars, mala fortuna •fortuna, bona •fortuna, in drama •fortuna, mala Found in books: Clark (2007) 86, 87 |
| 14. Plautus, Stichus, 8-9 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 86 |
| 15. Plautus, Casina, 153-154, 152 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 86 |
| 16. Plautus, Persa, 515-516, 514 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 86 |
| 17. Plautus, Poenulus, 128, 623-624, 890 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 84 |
| 18. Plautus, Pseudolus, 678-680, 968 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 84 |
| 19. Plautus, Bacchides, 115-124, 892, 894-895, 893 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 84 |
| 20. Plautus, Aulularia, 115-116 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 86 |
| 21. Anon., 1 Enoch, 89.65-90.19 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 103 |
| 22. Plautus, Asinaria, 100-102, 712-727, 268 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 87 |
23. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 23 | 2.88. Suppose a traveller to carry into Scythia or Britain the orrery recently constructed by our friend Posidonius, which at each revolution reproduces the same motions of the sun, the moon and the five planets that take place in the heavens every twenty-four hundred, would any single native doubt that this orrery was the work of a rational being? This thinkers however raise doubts about the world itself from which all things arise and have their being, and debate whether it is the produce of chance or necessity of some sort, or of divine reason and intelligence; they think more highly of the achievement of Archimedes in making a model of the revolutions of the firmament than of that of nature in creating them, although the perfection of the original shows a craftsmanship many times as great as does the counterfeit. |
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| 24. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 5.13.1, 6.18.1-6.18.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 60, 111 |
| 25. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 2, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 103 |
26. Septuagint, Judith, 14.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna/fortune (hecataeus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 288 | 14.10. And when Achior saw all that the God of Israel had done, he believed firmly in God, and was circumcised, and joined the house of Israel, remaining so to this day. |
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| 27. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.4.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 136 |
| 28. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 2.28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fors fortuna •fortuna, and caesar/caesaris •fortuna, and horti •fortuna, categorization •fortuna, huiusce diei •fortuna, primigenia •fortuna, publica •fortuna, publica citerior •fortuna, quiritium •statues, fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Clark (2007) 35, 130, 236 |
29. Cicero, On Invention, 2.160 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 60| 2.160. Prudentia est rerum bonarum et malarum neutra- rumque scientia. partes eius: memoria, intellegentia, providentia. memoria est, per quam animus repetit illa, quae fuerunt; intellegentia, per quam ea perspicit, quae sunt; providentia, per quam futurum aliquid videtur ante quam factum est. Iustitia est habitus animi communi utilitate con- servata suam cuique tribuens dignitatem. eius initium est ab natura profectum; deinde quaedam in con- suetudinem ex utilitatis ratione venerunt; postea res et ab natura profectas et ab consuetudine probatas legum metus et religio sanxit. | |
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30. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 34.1-34.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 177 | 34.1. A man of no understanding has vain and false hopes,and dreams give wings to fools. 34.1. He that is inexperienced knows few things,but he that has traveled acquires much cleverness. 34.2. As one who catches at a shadow and pursues the wind,so is he who gives heed to dreams. 34.2. Like one who kills a son before his fathers eyes is the man who offers a sacrifice from the property of the poor. 34.3. The vision of dreams is this against that,the likeness of a face confronting a face. 34.4. From an unclean thing what will be made clean?And from something false what will be true? 34.5. Divinations and omens and dreams are folly,and like a woman in travail the mind has fancies. |
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31. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 3.9, 4.6, 4.32, 5.8-5.9, 6.2, 6.22, 7.37, 9.1, 13.7, 14.5, 14.10, 15.7, 15.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 145, 147 | 3.9. When he had arrived at Jerusalem and had been kindly welcomed by the high priest of the city, he told about the disclosure that had been made and stated why he had come, and he inquired whether this really was the situation.' 4.6. For he saw that without the king's attention public affairs could not again reach a peaceful settlement, and that Simon would not stop his folly.' 4.32. But Menelaus, thinking he had obtained a suitable opportunity, stole some of the gold vessels of the temple and gave them to Andronicus; other vessels, as it happened, he had sold to Tyre and the neighboring cities.' 5.8. Finally he met a miserable end. Accused before Aretas the ruler of the Arabs, fleeing from city to city, pursued by all men, hated as a rebel against the laws, and abhorred as the executioner of his country and his fellow citizens, he was cast ashore in Egypt;' 5.9. and he who had driven many from their own country into exile died in exile, having embarked to go to the Lacedaemonians in hope of finding protection because of their kinship.' 6.2. and also to pollute the temple in Jerusalem and call it the temple of Olympian Zeus, and to call the one in Gerizim the temple of Zeus the Friend of Strangers, as did the people who dwelt in that place.' 6.22. o that by doing this he might be saved from death, and be treated kindly on account of his old friendship with them.' 7.37. I, like my brothers, give up body and life for the laws of our fathers, appealing to God to show mercy soon to our nation and by afflictions and plagues to make you confess that he alone is God,' 9.1. About that time, as it happened, Antiochus had retreated in disorder from the region of Persia.' 13.7. By such a fate it came about that Menelaus the lawbreaker died, without even burial in the earth.' 14.5. But he found an opportunity that furthered his mad purpose when he was invited by Demetrius to a meeting of the council and was asked about the disposition and intentions of the Jews. He answered:" 14.10. For as long as Judas lives, it is impossible for the government to find peace.' 15.7. But Maccabeus did not cease to trust with all confidence that he would get help from the Lord." 15.11. He armed each of them not so much with confidence in shields and spears as with the inspiration of brave words, and he cheered them all by relating a dream, a sort of vision, which was worthy of belief.' |
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| 32. Cicero, Letters, 4.1.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, huiusce diei Found in books: Clark (2007) 177 |
| 33. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.60, 2.62, 2.76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 128 |
| 34. Cicero, On Laws, 2.29, 2.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 73 |
| 35. Cicero, Letters, 3.15.7, 4.1.4, 5.18.3, 6.9.1, 7.1, 7.2.2, 11.6.1, 16.11.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •fortuna, huiusce diei Found in books: Clark (2007) 177; Santangelo (2013) 61 |
| 36. Cicero, Letters, 4.1.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, huiusce diei Found in books: Clark (2007) 177 |
37. Cicero, Republic, 1.21-1.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei •fortuna, in oratory •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215; Rutledge (2012) 23| 1.21. Tum Philus: Nihil novi vobis adferam, neque quod a me sit cogitatum aut inventum; nam memoria teneo C. Sulpicium Gallum, doctissimum, ut scitis, hominem, cum idem hoc visum diceretur et esset casu apud M. Marcellum, qui cum eo consul fuerat, sphaeram, quam M. Marcelli avus captis Syracusis ex urbe locupletissima atque ornatissima sustulisset, cum aliud nihil ex tanta praeda domum suam deportavisset, iussisse proferri; cuius ego sphaerae cum persaepe propter Archimedi gloriam nomen audissem, speciem ipsam non sum tanto opere admiratus; erat enim illa venustior et nobilior in volgus, quam ab eodem Archimede factam posuerat in templo Virtutis Marcellus idem. 1.22. Sed posteaquam coepit rationem huius operis scientissime Gallus exponere, plus in illo Siculo ingenii, quam videretur natura humana ferre potuisse, iudicavi fuisse. Dicebat enim Gallus sphaerae illius alterius solidae atque plenae vetus esse inventum, et eam a Thalete Milesio primum esse tornatam, post autem ab Eudoxo Cnidio, discipulo, ut ferebat, Platonis, eandem illam astris stellisque, quae caelo inhaererent, esse descriptam; cuius omnem ornatum et descriptionem sumptam ab Eudoxo multis annis post non astrologiae scientia, sed poetica quadam facultate versibus Aratum extulisse. Hoc autem sphaerae genus, in quo solis et lunae motus inessent et earum quinque stellarum, quae errantes et quasi vagae nominarentur, in illa sphaera solida non potuisse finiri, atque in eo admirandum esse inventum Archimedi, quod excogitasset, quem ad modum in dissimillimis motibus inaequabiles et varios cursus servaret una conversio. Hanc sphaeram Gallus cum moveret, fiebat, ut soli luna totidem conversionibus in aere illo, quot diebus in ipso caelo, succederet, ex quo et in caelo sphaera solis fieret eadem illa defectio et incideret luna tum in eam metam, quae esset umbra terrae, cum sol e regione | |
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| 38. Cicero, Letters, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 177 |
| 39. Dead Sea Scrolls, War Scroll, 14.5-14.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 146, 267 |
| 40. Varro, Saturae Menippae, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis (statue of) Found in books: Radicke (2022) 359 |
| 41. Cicero, In Catilinam, 1.25, 2.25, 3.14, 4.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, in oratory •fortuna, populi romani •fortuna Found in books: Clark (2007) 215, 218; Santangelo (2013) 60 |
| 42. Dead Sea Scrolls, Narrative Work And Prayer, 10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 181 |
| 43. Dead Sea Scrolls, Messianic Rule, 2.7-2.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 267 |
| 44. Cicero, Pro Sulla, 4.67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •altars, mala fortuna •fortuna, bona •fortuna, in drama •fortuna, mala Found in books: Clark (2007) 87 |
| 45. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 50, 131 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 177 |
| 46. Cicero, Pro Milone, 18, 58 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 213 |
| 47. Cicero, Pro Marcello, 19, 7, 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 247 |
48. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 10, 28, 47, 49, 51, 48 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 245| 48. militiae militiae HE : militiaeque cett., terra marique quantaque felicitate gesserit, ut eius semper voluntatibus non modo cives adsenserint, socii obtemperarint, hostes oboedierint, sed etiam venti tempestatesque obsecundarint; hoc brevissime dicam, neminem umquam tam impudentem fuisse qui ab dis immortalibus tot et tantas res tacitus auderet optare quot quot quotque ET et quantas di immortales ad Cn. Gnaeum Pompeium detulerunt contulerunt dp . quod ut illi proprium ac perpetuum sit, Quirites, cum communis salutis atque imperi tum ipsius hominis causa, sicuti facitis, et velle et velle H : velle cett. et optare debetis. | |
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| 49. Cicero, Pro Fonteio, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, in oratory •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215 |
| 50. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 1.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, in oratory •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 218 |
51. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 213| 3. quod quoniam peccatum meum esse confiteor, est sapientiae atque humanitatis tuae curare et perficere ut hoc minus sapienter a me provisum diligentia tua corrigatur. ac si te ipse vehementius ad omnis partis bene audiendi excitaris, non ut cum aliis sed ut tecum iam ipse certes, si omnem tuam mentem, curam, cogitationem ad excellentis in omnibus rebus laudis cupiditatem incitaris, mihi crede, unus annus additus labori tuo multorum annorum laetitiam nobis, immo vero etiam posteris nostris adferet. 3. quod autem me maxime movere solebat, cum audiebam illum plus apud te posse quam gravitas istius aetatis, imperi, prudentiae postularet quam multos enim mecum egisse putas ut se Statio commendarem, quam multa autem ipsum ἀφελῶσ mecum in sermone ita posuisse : ' id mihi non placuit ; monui, suasi, deterrui'! quibus in rebus etiam si fidelitas summa est, (quod prorsus credo quoniam tu ita iudicas), tamen species ipsa tam gratiosi liberti aut servi dignitatem habere nullam potest. atque hoc sic habeto (nihil enim nec temere dicere nec astute reticere debeo), materiam omnem sermonum eorum qui de te detrahere vellent Statium dedisse; antea tantum intellegi potuisse, iratos tuae severitati esse non nullos, hoc manumisso iratis quod loquerentur non defuisse. 3. haec ipsa me quo fletu putas scripsisse? eodem quo te legere certo scio. an ego possum aut non cogitare aliquando de te aut umquam sine lacrimis cogitare? Cum enim te desidero, fratrem solum desidero,? ego vero suavitate fratrem prope aequalem, obsequio filium, consilio parentem. quid mihi sine te umquam aut tibi sine me iucundum fuit? quid, quod eodem tempore desidero, filiam? qua pietate, qua modestia, quo ingenio! effigiem oris, sermonis, animi mei. quid filium venustissimum mihique dulcissimum? quem ego ferus ac ferreus e complexu dimisi meo, sapientiorem puerum quam vellem ; sentiebat enim miser iam quid ageretur. quid vero tuum filium, imaginem tuam, quem meus Cicero et amabat ut fratrem et iam ut maiorem fratrem verebatur? quid, quod mulierem miserrimam, fidelissimam coniugem, me prosequi non sum passus, ut esset quae reliquias communis calamitatis, communis liberos tueretur? 3. de novis autem tribunis pl. est ille quidem in me officiosissimus Sestius et, spero, Curius, Milo, Fadius, Fabricius, sed valde adversante Clodio, qui etiam privatus eadem manu poterit contiones concitare ; deinde etiam intercessor parabitur. 3. multa feci verba de toto furore latrocinioque P. Clodi ; tamquam reum accusavi multis et secundis admurmurationibus cuncti senatus. orationem meam conlaudavit satis multis verbis non me hercule indiserte vetus Antistius, isque iudiciorum causam suscepit antiquissimamque se habiturum dixit. Ibatur in eam sententiam. tum Clodius rogatus diem dicendo eximere coepit ; furebat a Racilio se contumaciter urbaneque vexatum. deinde eius operae repente a Graecostasi et gradibus clamorem satis magnum sustulerunt, opinor, in Q. Sextilium et amicos Milonis incitatae. eo metu iniecto repente magna querimonia omnium discessimus. habes acta unius diei ; reliqua, ut arbitror, in mensem Ianuarium reicientur. de tribunis pl. longe optimum Racilium habemus. videtur etiam Antistius amicus nobis fore ; nam Plancius totus noster est. fac, si me amas, ut considerate diligenterque naviges de mense Decembri. Scr. Romae xiv K. Febr. a. 698 (56) . MARCVS QVINTO FRATRI SALVTEM. 3. de rege Alexandrino factum est senatus consultum cum multitudine eum reduci periculosum rei publicae videri. reliqua cum esset in senatu contentio Lentulusne an Pompeius reduceret, obtinere causam Lentulus videbatur (in ea re nos et officio erga Lentulum mirifice et voluntati Pompei praeclare satis fecimus), sed per obtrectatores Lentuli calumnia extracta est. consecuti sunt dies comitiales, per quos senatus haberi non poterat. quid futurum sit latrocinio tribunorum non divino, sed tamen suspicor per vim rogationem Caninium perlaturum. in ea re Pompeius quid velit non dispicio, ; familiares eius quid cupiant omnes vident ; creditores vero regis aperte pecunias suppeditant contra Lentulum. Sine dubio res a Lentulo remota videtur esse cum magno meo dolore, quamquam multa fecit qua re, si fas esset, iure ei suscensere possemus. 3. A. d. vii Id. Febr. senatus ad Apollinis fuit, ut Pompeius adesset. Acta res est graviter a Pompeio. eo die nihil perfectum est. A. d. vi Id. Febr. ad Apollinis senatus consultum factum est ea quae facta essent a. d. viii Id. Febr. contra rem publicam esse facta. eo die Cato vehementer est in Pompeium invectus et eum oratione perpetua tamquam reum accusavit ; de me multa me invito cum mea summa laude dixit ; cum illius in me perfidiam increparet, auditus est magno silentio malevolorum. respondit ei vehementer Pompeius Crassumque descripsit dixitque aperte se munitiorem ad custodiendam vitam suam fore quam Africanus fuisset quem C. Carbo interemisset. 3. VI 3-7 Ἀμφιλαφίαν autem illam quam tu soles dicere bono modo desidero, sic prorsus ut advenientem excipiam libenter, latentem etiam nunc non excitem. tribus locis aedifico, reliqua reconcinno. vivo paulo liberalius quam solebam ; opus erat. si te haberem, paulisper fabris locum darem. sed et haec, ut spero, brevi inter nos communicabimus. 3. res agebatur multis structoribus. Longilium redemptorem cohortatus sum. fidem mihi faciebat se velle nobis placere. domus erit egregia ; magis enim cerni iam poterat quam quantum ex forma iudicabamus ; itemque nostra celeriter aedificabatur. eo die cenavi apud Crassipedem ; cenatus in hortos ad Pompeium lectica latus sum. Luci eum convenire non potueram quod afuerat; videre autem volebam quod eram postridie Roma exiturus et quod ille in Sardiniam iter habebat. hominem conveni et ab eo petivi ut quam primum te nobis redderet. statim dixit. erat autem iturus, ut aiebat, a. d. III id . April. ut aut Labrone aut Pisis conscenderet. tu, mi frater, simul et ille venerit, primam navigationem, dum modo idonea tempestas sit, ne omiseris. 3. A. d. iii Idus Febr. senatus consultum est factum de a ambitu in Afrani sententiam, quam ego dixeram cum tu adesses ; sed magno cum gemitu senatus consules non sunt persecuti eorum sententias qui, Afranio cum essent adsensi, addiderunt ut praetores ita crearentur ut dies sexaginta privati essent. eo die Catonem plane repudiarunt. quid multa? tenent omnia idque ita omnis intellegere volunt. Scr. mense Maio a. 699 (55) . MARCVS QVINTO FRATRI SALVTEM. 3. hoc vero mihi peculiare fuerit, hic etiam isto frui. nam illorum praediorum scito mihi vicinum Marium lumen esse. apud Anicium videbimus ut paratum sit. nos enim ita philologi sumus ut vel cum fabris habitare possimus. habemus hanc philosophiam non ab Hymetto sed ab †araxira†. Marius et valetudine est et natura imbecillior. 3. Lucreti poemata, ut scribis, ita sunt, multis luminibus ingeni, inultae tamen artis. sed cum veneris. virum te putabo si Sallusti Empedoclea legeris, hominem non putabo. Scr. Romae Idibus Februariis a. 700 (54) . MARCVS QVINTO FRATRI SALVTEM. 3. ' quod vult,' inquam, 'renovari honores eosdem, quo minus togam praetextam quotannis interpolet decernendum nihil censeo ; vos autem homines nobiles, qui Bostrenum praetextatum non ferebatis, Commagenum feretis?' genus vides et locum iocandi. multa dixi in ignobilem regem quibus totus est explosus. quo genere commotus, ut dixi, Appius totum me amplexatur ; nihil est enim facilius quam reliqua discutere. sed non faciam ut illum offendam ne imploret fidem Iovis Ho/spitalis, Gra/ios omnis co/nvocet, per quos mecum in gratiam rediit. 3. comitialibus diebus qui Quirinalia sequuntur Appius interpretatur non impediri se lege Pupia quo minus habeat senatum et, quod Gabinia sanctum sit, etiam cogi e x K. Febr. usque ad K. Martias legatis senatum cotidie dare. ita putantur detrudi comitia in mensem Martium. sed tamen his comitialibus tribuni pl. de Gabinio se acturos esse dicunt. omnia conligo ut novi scribam aliquid ad te ; sed, ut vides, res me ipsa deficit. 3. tu, quem ad modum scribis, quod etiam si non scriberes facere te diligentissime tamen sciebam, facies scilicet ut mea mandata digeras, persequare conficias. ego cum Romam venero, nullum praetermittam Caesaris tabellarium cui litteras ad te non dem. his diebus (ignosces) cui darem fuit nemo ante hunc M. Orfium, equitem Romanum, nostrum et per se necessarium et quod est ex municipio Atellano, quod scis esse in fide nostra. itaque eum tibi commendo in maiorem modum, hominem domi splendidum, gratiosum etiam extra domum ; quem fac ut tua liberalitate tibi obliges. est tribunus militum in exercitu vestro. gratum hominem observantemque cognosces. Trebatium ut valde ames vehementer te rogo. Scr. Romae in. m. Iun. a. 700 (54) . MARCVS QVINTO FRATRI SALVTEM. 3. Trebatium quod ad se miserim persalse et humaniter a etiam gratias mihi agit ; negat enim in tanta multitudine eorum qui una essent quemquam fuisse qui vadimonium concipere posset. M. Curtio tribunatum ab eo petivi (nam Domitius se derideri putasset, si esset a me rogatus ; hoc enim est eius cotidianum, se ne tribunum militum quidem facere. etiam in senatu lusit Appium conlegam propterea isse ad Caesarem ut aliquem tribunatum auferret), sed in alterum annum. id et Curtius ita volebat. 3. haec ita sentio, iudico, ad te explorate scribo ; dubitare te non adsentatorie sed fraterne veto. qua re suavitatis equidem nostrae fruendae causa cuperem te ad id tempus venire quod dixeras, sed illud malo tamen . quod putas magis e re tua. nam illa etiam magni aestimo, ἀμφιλαφίαν illam tuam et explicationem debitorum tuorum. illud quidem sic habeto, nihil nobis expeditis si valebimus fore fortunatius. parva sunt quae desunt pro nostris quidem moribus, et ea sunt ad explicandum expeditissima, modo valeamus. ambitus redit immanis ; numquam fuit par. 3. quo die haec scripsi Drusus erat de praevaricatione a tribunis aerariis absolutus in summa quattuor sententiis, cum senatores et equites damnassent. ego eodem die post meridiem Vatinium eram defensurus. ea res facilis est. comitia in mensem Septembrem reiecta sunt. Scauri iudicium statim exercebitur, cui nos non deerimus. ' Συνδείπνουσ Σοφοκλέουσ ' quamquam a te factam fabellam video esse '0 festive, nullo modo probavi. 3. ex eo loco recta Vitularia via profecti sumus in Fufidianum fundum, quem tibi proximis nundinis Arpini de Fufidio HS ccciↃↃↃ ciↃ emeramus. ego locum aestate umbrosiorem vidi numquam ; permultis locis aquam profluentem et eam uberem. quid quaeris? iugera L prati Caesius inrigaturum facile te arbitrabatur. equidem hoc quod melius intellego adfirmo, mirifica suavitate villam habiturum piscina et salientibus additis, palaestra et silva †virdicata†. fundum audio te hunc Bovillanum velle retinere. de eo quid videatur ipse constitues. †Calibus† aiebat aqua dempta et eius aquae iure constituto et servitute fundo illi imposita tamen nos pretium servare posse si vendere vellemus. Mescidium mecum habui. is se ternis nummis in pedem tecum transegisse dicebat, sese autem mensum pedibus aiebat passuum IIICIↃ . mihi plus visum est ; sed praestabo sumptum nusquam melius posse poni. cillonem arcessieram Venafro, ; sed eo ipso, die quattuor eius conservos et discipulos Venafri cuniculus oppresserat. 3. de ambitu postulati sunt omnes qui consulatum petunt, a Memmio Domitius, a Q. Acutio, bono et erudito adulescente, Memmius, a Q. Pompeio Messala, a Tnario Scaurus. Magno res in motu est, propterea quod aut hominum aut legum interitus ostenditur. opera datur ut iudicia ne fiant. res videtur spectare ad interregnum. consules comitia habere cupiunt; rei nolunt et maxime Memmius quod Caesaris adventu se sperat futurum consulem, sed mirum in modum iacet. Domitius cum Messala certus esse videbatur; Scaurus refrixerat. Appius sine lege curiata confirmat se Lentulo nostro successurum ; qui quidem mirificus illo die, quod paene praeterii, fuit in Gabinium ; accusavit maiestatis ; nomina data, cum ille verbum nullum. habes forensia. domi recte est; ipsa domus a redemptoribus tractatur non indiligenter. Scr. Romae a. d. xit K. Nov. 700 (54) . MARCVS QUINTO FRATRI SALUTEM. 3. quaeris quid fiat de Gabinio sciemus de maiestate triduo quo quidem in iudicio odio premitur omnium generum, maxime testibus laeditur, accusatoribus frigidissimis utitur ; consilium varium, quaesitor gravis et firmus Alfius, Pompeius vehemens in iudicibus rogandis. quid futurum sit nescio ; locum tamen illi in civitate non video. animum praebeo ad illius perniciem moderatum, ad rerum eventum lenissimum. 3. ' alterutrum,' inquit idem Sallustius, 'defendisses idque Pompeio contendenti dedisses; etenim vehementer orabat.' Lepidum is amicum Sallustium, qui mihi aut inimicitias putet periculosas subeundas fuisse aut infamiam sempiternam! ego vero hac mediocritate delector, ac mihi illud iucundum est quod, cum testimonium secundum fidem et religionem gravissime dixissem, reus dixit, si in civitate licuisset sibi esse, mihi se satis facturum, neque me quicquam interrogavit. 3. Caesaris amore quem ad me perscripsit unice delector ; promissis iis quae ostendit non valde pendeo. nec sitio honores nec desidero gloriam magisque eius voluntatis perpetuitatem quam promissorum exitum exspecto ; vivo tamen in ea ambitione et labore, quasi id quod non postulo exspectem. 3. de virtute et gravitate Caesaris, quam in summo dolore adhibuisset, magnam ex epistula tua accepi voluptatem. quod me institutum ad illum poema iubes perficere, etsi distentus cum opera tum animo sum multo magis, tamen quoniam ex epistula quam ad te miseram cognovit Caesar me aliquid esse exorsum, revertar ad institutum idque perficiam his supplicationum otiosis diebus, quibus Messalam iam nostrum reliquosque molestia levatos vehementer gaudeo, eumque quod certum consulem cum Domitio numeratis nihil a nostra opinione dissentitis. ego Messalam Caesari praestabo. sed Memmius in adventu Caesaris habet spem ; in quo illum puto errare. hic quidem friget ; Scaurum autem iam pridem Pompeius abiecit. 3. de motu temporum venientis anni nihil te intellegere volueram domestici timoris, sed de communi rei publicae statu; in quo etiam si nihil procuro, tamen nihil curare vix possum. quam autem te velim cautum esse in scribendo ex hoc conicito, quod ego ad te ne haec quidem scribo quae palam in re publica turbantur ne cuiusquam animum meae litterae interceptae offendant. qua re domestica cura te levatum volo ; in re publica scio quam sollicitus esse s soleas. video Messalam nostrum consulem, si per interregem, sine iudicio, si per dictatorem, tamen sine periculo. odi nihil habet. Hortensi calor multum valebit Gabini absolutio lex impunitatis putatur. ἐν παρέργῳ de dictatore tamen actum adhuc nihil est. Pompeius abest, Appius to miscet, Hirrus parat, multi intercessores numerantur, populus non curat, principes nolunt, ego quiesco. | |
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| 52. Cicero, Philippicae, 4.10, 4.13, 4.15, 5.29 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, in oratory •fortuna, populi romani •fortuna, and marius •fortuna, huiusce diei Found in books: Clark (2007) 213, 214, 215, 218 |
| 53. Cicero, Post Reditum In Senatu, 1.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, huiusce diei Found in books: Clark (2007) 178 |
54. Terence, Hecyra, 406 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fors fortuna •fortuna, bona •fortuna, in drama Found in books: Clark (2007) 84| 406. Lacrimo, quae posthac futura est vita quum in mentem venit, | |
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| 55. Cicero, Oratio Pro Rege Deiotaro, 1.98 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 192 |
56. Cicero, Oratio Post Reditum Ad Populum, 16, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 214| 19. quis existimat me aut voluntate esse mutata aut debilitata virtute aut animo fracto, vehementer errat. mihi quod potuit vis et iniuria et sceleratorum hominum furor detrahere, eripuit, abstulit, dissipavit: quod viro forti adimi non potest, id omne id omne scripsi : ideo P et codd. pler. (=idoe/\): id mihi Hs : id k Halm manet et permanebit. vidi ego fortissimum virum, municipem meum, C. Marium,—quoniam nobis quasi aliqua fatali necessitate non solum cum iis iis Gc : his rell. qui haec delere voluissent, sed etiam cum fortuna belligerandum fuit,—eum tamen vidi, cum esset summa senectute, non modo non infracto animo propter magnitudinem calamitatis, sed confirmato atque renovato. | |
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57. Polybius, Histories, 1.2.1-1.2.8, 1.3.1, 1.3.3-1.3.4, 1.4.1-1.4.10, 1.5.1, 1.12.6-1.12.9, 1.29.8, 1.32.1, 1.35.2, 1.35.5-1.35.10, 1.45.5, 1.57.1, 1.58.1, 1.59.4-1.59.12, 1.60.4-1.60.6, 1.63.4, 1.65.89, 1.66.10, 1.88.8, 2.11.1, 2.15.1, 2.20.7, 2.26.1, 2.27.1, 2.37.1, 2.38.5, 2.39.5, 2.55.1, 2.67.1, 2.71.1-2.71.10, 6.56.6-6.56.15, 8.2.2-8.2.3, 9.1.1, 9.10.13, 10.2.6-10.2.7, 10.2.12, 10.5.8-10.5.10, 10.7.4, 10.9.2-10.9.3, 10.11.8, 11.1.1, 14.1.5, 15.20.5, 16.32, 18.54, 23.17.10, 29.21, 29.21.4, 29.21.6-29.21.7, 31.22, 36.17, 36.17.2-36.17.4, 38.21-38.22, 38.21.2-38.21.3, 39.8.4-39.8.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 65, 66| 2.71.10. καὶ τὴν βύβλον ταύτην ἀφορίζειν ἀκολούθως τῇ τε τῶν προγεγονότων πραγμάτων περιγραφῇ καὶ τῇ τῶν κεχειρικότων τὰ πρὸ τοῦ δυναστῶν καταστροφῇ. | 2.71.10. I must now bring this Book to its close, which coincides with the final events preceding these wars and the death of the three kings who had up to now directed affairs. |
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| 58. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.66, 5.73, 5.131, 5.159, 5.163-5.165, 6.18, 6.73 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna seiani •fortuna •fortuna virginalis •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei •fortuna, populi romani •fortuna, temples Found in books: Clark (2007) 37, 111; Edmondson (2008) 142, 152; Rutledge (2012) 23, 174 |
| 59. Varro, De Vita Populi Romani, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 152 |
| 60. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.48.2, 3.5.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •fortuna, huiusce diei •statues, fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Clark (2007) 37, 130 |
| 61. Cicero, Cato, 1.25, 2.25, 4.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, in oratory •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215, 218 |
| 62. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.55, 2.2.4, 2.2.86-2.2.87, 2.2.89-2.2.119, 2.4.3-2.4.7, 2.4.72-2.4.75, 2.4.80, 2.4.82, 2.4.84-2.4.85, 2.4.93, 2.4.97, 2.4.120, 2.4.128-2.4.131, 2.160, 4.126 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna seiani •fortuna •fortuna primigenia •praxiteles, bona fortuna •tyche/fortuna (isis) •fortuna, huiusce diei Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 294; Clark (2007) 178; Jenkyns (2013) 128; Rutledge (2012) 15, 33, 54, 67 |
| 63. Cicero, In Pisonem, 33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, in oratory •fortuna, populi romani Found in books: Clark (2007) 215 |
| 64. Terence, Adelphi, 761-762, 1046 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 84 |
65. Cicero, On Divination, 1.24, 1.34, 1.38, 1.81-1.83, 1.100, 1.132, 2.36-2.37, 2.41, 2.50, 2.52, 2.56, 2.70-2.74, 2.85-2.90, 2.109, 2.113, 2.130, 2.150 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005) 131, 138; Santangelo (2013) 61, 63, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 111; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 170| 1.24. At non numquam ea, quae praedicta sunt, minus eveniunt. Quae tandem id ars non habet? earum dico artium, quae coniectura continentur et sunt opinabiles. An medicina ars non putanda est? quam tamen multa fallunt. Quid? gubernatores nonne falluntur? An Achivorum exercitus et tot navium rectores non ita profecti sunt ab Ilio, ut profectione laeti piscium lasciviam intuerentur, ut ait Pacuvius, nec tuendi satietas capere posset? Ínterea prope iam óccidente sóle inhorrescít mare, Ténebrae conduplicántur noctisque ét nimbum occaecát nigror. Num igitur tot clarissimorum ducum regumque naufragium sustulit artem guberdi? aut num imperatorum scientia nihil est, quia summus imperator nuper fugit amisso exercitu? aut num propterea nulla est rei publicae gerendae ratio atque prudentia, quia multa Cn. Pompeium, quaedam M. Catonem, non nulla etiam te ipsum fefellerunt? Similis est haruspicum responsio omnisque opinabilis divinatio; coniectura enim nititur, ultra quam progredi non potest. 1.34. Iis igitur adsentior, qui duo genera divinationum esse dixerunt, unum, quod particeps esset artis, alterum, quod arte careret. Est enim ars in iis, qui novas res coniectura persequuntur, veteres observatione didicerunt. Carent autem arte ii, qui non ratione aut coniectura observatis ac notatis signis, sed concitatione quadam animi aut soluto liberoque motu futura praesentiunt, quod et somniantibus saepe contingit et non numquam vaticitibus per furorem, ut Bacis Boeotius, ut Epimenides Cres, ut Sibylla Erythraea. Cuius generis oracla etiam habenda sunt, non ea, quae aequatis sortibus ducuntur, sed illa, quae instinctu divino adflatuque funduntur; etsi ipsa sors contemnenda non est, si et auctoritatem habet vetustatis, ut eae sunt sortes, quas e terra editas accepimus; quae tamen ductae ut in rem apte cadant, fieri credo posse divinitus. Quorum omnium interpretes, ut grammatici poe+tarum, proxime ad eorum, quos interpretantur, divinationem videntur accedere. 1.38. Idem iam diu non facit. Ut igitur nunc in minore gloria est, quia minus oraculorum veritas excellit, sic tum nisi summa veritate in tanta gloria non fuisset. Potest autem vis illa terrae, quae mentem Pythiae divino adflatu concitabat, evanuisse vetustate, ut quosdam evanuisse et exaruisse amnes aut in alium cursum contortos et deflexos videmus. Sed, ut vis, acciderit; magna enim quaestio est; modo maneat id, quod negari non potest, nisi omnem historiam perverterimus, multis saeclis verax fuisse id oraculum. 1.81. Obiciuntur etiam saepe formae, quae reapse nullae sunt, speciem autem offerunt; quod contigisse Brenno dicitur eiusque Gallicis copiis, cum fano Apollinis Delphici nefarium bellum intulisset. Tum enim ferunt ex oraclo ecfatam esse Pythiam: Ego próvidebo rem ístam et albae vírgines. Ex quo factum, ut viderentur virgines ferre arma contra et nive Gallorum obrueretur exercitus. Aristoteles quidem eos etiam, qui valetudinis vitio furerent et melancholici dicerentur, censebat habere aliquid in animis praesagiens atque divinum. Ego autem haud scio an nec cardiacis hoc tribuendum sit nec phreneticis; animi enim integri, non vitiosi est corporis divinatio. 1.82. Quam quidem esse re vera hac Stoicorum ratione concluditur: Si sunt di neque ante declarant hominibus, quae futura sint, aut non diligunt homines aut, quid eventurum sit, ignorant aut existumant nihil interesse hominum scire, quid sit futurum, aut non censent esse suae maiestatis praesignificare hominibus, quae sunt futura, aut ea ne ipsi quidem di significare possunt; at neque non diligunt nos (sunt enim benefici generique hominum amici) neque ignorant ea, quae ab ipsis constituta et designata sunt, neque nostra nihil interest scire ea, quae eventura sunt, (erimus enim cautiores, si sciemus) neque hoc alienum ducunt maiestate sua (nihil est enim beneficentia praestantius) neque non possunt futura praenoscere; 1.83. non igitur sunt di nec significant futura; sunt autem di; significant ergo; et non, si significant, nullas vias dant nobis ad significationis scientiam (frustra enim significarent), nec, si dant vias, non est divinatio; est igitur divinatio. 1.100. Quid, quod in annalibus habemus Veienti bello, cum lacus Albanus praeter modum crevisset, Veientem quendam ad nos hominem nobilem perfugisse, eumque dixisse ex fatis, quae Veientes scripta haberent, Veios capi non posse, dum lacus is redundaret, et, si lacus emissus lapsu et cursu suo ad mare profluxisset, perniciosum populo Romano; sin autem ita esset eductus, ut ad mare pervenire non posset, tum salutare nostris fore? Ex quo illa admirabilis a maioribus Albanae aquae facta deductio est. Cum autem Veientes bello fessi legatos ad senatum misissent, tum ex iis quidam dixisse dicitur non omnia illum transfugam ausum esse senatui dicere; in isdem enim fatis scriptum Veientes habere fore ut brevi a Gallis Roma caperetur, quod quidem sexennio post Veios captos factum esse videmus. 1.132. Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini, Séd superstitiósi vates ínpudentesque hárioli Aút inertes aút insani aut quíbus egestas ímperat, Quí sibi semitám non sapiunt, álteri monstránt viam; Quíbus divitias póllicentur, áb iis drachumam ipsí petunt. De hís divitiis síbi deducant dráchumam, reddant cétera. Atque haec quidem Ennius, qui paucis ante versibus esse deos censet, sed eos non curare opinatur, quid agat humanum genus. Ego autem, qui et curare arbitror et monere etiam ac multa praedicere, levitate, vanitate, malitia exclusa divinationem probo. Quae cum dixisset Quintus, Praeclare tu quidem, inquam, paratus 2.36. deorum enim numini parere omnia. Haec iam, mihi crede, ne aniculae quidem existimant. An censes, eundem vitulum si alius delegerit, sine capite iecur inventurum; si alius, cum capite? Haec decessio capitis aut accessio subitone fieri potest, ut se exta ad immolatoris fortunam accommodent? non perspicitis aleam quandam esse in hostiis deligendis, praesertim cum res ipsa doceat? Cum enim tristissuma exta sine capite fuerunt, quibus nihil videtur esse dirius, proxuma hostia litatur saepe pulcherrime. Ubi igitur illae minae superiorum extorum? aut quae tam subito facta est deorum tanta placatio? Sed adfers in tauri opimi extis immolante Caesare cor non fuisse; id quia non potuerit accidere, ut sine corde victuma illa viveret, iudicandum esse tum interisse cor, cum immolaretur. 2.37. Qui fit, ut alterum intellegas, sine corde non potuisse bovem vivere, alterum non videas, cor subito non potuisse nescio quo avolare? Ego enim possum vel nescire, quae vis sit cordis ad vivendum, vel suspicari contractum aliquo morbo bovis exile et exiguum et vietum cor et dissimile cordis fuisse; tu vero quid habes, quare putes, si paulo ante cor fuerit in tauro opimo, subito id in ipsa immolatione interisse? an quod aspexit vestitu purpureo excordem Caesarem, ipse corde privatus est? Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis, dum castella defenditis; nam, dum haruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam totam pervertitis. Caput est in iecore, cor in extis; iam abscedet, simul ac molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua conficiet aut exedet. Non ergo omnium ortus atque obitus natura conficiet, et erit aliquid, quod aut ex nihilo oriatur aut in nihilum subito occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit umquam? haruspices dicunt; his igitur quam physicis credendum potius existumas? 2.41. Cur igitur vos induitis in eas captiones, quas numquam explicetis? Ita enim, cum magis properant, concludere solent: Si di sunt, est divinatio; sunt autem di; est ergo divinatio. Multo est probabilius: non est autem divinatio; non sunt ergo di. Vide, quam temere committant, ut, si nulla sit divinatio, nulli sint di. Divinatio enim perspicue tollitur, deos esse retinendum est. 2.50. conceptio contra naturam fortasse, sed partus prope necessarius. Sed quid plura? ortum videamus haruspicinae; sic facillume, quid habeat auctoritatis, iudicabimus. Tages quidam dicitur in agro Tarquiniensi, cum terra araretur et sulcus altius esset impressus, extitisse repente et eum adfatus esse, qui arabat. Is autem Tages, ut in libris est Etruscorum, puerili specie dicitur visus, sed senili fuisse prudentia. Eius adspectu cum obstipuisset bubulcus clamoremque maiorem cum admiratione edidisset, concursum esse factum, totamque brevi tempore in eum locum Etruriam convenisse; tum illum plura locutum multis audientibus, qui omnia verba eius exceperint litterisque mandarint; omnem autem orationem fuisse eam, qua haruspicinae disciplina contineretur; eam postea crevisse rebus novis cognoscendis et ad eadem illa principia referendis. Haec accepimus ab ipsis, haec scripta conservant, hunc fontem habent disciplinae. 2.52. Quota enim quaeque res evenit praedicta ab istis? aut, si evenit quippiam, quid adferri potest, cur non casu id evenerit? Rex Prusias, cum Hannibali apud eum exsulanti depugnari placeret, negabat se audere, quod exta prohiberent. Ain tu? inquit, carunculae vitulinae mavis quam imperatori veteri credere? Quid? ipse Caesar cum a summo haruspice moneretur, ne in Africam ante brumam transmitteret, nonne transmisit? quod ni fecisset, uno in loco omnes adversariorum copiae convenissent. Quid ego haruspicum responsa commemorem (possum equidem innumerabilia), quae aut nullos habuerint exitus aut contrarios? 2.56. Tu vates Boeotios credis Lebadiae vidisse ex gallorum gallinaceorum cantu victoriam esse Thebanorum, quia galli victi silere solerent, canere victores. Hoc igitur per gallinas Iuppiter tantae civitati signum dabat? An illae aves, nisi cum vicerunt, canere non solent? At tum canebant nec vicerant. Id enim est, inquies, ostentum. Magnum vero! quasi pisces, non galli cecinerint! Quod autem est tempus, quo illi non cantent, vel nocturnum vel diurnum? Quodsi victores alacritate et quasi laetitia ad canendum excitantur, potuit accidisse alia quoque laetitia, qua ad cantum moverentur. 2.70. Satis multa de ostentis; auspicia restant et sortes eae, quae ducuntur, non illae, quae vaticinatione funduntur, quae oracla verius dicimus; de quibus tum dicemus, cum ad naturalem divinationem venerimus. Restat etiam de Chaldaeis; sed primum auspicia videamus. Difficilis auguri locus ad contra dicendum. Marso fortasse, sed Romano facillumus. Non enim sumus ii nos augures, qui avium reliquorumve signorum observatione futura dicamus. Et tamen credo Romulum, qui urbem auspicato condidit, habuisse opinionem esse in providendis rebus augurandi scientiam (errabat enim multis in rebus antiquitas), quam vel usu iam vel doctrina vel vetustate immutatam videmus; retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi et ad magnas utilitates rei publicae mos, religio, disciplina, ius augurium, collegii auctoritas. 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.72. Hoc intellegere perfecti auguris est; illi autem, qui in auspicium adhibetur, cum ita imperavit is, qui auspicatur: dicito, si silentium esse videbitur, nec suspicit nec circumspicit; statim respondet silentium esse videri. Tum ille: dicito, si pascentur .— Pascuntur .— Quae aves? aut ubi? Attulit, inquit, in cavea pullos is, qui ex eo ipso nominatur pullarius. Haec sunt igitur aves internuntiae Iovis! quae pascantur necne, quid refert? Nihil ad auspicia; sed quia, cum pascuntur, necesse est aliquid ex ore cadere et terram pavire (terripavium primo, post terripudium dictum est; hoc quidem iam tripudium dicitur)—cum igitur offa cecidit ex ore pulli, tum auspicanti tripudium solistimum nuntiatur. 2.73. Ergo hoc auspicium divini quicquam habere potest, quod tam sit coactum et expressum? Quo antiquissumos augures non esse usos argumento est, quod decretum collegii vetus habemus omnem avem tripudium facere posse. Tum igitur esset auspicium (si modo esset ei liberum) se ostendisse; tum avis illa videri posset interpres et satelles Iovis; nunc vero inclusa in cavea et fame enecta si in offam pultis invadit, et si aliquid ex eius ore cecidit, hoc tu auspicium aut hoc modo Romulum auspicari solitum putas? 2.74. Iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur? Nunc imperant pullario; ille renuntiat. Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optumum habemus ad omnis res praeterquam ad comitia; quod quidem institutum rei publicae causa est, ut comitiorum vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes civitatis essent interpretes. At Ti. Gracchi litteris Scipio et Figulus consules, cum augures iudicassent eos vitio creatos esse, magistratu se abdicaverunt. Quis negat augurum disciplinam esse? divinationem nego. At haruspices divini; quos cum Ti. Gracchus propter mortem repentinam eius, qui in praerogativa referenda subito concidisset, in senatum introduxisset, non iustum rogatorem fuisse dixerunt. 2.85. Sortes restant et Chaldaei, ut ad vates veniamus et ad somnia. Dicendum igitur putas de sortibus? Quid enim sors est? Idem prope modum, quod micare, quod talos iacere, quod tesseras, quibus in rebus temeritas et casus, non ratio nec consilium valet. Tota res est inventa fallaciis aut ad quaestum aut ad superstitionem aut ad errorem. Atque ut in haruspicina fecimus, sic videamus, clarissumarum sortium quae tradatur inventio. Numerium Suffustium Praenestinorum monumenta declarant, honestum hominem et nobilem, somniis crebris, ad extremum etiam minacibus cum iuberetur certo in loco silicem caedere, perterritum visis irridentibus suis civibus id agere coepisse; itaque perfracto saxo sortis erupisse in robore insculptas priscarum litterarum notis. Is est hodie locus saeptus religiose propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum Iunone Fortunae in gremio sedens mammam adpetens castissime colitur a matribus. 2.86. Eodemque tempore in eo loco, ubi Fortunae nunc est aedes, mel ex olea fluxisse dicunt, haruspicesque dixisse summa nobilitate illas sortis futuras, eorumque iussu ex illa olea arcam esse factam, eoque conditas sortis, quae hodie Fortunae monitu tolluntur. Quid igitur in his potest esse certi, quae Fortunae monitu pueri manu miscentur atque ducuntur? quo modo autem istae positae in illo loco? quis robur illud cecidit, dolavit, inscripsit? Nihil est, inquiunt, quod deus efficere non possit. Utinam sapientis Stoicos effecisset, ne omnia cum superstitiosa sollicitudine et miseria crederent! Sed hoc quidem genus divinationis vita iam communis explosit; fani pulchritudo et vetustas Praenestinarum etiam nunc retinet sortium nomen, atque id in volgus. 2.87. Quis enim magistratus aut quis vir inlustrior utitur sortibus? ceteris vero in locis sortes plane refrixerunt. Quod Carneadem Clitomachus scribit dicere solitum, nusquam se fortunatiorem quam Praeneste vidisse Fortunam. Ergo hoc divinationis genus omittamus. Ad Chaldaeorum monstra veniamus; de quibus Eudoxus, Platonis auditor, in astrologia iudicio doctissimorum hominum facile princeps, sic opinatur, id quod scriptum reliquit, Chaldaeis in praedictione et in notatione cuiusque vitae ex natali die minime esse credendum. 2.88. Nominat etiam Panaetius, qui unus e Stoicis astrologorum praedicta reiecit, Anchialum et Cassandrum, summos astrologos illius aetatis, qua erat ipse, cum in ceteris astrologiae partibus excellerent, hoc praedictionis genere non usos. Scylax Halicarnassius, familiaris Panaetii, excellens in astrologia idemque in regenda sua civitate princeps, totum hoc Chaldaicum praedicendi genus repudiavit. 2.89. Sed ut ratione utamur omissis testibus, sic isti disputant, qui haec Chaldaeorum natalicia praedicta defendunt: Vim quandam esse aiunt signifero in orbe, qui Graece zwdiako/s dicitur, talem, ut eius orbis una quaeque pars alia alio modo moveat inmutetque caelum, perinde ut quaeque stellae in his finitumisque partibus sint quoque tempore, eamque vim varie moveri ab iis sideribus, quae vocantur errantia; cum autem in eam ipsam partem orbis venerint, in qua sit ortus eius, qui nascatur, aut in eam, quae coniunctum aliquid habeat aut consentiens, ea triangula illi et quadrata nomit. Etenim cum †tempore anni tempestatumque caeli conversiones commutationesque tantae fiant accessu stellarum et recessu, cumque ea vi solis efficiantur, quae videmus, non veri simile solum, sed etiam verum esse censent perinde, utcumque temperatus sit ae+r, ita pueros orientis animari atque formari, ex eoque ingenia, mores, animum, corpus, actionem vitae, casus cuiusque eventusque fingi. 2.90. O delirationem incredibilem! non enim omnis error stultitia dicenda est. Quibus etiam Diogenes Stoicus concedit aliquid, ut praedicere possint dumtaxat, qualis quisque natura et ad quam quisque maxume rem aptus futurus sit; cetera, quae profiteantur, negat ullo modo posse sciri; etenim geminorum formas esse similis, vitam atque fortunam plerumque disparem. Procles et Eurysthenes, Lacedaemoniorum reges, gemini fratres fuerunt. 2.109. Adsumit autem Cratippus hoc modo: Sunt autem innumerabiles praesensiones non fortuitae. At ego dico nullam (vide, quanta sit controversia); iam adsumptione non concessa nulla conclusio est. At impudentes sumus, qui, cum tam perspicuum sit, non concedamus. Quid est perspicuum? Multa vera, inquit evadere. Quid, quod multo plura falsa? Nonne ipsa varietas, quae est propria fortunae, fortunam esse causam, non naturam esse docet? Deinde, si tua ista conclusio, Cratippe, vera est (tecum enim mihi res est), non intellegis eadem uti posse et haruspices et fulguratores et interpretes ostentorum et augures et sortilegos et Chaldaeos? quorum generum nullum est, ex quo non aliquid, sicut praedictum sit, evaserit. Ergo aut ea quoque genera dividi sunt, quae tu rectissume inprobas, aut, si ea non sunt, non intellego, cur haec duo sint, quae relinquis. Qua ergo ratione haec inducis, eadem illa possunt esse, quae tollis. 2.113. quae delectationis habeant, quantum voles, verbis sententiis, numeris cantibus adiuventur; auctoritatem quidem nullam debemus nec fidem commenticiis rebus adiungere. Eodemque modo nec ego Publicio nescio cui nec Marciis vatibus nec Apollinis opertis credendum existimo; quorum partim ficta aperte, partim effutita temere numquam ne mediocri quidem cuiquam, non modo prudenti probata sunt. 2.130. Chrysippus quidem divinationem definit his verbis: vim cognoscentem et videntem et explicantem signa, quae a dis hominibus portendantur; officium autem esse eius praenoscere, dei erga homines mente qua sint quidque significent, quem ad modumque ea procurentur atque expientur. Idemque somniorum coniectionem definit hoc modo: esse vim cernentem et explatem, quae a dis hominibus significentur in somnis. Quid ergo? ad haec mediocri opus est prudentia an et ingenio praestanti et eruditione perfecta? Talem autem cognovimus neminem. 2.150. Perfugium videtur omnium laborum et sollicitudinum esse somnus. At ex eo ipso plurumae curae metusque nascuntur; qui quidem ipsi per se minus valerent et magis contemnerentur, nisi somniorum patrocinium philosophi suscepissent, nec ii quidem contemptissimi, sed in primis acuti et consequentia et repugtia videntes, qui prope iam absoluti et perfecti putantur. Quorum licentiae nisi Carneades restitisset, haud scio an soli iam philosophi iudicarentur. Cum quibus omnis fere nobis disceptatio contentioque est, non quod eos maxume contemnamus, sed quod videntur acutissime sententias suas prudentissimeque defendere. Cum autem proprium sit Academiae iudicium suum nullum interponere, ea probare, quae simillima veri videantur, conferre causas et, quid in quamque sententiam dici possit, expromere, nulla adhibita sua auctoritate iudicium audientium relinquere integrum ac liberum, tenebimus hanc consuetudinem a Socrate traditam eaque inter nos, si tibi, Quinte frater, placebit, quam saepissime utemur. Mihi vero, inquit ille, nihil potest esse iucundius. Quae cum essent dicta, surreximus. | 1.24. But, it is objected, sometimes predictions are made which do not come true. And pray what art — and by art I mean the kind that is dependent on conjecture and deduction — what art, I say, does not have the same fault? Surely the practice of medicine is an art, yet how many mistakes it makes! And pilots — do they not make mistakes at times? For example, when the armies of the Greeks and the captains of their mighty fleet set sail from Troy, they, as Pacuvius says,Glad at leaving Troy behind them, gazed upon the fish at play,Nor could get their fill of gazing — thus they whiled the time away.Meantime, as the sun was setting, high uprose the angry main:Thick and thicker fell the shadows; night grew black with blinding rain.Then, did the fact that so many illustrious captains and kings suffered shipwreck deprive navigation of its right to be called an art? And is military science of no effect because a general of the highest renown recently lost his army and took to flight? Again, is statecraft devoid of method or skill because political mistakes were made many times by Gnaeus Pompey, occasionally by Marcus Cato, and once or twice even by yourself? So it is with the responses of soothsayers, and, indeed, with every sort of divination whose deductions are merely probable; for divination of that kind depends on inference and beyond inference it cannot go. 1.34. I agree, therefore, with those who have said that there are two kinds of divination: one, which is allied with art; the other, which is devoid of art. Those diviners employ art, who, having learned the known by observation, seek the unknown by deduction. On the other hand those do without art who, unaided by reason or deduction or by signs which have been observed and recorded, forecast the future while under the influence of mental excitement, or of some free and unrestrained emotion. This condition often occurs to men while dreaming and sometimes to persons who prophesy while in a frenzy — like Bacis of Boeotia, Epimenides of Crete and the Sibyl of Erythraea. In this latter class must be placed oracles — not oracles given by means of equalized lots — but those uttered under the impulse of divine inspiration; although divination by lot is not in itself to be despised, if it has the sanction of antiquity, as in the case of those lots which, according to tradition, sprang out of the earth; for in spite of everything, I am inclined to think that they may, under the power of God, be so drawn as to give an appropriate response. Men capable of correctly interpreting all these signs of the future seem to approach very near to the divine spirit of the gods whose wills they interpret, just as scholars do when they interpret the poets. 1.38. Therefore, as at present its glory has waned because it is no longer noted for the truth of its prophecies, so formerly it would not have enjoyed so exalted a reputation if it had not been trustworthy in the highest degree. Possibly, too, those subterraneous exhalations which used to kindle the soul of the Pythian priestess with divine inspiration have gradually vanished in the long lapse of time; just as within our own knowledge some rivers have dried up and disappeared, while others, by winding and twisting, have changed their course into other channels. But explain the decadence of the oracle as you wish, since it offers a wide field for discussion, provided you grant what cannot be denied without distorting the entire record of history, that the oracle at Delphi made true prophecies for many hundreds of years. [20] 1.81. Frequently, too, apparitions present themselves and, though they have no real substance, they seem to have. This is illustrated by what is said to have happened to Brennus and to his Gallic troops after he had made an impious attack on the temple of Apollo at Delphi. The story is that the Pythian priestess, in speaking from the oracle, said to Brennus:To this the virgins white and I will see.The result was that the virgins were seen fighting against the Gauls, and their army was overwhelmed with snow.[38] Aristotle thought that even the people who rave from the effects of sickness and are called hypochondriacs have within their souls some power of foresight and of prophecy. But, for my part, I am inclined to think that such a power is not to be distributed either to a diseased stomach or to a disordered brain. On the contrary, it is the healthy soul and not the sickly body that has the power of divination. 1.82. The Stoics, for example, establish the existence of divination by the following process of reasoning:If there are gods and they do not make clear to man in advance what the future will be, then they do not love man; or, they themselves do not know what the future will be; or, they think that it is of no advantage to man to know what it will be; or, they think it inconsistent with their dignity to give man forewarnings of the future; or, finally, they, though gods, cannot give intelligible signs of coming events. But it is not true that the gods do not love us, for they are the friends and benefactors of the human race; nor is it true that they do not know their own decrees and their own plans; nor is it true that it is of no advantage to us to know what is going to happen, since we should be more prudent if we knew; nor is it true that the gods think it inconsistent with their dignity to give forecasts, since there is no more excellent quality than kindness; nor is it true that they have not the power to know the future; 1.83. therefore it is not true that there are gods and yet that they do not give us signs of the future; but there are gods, therefore they give us such signs; and if they give us such signs, it is not true that they give us no means to understand those signs — otherwise their signs would be useless; and if they give us the means, it is not true that there is no divination; therefore there is divination. [39] 1.100. And what do you say of the following story which we find in our annals? During the Veientian War, when Lake Albanus had overflowed its banks, a certain nobleman of Veii deserted to us and said that, according to the prophecies of the Veientian books, their city could not be taken while the lake was at flood, and that if its waters were permitted to overflow and take their own course to the sea the result would be disastrous to the Roman people; on the other hand, if the waters were drained off in such a way that they did not reach the sea the result would be to our advantage. In consequence of this announcement our forefathers dug that marvellous canal to drain off the waters from the Alban lake. Later when the Veientians had grown weary of war and had sent ambassadors to the Senate to treat for peace, one of them is reported to have said that the deserter had not dared to tell the whole of the prophecy contained in the Veientian books, for those books, he said, also foretold the early capture of Rome by the Gauls. And this, as we know, did occur six years after the fall of Veii. [45] 1.132. I will assert, however, in conclusion, that I do not recognize fortune-tellers, or those who prophesy for money, or necromancers, or mediums, whom your friend Appius makes it a practice to consult.In fine, I say, I do not care a figFor Marsian augurs, village mountebanks,Astrologers who haunt the circus grounds,Or Isis-seers, or dream interpreters:— for they are not diviners either by knowledge or skill, —But superstitious bards, soothsaying quacks,Averse to work, or mad, or ruled by want,Directing others how to go, and yetWhat road to take they do not know themselves;From those to whom they promise wealth they begA coin. From what they promised let them takeTheir coin as toll and pass the balance on.Such are the words of Ennius who only a few lines further back expresses the view that there are gods and yet says that the gods do not care what human beings do. But for my part, believing as I do that the gods do care for man, and that they advise and often forewarn him, I approve of divination which is not trivial and is free from falsehood and trickery.When Quintus had finished I remarked, My dear Quintus, you have come admirably well prepared. 2.36. Upon my word, no old woman is credulous enough now to believe such stuff! Do you believe that the same bullock, if chosen by one man, will have a liver without a head, and if chosen by another will have a liver with a head? And is it possible that this sudden going or coming of the livers head occurs so that the entrails may adapt themselves to the situation of the person who offers the sacrifice? Do you Stoics fail to see in choosing the victim it is almost like a throw of the dice, especially as facts prove it? For when the entrails of the first victim have been without a head, which is the most fatal of all signs, it often happens that the sacrifice of the next victim is altogether favourable. Pray what became of the warnings of the first set of entrails? And how was the favour of the gods so completely and so suddenly gained?[16] But, you say, Once, when Caesar was offering a sacrifice, there was no heart in the entrails of the sacrificial bull; and, and, since it would have been impossible for the victim to live without a heart, the heart must have disappeared at the moment of immolation. 2.37. How does it happen that you understand the one fact, that the bull could not have lived without a heart and do not realize the other, that the heart could not suddenly have vanished I know not where? As for me, possibly I do not know what vital function the heart performs; if I do I suspect that the bulls heart, as the result of a disease, became much wasted and shrunken and lost its resemblance to a heart. But, assuming that only a little while before the heart was in the sacrificial bull, why do you think it suddenly disappeared at the very moment of immolation? Dont you think, rather, that the bull lost his heart when he saw that Caesar in his purple robe had lost his head?Upon my word you Stoics surrender the very city of philosophy while defending its outworks! For, by your insistence on the truth of soothsaying, you utterly overthrow physiology. There is a head to the liver and a heart in the entrails, presto! they will vanish the very second you have sprinkled them with meal and wine! Aye, some god will snatch them away! Some invisible power will destroy them or eat them up! Then the creation and destruction of all things are not due to nature, and there are some things which spring from nothing or suddenly become nothing. Was any such statement ever made by any natural philosopher? It is made, you say, by soothsayers. Then do you think that soothsayers are worthier of belief than natural philosophers? [17] 2.41. Why then do you Stoics involve yourselves in these sophistries, which you can never explain? Members of your school, when they are more hurried than usual, generally give us this syllogism: If there are gods, there is divination; but there are gods, therefore there is divination. A more logical one would be this: There is no divination, therefore there are no gods. Observe how rashly they commit themselves to the proposition, if there is no divination, there are no gods. I say rashly, for it is evident that divination has been destroyed and yet we must hold on to the gods. [18] 2.50. The conception, it may be, is contrary to the usual course of nature, but the parturition follows as a necessary sequel of conception.[23] It seems useless to say more about soothsaying. However, let us examine its origin and thus we shall very readily determine its value. The tradition is that, once upon a time, in the district of Tarquinii, while a field was being ploughed, the ploughshare went deeper than usual and a certain Tages suddenly sprang forth and spoke to the ploughman. Now this Tages, according to the Etruscan annals, is said to have had the appearance of a boy, but the wisdom of a seer. Astounded and much frightened at the sight, the rustic raised a great cry; a crowd gathered and, indeed, in a short time, the whole of Etruria assembled at the spot. Tages then spoke at length to his numerous hearers, who received with eagerness all that he had to say, and committed it to writing. His whole address was devoted to an exposition of the science of soothsaying. Later, as new facts were learned and tested by reference to the principles imparted by Tages, they were added to the original fund of knowledge.This is the story as we get it from the Etruscans themselves and as their records preserve it, and this, in their own opinion, is the origin of their art. 2.52. For how many things predicted by them really come true? If any do come true, then what reason can be advanced why the agreement of the event with the prophecy was not due to chance? While Hannibal was in exile at the court of King Prusias he advised the king to go to war, but the king replied, I do not dare, because the entrails forbid. And do you, said Hannibal, put more reliance in piece of ox‑meat than you do in a veteran commander? Again, when Caesar himself was warned by a most eminent soothsayer not to cross over to Africa before the winter solstice, did he not cross? If he had not done so all the forces opposed to him would have effected a junction. Why need I give instances — and, in fact, I could give countless ones — where the prophecies of soothsayers either were without result or the issue was directly the reverse of the prophecy? 2.56. You believe that the Boeotian bards at Lebadia foretold victory for the Thebans from the crowing of cocks; for cocks, you say, are wont to be silent when defeated and to crow when victorious. Do you really believe that Jupiter would have employed chickens to convey such a message to so great a state? And is it true that these fowls are not accustomed to crow except when they are victorious? But at that time they did crow and they had not yet been victorious. Oh! that was a portent, you say. A fine portent indeed! you talk as if a fish and not a cock had done the crowing! But come; is there any time, day or night, when they are not liable to crow? And if the pleasant sensation — or joy if you will — which comes from victory causes them to crow, then, possibly, joy springing from some other source may have the same effect. 2.70. Enough has been said of portents; auspices remain and so do lots — I mean lots that are drawn, and not those uttered by prophets, and more correctly styled oracles. I shall speak of oracles when I get to natural divination. In addition I must discuss the Chaldeans. But first let us consider auspices. To argue against auspices is a hard thing, you say, for an augur to do. Yes, for a Marsian, perhaps; but very easy for a Roman. For we Roman augurs are not the sort who foretell the future by observing the flights of birds and other signs. And yet, I admit that Romulus, who founded the city by the direction of auspices, believed that augury was an art useful in seeing things to come — for the ancients had erroneous views on many subjects. But we see that the art has undergone a change, due to experience, education, or the long lapse of time. However, out of respect for the opinion of the masses and because of the great service to the State we maintain the augural practices, discipline, religious rites and laws, as well as the authority of the augural college. 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. 2.72. To understand that belongs to a perfect augur.) After the celebrant has said to his assistant, Tell me when silence appears to exist, the latter, without looking up or about him, immediately replies, Silence appears to exist. Then the celebrant says, Tell me when the chickens begin to eat. They are eating now, is the answer. But what are these birds they are talking about, and where are they? Someone replies, Its poultry. Its in a cage and the person who brought it is called a poulterer, because of his business. These, then, are the messengers of Jove! What difference does it make whether they eat or not? None, so far as the auspices are concerned. But, because of the fact that, while they eat, some food must necessarily fall from their mouths and strike upon the ground (terram pavire), — this at first was called terripavium, and later, terripudium; now it is called tripudium — therefore, when a crumb of food falls from a chickens mouth a tripudium solistimum is announced to the celebrant. [35] 2.73. Then, how can there be anything divine about an auspice so forced and so extorted? That such a practice did not prevail with the augurs of ancient times is proven by an old ruling of our college which says, Any bird may make a tripudium. There might be an auspice if the bird were free to show itself outside its cage. In that case it might be called the interpreter and satellite of Jove. But now, when shut up inside a cage and tortured by hunger, if it seizes greedily upon its morsel of pottage and something falls from its mouth, do you consider that is an auspice? Or do you believe that this was the way in which Romulus used to take the auspices? 2.74. Again, do you not think that formerly it was the habit of the celebrants themselves to make observation of the heavens? Now they order the poulterer, and he gives responses! We regard lightning on the left as a most favourable omen for everything except for an election, and this exception was made, no doubt, from reasons of political expediency so that the rulers of the State would be the judges of the regularity of an election, whether held to pass judgements in criminal cases, or to enact laws, or to elect magistrates.The consuls, Scipio and Figulus, you say, resigned their office when the augurs rendered a decision based on a letter written by Tiberius Gracchus, to the effect that those consuls had not been elected according to augural law. Who denies that augury is an art? What I deny is the existence of divination. But you say: Soothsayers have the power of divination; and you mention the fact that, on account of the unexpected death of the person who had suddenly fallen while bringing in the report of the vote of the prerogative century, Tiberius Gracchus introduced the soothsayers into the Senate and they declared that the president had violated augural law. 2.85. And pray what is the need, do you think, to talk about the casting of lots? It is much like playing at morra, dice, or knuckle-bones, in which recklessness and luck prevail rather than reflection and judgement. The whole scheme of divination by lots was fraudulently contrived from mercenary motives, or as a means of encouraging superstition and error. But let us follow the method used in the discussion of soothsaying and consider the traditional origin of the most famous lots. According to the annals of Praeneste Numerius Suffustius, who was a distinguished man of noble birth, was admonished by dreams, often repeated, and finally even by threats, to split open a flint rock which was lying in a designated place. Frightened by the visions and disregarding the jeers of his fellow-townsmen he set about doing as he had been directed. And so when he had broken open the stone, the lots sprang forth carved on oak, in ancient characters. The site where the stone was found is religiously guarded to this day. It is hard by the statue of the infant Jupiter, who is represented as sitting with Juno in the lap of Fortune and reaching for her breast, and it is held in the highest reverence by mothers. 2.86. There is a tradition that, concurrently with the finding of the lots and in the spot where the temple of Fortune now stands, honey flowed from an olive-tree. Now the soothsayers, who had declared that those lots would enjoy an unrivalled reputation, gave orders that a chest should be made from the tree and lots placed in the chest. At the present time the lots are taken from their receptacle if Fortune directs. What reliance, pray, can you put in these lots, which at Fortunes nod are shuffled and drawn by the hand of a child? And how did they ever get in that rock? Who cut down the oak-tree? and who fashioned and carved the lots? Oh! but somebody says, God can bring anything to pass. If so, then I wish he had made the Stoics wise, so that they would not be so pitiably and distressingly superstitious and so prone to believe everything they hear! This sort of divining, however, has now been discarded by general usage. The beauty and age of the temple still preserve the name of the lots of Praeneste — that is, among the common people, 2.87. for no magistrate and no man of any reputation ever consults them; but in all other places lots have gone entirely out of use. And this explains the remark which, according to Clitomachus, Carneades used to make that he had at no other place seen Fortune more fortunate than at Praeneste. Then let us dismiss this branch of divination.[42] Let us come to Chaldean manifestations. In discussing them Platos pupil, Eudoxus, whom the best scholars consider easily the first in astronomy, has left the following opinion in writing: No reliance whatever is to be placed in Chaldean astrologers when they profess to forecast a mans future from the position of the stars on the day of his birth. 2.88. Panaetius, too, who was the only one of the Stoics to reject the prophecies of astrologers, mentions Anchialus and Cassander as the greatest astronomers of his day and states that they did not employ their art as a means of divining, though they were eminent in all other branches of astronomy. Scylax of Halicarnassus, an intimate friend of Panaetius, and an eminent astronomer, besides being the head of the government in his own city, utterly repudiated the Chaldean method of foretelling the future. 2.89. But let us dismiss our witnesses and employ reasoning. Those men who defend the natal-day prophecies of the Chaldeans, argue in this way: In the starry belt which the Greeks call the Zodiac there is a certain force of such a nature that every part of that belt affects and changes the heavens in a different way, according to the stars that are in this or in an adjoining locality at a given time. This force is variously affected by those stars which are called planets or wandering stars. But when they have come into that sign of the Zodiac under which someone is born, or into a sign having some connexion with or accord with the natal sign, they form what is called a triangle or square. Now since, through the procession and retrogression of the stars, the great variety and change of the seasons and of temperature take place, and since the power of the sun produces such results as are before our eyes, they believe that it is not merely probable, but certain, that just as the temperature of the air is regulated by this celestial force, so also children at their birth are influenced in soul and body and by this force their minds, manners, disposition, physical condition, career in life and destinies are determined. [43] 2.90. What inconceivable madness! For it is not enough to call an opinion foolishness when it is utterly devoid of reason. However, Diogenes the Stoic makes some concessions to the Chaldeans. He says that they have the power of prophecy to the extent of being able to tell the disposition of any child and the calling for which he is best fitted. All their other claims of prophetic powers he absolutely denies. He says, for example, that twins are alike in appearance, but that they generally unlike in career and in fortune. Procles and Eurysthenes, kings of the Lacedaemonians, were twin brothers. 2.109. Cratippus states his minor premise thus; But there are countless instances of prophecies being fulfilled without the intervention of luck. On the contrary, I say there isnt even one. Observe how keen the controversy grows! Now that the minor premise is denied the conclusion fails. But he retorts: You are unreasonable not to grant it, it is so evident. Why evident? Because many prophecies come true. And what of the fact that many more dont come true? Does not this very uncertainty, which is characteristic of luck, demonstrate that their fulfilment is accounted for by luck and not by any law of nature? Furthermore, my dear Cratippus — for my controversy is with you — if that argument of yours is sound, dont you see that it is equally available in behalf of the means of divination practised by soothsayers, augurs, Chaldeans and by interpreters of lightnings, portents, and lots? For each of these classes will furnish you with at least one instance of a prophecy that came to pass. Therefore either they too are all means of divining — and this you very properly deny — or, if they are not, then, so far as I can see, the two classes which you permit to remain are not means of divining. Hence the same reasoning employed by you to establish the two kinds which you accept may be used to establish the others which you reject. [54] 2.113. Then, I suppose you are going to force me to believe in myths? Let them be as charming as you please and as finished as possible in language, thought, rhythm, and melody, still we ought not to give credence to fictitious incidents or to quote them as authority. On that principle no reliance, in my opinion, should be placed in the prophecies of your Publicius — whoever he may have been — or in those of the Marcian bards or in those of the hazy oracles of Apollo: some were obviously false and others mere senseless chatter and none of them were ever believed in by any man of ordinary sense, much less by any person of wisdom. 2.130. Chrysippus, indeed, defines divination in these words: The power to see, understand, and explain premonitory signs given to men by the gods. Its duty, he goes on to say, is to know in advance the disposition of the gods towards men, the manner in which that disposition is shown and by what means the gods may be propitiated and their threatened ills averted. And this same philosopher defines the interpretation of dreams thus: It is the power to understand and explain the visions sent by the gods to men in sleep. Then, if that be true, will just ordinary shrewdness meet these requirements, or rather is there not need of surpassing intelligence and absolutely perfect learning? But I have never seen such a man. [64] 2.150. Sleep is regarded as a refuge from every toil and care; but it is actually made the fruitful source of worry and fear. In fact dreams would be less regarded on their own account and would be viewed with greater indifference had they not been taken under the guardianship of philosophers — not philosophers of the meaner sort, but those of the keenest wit, competent to see what follows logically and what does not — men who are considered well-nigh perfect and infallible. Indeed, if their arrogance had not been resisted by Carneades, it is probable that by this time they would have adjudged the only philosophers. While most of my war of words has been with these men, it is not because I hold them in especial contempt, but on the contrary, it is because they seem to me to defend their own views with the greatest acuteness and skill. Moreover, it is characteristic of the Academy to put forward no conclusions of its own, but to approve those which seem to approach nearest to the truth; to compare arguments; to draw forth all that may be said in behalf of any opinion; and, without asserting any authority of its own, to leave the judgement of the inquirer wholly free. That same method, which by the way we inherited from Socrates, I shall, if agreeable to you, my dear Quintus, follow as often as possible in our future discussions.Nothing could please me better, Quintus replied.When this was said, we arose. |
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66. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 143 | 20.99.1. When Demetrius realized that Fortune had snatched from his hand the capture of the city, he made new preparations for the siege. When his father thereafter wrote to him to come to terms with the Rhodians as best he could, he awaited a favourable opportunity that would provide a specious excuse for the settlement. |
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67. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.35.1, 2.6.2-2.6.4, 4.27.7, 4.39.3, 4.40.7, 8.55 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia, cult of •fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna •servius tullius, and fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei •fortuna, muliebris Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 46; Clark (2007) 42; Rutledge (2012) 23, 171; Santangelo (2013) 73 | 1.35.1. But in the course of time the land came to be called Italy, after a ruler named Italus. This man, according to Antiochus of Syracuse, was both a wise and good prince, and persuading some of his neighbours by arguments and subduing the rest by force, he made himself master of all the land which lies between the Napetine and Scylacian bays, which was the first land, he says, to be called Italy, after Italus. And when he had possessed himself of this district and had many subjects, he immediately coveted the neighbouring peoples and brought many cities under his rule. He says further that Italus was an Oenotrian by birth. 2.6.2. but it has fallen into disuse in our days except as a certain semblance of it remains merely for form's sake. For those who are about to assume the magistracies pass the night out of doors, and rising at break of day, offer certain prayers under the open sky; whereupon some of the augurs present, who are paid by the State, declare that a flash of lightning coming from the left has given them a sign, although there really has not been any. 2.6.3. And the others, taking their omen from this report, depart in order to take over their magistracies, some of them assuming this alone to be sufficient, that no omens have appeared opposing or forbidding their intended action, others acting even in opposition to the will of the god; indeed, there are times when they resort to violence and rather seize than receive the magistracies. 2.6.4. Because of such men many armies of the Romans have been utterly destroyed on land, many fleets have been lost with all their people at sea, and other great and dreadful reverses have befallen the commonwealth, some in foreign wars and others in civil dissensions. But the most remarkable and the greatest instance happened in my time when Licinius Crassus, a man inferior to no commander of his age, led his army against the Parthian nation contrary to the will of Heaven and in contempt of the innumerable omens that opposed his expedition. But to tell about the contempt of the divine power that prevails among some people in these days would be a long story. 4.27.7. Besides these achievements in both peace and war, he built two temples to Fortune, who seemed to have favoured him all his life, one in the market called the Cattle Market, the other on the banks of the Tiber to the Fortune which he named Fortuna Virilis, as she is called by the Romans even to this day. And being now advanced in years and not far from a natural death, he was treacherously slain by Tarquinius, his son-inâlaw, and by his own daughter. I shall also relate the manner in which this treacherous deed was carried out; but first I must go back and mention a few things that preceded it. 4.39.3. Having said this, she again entered her carriage and departed. Tarquinius upon this occasion also approved of the advice of his most impious wife, and sent some of his servants against Tullius armed with swords; and they, swiftly covering the interval, overtook Tullius when he was already near his house and slew him. While his body lay freshly slain and quivering where it had been flung, his daughter arrived; 4.40.7. And it was made clear by another prodigy that this man was dear to the gods; in consequence of which that fabulous and incredible opinion I have already mentioned concerning his birth also came to be regarded by many as true. For in the temple of Fortune which he himself had built there stood a gilded wooden statue of Tullius, and when a conflagration occurred and everything else was destroyed, this statue alone remained uninjured by the flames. And even to this day, although the temple itself and all the objects in it, which were restored to their formed condition after the fire, are obviously the products of modern art, the statue, as aforetime, is of ancient workmanship; for it still remains an object of veneration by the Romans. Concerning Tullius these are all the facts that have been handed down to us. 8.55. 1. When the Romans heard that their peril was over â for the report of it was brought before the arrival of the women â they left the city with great joy, and running out to meet them, embraced them, sang songs of triumph, and now all together and now one by one showed all the signs of joy which men who emerge out of great dangers into unexpected good fortune exhibit in both their words and actions.,2. That night, then, they passed in festivities and merry-making. The next day the senate, having been assembled by the consuls, resolved, in the case of Marcius, to postpone to a more suitable occasion such honours as were to be given to him, but as for the women, that not only praise should be bestowed upon them for their zeal, the same to be expressed by a public decree which should gain for them eternal remembrance on the part of future generations, but also a gift of honour, whatever to those receiving it would be most pleasing and most highly prized; and the people ratified this resolution.,3. It occurred to the women after some deliberation to ask for no invidious gift, but to request of the senate permission to found a temple to Fortuna Muliebris on the spot where they had interceded for their country, and to assemble and perform annual sacrifices to her on the day on which they had put an end to the war. However, the senate and people decreed that from the public funds a precinct should be purchased and consecrated to the goddess, and a temple and alter erected upon it, in such manner as the pontiffs should direct, and that sacrifices should be performed at the public expense, the initial ceremonies to be conducted by a woman, whichever one the women themselves should choose to officiate at the rites.,4. The senate having passed this decree, the woman then chosen by the others to be priestess for the first time was Valeria, who had proposed to them the embassy and had persuaded the mother of Marcius to join the others in going out of the city. The first sacrifice was performed on behalf of the people by the women, Valeria beginning the rites, upon the altar raised in the sacred precinct, before the temple and the statue were erected, in the month of December of the following year, on the day of the new moon, which the Greeks call noumênia and the Romans calends; for this was the day which had put an end to the war.,5. The year after the first sacrifice the temple built at public expense was finished and dedicated about the seventh day of the month Quintilis, reckoning by the course of the moon; this, according to the Romans' calendar, is the day before the nones of Quintilis. The man who dedicated the temple was Proculus Verginius, one of the consuls. |
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| 68. Asconius Pedianus Quintus, In Milonianam, 39 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 76 |
| 69. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 1.6.4, 1.7.8, 1.15.5, 1.16-1.19, 1.47-1.51, 2.2.5, 5.3-5.4, 5.7.3, 5.55-5.56, 6.30.2, 6.42, 7.4, 7.79-7.83 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 288 |
| 70. Livy, Per., 19, 142 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 64 |
| 71. Livy, History, 1.4.4, 1.4.1, 1.23.10, 1.31.3, 1.42.3, 1.48.7, 1.48.6, 1.57, 2.6.10, 2.8.8, 2.8, 2.40.12, 2.40.13, 2.60.4, 3.7.1, 3.44, 3.45, 3.46, 3.47, 3.48, 3.49, 3.58.4, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 5.8, 5.9, 5.10, 5.11, 5.12, 5.13, 5.14, 5.15, 5.16, 5.17, 5.18, 5.19, 5.20, 5.21, 5.22, 5.23, 5.24, 5.25, 5.26.9-5.27, 5.26, 5.27, 5.28, 5.32.6, 5.32.7, 5.32.8, 5.32.9, 5.32.10, 5.32.34, 5.32.33, 5.32.32, 5.32.31, 5.32.30, 5.32.29, 5.32.11, 5.32.12, 5.32.35, 5.32.13, 5.32.15, 5.32.16, 5.32.17, 5.32.18, 5.32.19, 5.32.28, 5.32.27, 5.32.26, 5.32.25, 5.32.24, 5.32.23, 5.32.22, 5.32.21, 5.32.20, 5.32.14, 5.32.38, 5.32.37, 5.32.36, 5.33.2-5.49.6, 5.33.2-35.3, 5.35.6, 5.35.11, 5.35.10, 5.35.9, 5.35.8, 5.35.7, 5.35.5, 5.36.1, 5.37.2, 5.37.1, 5.37.4, 5.37.3, 5.38.9, 5.39-49.7, 5.43.6, 5.46.3, 5.46.2, 5.47.3, 5.48.6, 5.49.5, 5.49.1, 5.53.8, 5.54.6, 6.1.10, 6.20.13, 6.25.4, 7.1.9, 7.6.9, 7.8.4, 7.23.2, 7.30.8, 7.34.6, 7.34.10, 7.35.8, 7.35.5, 7.35.12, 7.37.3, 8.10.11, 8.24.18, 8.30.1, 9.4.8, 9.17.3, 9.18.11, 9.18.12, 9.43.25, 10.23, 10.24, 10.29.7, 10.46.14, 21.1.2, 21.46.3, 21.46.2, 21.46.4, 21.46.5, 21.62.8, 21.62.5, 21.62, 22.1.11, 22.12.10, 22.25.14, 22.29.7, 22.59.7, 23.5.9, 23.13.4, 23.24.6, 23.33.4, 23.42.4, 23.43.7, 24.16, 24.33, 24.34, 24.44.7, 24.47.15, 25.1.8, 25.24.11, 25.24.12, 25.24.13, 25.24.14, 25.29.5, 25.40.1, 25.40.2, 25.40.3, 26.9.9, 26.41.9, 26.44, 26.45, 26.46, 27.11.2, 27.23.2, 27.25.9, 27.25.8, 27.25.7, 27.33.11, 27.37.6, 27.37.3, 27.37.5, 28.11.2, 28.12.3, 29.29.9, 29.29.5, 29.36.8, 30.15, 30.30.5, 30.30.22, 30.30.3, 30.30.20, 30.30.23, 30.30.21, 30.30.19, 30.30.18, 31.17.45, 32.12.3, 33.4.4, 33.26.9, 33.26.8, 33.26.6, 33.26.7, 33.27.4, 33.37.1, 34.3, 34.4, 34.10.5, 34.55.4, 35.42.8, 38.3, 38.4, 38.5, 38.6, 38.7, 38.8, 38.9, 38.25.8, 39.6.9, 39.6.8, 39.6.7, 39.40.5, 40.29.11, 40.29.12, 40.29.7, 40.29.9, 40.29.8, 40.29.6, 40.29.5, 40.29.4, 40.29.3, 40.29.2, 40.29.10, 40.29.13, 40.29.14, 40.40.1, 40.40.10, 40.52.5, 41.28.9, 41.28.10, 41.28.8, 42.10.1, 42.10.3, 42.10.4, 42.10.5, 42.10.2, 42.12, 42.30.8, 43.4.7, 43.13.5, 43.13.3, 43.13.6, 43.13.4, 44.1.10, 44.1.11, 44.1.12, 44.37.7, 45.5.1-6.11, 45.35.3, 45.41.12, 45.41.8, 45.41.9, 45.41.11, 45.41.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 122 |
| 72. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.3.11, 1.3.23, 1.7.47, 2.5.69-2.5.70, 63.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia •fortuna •tyche/fortuna (isis) Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 317; Griffiths (1975) 181; Santangelo (2013) 75, 79 |
| 73. Sallust, Catiline, 10.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 168, 171 |
| 74. Propertius, Elegies, 2.31.8, 2.33.15, 3.4.1-3.4.2, 4.5.34, 4.11.33-4.11.35 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •fortuna virginalis Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 26, 142, 152; Griffiths (1975) 181; Rutledge (2012) 67; Xinyue (2022) 130 |
| 75. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 3.2.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna publica Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 301 |
76. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.6.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 23| 1.6.4. Quis fuit Marius, si illum suis inspexerimus maioribus? in septem consulatibus nihil habet clarius quam se auctorem. Pompeium si hereditariae extulissent imagines nemo Magnum dixisset. Seruium regem tulit Roma, in cuius uirtutibus humilitate nominis nihil est clarius. quid tibi uidentur illi ab aratro, qui paupertate sua beatam fecere rem publicam ? quemcumque uoluerimus reuolue nobilem: ad humilitatem peruenies. Quid recenseo singulos, cum hanc urbem possim tibi ostendere? nudi stetere colles, interque tam effusa moenia nihil est humili casa nobilius: fastigatis supra tectis auro puro fulgens praelucet Capitolium. potes obiurgare Romanos, quod humilitatem suam cum obscurare possint ostendunt et haec non putant magna, nisi apparuerit ex paruis surrexisse ? | |
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77. Ovid, Fasti, 1.261-1.262, 3.183-3.188, 3.459-3.516, 3.849-3.876, 4.375-4.376, 4.393, 5.729-5.730, 6.213-6.218, 6.241-6.248, 6.277-6.280, 6.473-6.649, 6.669-6.678, 6.773-6.784 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei •fortuna muliebris •fors fortuna •fortuna, publica •fortuna, temples •fortuna, virilis •non-elites, in fors fortuna festival •rome, temple of fortuna seiani •rome, temple of fortuna •servius tullius, and fortuna •fortuna, equestris •temples, of fortuna equestris •temple, of fortuna •fortuna, and horti Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 69; Clark (2007) 163, 235; Gorain (2019) 89; Panoussi(2019) 189, 197, 259; Rutledge (2012) 23, 67, 171, 174; Rüpke (2011) 97; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 328| 1.261. utque levis custos armillis capta Sabinos 1.262. ad summae tacitos duxerit arcis iter. 3.183. quae fuerit nostri, si quaeris, regia nati, 3.184. aspice de canna straminibusque domum. 3.185. in stipula placidi capiebat munera somni, 3.186. et tamen ex illo venit in astra toro. 3.187. iamque loco maius nomen Romanus habebat, 3.188. nec coniunx illi nec socer ullus erat. 3.459. Protinus aspicies venienti nocte Coronam 3.460. Gnosida: Theseo crimine facta dea est. 3.461. iam bene periuro mutarat coniuge Bacchum, 3.462. quae dedit ingrato fila legenda viro; 3.463. sorte tori gaudens quid flebam rustica? dixit 3.464. utiliter nobis perfidus ille fuit. 3.465. interea Liber depexos crinibus Indos 3.466. vicit et Eoo dives ab orbe redit; 3.467. inter captivas facie praestante puellas 3.468. grata nimis Baccho filia regis erat. 3.469. flebat amans coniunx spatiataque litore curvo 3.470. edidit incultis talia verba comis: 3.471. ‘en iterum, fluctus, similis audite querellas! 3.472. en iterum lacrimas accipe, harena, meas! 3.473. dicebam, memini, periure et perfide Theseu! 3.474. ille abiit; eadem crimina Bacchus habet. 3.475. nunc quoque nulla viro clamabo femina credat! 3.476. nomine mutato causa relata mea est. 3.477. o utinam mea sors, qua primum coeperat, isset, 3.478. iamque ego praesenti tempore nulla forem! 3.479. quid me desertis morituram, Liber, harenis 3.480. servabas? potui dedoluisse semel. 3.481. Bacche levis leviorque tuis, quae tempora cingunt, 3.482. frondibus, in lacrimas cognite Bacche meas, 3.483. ausus es ante oculos adducta paelice nostros 3.484. tam bene compositum sollicitare torum? 3.485. heu ubi pacta fides? ubi, quae iurare solebas? 3.486. me miseram, quotiens haec ego verba loquar? 3.487. Thesea culpabas fallacemque ipse vocabas: 3.488. iudicio peccas turpius ipse tuo. 3.489. ne sciat hoc quisquam, tacitisque doloribus urar, 3.490. ne totiens falli digna fuisse puter! 3.491. praecipue cupiam celari Thesea, ne te 3.492. consortem culpae gaudeat esse suae. 3.493. ut puto, praeposita est fuscae mihi candida paelex: 3.494. eveniat nostris hostibus ille color! 3.495. quid tamen hoc refert? vitio tibi gratior ipso est. 3.496. quid facis? amplexus inquinat illa tuos. 3.497. Bacche, fidem praesta nec praefer amoribus ullam 3.498. coniugis, adsuevi semper amare virum, 3.499. ceperunt matrem formosi cornua tauri, 3.500. me tua: me laudant, ille pudendus amor. 3.501. ne noceat, quod amo; neque enim tibi, Bacche, nocebat, 3.502. quod flammas nobis fassus es ipse tuas. 3.503. nec, quod nos uris, mirum facis: ortus in igne 3.504. dicens et patria raptus ab igne manu. 3.505. illa ego sum, cui tu solitus promittere caelum. 3.506. ei mihi, pro caelo qualia dona fero!’ 3.507. dixerat: audibat iamdudum verba querentis 3.508. Liber, ut a tergo forte secutus erat. 3.509. occupat amplexu lacrimasque per oscula siccat 3.510. et pariter caeli summa petamus! ait: 3.511. ‘tu mihi iuncta toro mihi iuncta vocabula sumes, 3.512. nam tibi mutatae Libera nomen erit; 3.513. sintque tuae tecum faciam monumenta coronae, 3.514. Volcanus Veneri quam dedit, illa tibi.’ 3.515. dicta facit gemmasque novem transformat in ignes: 3.516. aurea per stellas nunc micat illa novem. 8. CF 9-.DC 10. EC 11. FC 12. GC 13. H EN 14. A EQ — NP 3.849. Summa dies e quinque tubas lustrare canoras 3.850. admonet et forti sacrificare deae. 3.851. nunc potes ad solem sublato dicere voltu 3.852. hic here Phrixeae vellera pressit ovis. 3.853. seminibus tostis sceleratae fraude novercae 3.854. sustulerat nullas, ut solet, herba comas. 3.855. mittitur ad tripodas, certa qui sorte reportet, 3.856. quam sterili terrae Delphicus edat opem. 3.857. hic quoque corruptus cum semine nuntiat Helles 3.858. et iuvenis Phrixi funera sorte peti; 3.859. utque recusantem cives et tempus et Ino 3.860. compulerunt regem iussa nefanda pati, 3.861. et soror et Phrixus, velati tempora vittis, 3.862. stant simul ante aras iunctaque fata gemunt. 3.863. aspicit hos, ut forte pependerat aethere, mater 3.864. et ferit attonita pectora nuda manu, 3.865. inque draconigenam nimbis comitantibus urbem 3.866. desilit et natos eripit inde suos; 3.867. utque fugam capiant, aries nitidissimus auro 3.868. traditur: ille vehit per freta longa duos. 3.869. icitur infirma cornu tenuisse sinistra 3.870. femina, cum de se nomina fecit aquae. 3.871. paene simul periit, dum volt succurrere lapsae 3.872. frater, et extentas porrigit usque manus, 3.873. flebat, ut amissa gemini consorte pericli, 3.874. caeruleo iunctam nescius esse deo. 3.875. litoribus tactis aries fit sidus, at huius 3.876. pervenit in Colchas aurea lana domos. 24. C Q — REX — C — F 25. DC 26. EC 4.375. qui dicet ‘quondam sacrata est colle Quirini 4.376. hac Fortuna die Publica,’ verus erit. 4.393. Hinc Cereris ludi. non est opus indice causae; 5.729. Nec te praetereo, populi Fortuna potentis 5.730. Publica, cui templum luce sequente datum est. 6.213. Quaerebam, Nonas Sanco Fidione referrem, 6.214. an tibi, Semo pater; tum mihi Sancus ait: 6.215. ‘cuicumque ex istis dederis, ego munus habebo: 6.216. nomina terna fero: sic voluere Cures.’ 6.217. hunc igitur veteres donarunt aede Sabini 6.218. inque Quirinali constituere iugo. 6.241. Mens quoque numen habet. Mentis delubra videmus 6.242. vota metu belli, perfide Poene, tui. 6.243. Poene rebellaras, et leto consulis omnes 6.244. attoniti Mauras pertimuere manus. 6.245. spem metus expulerat, cum Menti vota senatus 6.246. suscipit, et melior protinus illa venit. 6.247. aspicit instantes mediis sex lucibus Idus 6.248. illa dies, qua sunt vota soluta deae. 6.277. arte Syracosia suspensus in aere clauso 6.278. stat globus, immensi parva figura poli, 6.279. et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis 6.280. terra; quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit, 6.473. Iam, Phryx, a nupta quereris, Tithone, relinqui, 6.474. et vigil Eois Lucifer exit aquis: 6.475. ite, bonae matres (vestrum Matralia festum) 6.476. flavaque Thebanae reddite liba deae. 6.477. pontibus et magno iuncta est celeberrima Circo 6.478. area, quae posito de bove nomen habet: 6.479. hac ibi luce ferunt Matutae sacra parenti 6.480. sceptriferas Servi templa dedisse manus, 6.481. quae dea sit, quare famulas a limine templi 6.482. arceat (arcet enim) libaque tosta petat, 6.483. Bacche, racemiferos hedera redimite capillos, 6.484. si domus illa tua est, dirige vatis opus. 6.485. arserat obsequio Semele Iovis: accipit Ino 6.486. te, puer, et summa sedula nutrit ope. 6.487. intumuit Iuno, raptum quod paelice natum 6.488. educet: at sanguis ille sororis erat. 6.489. hinc agitur furiis Athamas et imagine falsa, 6.490. tuque cadis patria, parve Learche, manu. 6.491. maesta Learcheas mater tumulaverat umbras 6.492. et dederat miseris omnia iusta rogis. 6.493. haec quoque, funestos ut erat laniata capillos, 6.494. prosilit et cunis te, Melicerta, rapit. 6.495. est spatio contracta brevi, freta bina repellit 6.496. unaque pulsatur terra duabus aquis: 6.497. huc venit insanis natum complexa lacertis 6.498. et secum e celso mittit in alta iugo. 6.499. excipit illaesos Panope centumque sorores, 6.500. et placido lapsu per sua regna ferunt. 6.501. nondum Leucothea, nondum puer ille Palaemon 6.502. verticibus densi Thybridis ora tenent, 6.503. lucus erat; dubium Semelae Stimulaene vocetur: 6.504. Maenadas Ausonias incoluisse ferunt. 6.505. quaerit ab his Ino, quae gens foret: Arcadas esse 6.506. audit et Evandrum sceptra tenere loci. 6.507. dissimulata deam Latias Saturnia Bacchas 6.508. instimulat fictis insidiosa sonis: 6.509. ‘o nimium faciles, o toto pectore captae! 6.510. non venit haec nostris hospes amica choris, 6.511. fraude petit sacrique parat cognoscere ritum; 6.512. quo possit poenas pendere, pignus habet.’ 6.513. vix bene desierat, complent ululatibus auras 6.514. Thyades effusis per sua colla comis, 6.515. iniciuntque manus puerumque revellere pugt, 6.516. quos ignorat adhuc, invocat illa deos: 6.517. dique virique loci, miserae succurrite matri! 6.518. clamor Aventini saxa propinqua ferit, 6.519. appulerat ripae vaccas Oetaeus Hiberas: 6.520. audit et ad vocem concitus urget iter. 6.521. Herculis adventu, quae vim modo ferre parabant, 6.522. turpia femineae terga dedere fugae. 6.523. quid petis hinc (cognorat enim) ‘matertera Bacchi? 6.524. an numen, quod me, te quoque vexat?’ ait. 6.525. illa docet partim, partim praesentia nati 6.526. continet, et furiis in scelus isse pudet, 6.527. rumor, ut est velox, agitatis pervolat alis, 6.528. estque frequens, Ino, nomen in ore tuum. 6.529. hospita Carmentis fidos intrasse penates 6.530. diceris et longam deposuisse famem; 6.531. liba sua properata manu Tegeaca sacerdos 6.532. traditur in subito cocta dedisse foco. 6.533. nunc quoque liba iuvant festis Matralibus illam: 6.534. rustica sedulitas gratior arte fuit. 6.535. nunc, ait ‘o vates, venientia fata resigna, 6.536. qua licet, hospitiis hoc, precor, adde meis.’ 6.537. parva mora est, caelum vates ac numina sumit 6.538. fitque sui toto pectore plena dei; 6.539. vix illam subito posses cognoscere, tanto 6.540. sanctior et tanto, quam modo, maior erat. 6.541. laeta canam, gaude, defuncta laboribus Ino, 6.542. dixit ‘et huic populo prospera semper ades. 6.543. numen eris pelagi, natum quoque pontus habebit. 6.544. in vestris aliud sumite nomen aquis: 6.545. Leucothea Grais, Matuta vocabere nostris; 6.546. in portus nato ius erit omne tuo, 6.547. quem nos Portunum, sua lingua Palaemona dicet. 6.548. ite, precor, nostris aequus uterque locis!’ 6.549. annuerat, promissa fides, posuere labores, 6.550. nomina mutarunt: hic deus, illa dea est. 6.551. cur vetet ancillas accedere, quaeritis? odit, 6.552. principiumque odii, si sinat illa, canam, 6.553. una ministrarum solita est, Cadmei, tuarum 6.554. saepe sub amplexus coniugis ire tui. 6.555. improbus hanc Athamas furtim dilexit; ab illa 6.556. comperit agricolis semina tosta dari. 6.557. ipsa quidem fecisse negat, sed fama recepit. 6.558. hoc est, cur odio sit sibi serva manus, 6.559. non tamen hanc pro stirpe sua pia mater adoret: 6.560. ipsa parum felix visa fuisse parens, 6.561. alterius prolem melius mandabitis illi: 6.562. utilior Baccho quam fuit ipsa suis. 6.563. hanc tibi, quo properas? memorant dixisse, Rutili, 6.564. luce mea Marso consul ab hoste cades. 6.565. exitus accessit verbis, numenque Toleni 6.566. purpureum mixtis sanguine fluxit aquis, 6.567. proximus annus erat: Pallantide caesus eadem 6.568. Didius hostiles ingeminavit opes. 6.569. Lux eadem, Fortuna, tua est auctorque locusque; 6.570. sed superiniectis quis latet iste togis? 6.571. Servius est, hoc constat enim, sed causa latendi 6.572. discrepat et dubium me quoque mentis habet, 6.573. dum dea furtivos timide profitetur amores, 6.574. caelestemque homini concubuisse pudet 6.575. (arsit enim magno correpta cupidine regis 6.576. caecaque in hoc uno non fuit illa viro), 6.577. nocte domum parva solita est intrare fenestra; 6.578. unde Fenestellae nomina porta tenet, 6.579. nunc pudet, et voltus velamine celat amatos, 6.580. oraque sunt multa regia tecta toga. 6.581. an magis est verum post Tulli funera plebem 6.582. confusam placidi morte fuisse ducis, 6.583. nec modus ullus erat, crescebat imagine luctus, 6.584. donec eum positis occuluere togis? 6.585. tertia causa mihi spatio maiore canenda est, 6.586. nos tamen adductos intus agemus equos. 6.587. Tullia coniugio sceleris mercede parato 6.588. his solita est dictis extimulare virum: 6.589. ‘quid iuvat esse pares, te nostrae caede sororis 6.590. meque tui fratris, si pia vita placet? 6.591. vivere debuerant et vir meus et tua coniunx, 6.592. si nullum ausuri maius eramus opus. 6.593. et caput et regnum facio dictale parentis: 6.594. si vir es, i, dictas exige dotis opes. 6.595. regia res scelus est. socero cape regna necato, 6.596. et nostras patrio sanguine tingue manus.’ 6.597. talibus instinctus solio privatus in alto 6.598. sederat: attonitum volgus ad arma ruit. 6.599. hinc cruor et caedes, infirmaque vincitur aetas: 6.600. sceptra gener socero rapta Superbus habet. 6.601. ipse sub Esquiliis, ubi erat sua regia, caesus 6.602. concidit in dura sanguinulentus humo, 6.603. filia carpento patrios initura penates 6.604. ibat per medias alta feroxque vias. 6.605. corpus ut aspexit, lacrimis auriga profusis 6.606. restitit, hunc tali corripit illa sono: 6.607. ‘vadis, an expectas pretium pietatis amarum? 6.608. duc, inquam, invitas ipsa per ora rotas.’ 6.609. certa fides facti: dictus Sceleratus ab illa 6.610. vicus, et aeterna res ea pressa nota. 6.611. post tamen hoc ausa est templum, monumenta parentis, 6.612. tangere: mira quidem, sed tamen acta loquar, 6.613. signum erat in solio residens sub imagine Tulli; 6.614. dicitur hoc oculis opposuisse manum, 6.615. et vox audita est ‘voltus abscondite nostros, 6.616. ne natae videant ora nefanda meae.’ 6.617. veste data tegitur, vetat hanc Fortuna moveri 6.618. et sic e templo est ipsa locuta suo: 6.619. ‘ore revelato qua primum luce patebit 6.620. Servius, haec positi prima pudoris erit.’ 6.621. parcite, matronae, vetitas attingere vestes: 6.622. sollemni satis est voce movere preces, 6.623. sitque caput semper Romano tectus amictu, 6.624. qui rex in nostra septimus urbe fuit. 6.625. arserat hoc templum, signo tamen ille pepercit 6.626. ignis: opem nato Mulciber ipse tulit, 6.627. namque pater Tulli Volcanus, Ocresia mater 6.628. praesignis facie Corniculana fuit. 6.629. hanc secum Tanaquil sacris de more peractis 6.630. iussit in ornatum fundere vina focum: 6.631. hic inter cineres obsceni forma virilis 6.632. aut fuit aut visa est, sed fuit illa magis, 6.633. iussa foco captiva sedet: conceptus ab illa 6.634. Servius a caelo semina gentis habet. 6.635. signa dedit genitor tunc cum caput igne corusco 6.636. contigit, inque comis flammeus arsit apex. 6.637. Te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat aede 6.638. Livia, quam caro praestitit ipsa viro. 6.639. disce tamen, veniens aetas, ubi Livia nunc est 6.640. porticus, immensae tecta fuisse domus; 6.641. urbis opus domus una fuit, spatiumque tenebat, 6.642. quo brevius muris oppida multa tenent, 6.643. haec aequata solo est, nullo sub crimine regni, 6.644. sed quia luxuria visa nocere sua, 6.645. sustinuit tantas operum subvertere moles 6.646. totque suas heres perdere Caesar opes, 6.647. sic agitur censura et sic exempla parantur, 6.648. cum iudex, alios quod monet, ipse facit. 6.649. Nulla nota est veniente die, quam dicere possis. 6.669. servierat quidam, quantolibet ordine dignus, 6.670. Tibure, sed longo tempore liber erat. 6.671. rure dapes parat ille suo turbamque canoram 6.672. convocat; ad festas convenit illa dapes. 6.673. nox erat, et vinis oculique animique natabant, 6.674. cum praecomposito nuntius ore venit, 6.675. atque ita quid cessas convivia solvere? dixit 6.676. auctor vindictae nam venit ecce tuae.’ 6.677. nec mora, convivae valido titubantia vino 6.678. membra movent: dubii stantque labantque pedes, 6.773. quam cito venerunt Fortunae Fortis honores! 6.774. post septem luces Iunius actus erit. 6.775. ite, deam laeti Fortem celebrate, Quirites: 6.776. in Tiberis ripa munera regis habet, 6.777. pars pede, pars etiam celeri decurrite cumba, 6.778. nec pudeat potos inde redire domum, 6.779. ferte coronatae iuvenum convivia lintres, 6.780. multaque per medias vina bibantur aquas, 6.781. plebs colit hanc, quia qui posuit, de plebe fuisse 6.782. fertur et ex humili sceptra tulisse loco. 6.783. convenit et servis, serva quia Tullius ortus 6.784. constituit dubiae templa propinqua deae. | 1.261. And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets, 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel. 3.183. If you ask where my son’s palace was, 3.184. See there, that house made of straw and reeds. 3.185. He snatched the gifts of peaceful sleep on straw, 3.186. Yet from that same low bed he rose to the stars. 3.187. Already the Roman’s name extended beyond his city, 3.188. Though he possessed neither wife nor father-in-law. 3.459. Through Theseus’ crime Ariadne was made a goddess. 3.460. She’d already happily exchanged that faithless spouse for Bacchus, 3.461. She who’d given the ungrateful man the thread to follow. 3.462. Delighting in her wedded fate, she said: ‘Why did I weep 3.463. Like a country-girl, his faithlessness has been my gain?’ 3.464. Meanwhile Bacchus had conquered the straight-haired Indians, 3.465. And returned with his riches from the Eastern world. 3.466. Among the captive girls, of outstanding beauty, 3.467. One, the daughter of a king, pleased Bacchus intensely. 3.468. His loving wife wept, and treading the curving shore 3.469. With dishevelled hair, she spoke these words: 3.470. ‘Behold, again, you waves, how you hear my complaint! 3.471. Behold again you sands, how you receive my tears! 3.472. I remember I used to say: “Perjured, faithless Theseus!” 3.473. He abandoned me: now Bacchus commits the same crime. 3.474. Now once more I’ll cry: “Woman, never trust in man!” 3.475. My fate’s repeated, only his name has changed. 3.476. O that my life had ended where it first began. 3.477. So that I’d not have existed for this moment! 3.478. Why did you save me, Liber, to die on these lonely sands? 3.479. I might have ceased grieving at that moment. 3.480. Bacchus, fickle, lighter than the leaves that wreathe 3.481. Your brow, Bacchus known to me in my weeping, 3.482. How have you dared to trouble our harmonious bed 3.483. By bringing another lover before my eyes? 3.484. Alas, where is sworn faith? Where the pledges you once gave? 3.485. Wretched me, how many times must I speak those words? 3.486. You blamed Theseus and called him a deceiver: 3.487. According to that judgement your own sin is worse. 3.488. Let no one know of this, let me burn with silent pain, 3.489. Lest they think I deserved to be cheated so! 3.490. Above all I wish it to be hid from Theseus, 3.491. So he may not joy in you as a partner in crime. 3.492. I suppose your fair lover is preferred to a dark, 3.493. May fair be the colouring of my enemies! 3.494. Yet what does that signify? She is dearer to you for that. 3.495. What are you doing? She contaminates your embrace. 3.496. Bacchus, be true, and do not prefer her to a wife’s love. 3.497. I am one who would love my husband for ever. 3.498. The horns of a gleaming bull captivated my mother. 3.499. Yours, me: but this is a love to be praised, hers shameful. 3.500. Let me not suffer, for loving: you yourself, Bacchus, 3.501. Never suffered for confessing your desire to me. 3.502. No wonder you make me burn: they say you were born 3.503. In fire, and were snatched from the flames by your father. 3.504. I am she to whom you used to promise the heavens. 3.505. Ah me, what a reward I suffer instead of heaven!’ 3.506. She spoke: Liber had been listening a long while 3.507. To her complaint, since he chanced to follow closely. 3.508. He embraced her, and dried her tears with kisses, 3.509. And said: ‘Together, let us seek the depths of the sky! 3.510. You’ll share my name just as you’ve shared my bed, 3.511. Since, transmuted, you will be called Libera: 3.512. And there’ll be a memory of your crown beside you, 3.513. The crown Vulcan gave to Venus, and she to you.’ 3.514. He did as he said, and changed the nine jewels to fire: 3.515. Now the golden crown glitters with nine stars. 3.516. When he who, with his swift chariot, brings bright day 3.849. The tuneful trumpets, and sacrifice to the mighty god. 3.850. Now you can turn your face to the Sun and say: 3.851. ‘He touched the fleece of the Phrixian Ram yesterday’. 3.852. The seeds having been parched, by a wicked stepmother’ 3.853. Guile, the corn did not sprout in the usual way. 3.854. They sent to the oracle, to find by sure prophecy, 3.855. What cure the Delphic god would prescribe for sterility. 3.856. But tarnished like the seed, the messenger brought new 3.857. That the oracle sought the death of Helle and young Phrixus: 3.858. And when citizens, season, and Ino herself compelled 3.859. The reluctant king to obey that evil order, 3.860. Phrixus and his sister, brows covered with sacred bands, 3.861. Stood together before the altar, bemoaning their mutual fate. 3.862. Their mother saw them, as she hovered by chance in the air, 3.863. And, stunned, she beat her naked breasts with her hand: 3.864. Then, with the clouds as her companions, she leapt down 3.865. Into serpent-born Thebes, and snatched away her children: 3.866. And so that they could flee a ram, shining and golden, 3.867. Was brought, and it carried them over the wide ocean. 3.868. They say the sister held too weakly to the left-hand horn, 3.869. And so gave her own name to the waters below. 3.870. Her brother almost died with her, trying to help her 3.871. As she fell, stretching out his hands as far as he could. 3.872. He wept at losing her, his friend in their twin danger, 3.873. Not knowing she was now wedded to a sea-green god. 3.874. Reaching the shore the Ram was raised as a constellation, 3.875. While his golden fleece was carried to the halls of Colchis. 3.876. When the Morning Star has three times heralded the dawn, 4.375. He’ll speak true who says: ‘On this day long ago 4.376. The temple of Public Fortune was dedicated on the Quirinal.’ 4.393. Next, the Games of Ceres, there’s no need to say why: 5.729. The next date’s marked by four letters, QRCF, which, interpreted, 5.730. Signify either the manner of the sacred rites, or the flight of the king. 6.213. I asked whether I should assign the Nones to Sancus, 6.214. Or Fidius, or you Father Semo: Sancus answered me: 6.215. ‘Whichever you assign it to, the honour’s mine: 6.216. I bear all three names: so Cures willed it.’ 6.217. The Sabines of old granted him a shrine accordingly, 6.218. And established it on the Quirinal Hill. 6.241. The Mind has its own goddess too. I note a sanctuary 6.242. Was vowed to Mind, during the terror of war with you, 6.243. Perfidious Carthage. You broke the peace, and astonished 6.244. By the consul’s death, all feared the Moorish army. 6.245. Fear had driven out hope, when the Senate made their vow 6.246. To Mind, and immediately she was better disposed to them. 6.247. The day when the vows to the goddess were fulfilled 6.248. Is separated by six days from the approaching Ides. 6.277. There’s a globe suspended, enclosed by Syracusan art, 6.278. That’s a small replica of the vast heavens, 6.279. And the Earth’s equidistant from top and bottom. 6.280. Which is achieved by its spherical shape. 6.473. Now you complain, Phrygian Tithonus, abandoned by your bride, 6.474. And the vigilant Morning Star leaves the Eastern waters. 6.475. Good mothers (since the Matralia is your festival), 6.476. Go, offer the Theban goddess the golden cakes she’s owed. 6.477. Near the bridges and mighty Circus is a famous square, 6.478. One that takes its name from the statue of an ox: 6.479. There, on this day, they say, Servius with his own 6.480. Royal hands, consecrated a temple to Mother Matruta. 6.481. Bacchus, whose hair is twined with clustered grapes, 6.482. If the goddess’ house is also yours, guide the poet’s work, 6.483. Regarding who the goddess is, and why she exclude 6.484. (Since she does) female servants from the threshold 6.485. of her temple, and why she calls for toasted cakes. 6.486. Semele was burnt by Jove’s compliance: Ino 6.487. Received you as a baby, and nursed you with utmost care. 6.488. Juno swelled with rage, that Ino should raise a child 6.489. Snatched from Jove’s lover: but it was her sister’s son. 6.490. So Athamas was haunted by the Furies, and false visions, 6.491. And little Learchus died by his father’s hand. 6.492. His grieving mother committed his shade to the tomb. 6.493. And paid the honours due to the sad pyre. 6.494. Then tearing her hair in sorrow, she leapt up 6.495. And snatched you from your cradle, Melicertes. 6.496. There’s a narrow headland between two seas, 6.497. A single space attacked by twofold waves: 6.498. There Ino came, clutching her son in her frenzied grasp, 6.499. And threw herself, with him, from a high cliff into the sea. 6.500. Panope and her hundred sisters received them unharmed, 6.501. And gliding smoothly carried them through their realm. 6.502. They reached the mouth of densely eddying Tiber, 6.503. Before they became Leucothea and Palaemon. 6.504. There was a grove: known either as Semele’s or Stimula’s: 6.505. Inhabited, they say, by Italian Maenads. 6.506. Ino, asking them their nation, learned they were Arcadians, 6.507. And that Evander was the king of the place. 6.508. Hiding her divinity, Saturn’s daughter cleverly 6.509. Incited the Latian Bacchae with deceiving words: 6.510. ‘O too-easy-natured ones, caught by every feeling! 6.511. This stranger comes, but not as a friend, to our gathering. 6.512. She’s treacherous, and would learn our sacred rites: 6.513. But she has a child on whom we can wreak punishment.’ 6.514. She’d scarcely ended when the Thyiads, hair streaming 6.515. Over their necks, filled the air with their howling, 6.516. Laid hands on Ino, and tried to snatch the boy. 6.517. She invoked gods with names as yet unknown to her: 6.518. ‘Gods, and men, of this land, help a wretched mother!’ 6.519. Her cry carried to the neighbouring Aventine. 6.520. Oetaean Hercules having driven the Iberian cattle 6.521. To the riverbank, heard and hurried towards the voice. 6.522. As he arrived, the women who’d been ready for violence, 6.523. Shamefully turned their backs in cowardly flight. 6.524. ‘What are you doing here,’ said Hercules (recognising her), 6.525. ‘Sister of Bacchus’ mother? Does Juno persecute you too?’ 6.526. She told him part of her tale, suppressing the rest because of her son: 6.527. Ashamed to have been goaded to crime by the Furies. 6.528. Rumour, so swift, flew on beating wings, 6.529. And your name was on many a lip, Ino. 6.530. It’s said you entered loyal Carmentis’ home 6.531. As a guest, and assuaged your great hunger: 6.532. They say the Tegean priestess quickly made cake 6.533. With her own hands, and baked them on the hearth. 6.534. Now cakes delight the goddess at the Matralia: 6.535. Country ways pleased her more than art’s attentions. 6.536. ‘Now, O prophetess,’ she said, ‘reveal my future fate, 6.537. As far as is right. Add this, I beg, to your hospitality.’ 6.538. A pause ensued. Then the prophetess assumed divine powers, 6.539. And her whole breast filled with the presence of the god: 6.540. You’d hardly have known her then, so much taller 6.541. And holier she’d become than a moment before. 6.542. ‘I sing good news, Ino,’ she said, ‘your trials are over, 6.543. Be a blessing to your people for evermore. 6.544. You’ll be a sea goddess, and your son will inhabit ocean. 6.545. Take different names now, among your own waves: 6.546. Greeks will call you Leucothea, our people Matuta: 6.547. Your son will have complete command of harbours, 6.548. We’ll call him Portunus, Palaemon in his own tongue. 6.549. Go, and both be friends, I beg you, of our country!’ 6.550. Ino nodded, and gave her promise. Their trials were over, 6.551. They changed their names: he’s a god and she’s a goddess. 6.552. You ask why she forbids the approach of female servants? 6.553. She hates them: by her leave I’ll sing the reason for her hate. 6.554. Daughter of Cadmus, one of your maid 6.555. Was often embraced by your husband. 6.556. Faithless Athamas secretly enjoyed her: he learned 6.557. From her that you gave the farmers parched seed. 6.558. You yourself denied it, but rumour confirmed it. 6.559. That’s why you hate the service of a maid. 6.560. But let no loving mother pray to her, for her child: 6.561. She herself proved an unfortunate parent. 6.562. Better command her to help another’s child: 6.563. She was more use to Bacchus than her own. 6.564. They say she asked you, Rutilius, ‘Where are you rushing? 6.565. As consul you’ll fall to the Marsian enemy on my day.’ 6.566. Her words were fulfilled, the Tolenu 6.567. Flowed purple, its waters mixed with blood. 6.568. The following year, Didius, killed on the same 6.569. Day, doubled the enemy’s strength. 6.570. Fortuna, the same day is yours, your temple 6.571. Founded by the same king, in the same place. 6.572. And whose is that statue hidden under draped robes? 6.573. It’s Servius, that’s for sure, but different reason 6.574. Are given for the drapes, and I’m in doubt. 6.575. When the goddess fearfully confessed to a secret love, 6.576. Ashamed, since she’s immortal, to mate with a man 6.577. (For she burned, seized with intense passion for the king, 6.578. And he was the only man she wasn’t blind to), 6.579. She used to enter his palace at night by a little window: 6.580. So that the gate bears the name Fenestella. 6.581. She’s still ashamed, and hides the beloved feature 6.582. Under cloth: the king’s face being covered by a robe. 6.583. Or is it rather that, after his murder, the people 6.584. Were bewildered by their gentle leader’s death, 6.585. Their grief swelling, endlessly, at the sight 6.586. of the statue, until they hid him under robes? 6.587. I must sing at greater length of a third reason, 6.588. Though I’ll still keep my team on a tight rein. 6.589. Having secured her marriage by crime, Tullia 6.590. Used to incite her husband with words like these: 6.591. ‘What use if we’re equally matched, you by my sister’ 6.592. Murder, I by your brother’s, in leading a virtuous life? 6.593. Better that my husband and your wife had lived, 6.594. Than that we shrink from greater achievement. 6.595. I offer my father’s life and realm as my dower: 6.596. If you’re a man, go take the dower I speak of. 6.597. Crime is the mark of kingship. Kill your wife’s father, 6.598. Seize the kingdom, dip our hands in my father’s blood.’ 6.599. Urged on be such words, though a private citizen 6.600. He usurped the high throne: the people, stunned, took up arms. 6.601. With blood and slaughter the weak old man was defeated: 6.602. Tarquin the Proud snatched his father-in-law’s sceptre. 6.603. Servius himself fell bleeding to the hard earth, 6.604. At the foot of the Esquiline, site of his palace. 6.605. His daughter, driving to her father’s home, 6.606. Rode through the streets, erect and haughty. 6.607. When her driver saw the king’s body, he halted 6.608. In tears. She reproved him in these terms: 6.609. ‘Go on, or do you seek the bitter fruits of virtue? 6.610. Drive the unwilling wheels, I say, over his face.’ 6.611. A certain proof of this is Evil Street, named 6.612. After her, while eternal infamy marks the deed. 6.613. Yet she still dared to visit her father’s temple, 6.614. His monument: what I tell is strange but true. 6.615. There was a statue enthroned, an image of Servius: 6.616. They say it put a hand to its eyes, 6.617. And a voice was heard: ‘Hide my face, 6.618. Lest it view my own wicked daughter.’ 6.619. It was veiled by cloth, Fortune refused to let the robe 6.620. Be removed, and she herself spoke from her temple: 6.621. ‘The day when Servius’ face is next revealed, 6.622. Will be a day when shame is cast aside.’ 6.623. Women, beware of touching the forbidden cloth, 6.624. (It’s sufficient to utter prayers in solemn tones) 6.625. And let him who was the City’s seventh king 6.626. Keep his head covered, forever, by this veil. 6.627. The temple once burned: but the fire spared 6.628. The statue: Mulciber himself preserved his son. 6.629. For Servius’ father was Vulcan, and the lovely 6.630. Ocresia of Corniculum his mother. 6.631. Once, performing sacred rites with her in the due manner, 6.632. Tanaquil ordered her to pour wine on the garlanded hearth: 6.633. There was, or seemed to be, the form of a male organ 6.634. In the ashes: the shape was really there in fact. 6.635. The captive girl sat on the hearth, as commanded: 6.636. She conceived Servius, born of divine seed. 6.637. His father showed his paternity by touching the child’ 6.638. Head with fire, and a cap of flames glowed on his hair. 6.639. And Livia, this day dedicated a magnificent shrine to you, 6.640. Concordia, that she offered to her dear husband. 6.641. Learn this, you age to come: where Livia’s Colonnade 6.642. Now stands, there was once a vast palace. 6.643. A site that was like a city: it occupied a space 6.644. Larger than that of many a walled town. 6.645. It was levelled to the soil, not because of its owner’s treason, 6.646. But because its excess was considered harmful. 6.647. Caesar counteced the demolition of such a mass, 6.648. Destroying its great wealth to which he was heir. 6.649. That’s the way to censure vice, and set an example, 6.669. The hollow flute was missed in the theatre, at the altars: 6.670. No dirge accompanied the funeral bier. 6.671. There was one who had been a slave, at Tibur, 6.672. But had long been freed, worthy of any rank. 6.673. He prepared a rural banquet and invited the tuneful 6.674. Throng: they gathered to the festive table. 6.675. It was night: their minds and vision were thick with wine, 6.676. When a messenger arrived with a concocted tale, 6.677. Saying to the freedman: “Dissolve the feast, quickly! 6.678. See, here’s your old master coming with his rod.” 6.773. Time slips by, and we age silently with the years, 6.774. There’s no bridle to curb the flying days. 6.775. How swiftly the festival of Fors Fortuna’s arrived! 6.776. June will be over now in seven days. 6.777. Quirites, come celebrate the goddess Fors, with joy: 6.778. She has her royal show on Tiber’s banks. 6.779. Hurry on foot, and others in swift boats: 6.780. It’s no shame to return home tipsy. 6.781. Garlanded barges, carry your bands of youths, 6.782. Let them drink deep of the wine, mid-stream. 6.783. The people worship her, because they say the founder 6.784. of her shrine was one of them, and rose from humble rank, |
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| 78. Horace, Sermones, 1.6.113-1.6.114 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 77 |
| 79. Horace, Epodes, 16.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 33 |
| 80. Horace, Letters, 1.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, julius, favored by fortuna •fortuna Found in books: Braund and Most (2004) 231 |
| 81. Horace, Odes, 1.2, 1.12, 1.29, 1.35, 1.37, 1.37.21-1.37.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 36; Xinyue (2022) 130, 131, 132 |
| 82. Asconius Pedianus Quintus, In Cornelianam, 71 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 76 |
83. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.166, 1.588-1.600, 4.525-4.530, 6.545, 15.871-15.879 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna •fortuna muliebris Found in books: Crabb (2020) 164, 241; Panoussi(2019) 259| 1.166. ingentes animo et dignas Iove concipit iras, 1.588. Viderat a patrio redeuntem Iuppiter illam 1.589. flumine et “o virgo Iove digna tuoque beatum 1.590. nescio quem factura toro, pete” dixerat “umbras 1.591. altorum nemorum” (et nemorum monstraverat umbras), 1.592. “dum calet et medio sol est altissimus orbe. 1.593. Quodsi sola times latebras intrare ferarum, 1.594. praeside tuta deo nemorum secreta subibis, 1.595. nec de plebe deo, sed qui caelestia magna 1.596. sceptra manu teneo, sed qui vaga fulmina mitto. 1.597. Ne fuge me!”—fugiebat enim. Iam pascua Lernae 1.598. consitaque arboribus Lyrcea reliquerat arva, 1.599. cum deus inducta latas caligine terras 1.600. occuluit tenuitque fugam rapuitque pudorem. 4.525. Inminet aequoribus scopulus: pars ima cavatur 4.526. fluctibus et tectas defendit ab imbribus undas, 4.527. summa riget frontemque in apertum porrigit aequor. 4.528. Occupat hunc (vires insania fecerat) Ino, 4.529. seque super pontum nullo tardata timore 4.530. mittit onusque suum; percussa recanduit unda. 6.545. proiecto tua facta loquar. Si copia detur, 15.871. Iamque opus exegi, quod nec Iovis ira nec ignis 15.872. nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas. 15.873. Cum volet, illa dies, quae nil nisi corporis huius 15.874. ius habet, incerti spatium mihi finiat aevi: 15.875. parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis 15.876. astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum, 15.877. quaque patet domitis Romana potentia terris, 15.878. ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama, 15.879. siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam. | |
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| 84. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 1.5.2, 1.63-1.84, 3.6.1, 3.105.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 192 |
| 85. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 10.40 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •altars, mala fortuna •fortuna, bona •fortuna, in drama •fortuna, mala Found in books: Clark (2007) 87 |
| 86. Catullus, Poems, 63 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) •motif, fortuna Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 243 |
87. New Testament, Acts, 1.26, 2.24, 4.24-4.30, 7.2-7.53, 10.34-10.35, 11.18, 13.36, 16.10, 17.6, 17.31, 28.23-28.28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, cult of •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 102, 164, 165, 204, 253, 254; Johnston and Struck (2005) 38| 1.26. καὶ ἔδωκαν κλήρους αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἔπεσεν ὁ κλῆρος ἐπὶ Μαθθίαν, καὶ συνκατεψηφίσθη μετὰ τῶν ἕνδεκα ἀποστόλων. 2.24. ὃν ὁ θεὸς ἀνέστησεν λύσας τὰς ὠδῖνας τοῦ θανάτου, καθότι οὐκ ἦν δυνατὸν κρατεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ· 4.24. οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἦραν φωνὴν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν καὶ εἶπαν Δέσποτα, σὺ ὁ ποιήσας τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ πάντα 4.25. τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς, ὁ τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν διὰ πνεύματος ἁγίου στόματος Δαυεὶδ παιδός σου εἰπών 4.26. 4.27. συνήχθησαν γὰρ ἐπʼ ἀληθείας ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ ἐπὶ τὸν ἅγιον παῖδά σου Ἰησοῦν, ὃν ἔχρισας, Ἡρῴδης τε καὶ Πόντιος Πειλᾶτος σὺνἔθνεσιν καὶ λαοῖς Ἰσραήλ, 4.28. ποιῆσαι ὅσα ἡ χείρ σου καὶ ἡ βουλὴ προώρισεν γενέσθαι. 4.29. καὶ τὰ νῦν, κύριε, ἔπιδε ἐπὶ τὰς ἀπειλὰς αὐτῶν, καὶ δὸς τοῖς δούλοις σου μετὰ παρρησίας πάσης λαλεῖν τὸν λόγον σου, 4.30. ἐν τῷ τὴν χεῖρα ἐκτείνειν σε εἰς ἴασιν καὶ σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα γίνεσθαι διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ ἁγίου παιδός σου Ἰησοῦ. 7.2. ὁ δὲ ἔφη Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοὶ καὶ πατέρες, ἀκούσατε. Ὁ θεὸς τῆς δόξης ὤφθη τῷ πατρὶ ἡμῶν Ἀβραὰμ ὄντι ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ πρὶν ἢ κατοικῆσαι αὐτὸν ἐν Χαρράν, 7.3. καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν Ἔξελθε ἐκ τῆς γῆς σου καὶ τῆς συγγενείας σου, καὶ δεῦρο εἰς τὴν γῆν ἣν ἄν σοι δείξω· 7.4. τότε ἐξελθὼν ἐκ γῆς Χαλδαίων κατῴκησεν ἐν Χαρράν. κἀκεῖθεν μετὰ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ μετῴκισεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν γῆν ταύτην εἰς ἣν ὑμεῖς νῦν κατοικεῖτε, 7.5. καὶοὐκ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ κληρονομίαν ἐν αὐτῇ οὐδὲ βῆμα ποδός, καὶ ἐπηγγείλατο δοῦναι αὐτῷ εἰς κατάσχεσιν αὐτὴν καὶ τῷ σπέρματι αὐτοῦ μετʼ αὐτόν, οὐκ ὄντος αὐτῷ τέκνου. 7.6. ἐλάλησεν δὲ οὕτως ὁ θεὸς ὅτιἔσται τὸ σπέρμα αὐτοῦ πάροικον ἐν γῇ ἀλλοτρίᾳ, καὶ δουλώσουσιν αὐτὸ καὶ κακώσουσιν ἔτη τετρακόσια· 7.7. καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ᾧ ἂν δουλεύσουσιν κρινῶ ἐγώ, ὁ θεὸς εἶπεν, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐξελεύσονται καὶ λατρεύσουσίν μοι ἐν τῷ τόπῳτούτῳ. 7.8. καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ διαθήκην περιτομῆς· καὶ οὕτως ἐγέννησεν τὸν Ἰσαὰκ καὶ περιέτεμεν αὐτὸν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ ὀγδόῃ, καὶ Ἰσαὰκ τὸν Ἰακώβ, καὶ Ἰακὼβ τοὺς δώδεκα πατριάρχας. 7.9. Καὶ οἱ πατριάρχαιζηλώσαντες τὸν Ἰωσὴφ ἀπέδοντο εἰς Αἴγυπτον· καὶ ἦν ὁ θεὸς μετʼ αὐτοῦ, 7.10. καὶ ἐξείλατο αὐτὸν ἐκ πασῶν τῶν θλίψεων αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ χάριν καὶ σοφίαν ἐναντίον Φαραὼ βασιλέως Αἰγύπτου, καὶ κατέστησεν αὐτὸν ἡγούμενον ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον καὶ ὅλον τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ 7.11. ἦλθεν δὲ λιμὸς ἐφʼ ὅλην τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶΧαναὰν καὶ θλίψις μεγάλη, καὶ οὐχ ηὕρισκον χορτάσματα οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν· 7.12. ἀκούσας δὲ Ἰακὼβ ὄντα σιτία εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐξαπέστειλεν τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν πρῶτον· 7.13. καὶ ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ ἐγνωρίσθη Ἰωσὴφ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς αὐτοῦ, καὶ φανερὸν ἐγένετο τῷ Φαραὼ τὸ γένος Ἰωσήφ. 7.14. ἀποστείλας δὲ Ἰωσὴφ μετεκαλέσατο Ἰακὼβ τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν συγγένειαν ἐν ψυχαῖς ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε, 7.15. κατέβη δὲ Ἰακὼβ [εἰς Αἴγυπτον]. καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν, 7.16. καὶ μετετέθησαν εἰς Συχὲμ καὶ ἐτέθησαν ἐν τῷ μνήματι ᾧ ὠνήσατο Ἀβραὰμ τιμῆς ἀργυρίου παρὰ τῶν υἱῶν Ἑμμὼρ ἐν Συχέμ. 7.17. Καθὼς δὲ ἤγγιζεν ὁ χρόνος τῆς ἐπαγγελίας ἧς ὡμολόγησεν ὁ θεὸς τῷ Ἀβραάμ, ηὔξησεν ὁ λαὸς καὶ ἐπληθύνθη ἐν Ἀἰγύπτῳ, 7.18. ἄχρι οὗἀνέστη βασιλεὺς ἕτερος ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον, ὃς οὐκ ᾔδει τὸν Ἰωσήφ. 7.19. οὗτος κατασοφισάμενος τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ἐκάκωσεν τοὺς πατέρας τοῦ ποιεῖν τὰ βρέφη ἔκθετα αὐτῶν εἰς τὸ μὴ ζωογονεῖσθαι. 7.20. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ ἐγεννήθη Μωυσῆς, καὶ ἦνἀστεῖος τῷ θεῷ· ὃς ἀνετράφη μῆνας τρεῖς ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ τοῦ πατρός· 7.21. ἐκτεθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦἀνείλατο αὐτὸν ἡ θυγάτηρ Φαραὼ καὶ ἀνεθρέψατο αὐτὸν ἑαυτῇ εἰς υἱόν. 7.22. καὶ ἐπαιδεύθη Μωυσῆς πάσῃ σοφίᾳ Αἰγυπτίων, ἦν δὲ δυνατὸς ἐν λόγοις καὶ ἔργοις αὐτοῦ. 7.23. Ὡς δὲ ἐπληροῦτο αὐτῷ τεσσερακονταετὴς χρόνος, ἀνέβη ἐπὶ τὴν καρδίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπισκέψασθαι τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ τοὺς υἱοὺς Ἰσραήλ. 7.24. καὶ ἰδών τινα ἀδικούμενον ἠμύνατο καὶ ἐποίησεν ἐκδίκησιν τῷ καταπονουμένῳ πατάξας τὸν Αἰγύπτιον. 7.25. ἐνόμιζεν δὲ συνιέναι τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ὅτι ὁ θεὸς διὰ χειρὸς αὐτοῦ δίδωσιν σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς, οἱ δὲ οὐ συνῆκαν. 7.26. τῇ τε ἐπιούσῃ ἡμέρᾳ ὤφθη αὐτοῖς μαχομένοις καὶ συνήλλασσεν αὐτοὺς εἰς εἰρήνην εἰπών Ἄνδρες, ἀδελφοί ἐστε· ἵνα τί ἀδικεῖτε ἀλλήλους; 7.27. ὁ δὲ ἀδικῶν τὸν πλησίον ἀπώσατο αὐτὸν εἰπών Τίς σὲ κατέστησεν ἄρχοντα καὶ δικαστὴν ἐφʼ ἡμῶν; 7.28. μὴ ἀνελεῖν με σὺ θέλεις ὃν τρόπον ἀνεῖλες ἐχθὲς τὸν Αἰγύπτιον; 7.29. ἔφυγεν δὲ Μωυσῆς ἐν τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ, καὶ ἐγένετο πάροικος ἐν γῇ Μαδιάμ, οὗ ἐγέννησεν υἱοὺς δύο. 7.30. Καὶ πληρωθέντων ἐτῶν τεσσεράκονταὤφθη αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ τοῦ ὄρους Σινὰ ἄγγελος ἐν φλογὶ πυρὸς βάτου· 7.31. ὁ δὲ Μωυσῆς ἰδὼν ἐθαύμασεν τὸ ὅραμα· προσερχομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ κατανοῆσαι ἐγένετο φωνὴ Κυρίου 7.32. Ἐγὼ ὁ θεὸς τῶν πατέρων σου, ὁ θεὸς Ἀβραὰμ καὶ Ἰσαὰκ καὶ Ἰακώβ. ἔντρομος δὲ γενόμενος Μωυσῆς οὐκ ἐτόλμα κατανοῆσαι. 7.33. εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ κύριος Λῦσον τὸ ὑπόδημα τῶν ποδῶν σου, ὁ γὰρ τόπος ἐφʼ ᾧ ἕστηκας γῆ ἁγία ἐστίν. 7.34. ἰδὼν εἶδον τὴν κάκωσιν τοῦ λαοῦ μου τοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, καὶ τοῦ στεναγμοῦ αὐτοῦ ἤκουσα, καὶ κατέβην ἐξελέσθαι αὐτούς· καὶ νῦν δεῦρο ἀποστείλω σε εἰς Αἴγυπτον. 7.35. Τοῦτον τὸν Μωυσῆν, ὃν ἠρνήσαντο εἰπόντεςΤίς σε κατέστησεν ἄρχοντα καὶ δικαστήν; τοῦτον ὁ θεὸς καὶ ἄρχοντα καὶ λυτρωτὴν ἀπέσταλκεν σὺν χειρὶ ἀγγέλου τοῦ ὀφθέντος αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ βάτῳ. 7.36. οὗτος ἐξήγαγεν αὐτοὺς ποιήσαςτέρατα καὶ σημεῖα ἐν τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ ἐν Ἐρυθρᾷ Θαλάσσῃ καὶἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ ἔτη τεσσεράκοντα. 7.37. οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ Μωυσῆς ὁ εἴπας τοῖς υἱοῖς Ἰσραήλ Προφήτην ὑμῖν ἀναστήσει ὁ θεὸς ἐκ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ὑμῶν 7.38. ὡς ἐμέ. οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ γενόμενος ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ μετὰ τοῦ ἀγγέλου τοῦ λαλοῦντος αὐτῷ ἐν τῷ ὄρει Σινὰ καὶ τῶν πατέρων ἡμῶν, ὃς ἐδέξατο λόγια ζῶντα δοῦναι ὑμῖν, 7.39. ᾧ οὐκ ἠθέλησαν ὑπήκοοι γενέσθαι οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἀλλὰ ἀπώσαντο καὶ ἐστράφησαν ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, 7.40. εἰπόντες τῷ Ἀαρών Ποίησον ἡμῖν θεοὺς οἳ προπορεύσονται ἡμῶν· ὁ γὰρ Μωυσῆς οὗτος, ὃς ἐξήγαγεν ἡμᾶς ἐκ γῆς Αἰγύπτου, οὐκ οἴδαμεν τί ἐγένετο αὐτῷ. 7.41. καὶ ἐμοσχοποίησαν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις καὶ ἀνήγαγον θυσίαν τῷ εἰδώλῳ, καὶ εὐφραίνοντο ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις τῶν χειρῶν αὐτῶν. 7.42. ἔστρεψεν δὲ ὁ θεὸς καὶ παρέδωκεν αὐτοὺς λατρεύειν τῇ στρατιᾷ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, καθὼς γέγραπται ἐν Βίβλῳ τῶν προφητῶν 7.43. 7.44. Ἡ σκηνὴ τοῦ μαρτυρίου ἦν τοῖς πατράσιν ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ, καθὼς διετάξατο ὁ λαλῶν τῷ Μωυσῇ ποιῆσαι αὐτὴνκατὰ τὸν τύπον ὃν ἑωράκει, 7.45. ἣν καὶ εἰσήγαγον διαδεξάμενοι οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν μετὰ Ἰησοῦ ἐν τῇ κατασχέσει τῶν ἐθνῶν ὧν ἐξῶσεν ὁ θεὸς ἀπὸ προσώπου τῶν πατέρων ἡμῶν ἕως τῶν ἡμερῶν Δαυείδ· 7.46. ὃς εὗρεν χάριν ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ᾐτήσατο εὑρεῖν σκήνωμα τῷ θεῷ Ἰακώβ. 7.47. Σολομῶν δὲ οἰκοδόμησεν αὐτῷ οἶκον. 7.48. ἀλλʼ οὐχ ὁ ὕψιστος ἐν χειροποιήτοις κατοικεῖ· καθὼς ὁ προφήτης λέγει 7.49. 7.50. 7.51. Σκληροτράχηλοι καὶ ἀπερίτμητοι καρδίαις καὶ τοῖς ὠσίν, ὑμεῖς ἀεὶ τῷ πνεύματι τῷ ἁγίῳ ἀντιπίπτετε, ὡς οἱ πατέρες ὑμῶν καὶ ὑμεῖς. 7.52. τίνα τῶν προφητῶν οὐκ ἐδίωξαν οἱ πατέρες ὑμῶν; καὶ ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς προκαταγγείλαντας περὶ τῆς ἐλεύσεως τοῦ δικαίου οὗ νῦν ὑμεῖς προδόται καὶ φονεῖς ἐγένεσθε, 7.53. οἵτινες ἐλάβετε τὸν νόμον εἰς διαταγὰς ἀγγέλων, καὶ οὐκ ἐφυλάξατε. 10.34. ἀνοίξας δὲ Πέτρος τὸ στόμα εἶπεν Ἐπʼ ἀληθείας καταλαμβάνομαι ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν προσωπολήμπτης ὁ θεός, 10.35. ἀλλʼ ἐν παντὶ ἔθνει ὁ φοβούμενος αὐτὸν καὶ ἐργαζόμενος δικαιοσύνην δεκτὸς αὐτῷ ἐστίν. 11.18. ἀκούσαντες δὲ ταῦτα ἡσύχασαν καὶ ἐδόξασαν τὸν θεὸν λέγοντες Ἄρα καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ὁ θεὸς τὴν μετάνοιαν εἰς ζωὴν ἔδωκεν. 13.36. Δαυεὶδ μὲν γ̓ὰρ ἰδίᾳ γενεᾷ ὑπηρετήσας τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλῇ ἐκοιμήθη καὶ προσετέθη πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας αὐτοῦ καὶ εἶδεν διαφθοράν, 16.10. ὡς δὲ τὸ ὅραμα εἶδεν, εὐθέως ἐζητήσαμεν ἐξελθεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, συνβιβάζοντες ὅτι προσκέκληται ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς εὐαγγελίσασθαι αὐτούς. 17.6. μὴ εὑρόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς ἔσυρον Ἰάσονα καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολιτάρχας, βοῶντες ὅτι Οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι καὶ ἐνθάδε πάρεισιν, 17.31. καθότι ἔστησεν ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ μέλλει κρίνειν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ ἐν ἀνδρὶ ᾧ ὥρισεν, πίστιν παρασχὼν πᾶσιν ἀναστήσας αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν. 28.23. Ταξάμενοι δὲ αὐτῷ ἡμέραν ἦλθαν πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ξενίαν πλείονες, οἷς ἐξετίθετο διαμαρτυρόμενος τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ πείθων τε αὐτοὺς περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἀπό τε τοῦ νόμου Μωυσέως καὶ τῶν προφητῶν ἀπὸ πρωὶ ἕως ἑσπέρας. 28.24. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπείθοντο τοῖς λεγομένοις οἱ δὲ ἠπίστουν, 28.25. ἀσύμφωνοι δὲ ὄντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀπελύοντο, εἰπόντος τοῦ Παύλου ῥῆμα ἓν ὅτι Καλῶς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἐλάλησεν διὰ Ἠσαίου τοῦ προφήτου πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας ὑμῶν 28.26. λέγων 28.27. 28.28. γνωστὸν οὖν ὑμῖν ἔστω ὅτι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἀπεστάλη τοῦτο τὸ σωτήριον τοῦ θεοῦ· αὐτοὶ καὶ ἀκούσονται. | 1.26. They drew lots for them, and the lot fell on Matthias, and he was numbered with the eleven apostles. 2.24. whom God raised up, having freed him from the agony of death, because it was not possible that he should be held by it. 4.24. They, when they heard it, lifted up their voice to God with one accord, and said, "O Lord, you are God, who made the heaven, the earth, the sea, and all that is in them; 4.25. who by the mouth of your servant, David, said, 'Why do the nations rage, And the peoples plot a vain thing? 4.26. The kings of the earth take a stand, And the rulers take council together, Against the Lord, and against his Christ.' 4.27. For truly, in this city against your holy servant, Jesus, whom you anointed, both Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and the people of Israel, were gathered together 4.28. to do whatever your hand and your council foreordained to happen. 4.29. Now, Lord, look at their threats, and grant to your servants to speak your word with all boldness, 4.30. while you stretch out your hand to heal; and that signs and wonders may be done through the name of your holy Servant Jesus." 7.2. He said, "Brothers and fathers, listen. The God of glory appeared to our father Abraham, when he was in Mesopotamia, before he lived in Haran, 7.3. and said to him, 'Get out of your land, and from your relatives, and come into a land which I will show you.' 7.4. Then he came out of the land of the Chaldaeans, and lived in Haran. From there, when his father was dead, God moved him into this land, where you are now living. 7.5. He gave him no inheritance in it, no, not so much as to set his foot on. He promised that he would give it to him in possession, and to his seed after him, when he still had no child. 7.6. God spoke in this way: that his seed would live as aliens in a strange land, and that they would be enslaved and mistreated for four hundred years. 7.7. 'I will judge the nation to which they will be in bondage,' said God, 'and after that will they come out, and serve me in this place.' 7.8. He gave him the covet of circumcision. So Abraham became the father of Isaac, and circumcised him the eighth day. Isaac became the father of Jacob, and Jacob became the father of the twelve patriarchs. 7.9. "The patriarchs, moved with jealousy against Joseph, sold him into Egypt. God was with him, 7.10. and delivered him out of all his afflictions, and gave him favor and wisdom before Pharaoh, king of Egypt. He made him governor over Egypt and all his house. 7.11. Now a famine came over all the land of Egypt and Canaan, and great affliction. Our fathers found no food. 7.12. But when Jacob heard that there was grain in Egypt, he sent out our fathers the first time. 7.13. On the second time Joseph was made known to his brothers, and Joseph's race was revealed to Pharaoh. 7.14. Joseph sent, and summoned Jacob, his father, and all his relatives, seventy-five souls. 7.15. Jacob went down into Egypt, and he died, himself and our fathers, 7.16. and they were brought back to Shechem, and laid in the tomb that Abraham bought for a price in silver from the sons of Hamor of Shechem. 7.17. "But as the time of the promise came close which God swore to Abraham, the people grew and multiplied in Egypt, 7.18. until there arose a different king, who didn't know Joseph. 7.19. The same dealt slyly with our race, and mistreated our fathers, that they should throw out their babies, so that they wouldn't stay alive. 7.20. At that time Moses was born, and was exceedingly handsome. He was nourished three months in his father's house. 7.21. When he was thrown out, Pharaoh's daughter took him up, and reared him as her own son. 7.22. Moses was instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. He was mighty in his words and works. 7.23. But when he was forty years old, it came into his heart to visit his brothers, the children of Israel. 7.24. Seeing one of them suffer wrong, he defended him, and avenged him who was oppressed, striking the Egyptian. 7.25. He supposed that his brothers understood that God, by his hand, was giving them deliverance; but they didn't understand. 7.26. "The day following, he appeared to them as they fought, and urged them to be at peace again, saying, 'Sirs, you are brothers. Why do you wrong one to another?' 7.27. But he who did his neighbor wrong pushed him away, saying, 'Who made you a ruler and a judge over us? 7.28. Do you want to kill me, as you killed the Egyptian yesterday?' 7.29. Moses fled at this saying, and became a stranger in the land of Midian, where he became the father of two sons. 7.30. "When forty years were fulfilled, an angel of the Lord appeared to him in the wilderness of Mount Sinai , in a flame of fire in a bush. 7.31. When Moses saw it, he wondered at the sight. As he came close to see, a voice of the Lord came to him, 7.32. 'I am the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob.' Moses trembled, and dared not look. 7.33. The Lord said to him, 'Take your sandals off of your feet, for the place where you stand is holy ground. 7.34. I have surely seen the affliction of my people that is in Egypt , and have heard their groaning. I have come down to deliver them. Now come, I will send you into Egypt.' 7.35. "This Moses, whom they refused, saying, 'Who made you a ruler and a judge?' -- God has sent him as both a ruler and a deliverer with the hand of the angel who appeared to him in the bush. 7.36. This man led them out, having worked wonders and signs in Egypt, in the Red Sea, and in the wilderness forty years. 7.37. This is that Moses, who said to the children of Israel , 'The Lord God will raise up a prophet to you from among your brothers, like me.' 7.38. This is he who was in the assembly in the wilderness with the angel that spoke to him on Mount Sinai, and with our fathers, who received living oracles to give to us, 7.39. to whom our fathers wouldn't be obedient, but rejected him, and turned back in their hearts to Egypt , 7.40. saying to Aaron, 'Make us gods that will go before us, for as for this Moses, who led us out of the land of Egypt , we don't know what has become of him.' 7.41. They made a calf in those days, and brought a sacrifice to the idol, and rejoiced in the works of their hands. 7.42. But God turned, and gave them up to serve the host of the sky, as it is written in the book of the prophets, 'Did you offer to me slain animals and sacrifices Forty years in the wilderness, O house of Israel ? 7.43. You took up the tent of Moloch, The star of your god Rephan, The figures which you made to worship. I will carry you away beyond Babylon.' 7.44. "Our fathers had the tent of the testimony in the wilderness, even as he who spoke to Moses appointed, that he should make it according to the pattern that he had seen; 7.45. which also our fathers, in their turn, brought in with Joshua when they entered into the possession of the nations, whom God drove out before the face of our fathers, to the days of David, 7.46. who found favor in the sight of God, and asked to find a habitation for the God of Jacob. 7.47. But Solomon built him a house. 7.48. However, the Most High doesn't dwell in temples made with hands, as the prophet says, 7.49. 'heaven is my throne, And the earth the footstool of my feet. What kind of house will you build me?' says the Lord; 'Or what is the place of my rest? 7.50. Didn't my hand make all these things?' 7.51. "You stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears, you always resist the Holy Spirit! As your fathers did, so you do. 7.52. Which of the prophets didn't your fathers persecute? They killed those who foretold the coming of the Righteous One, of whom you have now become betrayers and murderers. 7.53. You received the law as it was ordained by angels, and didn't keep it!" 10.34. Peter opened his mouth and said, "Truly I perceive that God doesn't show favoritism; 10.35. but in every nation he who fears him and works righteousness is acceptable to him. 11.18. When they heard these things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, "Then God has also granted to the Gentiles repentance to life!" 13.36. For David, after he had in his own generation served the counsel of God, fell asleep, and was laid with his fathers, and saw decay. 16.10. When he had seen the vision, immediately we sought to go out to Macedonia, concluding that the Lord had called us to preach the gospel to them. 17.6. When they didn't find them, they dragged Jason and certain brothers before the rulers of the city, crying, "These who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 17.31. because he has appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness by the man whom he has ordained; whereof he has given assurance to all men, in that he has raised him from the dead." 28.23. When they had appointed him a day, they came to him into his lodging in great number. He explained to them, testifying about the Kingdom of God, and persuading them concerning Jesus, both from the law of Moses and from the prophets, from morning until evening. 28.24. Some believed the things which were spoken, and some disbelieved. 28.25. When they didn't agree among themselves, they departed after Paul had spoken one word, "The Holy Spirit spoke well through Isaiah, the prophet, to our fathers, 28.26. saying, 'Go to this people, and say, In hearing, you will hear, And will in no way understand. In seeing, you will see, And will in no way perceive. 28.27. For this people's heart has grown callous. Their ears are dull of hearing. Their eyes they have closed. Lest they should see with their eyes, Hear with their ears, Understand with their heart, And would turn again, And I would heal them.' 28.28. "Be it known therefore to you, that the salvation of God is sent to the Gentiles. They will also hear." |
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88. New Testament, Romans, 6.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fors fortuna Found in books: Lampe (2003) 55| 6.4. συνετάφημεν οὖν αὐτῷ διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἰς τὸν θάνατον, ἵνα ὥσπερ ἠγέρθη Χριστὸς ἐκ νεκρῶν διὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ πατρός, οὕτως καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν. | 6.4. We were buried therefore with him through baptism to death, that just like Christ was raised from the dead through the glory of the Father, so we also might walk in newness of life. |
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89. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 28.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna seiani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 54| 28.11. μόνα τὰ βιβλία τοῦ βασιλέως φιλογραμματοῦσι τοῖς υἱέσιν ἐπέτρεψεν ἐξελέσθαι, καὶ διανέμων ἀριστεῖα τῆς μάχης Αἰλίῳ Τουβέρωνι τῷ γαμβρῷ φιάλην ἔδωκε πέντε λιτρῶν ὁλκήν. | 28.11. It was only the books of the king that he allowed his sons, who were devoted to learning, to choose out for themselves, and when he was distributing rewards for valour in the battle, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a bowl of five pounds weight. |
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| 90. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 65.1-66.8, 66.3, 66.4, 83, 84, 85, 86 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 36 |
| 91. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan |
92. Plutarch, Brutus, 9.8, 39.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae •fortuna, and prodigies Found in books: Clark (2007) 192; Rutledge (2012) 83| 9.8. αἴτιοι δὲ τούτων οἱ Καίσαρος κόλακες ἄλλας τε τιμὰς ἐπιφθόνους ἀνευρίσκοντες αὐτῷ καὶ διαδήματα τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι νύκτωρ ἐπιτιθέντες, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπαξόμενοι βασιλέα προσειπεῖν ἀντὶ δικτάτορος. 39.2. οἱ δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον καταγνόντες αὐτῶν τῆς ἀπορίας ἢ μικρολογίας, πρῶτον μὲν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τὸν στρατὸν, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶν, ἐκάθηραν, ἔπειθʼ ἱερείων πλήθη κατὰ λόχους καί δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ πεντήκοντα διαδόντες, εὐνοίᾳ καί προθυμίᾳ τῆς δυνάμεωςπλέον εἶχον. | 9.8. 39.2. |
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93. Plutarch, Cimon, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna/fortune (hecataeus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 191| 1.1. Περιπόλτας ὁ μάντις ἐκ Θετταλίας εἰς Βοιωτίαν Ὀφέλταν τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ὑπʼ αὐτῷ λαοὺς καταγαγὼν γένος εὐδοκιμῆσαν ἐπὶ πολλοὺς χρόνους κατέλιπεν, οὗ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ κατῴκησεν, ἣν πρώτην πόλιν ἔσχον ἐξελάσαντες τοὺς βαρβάρους. οἱ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ γένους φύσει μάχιμοι καὶ ἀνδρώδεις γενόμενοι καταναλώθησαν ἐν ταῖς Μηδικαῖς ἐπιδρομαῖς καὶ τοῖς Γαλατικοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἀφειδήσαντες ἑαυτῶν· | 1.1. |
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94. New Testament, John, 1.41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •gods (egyptian, greek, and roman), fortuna Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 258| 1.41. εὑρίσκει οὗτος πρῶτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν ἴδιον Σίμωνα καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Εὑρήκαμεν τὸν Μεσσίαν ?̔ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Χριστός̓. | 1.41. He first found his own brother, Simon, and said to him, "We have found the Messiah!" (which is, being interpreted, Christ). |
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| 95. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.4.22, 5.12.65, 6.200, 7.2.11, 7.20, 7.75, 8.37, 8.194, 8.197, 9.93, 13.83, 13.92, 28.34, 29.57, 33.15, 33.142, 33.147, 34.11-34.12, 34.33, 34.59, 34.79, 35.4, 35.26, 35.52, 35.85-35.86, 35.102-35.103, 35.108, 35.120, 35.128, 35.155-35.157, 36.13, 36.32, 36.62.189, 36.163, 36.189, 36.196, 37.18-37.19, 37.27 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •bona fortuna •isis-tyche, and fortuna primigeneia •rome, temple of fortuna seiani •fortuna •fortuna virginalis (statue of) •rome, temple of fortuna •servius tullius, and fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei •praxiteles, bona fortuna •fortuna primigeneia, temple of, at prae-neste, and isis-tyche, ibid. •praeneste, temple of fortuna primigeneia at, mosaic •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 137, 181, 242, 344; Radicke (2022) 359; Rutledge (2012) 15, 33, 54, 67, 83, 132, 135, 171, 174, 188, 209; Santangelo (2013) 74 |
| 96. Martial, Epigrams, 9.73 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Pinheiro et al (2012a) 199 |
| 97. Persius, Saturae, 2.70, 5.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 142, 152 |
| 98. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 37.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al (2012a) 199 |
99. Mishnah, Avodah Zarah, 3.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tyche (fortuna) Found in books: Levine (2005) 482| 3.3. "הַמּוֹצֵא כֵלִים וַעֲלֵיהֶם צוּרַת חַמָּה, צוּרַת לְבָנָה, צוּרַת דְּרָקוֹן, יוֹלִיכֵם לְיָם הַמֶּלַח. רַבָּן שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן גַּמְלִיאֵל אוֹמֵר, שֶׁעַל הַמְכֻבָּדִין, אֲסוּרִים. שֶׁעַל הַמְבֻזִּין, מֻתָּרִין. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, שׁוֹחֵק וְזוֹרֶה לָרוּחַ אוֹ מַטִּיל לַיָּם. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אַף הוּא נַעֲשֶׂה זֶבֶל, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים יג) וְלֹא יִדְבַּק בְּיָדְךָ מְאוּמָה מִן הַחֵרֶם:", | 3.3. "If one finds utensils upon which is the figure of the sun or moon or a dragon, he casts them into the Dead Sea. Rabban Shimon ben Gamaliel says: if [one of these figures] is upon precious utensils they are prohibited, but if upon common utensils they are permitted. Rabbi Yose says: he may grind [an idol] to powder and scatter it to the wind or throw it into the sea. They said to him, even so it may then become manure, as it says, “let nothing that has been proscribed stick to your hand (Deuteronomy 13:18)”.", |
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| 100. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 83-85, 87-90, 86 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 239 |
| 101. Martial, Epigrams, 9.73 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Pinheiro et al (2012a) 199 |
| 102. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.109-1.111, 1.128, 1.134-1.135, 1.146, 1.160-1.161, 1.207, 1.292-1.293, 2.593, 2.727-2.728, 3.133, 3.136, 3.142, 3.169, 3.394, 3.448-3.449, 5.57-5.59, 7.205-7.206, 7.445-7.452, 7.647, 7.685-7.686, 7.796, 7.869-7.870, 8.485-8.487, 8.597-8.598, 8.600-8.601, 8.605-8.606, 8.615-8.616, 8.630-8.631, 8.665-8.666, 8.739-8.740, 8.772, 8.855-8.858, 9.1092, 9.1101-9.1102, 10.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, julius, favored by fortuna •fortuna •fortuna/fortune (hecataeus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 287; Braund and Most (2004) 244, 245, 246, 247, 248 |
| 103. Juvenal, Satires, 3.38-3.40, 6.156-6.157, 6.522 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna •fortuna Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 181; Pinheiro et al (2012a) 199; Rutledge (2012) 135 |
| 104. Josephus Flavius, Life, 17-18, 425, 15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 148 |
105. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.37, 1.176-1.183, 2.79, 2.218 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna •fortuna/fortune (hecataeus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 287; Crabb (2020) 102, 177 | 1.37. and this is justly, or rather necessarily done, because every one is not permitted of his own accord to be a writer, nor is there any disagreement in what is written; they being only prophets that have written the original and earliest accounts of things as they learned them of God himself by inspiration; and others have written what hath happened in their own times, and that in a very distinct manner also. 8. 1.176. for Clearchus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and inferior to no one of the Peripatetics whomsoever, in his first book concerning sleep, says that “Aristotle, his master, related what follows of a Jew,” and sets down Aristotle’s own discourse with him. The account is this, as written down by him: 1.177. “Now, for a great part of what this Jew said, it would be too long to recite it; but what includes in it both wonder and philosophy, it may not be amiss to discourse of. Now, that I may be plain with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seem to thee to relate wonders, and what will resemble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hyperochides answered modestly, and said, for that very reason it is that all of us are very desirous of hearing what thou art going to say. 1.178. Then replied Aristotle, For this cause it will be the best way to imitate that rule of the Rhetoricians which requires us first to give an account of the man, and of what nation he was, that so we may not contradict our master’s directions. Then said Hyperochides, Go on, if it so pleases thee. 1.179. This man, then [answered Aristotle], was by birth a Jew, and came from Celesyria: these Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers; they are named by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians Judaei, and took their name from the country they inhabit, which is called Judea; but for the name of their city it is a very awkward one, for they call it Jerusalem. 1.180. Now this man, when he was hospitably treated by a great many, came down from the upper country to the places near the sea, and became a Grecian, not only in his language, but in his soul also; 1.181. insomuch that when we ourselves happened to be in Asia about the same places whither he came, he conversed with us and with other philosophical persons, and made a trial of our skill in philosophy; and as he had lived with many learned men, he communicated to us more information than he received from us.” 1.182. This is Aristotle’s account of the matter, as given us by Clearchus; which Aristotle discoursed also particularly of the great and wonderful fortitude of this Jew in his diet and continent way of living, as those that please may learn more about him from Clearchus’s book itself; for I avoid setting down any more than is sufficient for my purpose. 1.183. Now Clearchus said this by way of digression, for his main design was of another nature; but for Hecateus of Abdera, who was both a philosopher and one very useful in an active life, he was contemporary with king Alexander in his youth, and afterward was with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus: he did not write about the Jewish affairs by the by only, but composed an entire book concerning the Jews themselves; out of which book I am willing to run over a few things, of which I have been treating, by way of epitome. 2.79. 7. However, I cannot but admire those other authors who furnished this man with such his materials; I mean Posidonius and Apollonius [the son of] Molo, who while they accuse us for not worshipping the same gods whom others worship, they think themselves not guilty of impiety when they tell lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful stories about our temple; whereas it is a most shameful thing for freemen to forge lies on any occasion, and much more so to forge them about our temple, which was so famous over all the world, and was preserved so sacred by us; 2.218. but every good man hath his own conscience bearing witness to himself, and by virtue of our legislator’s prophetic spirit, and of the firm security God himself affords such a one, he believes that God hath made this grant to those that observe these laws, even though they be obliged readily to die for them, that they shall come into being again, and at a certain revolution of things shall receive a better life than they had enjoyed before. |
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106. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.81-1.84, 1.593, 1.662, 2.119-2.166, 2.345-2.401, 2.457, 3.6, 3.28, 3.142, 3.144, 3.171-3.175, 3.186-3.188, 3.271-3.275, 3.352-3.354, 3.374, 3.391, 4.219, 4.297, 4.366, 4.622-4.625, 5.2, 5.362-5.419, 5.572, 6.250, 6.252, 6.266, 6.285, 6.313-6.314, 7.82, 7.318-7.319, 7.453 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022) 51; Crabb (2020) 102, 103, 143, 148, 151, 155, 165, 177 | 1.81. 6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. 1.82. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer’s blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; 1.83. and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears, and groaned, and said, 1.84. “So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them.” As soon as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no longer than a year. 1.593. Then did the king send for her, and bid her bring to him what she had received immediately. So she came out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but threw herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any examination and torture from the king. However, it came to pass, as it seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring Antipater to punishment, that she fell not upon her head, but upon other parts of her body, and escaped. 1.662. So he for a little while revived, and had a desire to live; but presently after he was overborne by his pains, and was disordered by want of food, and by a convulsive cough, and endeavored to prevent a natural, death; so he took an apple, and asked for a knife for he used to pare apples and eat them; he then looked round about to see that there was nobody to hinder him, and lifted up his right hand as if he would stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and hindered him from so doing; 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.120. These Essenes reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons’ children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. 2.121. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man. 2.122. 3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there anyone to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one’s possessions are intermingled with every other’s possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. 2.123. They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all. 2.124. 4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. 2.125. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. 2.126. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments, or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to pieces or worn out by time. 2.127. Nor do they either buy or sell anything to one another; but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please. 2.128. 5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sunrising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. 2.129. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, 2.130. and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; 2.131. but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for anyone to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; 2.132. then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; 2.133. which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted to them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them. 2.134. 6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at everyone’s own free will, which are to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kindred without the curators. 2.135. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned. 2.136. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers. 2.137. 7. But now, if anyone hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use, for a year, while he continues excluded; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. 2.138. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. 2.139. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; 2.140. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; 2.141. that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal anything from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. 2.142. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves. 2.143. 8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; 2.144. for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of. 2.145. 9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom, if anyone blaspheme, he is punished capitally. 2.146. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it. 2.147. They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon. 2.148. Nay, on theother days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them); and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit, 2.149. after which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them. 2.150. 10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner. 2.151. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They condemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always; 2.152. and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; 2.153. but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again. 2.154. 11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue forever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; 2.155. but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. 2.156. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demigods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue, and dehortations from wickedness collected; 2.157. whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. 2.158. These are the Divine doctrines of the Essenes about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their philosophy. 2.159. 12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions. 2.160. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. 2.161. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essenes. 2.162. 14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned: the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God, 2.163. and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does cooperate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies,—but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. 2.164. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; 2.165. and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men’s own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. 2.166. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews. 2.345. 4. “Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. 2.346. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought it proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. 2.347. And let not anyone be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say does not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. 2.348. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight,—I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; 2.349. for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaints against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. 2.350. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; 2.351. but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. 2.352. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. 2.353. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one: to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: 2.354. nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue forever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. 2.355. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; 2.356. but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. 2.357. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. 2.358. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia as the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. 2.359. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. 2.360. These Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. 2.361. Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? 2.362. Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? 2.363. nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. 2.364. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? 2.365. Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. 2.366. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, 2.367. who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? 2.368. How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? 2.369. Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians. And for the 2.370. Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. 2.371. Moreover, if great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. 2.372. Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; 2.373. and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; 2.374. nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. 2.375. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. 2.376. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere; 2.377. yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in a rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. 2.378. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than [the continent of] this habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island: 2.379. And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. 2.380. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. 2.381. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. 2.382. And as for the third part of the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. 2.383. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. 2.384. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? 2.385. This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven million five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, 2.386. its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; 2.387. yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. 2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 2.389. (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do); for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covets between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. 2.390. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence. 2.391. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? 2.392. and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be prevailed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. 2.393. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; 2.394. and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. 2.395. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. 2.396. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without foreseeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. 2.397. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. 2.398. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, 2.399. whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. 2.400. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 2.401. I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back anything that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge your passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.” 2.457. 1. Now the people of Caesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour’s time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. 3.6. 3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances as favorable omens, and saw that Vespasian’s age gave him sure experience, and great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit instruments under their father’s prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian’s being himself emperor afterwards. 3.28. and when he was come out, he filled all the Jews with an unexpected joy, as though he were preserved by God’s providence to be their commander for the time to come. 3.142. Now these workmen accomplished what they were about in four days’ time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius (Jyar), Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. 3.144. So he took this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and believed it to be brought about by the providence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man of all their enemies, had, of his own accord, shut himself up in a place of sure custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately. 3.171. 10. And when the bank was now raised, and brought nearer than ever to the battlements that belonged to the walls, Josephus thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in opposition to theirs, and that might be for the city’s preservation; so he got together his workmen, and ordered them to build the wall higher; 3.172. and while they said that this was impossible to be done while so many darts were thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover for them: 3.173. He bid them fix piles, and expand before them the raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides by yielding and hollowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them might receive them, for that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be quenched by the moisture that was in them. And these he set before the workmen, 3.174. and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the wall higher, and that both by day and by night, till it was twenty cubits high. He also built a good number of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong battlements. 3.175. This greatly discouraged the Romans, who in their own opinions were already gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at Josephus’s contrivance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the city. 3.186. 13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their receptacles of water would in no long time be emptied, and that they would be forced to deliver up the city to him; 3.187. but Josephus being minded to break such his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and hang them out about the battlements, till the entire wall was of a sudden all wet with the running down of the water. 3.188. At this sight the Romans were discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to surrender, 3.271. 28. Then did Josephus take necessity for his counselor in this utmost distress (which necessity is very sagacious in invention when it is irritated by despair), and gave orders to pour scalding oil upon those whose shields protected them. 3.272. Whereupon they soon got it ready, being many that brought it, and what they brought being a great quantity also, and poured it on all sides upon the Romans, and threw down upon them their vessels as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire: 3.273. this so burnt the Romans, that it dispersed that united band, who now tumbled down from the wall with horrid pains, 3.274. for the oil did easily run down the whole body from head to foot, under their entire armor, and fed upon their flesh like flame itself, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it soon heated and slowly cooled; 3.275. and as the men were cooped up in their headpieces and breastplates, they could no way get free from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they thus were beaten back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were easily wounded by those that were behind them. 3.352. Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: 3.353. and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, 3.354. and said, “Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.” 3.374. Do not you know that those who depart out of this life, according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame? that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolution of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies; 3.391. yet was he with another left to the last, whether we must say it happened so by chance, or whether by the providence of God. And as he was very desirous neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to imbrue his right hand in the blood of his countrymen, he persuaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself. 4.219. that he did not see how long they could either endure a siege, or how they could fight against so many enemies. He added further, that it was by the providence of God he was himself sent as an ambassador to them for an accommodation; for that Aus did therefore offer them such proposals, that he might come upon them when they were unarmed; 4.297. which indeed was done upon other nights, but was omitted that night, not by reason of any slothfulness of Aus, but by the overbearing appointment of fate, that so both he might himself perish, and the multitude of the guards might perish with him; 4.366. 2. And now all the rest of the commanders of the Romans deemed this sedition among their enemies to be of great advantage to them, and were very earnest to march to the city, and they urged Vespasian, as their lord and general in all cases, to make haste, and said to him, that “the providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at variance against one another; 4.622. 7. So Vespasian’s good fortune succeeded to his wishes everywhere, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands; upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power; 4.623. for as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many everywhere, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; 4.624. o he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus, together with his other commanders and friends, and, in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. 4.625. After that he related those predictions of his which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be Divine. 5.2. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of Divine justice. 5.362. 3. So Josephus went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing, and besought them, in many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more obdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves; 5.363. for that the Romans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from meddling with them; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the benefit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed. 5.364. That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Roman power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them; 5.365. for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. 5.366. Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold? 5.367. And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have dominion who are too hard 5.368. for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them. 5.369. As for themselves, what can they depend on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walls be still standing? 5.370. For that the Romans are not unacquainted with that famine which is in the city, whereby the people are already consumed, and the fighting men will in a little time be so too; 5.371. for although the Romans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insuperable war that beset them within, and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites. 5.372. He added this further, how right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were become incurable, and to have recourse to such advice as might preserve them, while opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behavior to the end; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was profitable, before what their passions dictated to them; 5.373. which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country a desert; on which account Caesar did now offer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, he would not save anyone of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses; 5.374. for the walls that were already taken could not but assure them that the third wall would quickly be taken also. And though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fight for the Romans against them. 5.375. 4. While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation, 5.376. and cried out aloud, “O miserable creatures! are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means? 5.377. and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? 5.378. I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself. 5.379. In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh; he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. 5.380. What did Abraham our progenitor then do? Did he defend himself from this injurious person by war, although he had three hundred and eighteen captains under him, and an immense army under each of them? Indeed he deemed them to be no number at all without God’s assistance, and only spread out his hands towards this holy place, which you have now polluted, and reckoned upon him as upon his invincible supporter, instead of his own army. 5.381. Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening?—while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God. 5.382. Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who, when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred years together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God? 5.383. Who is there that does not know that Egypt was overrun with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed by all sorts of distempers? how their land did not bring forth its fruit? how the Nile failed of water? how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and how by those means our fathers were sent away under a guard, without any bloodshed, and without running any dangers, because God conducted them as his peculiar servants? 5.384. Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the ravage the Assyrians made, when they carried away our sacred ark? asdid their idol Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of those that carried it away, 5.385. how they were smitten with a loathsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obliged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and other oblations, in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark. 5.386. It was God who then became our General, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs. 5.387. When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men? 5.388. were not those hands lifted up to God in prayers, without meddling with their arms, when an angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when the Assyrian king, as he rose the next day, found a hundred fourscore and five thousand dead bodies, and when he, with the remainder of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, though they were unarmed, and did not pursue them. 5.389. You are also acquainted with the slavery we were under at Babylon, where the people were captives for seventy years; yet were they not delivered into freedom again before God made Cyrus his gracious instrument in bringing it about; accordingly they were set free by him, and did again restore the worship of their Deliverer at his temple. 5.390. And, to speak in general, we can produce no example wherein our fathers got any success by war, or failed of success when without war they committed themselves to God. When they staid at home, they conquered, as pleased their Judge; but when they went out to fight, they were always disappointed: 5.391. for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this time! 5.392. for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, how very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them that they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death; 5.393. but for you (to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe as your wickedness deserves) you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save yourselves, as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear the very mention of those crimes which you every day perpetrate. 5.394. For another example, when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our forefathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need I bring any more examples? 5.395. Indeed what can it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our servitude commence? 5.396. Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed? 5.397. After a siege, therefore, of three months, they were forced to surrender themselves, although they had not been guilty of such offenses, with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have. 5.398. Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people’s offenses? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. 5.399. Thus it appears that arms were never given to our nation, but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken; 5.400. for I suppose that such as inhabit this holy place ought to commit the disposal of all things to God, and then only to disregard the assistance of men when they resign themselves up to their Arbitrator, who is above. 5.401. As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator? and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned? How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken! 5.402. You have not avoided so much as those sins that are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quarreling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the temple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this Divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was at a distance from them, when they have suffered many of their own customs to give place to our law. 5.403. And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are your hands! 5.404. Did your king [Hezekiah] lift up such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them? 5.405. Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; 5.406. and if they may but once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay, they will grant you besides, that your posterity shall be free, and your possessions secured to you, and will preserve your holy laws inviolate to you. 5.407. And it is plain madness to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the righteous, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assyrians the very first night that they pitched their camp. 5.408. Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to the city; 5.409. although Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before; 5.410. accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not only for drink both for themselves and their cattle, but for watering their gardens also. 5.411. The same wonderful sign you had also experience of formerly, when the forementioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city, and burnt the temple; while yet I believe the Jews of that age were not so impious as you are. 5.412. Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. 5.413. Now, even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are in it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private? 5.414. Now, what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by you? nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies? for you show your transgressions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue. 5.415. However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them. 5.416. O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it. 5.417. Who could bear to be the first that should set that temple on fire? who could be willing that these things should be no more? and what is there that can better deserve to be preserved? O insensible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves! 5.418. And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and set before every one of your eyes your children, and wives, and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war. 5.419. I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death.” 5.572. When the Romans barely heard all this, they commiserated their case; while the seditious, who saw it also, did not repent, but suffered the same distress to come upon themselves; for they were blinded by that fate which was already coming upon the city, and upon themselves also. 6.250. But as for that house, God had, for certain, long ago doomed it to the fire; and now that fatal day was come, according to the revolution of ages; it was the tenth day of the month Lous, [Ab,] upon which it was formerly burnt by the king of Babylon; 6.252. At which time one of the soldiers, without staying for any orders, and without any concern or dread upon him at so great an undertaking, and being hurried on by a certain divine fury, snatched somewhat out of the materials that were on fire, and being lifted up by another soldier, he set fire to a golden window, through which there was a passage to the rooms that were round about the holy house, on the north side of it. 6.266. whereby the flame burst out from within the holy house itself immediately, when the commanders retired, and Caesar with them, and when nobody any longer forbade those that were without to set fire to it. And thus was the holy house burnt down, without Caesar’s approbation. 6.285. A false prophet was the occasion of these people’s destruction, who had made a public proclamation in the city that very day, that God commanded them to get up upon the temple, and that there they should receive miraculous signs of their deliverance. 6.313. The Jews took this prediction to belong to themselves in particular, and many of the wise men were thereby deceived in their determination. Now, this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea. 6.314. However, it is not possible for men to avoid fate, although they see it beforehand. 7.82. So when a great part of the Germans had agreed to rebel, and the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian, as guided by Divine Providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealis, who had formerly had the command of Germany, whereby he declared him to have the dignity of consul, and commanded him to take upon him the government of Britain; 7.318. but after this, on a sudden the wind changed into the south, as if it were done by Divine Providence, and blew strongly the contrary way, and carried the flame, and drove it against the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness. 7.319. So the Romans, having now assistance from God, returned to their camp with joy, and resolved to attack their enemies the very next day; on which occasion they set their watch more carefully that night, lest any of the Jews should run away from them without being discovered. 7.453. This his distemper grew still a great deal worse and worse continually, and his very entrails were so corroded, that they fell out of his body, and in that condition he died. Thus he became as great an instance of Divine Providence as ever was, and demonstrated that God punishes wicked men. |
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107. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.333, 3.81, 7.383, 8.307, 10.210, 10.266, 10.276-10.281, 11.237, 13.171-13.173, 16.397-16.404, 18.12-18.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 143, 148, 150, 151, 152, 155, 165, 177 | 1.333. He also commanded him to be called Israel, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that struggled with the divine angel. These promises were made at the prayer of Jacob; for when he perceived him to be the angel of God, he desired he would signify to him what should befall him hereafter. And when the angel had said what is before related, he disappeared; 3.81. Now, as to these matters, every one of my readers may think as he pleases; but I am under a necessity of relating this history as it is described in the sacred books. This sight, and the amazing sound that came to their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a prodigious degree, 7.383. 1. A little afterward David also fell into a distemper, by reason of his age; and perceiving that he was near to death, he called his son Solomon, and discoursed to him thus: “I am now, O my son, going to my grave, and to my fathers, which is the common way which all men that now are, or shall be hereafter, must go; from which way it is no longer possible to return, and to know any thing that is done in this world. 8.307. o that after this Baasha had no leisure to make expeditions against Asa, for he was prevented by death, and was buried in the city Tirzah; and Elah his son took the kingdom, who, when he had reigned two years, died, being treacherously slain by Zimri, the captain of half his army; 10.210. Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the king but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future; yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing truth, as not to wave such points of curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination for understanding the uncertainties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let him be diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings. 10.266. But it is fit to give an account of what this man did, which is most admirable to hear, for he was so happy as to have strange revelations made to him, and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he retains a remembrance that will never fail, 10.276. And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel’s vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made desolate by them. 10.277. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, 10.278. who cast Providence out of human life, and do not believe that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the world is carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator; 10.279. which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the world be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a Providence, and so perish, and come to nought. 10.280. So that, by the forementioned predictions of Daniel, those men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who determine that God exercises no providence over human affairs; for if that were the case, that the world went on by mechanical necessity, we should not see that all things would come to pass according to his prophecy. 10.281. Now as to myself, I have so described these matters as I have found them and read them; but if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any blame from me. 11.237. but the king changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose, by the will of God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her fear should bring some very ill thing upon her, 13.171. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes. 13.172. Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.173. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War. 16.397. or, indeed, whether fortune have not greater power than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her; 16.398. wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that other, which attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the philosophical determination of our ancient law. 16.399. Accordingly, of the two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their father, while certainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of his life, but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed them to gain favor; 16.400. yet cannot their father be thought worthy of excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics of discourse; 16.401. for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; 16.402. but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that governed him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety. He also was guilty of so great a crime in his older age; 16.403. nor will the delays that he made, and the length of time in which the thing was done, plead at all for his excuse; for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind, and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime, yet is it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings-off, to undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily moved from that which is evil. 16.404. And this temper he showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed to be the best beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not abstain from their slaughter also. But of those persons we shall have occasion to discourse more hereafter. 18.12. 3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; 18.13. and when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. 18.14. They also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again; 18.15. on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also. 18.16. 4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: 18.17. but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them. 18.18. 5. The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; 18.19. and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. 18.20. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way, 18.21. and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another. 18.22. They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essenes in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae [dwellers in cities]. |
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108. Plutarch, On Being A Busybody, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •temple, of fortuna Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 69 | 520c. Therefore just as at Rome there are some who take no account of paintings or statues or even, by Heaven, of the beauty of the boys and women for sale, but haunt the monster-market, examining those who have no calves, or are weasel-armed, or have three eyes, or ostrich-heads, and searching to learn whether there has been born some Commingled shape and misformed prodigy, yet if one continually conduct them to such sights, they will soon experience satiety and nausea; so let those who are curious about life's failures, the blots on the scutcheon, the delinquencies and errors in other people's homes, |
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| 109. Persius, Satires, 2.70, 5.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 142, 152 |
110. Plutarch, On The Fortune of The Romans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 238 | 10. And even the kings who succeeded Numa honoured Fortune as the head and foster-parent of Rome and, as Pindar Cf. Pausanias, iv. 30. 6. has it, truly the Prop of the State. It is possible that in the mss. the next section, which interrupts the historical sequence, is a copyist’s error, being perhaps copied from an earlier page of the archetype ( sc. 318 d-f, supra ) with some slight additions, changes, and omissions by later copyists. Another theory, however, is possible: the section before us appeared in Plutarch’s first sketch of the essay, and was later modified and completed in chap. v. ( supra ); Plutarch did not himself publish the essay, but after his death the first editor neglected to cancel the present passage (Bruhn and Stegmann.) A translation follows: One may consider the matter thus: there is in Rome an honoured shrine of Virtue which they themselves call the shrine of Virtus ; but it was built late and after a considerable lapse of time by Marcellus, who captured Syracuse. There is also a shrine of Reason, or verily of Good Counsel, which they call Mens (Mind); but this also was dedicated by Aemilius Scaurus, who lived in the era of the Cimbrian Wars, at which time rhetoric and sophistry and Greek argumentation had already found their way into the City. But even now they have no temple of Wisdom or Prudence or Constancy or Magimity. But of Fortune there are very many ancient and splendid temples built with every honour, one might say, and interspersed throughout the most conspicuous districts and localities of the City. The shrine of the Men’s Fortune was built by Ancus Marcius, the fourth king, and so named because Fortune has the largest share with Manly Fortitude for winning the victory. And again, that the shrine of the Women’s Fortune was dedicated by the women who turned back Marcius Coriolanus when he was leading enemies against Rome, there is no one who does not know. And Servius Tullius, the man who of all the kings most increased the power of his people, and introduced a well-regulated government and imposed order upon both the holding of elections and military procedure, and became the first censor and overseer of the lives and decorum of the citizens, and held the highest repute for courage and wisdom, of his own initiative attached himself to Fortune and bound his sovereignty fast to her, with the result that it was even thought that Fortune consorted with him, descending into his chamber through a certain window which they now call the Porta Fenestella. Cf. 273 b, supra . He, accordingly, built on the Capitoline a temple of Fortune which is now called the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia Cf. 281 e and 289 b-c, supra ; Cicero, De Legibus , ii. 11. 28; Livy, xxix. 36. 8, xxxiv. 53. 5. (which one might translate as First-Born ) and the Temple of Fortuna Obsequens, With this and the following passage 281 d-f, supra , should be carefully compared. which some think means obedient and others gracious. However, I prefer to abandon the Latin nomenclature, and shall endeavour to enumerate in Greek the different functions of the shrines of Fortune. There is, in fact, a shrine of Private Fortune on the Palatine, and the shrine of the Fowler’s Fortune which, even though it be a ridiculous name, yet gives reason for reflexion on metaphorical grounds, as if she attracted far-away objects and held them fast when they come into contact with her. Beside the Mossy Spring, as it is called, there is even yet a temple of Virgin Fortune; and on the Esquiline a shrine of Regardful Is this meant to be a translation of Redux ? Fortune. In the Angiportus Longus there is an altar of Fortune of Good Hope; and there is also beside the altar of Venus of the Basket a shrine of the Men’s Fortune. And there are countless other honours and appellations of Fortune, the greater part of which Servius instituted; for he knew that Fortune is of great moment, or rather, she is everything in human affairs, A literal quotation from Demosthenes, Olynthiac ii. 22. and particularly since he himself, through good fortune, had been promoted from the family of a captive enemy to the kingship. For, when the town of Corniculum was taken by the Romans, a captive maiden Ocrisia, Cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities , iv. 1; Ovid, Fasti , vi. 627 ff.; Livy, i. 39; Pliny, Natural History , xxxvi. 27. 204. whose fortune could not obscure either her beauty or her character, was given to be a slave to Tanaquil, the wife of king Tarquin; and a certain dependent, one of those whom the Romans call clientes , had her to wife; from these parents Servius was born. Others deny this, but assert that Ocrisia was a maiden who took the first-fruits and the libations on all occasions from the royal table and brought them to the hearth; and once on a time when she chanced, as usual, to be casting the offerings upon the fire, suddenly, as the flames died down, the member of a man rose up out of the hearth; and this the girl, greatly frightened, told to Tanaquil only. Now Tanaquil was an intelligent and understanding woman, and she decked the maiden in garments such as become a bride, and shut her up in the room with the apparition, for she judged it to be of a divine nature. Some declare that this love was manifested by the Lar of the house, others that it was by Vulcan. At any rate, it resulted in the birth of Servius, and, while he was still a child, his head shone with a radiance very like the gleam of lightning. But Antias Peter, Frag. Hist. Rom. p. 154, Valerius Antias, Frag. 12. and his school say not so, but relate that when Servius’s wife Gegania lay dying, in the presence of his mother he fell into a sleep from dejection and grief; and as he slept, his face was seen by the women to be surrounded by the gleam of fire. This was a token of his birth from fire and an excellent sign pointing to his unexpected accession to the kingship, which he gained after the death of Tarquin, by the zealous assistance of Tanaquil. Cf. 273 c, supra . Inasmuch as he of all kings is thought to have been naturally the least suited to monarchy and the least desirous of it, he who was minded to resign the kingship, Cf. Livy, i. 48. 9; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities , iv. 40. 3. but was prevented from doing so; for it appears that Tanaquil on her death-bed made him swear that he would remain in power and would ever set before him the ancestral Roman form of government. Thus to Fortune wholly belongs the kingship of Servius, which he received contrary to his expectations and retained against his will. |
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111. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 3.5.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortunae of antium, providential aspect of •fortuna Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 21 | 3.5.6. Cicero distinguishes two kinds, the one concerned with knowledge, the other with action. Thus "Is the world governed by providence?" is a question of knowledge, while "Should we enter politics?" is a question of action. The first involves three questions, whether a thing is, what it is, and of what nature: for all these things may be unknown: the second involves two, how to obtain power and how to use it. |
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| 112. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna/fortune (hecataeus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 285 |
| 113. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna seiani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 174 |
| 114. Plutarch, Roman Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 75 |
| 115. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 265, 266, 288 |
116. Plutarch, Romulus, 7.4, 8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 141, 165| 7.4. ἔργα δʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ πράξεις ὅμοια τοῖς βλεπομένοις ἀκούων, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον ὡς ἔοικε θεοῦ συμπαρόντος καὶ συνεπευθύνοντος ἀρχὰς μεγάλων πραγμάτων, ἁπτόμενος ὑπονοίᾳ καὶ τύχῃ τῆς ἀληθείας, ἀνέκρινεν ὅστις εἴη καὶ ὅπως γένοιτο, φωνῇ τε πρᾳείᾳ καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ βλέμματι πίστιν αὐτῷ μετʼ ἐλπίδος ἐνδιδούς. 8.7. ὧν τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ Φαβίου λέγοντος καὶ τοῦ Πεπαρηθίου Διοκλέους ( FHG III 78 ), ὃς δοκεῖ πρῶτος ἐκδοῦναι Ῥώμης κτίσιν, ὕποπτον μὲν ἐνίοις ἐστὶ τὸ δραματικὸν καὶ πλασματῶδες, οὐ δεῖ δʼ ἀπιστεῖν τὴν τύχην ὁρῶντας οἵων ποιημάτων δημιουργός ἐστι, καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα λογιζομένους, ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἐνταῦθα προὔβη δυνάμεως, μὴ θείαν τινʼ ἀρχὴν λαβόντα καὶ μηδὲν μέγα μηδὲ παράδοξον ἔχουσαν. | 7.4. and hearing that his acts and deeds corresponded with his looks, but chiefly, as it would seem, because a divinity was aiding and assisting in the inauguration of great events, he grasped the truth by a happy conjecture, and asked him who he was and what were the circumstances of his birth, while his gentle voice and kindly look inspired the youth with confidence and hope. 8.7. Although most of these particulars are related by Fabius and Diodes of Peparethus, who seems to have been the first to publish a Founding of Rome, some are suspicious of their fictitious and fabulous quality; but we should not be incredulous when we see what a poet fortune sometimes is, and when we reflect that the Roman state would not have attained to its present power, had it not been of a divine origin, and one which was attended by great marvels. |
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117. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, 13, 27 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 181 | 27. Stories akin to these and to others like them they say are related about Typhon; how that, prompted by jealousy and hostility, he wrought terrible deeds and, by bringing utter confusion upon all things, filled the whole Earth, and the ocean as well, with ills, and later paid the penalty therefor. But the avenger, the sister and wife of Osiris, after she had quenched and suppressed the madness and fury of Typhon, was not indifferent to the contests and struggles which she had endured, nor to her own wanderings nor to her manifold deeds of wisdom and many feats of bravery, nor would she accept oblivion and silence for them, but she intermingled in the most holy rites portrayals and suggestions and representations of her experiences at that time, and sanctified them, both as a lesson in godliness and an encouragement for men and women who find themselves in the clutch of like calamities. She herself and Osiris, translated for their virtues from good demigods into gods, Cf. 363 e, infra . as were Heracles and Dionysus later, Cf. Moralia , 857 d. not incongruously enjoy double honours, both those of gods and those of demigods, and their powers extend everywhere, but are greatest in the regions above the earth and beneath the earth. In fact, men assert that Pluto is none other than Serapis and that Persephonê is Isis, even as Archemachus Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iv. p. 315, no. 7. of Euboea has said, and also Heracleides Ponticus Ibid. ii. 198 or Frag. 103, ed. Voss. who holds the oracle in Canopus to be an oracle of Pluto. |
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| 118. Plutarch, Whether Land Or Sea Animals Are More Clever, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •temple, of fortuna Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 69 |
119. Plutarch, Theseus, 24.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 65| 24.1. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Αἰγέως τελευτὴν μέγα καὶ θαυμαστὸν ἔργον εἰς νοῦν βαλόμενος συνῴκισε τοὺς τὴν Ἀττικὴν κατοικοῦντας εἰς ἓν ἄστυ, καὶ μιᾶς πόλεως ἕνα δῆμον ἀπέφηνε, τέως σποράδας ὄντας καὶ δυσανακλήτους πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν πάντων συμφέρον, ἔστι δʼ ὅτε καὶ διαφερομένους ἀλλήλοις καὶ πολεμοῦντας. | |
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| 120. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 25.5-25.6, 41.3-41.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune/fortuna (changing) •fortuna, and horti •fortuna, primigenia Found in books: Clark (2007) 238, 239; Roller (2018) 209 |
| 121. Appian, The Illyrian Wars, 28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 132 |
122. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1, 1.2.1, 1.3.2, 1.4.2, 1.5.1, 1.12-1.13, 1.16.3-1.16.4, 1.18, 1.22.1-1.22.2, 1.29, 1.50.4, 1.71, 2.1, 2.1.1, 2.12.1, 2.30.2, 2.47.1, 2.47.3, 2.73.2, 2.74.2, 2.78.2, 2.80, 2.82, 3.1, 3.72.3, 3.84, 4.4.3, 4.27, 4.53, 4.57, 4.58.6, 4.81, 4.81.2, 4.81.4, 4.85, 5.5.4, 5.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna •fortuna, and fatum •fortuna, as outcome •sejanus, fortuna and •fortuna •fortuna, fortuna •fortunae of antium, providential aspect of •fortuna, fickleness of •fortuna/fortune (hecataeus Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 285; Clark (2007) 275; Crabb (2020) 144, 164, 165, 238, 274; Davies (2004) 144, 174, 175; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 20, 21, 113, 138, 169, 170, 172, 215, 297, 329, 332 | 1.71. Otho, meanwhile, contrary to everyone's expectation made no dull surrender to luxury or ease: he put off his pleasures, concealed his profligacy, and ordered his whole life as befitted the imperial position; with the result that these simulated virtues and the sure return of his vices only inspired still greater dread. Marius Celsus, consul-elect, whom he had saved from the fury of the soldiers by pretending to imprison him, he had called to the Capitol, for he wished to obtain the credit of being merciful by his treatment of a distinguished man whom his party hated. Celsus boldly pleaded guilty of constant loyalty to Galba and went so far as to claim that his example was to Otho's advantage. Otho did not act toward him as if he were pardoning a criminal, but to avoid having to fear him as an enemy took steps to be reconciled to him and immediately began to treat him as one of his intimate friends; he later chose him as one of the leaders for the war. But Celsus, on his side, as by a fatal impulse, maintained a loyalty to Otho which was unbroken and ill-starred. His safety, which gave joy to the chief men of the state and which was commented on favourably by the common people, was not unpopular even with the soldiers, who admired the same virtue which roused their anger. 2.1. Fortune was already, in an opposite quarter of the world, founding and making ready for a new dynasty, which from its varying destinies brought to the state joy or misery, to the emperors themselves success or doom. Titus Vespasianus had been dispatched by his father from Judea while Galba was still alive. The reason given out for his journey was a desire to pay his respects to the emperor, and the fact that Titus was now old enough to begin his political career. But the common people, who are always ready to invent, had spread the report that he had been summoned to Rome to be adopted. This gossip was based on the emperor's age and childlessness, and was due also to the popular passion for designating many successors until one is chosen. The report gained a readier hearing from the nature of Titus himself, which was equal to the highest fortune, from his personal beauty and a certain majesty which he possessed, as well as from Vespasian's good fortune, from prophetic oracles, and even from chance occurrences which, amid the general credulity, were regarded as omens. When Titus received certain information with regard to Galba's death he was at Corinth, a city of Achaia, and met men there who positively declared that Vitellius had taken up arms and begun war; in his anxiety he called a few of his friends and reviewed fully the two possible courses of action: if he should go on to Rome, he would enjoy no gratitude for an act of courtesy intended for another emperor, and he would be a hostage in the hands of either Vitellius or Otho; on the other hand, if he returned to his father, the victor would undoubtedly feel offence; yet, if his father joined the victor's party, while victory was still uncertain, the son would be excused; but if Vespasian should assume the imperial office, his rivals would be concerned with war and have to forget offences. 2.80. While the time, the place, and â what is in such case the most difficult thing â the person to speak the first word were being discussed, while hope and fear, plans and possibilities filled every mind, as Vespasian stepped from his quarters, a few soldiers who were drawn up in their usual order to salute him as their Legate, saluted him as Emperor. Then the rest ran up and began to call him Caesar and Augustus; they heaped on him all the titles of an emperor. Their minds suddenly turned from fears to confidence in Fortune's favour. In Vespasian himself there was no arrogance or pride, no novelty of conduct in his new estate. The moment that he had dispelled the mist which his elevation to such a height spread before his eyes, he spoke as befitted a soldier; then he began to receive favourable reports from every quarter; for Mucianus, who was waiting only for this action, now administered to his own eager troops the oath of allegiance to Vespasian. Then he entered the theatre at Antioch, where the people regularly hold their public assemblies, and addressed the crowd which hurried there, and expressed itself in extravagant adulation. His speech was graceful enough although he spoke in Greek, for he knew how to give a certain air to all he said and did. There was nothing that angered the province and the army so much as the assertion of Mucianus that Vitellius had decided to transfer the legions of Germany to Syria, where they could enjoy a profitable and easy service, while in exchange he would assign to the troops in Syria the wintry climate and the laborious duties of Germany. For the provincials were accustomed to live with the soldiers, and enjoyed association with them; in fact, many civilians were bound to the soldiers by ties of friendship and of marriage, and the soldiers from their long service had come to love their old familiar camps as their very hearths and homes. 2.82. The first business of the war was to hold levies and to recall the veterans to the colours. The strong towns were selected to manufacture arms; gold and silver were minted at Antioch; and all these preparations, each in its proper place, were quickly carried forward by expert agents. Vespasian visited each place in person, encouraged the workmen, spurring on the industrious by praise and the slow by his example, concealing his friends' faults rather than their virtues. Many he rewarded with prefectures and procuratorships; large numbers of excellent men who later attained the highest positions he raised to senatorial rank; in the case of some good fortune took the place of merit. In his first speech Mucianus had held out hopes of only a moderate donative to the soldiers; even Vespasian did not offer more for civil war than others did in time of peace. He was firmly opposed to extravagant gifts to the soldiers and therefore had a better army. Embassies were dispatched to the Parthians and Armenians, and provision made to avoid leaving their rear exposed when the legions were drawn off to civil war. It was decided that Titus should follow up the war in Judea, Vespasian hold the keys to Egypt; and it was agreed that a part of the troops, if led by Mucianus, would be enough to deal with Vitellius, aided as they would be by the prestige of Vespasian's name and by the fact that all things are easy for Fate. Letters were addressed to all the armies and to all their commanders, directing them to try to win over the praetorians, who hated Vitellius, by holding out to them the hope of re-entering the service. 3.1. The generals of the Flavian party were planning their campaign with better fortune and greater loyalty. They had come together at Poetovio, the winter quarters of the Thirteenth legion. There they discussed whether they should guard the passes of the Pannonian Alps until the whole mass of their forces could be raised behind them, or whether it would not be a bolder stroke to engage the enemy at once and struggle with him for the possession of Italy. Those who favoured waiting for the auxiliaries and prolonging the war, emphasized the strength and reputation of the German legions and dwelt on the fact that the flower of the army in Britain had recently arrived with Vitellius; they pointed out that they had on their side an inferior number of legions, and at best legions which had lately been beaten, and that although the soldiers talked boldly enough, the defeated always have less courage. But while they meantime held the Alps, Mucianus, they said, would arrive with the troops from the east; Vespasian had besides full control of the sea and his fleets, and he could count on the enthusiastic support of the provinces, through whose aid he could raise the storm of almost a second war. Therefore they declared that delay would favour them, that new forces would join them, and that they would lose none of their present advantages. 3.84. The greatest difficulty was met in taking the Praetorian Camp, which the bravest soldiers defended as their last hope. The resistance made the victors only the more eager, the old praetorian cohorts being especially determined. They employed at the same time every device that had ever been invented for the destruction of the strongest cities â the "tortoise," artillery, earthworks, and firebrands â shouting that all the labour and danger that they had suffered in all their battles would be crowned by this achievement. "We have given back the city to the senate and the Roman people," they cried; "we have restored the temples to the gods. The soldier's glory is in his camp: that is his native city, that his penates. If the camp is not at once recovered, we must spend the night under arms." On their side the Vitellians, unequal though they were in numbers and in fortune, by striving to spoil the victory, to delay peace, and to defile the houses and altars of the city with blood, embraced the last solace left to the conquered. Many, mortally wounded, breathed their last on the towers and battlements; when the gates were broken down, the survivors in a solid mass opposed the victors and to a man fell giving blow for blow, dying with faces to the foe; so anxious were they, even at the moment of death, to secure a glorious end. On the capture of the city Vitellius was carried on a chair through the rear of the palace to his wife's house on the Aventine, so that, in case he succeeded in remaining undiscovered during the day, he might escape to his brother and the cohorts at Tarracina. But his fickle mind and the very nature of terror, which makes the present situation always seem the worst to one who is fearful of everything, drew him back to the palace. This he found empty and deserted, for even the meanest of his slaves had slipped away or else avoided meeting him. The solitude and the silent spaces filled him with fright: he tried the rooms that were closed and shuddered to find them empty. Exhausted by wandering forlornly about, he concealed himself in an unseemly hiding-place; but Julius Placidus, tribune of a cohort, dragged him to the light. With his arms bound behind his back, his garments torn, he presented a grievous sight as he was led away. Many cried out against him, not one shed a tear; the ugliness of the last scene had banished pity. One of the soldiers from Germany met him and struck at him in rage, or else his purpose was to remove him the quicker from insult, or he may have been aiming at the tribune â no one could tell. He cut off the tribune's ear and was at once run through. 4.27. Now it happened that not far from camp the Germans started to drag to their bank a ship loaded with grain which had grounded on a bar. Gallus did not wish to allow this and sent a cohort to rescue the ship: the Germans also were reinforced, and as assistance gradually gathered, the two sides engaged in a pitched battle. The Germans inflicted heavy losses on our men and got the ship away. The defeated Roman troops, as had then become their fashion, did not blame their own lack of energy, but charged their commander with treachery. They dragged him from his tent, tore his clothing and beat him, bidding him tell what bribe he had received and who his accomplices were in betraying his troops. Their anger toward Hordeonius returned: they called him the author and Gallus the tool, until, frightened by their threats to kill him, he himself actually charged Hordeonius with treachery; and then Hordeonius was put in chains and only released on Vocula's arrival. The following day Vocula had the ringleaders in the mutiny put to death, so great was the contrast in this army between unbridled licence and obedient submission. Undoubtedly the common soldiers were faithful to Vitellius, but all the officers inclined to favour Vespasian: hence that alternation of crimes and punishment and that combination of rage with obedience, so that although the troops could be punished they could not be controlled. 4.53. The charge of restoring the Capitol was given by Vespasian to Lucius Vestinus, a member of the equestrian order, but one whose influence and reputation put him on an equality with the nobility. The haruspices when assembled by him directed that the ruins of the old shrine should be carried away to the marshes and that a new temple should be erected on exactly the same site as the old: the gods were unwilling to have the old plan changed. On the twenty-first of June, under a cloudless sky, the area that was dedicated to the temple was surrounded with fillets and garlands; soldiers, who had auspicious names, entered the enclosure carrying boughs of good omen; then the Vestals, accompanied by boys and girls whose fathers and mothers were living, sprinkled the area with water drawn from fountains and streams. Next Helvidius Priscus, the praetor, guided by the pontifex Plautius Aelianus, purified the area with the sacrifice of the suovetaurilia, and placed the vitals of the victims on an altar of turf; and then, after he had prayed to Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, and to the gods who protect the empire to prosper this undertaking and by their divine assistance to raise again their home which man's piety had begun, he touched the fillets with which the foundation stone was wound and the ropes entwined; at the same time the rest of the magistrates, the priests, senators, knights, and a great part of the people, putting forth their strength together in one enthusiastic and joyful effort, dragged the huge stone to its place. A shower of gold and silver and of virgin ores, never smelted in any furnace, but in their natural state, was thrown everywhere into the foundations: the haruspices had warned against the profanation of the work by the use of stone or gold intended for any other purpose. The temple was given greater height than the old: this was the only change that religious scruples allowed, and the only feature that was thought wanting in the magnificence of the old structure. 4.57. Vocula, lured on by the artifices of the Gauls, hurried against the enemy; and he was not far from Vetera when Classicus and Tutor, advancing from the main force under the pretext of reconnoitring, concluded their agreement with the German chiefs, and it was then that they first withdrew apart from the legions and fortified their own camp with a separate rampart, although Vocula protested that the Roman state had not yet been so broken by civil war as to be an object of contempt in the eyes of even the Treviri and Lingones. "There are still left faithful provinces," he said; "there still remain victorious armies, the fortune of the empire, and the avenging gods. Thus in former times Sacrovir and the Aeduans, more recently Vindex and all the Gallic provinces, have been crushed in a single battle. Those who break treaties must still face the same divinities, the same fates as before. The deified Julius and the deified Augustus better understood the spirit of the Gauls: Galba's acts and the reduction of the tribute have inspired them with a hostile spirit. Now they are enemies because the burden of their servitude is light; when we have despoiled and stripped them they will be friends." After speaking thus in anger, seeing that Classicus and Tutor persisted in their treachery, Vocula turned and withdrew to Novaesium: the Gauls occupied a position two miles away. There the centurions and soldiers frequently visited them, and attempts were made so to tamper with their loyalty, that, by an unheard-of crime, a Roman army should swear allegiance to foreigners and pledge themselves to this awful sin by killing or arresting their chief officers. Although many advised Vocula to escape, he thought it wise to act boldly, called an assembly, and spoke to this effect. 4.81. During the months while Vespasian was waiting at Alexandria for the regular season of the summer winds and a settled sea, many marvels continued to mark the favour of heaven and a certain partiality of the gods toward him. One of the common people of Alexandria, well known for his loss of sight, threw himself before Vespasian's knees, praying him with groans to cure his blindness, being so directed by the god Serapis, whom this most superstitious of nations worships before all others; and he besought the emperor to deign to moisten his cheeks and eyes with his spittle. Another, whose hand was useless, prompted by the same god, begged Caesar to step and trample on it. Vespasian at first ridiculed these appeals and treated them with scorn; then, when the men persisted, he began at one moment to fear the discredit of failure, at another to be inspired with hopes of success by the appeals of the suppliants and the flattery of his courtiers: finally, he directed the physicians to give their opinion as to whether such blindness and infirmity could be overcome by human aid. Their reply treated the two cases differently: they said that in the first the power of sight had not been completely eaten away and it would return if the obstacles were removed; in the other, the joints had slipped and become displaced, but they could be restored if a healing pressure were applied to them. Such perhaps was the wish of the gods, and it might be that the emperor had been chosen for this divine service; in any case, if a cure were obtained, the glory would be Caesar's, but in the event of failure, ridicule would fall only on the poor suppliants. So Vespasian, believing that his good fortune was capable of anything and that nothing was any longer incredible, with a smiling countece, and amid intense excitement on the part of the bystanders, did as he was asked to do. The hand was instantly restored to use, and the day again shone for the blind man. Both facts are told by eye-witnesses even now when falsehood brings no reward. 4.85. But before Domitian and Mucianus reached the Alps, they received news of the success among the Treviri. The chief proof of their victory was given by the presence of the enemy's leader, Valentinus, who, never losing courage, continued to show by his looks the same spirit that he had always maintained. He was given an opportunity to speak, but solely that his questioners might judge of his nature; and he was condemned. While being executed, someone taunted him with the fact that his native country had been subdued, to which he replied that he found therein consolation for his own death. Mucianus now brought forward a proposal as if he had just thought of it, but which in reality he had long concealed. He urged that since, thanks to the gods' kindness, the enemy's strength has been broken, it would little become Domitian, now that war is almost over, to interfere in the glory of others. If the stability of the empire or the safety of Gaul were imperilled, then Caesar ought to take his place in the battle-line; but the Canninefates and the Batavi he should assign to inferior commanders. "You should," he added, "personally display the power and majesty of the imperial throne from close quarters at Lyons, not mixing yourself up with trifling tasks, but ready to deal with graver ones." 5.13. Prodigies had indeed occurred, but to avert them either by victims or by vows is held unlawful by a people which, though prone to superstition, is opposed to all propitiatory rites. Contending hosts were seen meeting in the skies, arms flashed, and suddenly the temple was illumined with fire from the clouds. of a sudden the doors of the shrine opened and a superhuman voice cried: "The gods are departing": at the same moment the mighty stir of their going was heard. Few interpreted these omens as fearful; the majority firmly believed that their ancient priestly writings contained the prophecy that this was the very time when the East should grow strong and that men starting from Judea should possess the world. This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, as is the way of human ambition, interpreted these great destinies in their own favour, and could not be turned to the truth even by adversity. We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death. Such was the city and people against which Titus Caesar now proceeded; since the nature of the ground did not allow him to assault or employ any sudden operations, he decided to use earthworks and mantlets; the legions were assigned to their several tasks, and there was a respite of fighting until they made ready every device for storming a town that the ancients had ever employed or modern ingenuity invented. |
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| 123. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 35.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •fortuna, fickleness of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 138 |
124. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna •servius tullius, and fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 171| 22.2. πυρὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔδοσαν τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ κωλύσαντος, ὡς λέγεται, δύο δὲ ποιησάμενοι λιθίνας σοροὺς ὑπὸ τὸ Ἰάνοκλον ἔθηκαν, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχουσαν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ἃς ἐγράψατο μὲν αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τοὺς κύρβεις, ἐκδιδάξας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔτι ζῶν τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ πάντων ἕξιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐνεργασάμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐκέλευσε συνταφῆναι μετὰ τοῦ σώματος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐν ἀψύχοις γράμμασι φρουρουμένων τῶν ἀπορρήτων. | 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. |
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125. Tacitus, Annals, 1.1.1, 1.3.3, 1.3.5, 1.10-1.11, 1.10.6, 1.10.8, 1.11.1, 1.14.2, 1.24, 1.28.2, 1.55.3, 1.72.1-1.72.2, 1.73.4, 1.74, 1.76, 1.76.1, 2.5.1, 2.8.1, 2.26.2-2.26.5, 2.32.1, 2.37, 2.38.3, 2.41.1-2.41.3, 2.53.2, 2.54.2, 2.54.4, 2.59.2, 2.60.3-2.60.4, 2.69.1, 2.71.1-2.71.3, 2.72.1, 2.75.1-2.75.2, 2.83, 2.83.1-2.83.3, 2.84.1, 3.2.1, 3.5.1, 3.6.2-3.6.3, 3.18.2, 3.18.4, 3.18.7, 3.19.2, 3.54.2, 3.55.5, 3.56-3.64, 3.56.4, 3.57.2-3.57.4, 3.63.3, 3.64.3, 3.66.1, 3.66.3, 3.71, 3.71.2, 3.72.3, 4.1-4.3, 4.1.1-4.1.2, 4.2.3, 4.6.1, 4.8.5, 4.9.1-4.9.2, 4.15.2-4.15.3, 4.16.1-4.16.4, 4.26, 4.37.1, 4.37.3, 4.38.3, 4.57, 4.58.2-4.58.3, 4.64.1, 4.68-4.70, 4.70.3-4.70.4, 4.74.1-4.74.2, 5.3.2, 5.22, 6.2, 6.3.2, 6.5.1-6.5.2, 6.6, 6.7.3, 6.8.3-6.8.5, 6.12.2, 6.20.2, 6.22, 6.22.1-6.22.4, 6.28.1-6.28.6, 6.46, 6.46.3, 11.1, 11.11.2-11.11.3, 11.15, 11.15.2, 11.21, 11.25.5, 12.8.1, 12.25, 12.26.1-12.26.2, 12.27.1, 12.41.2, 12.42.2, 12.43, 12.43.2, 12.64, 12.64.1, 13.17.1, 13.41.4, 13.45.2, 13.57.3, 13.58, 14.1.1, 14.5.1, 14.5.3, 14.6.1-14.6.2, 14.10.1-14.10.3, 14.11.2-14.11.3, 14.12, 14.12.1-14.12.2, 14.13.1, 14.22.1, 14.32.1, 14.61.1, 15.18.1, 15.23.1-15.23.3, 15.33.3, 15.34.1, 15.53, 15.53.2-15.53.3, 15.54.1, 15.55.1-15.55.2, 15.60.4, 15.72, 15.74, 15.74.1-15.74.3, 16.1.1, 16.3.2, 16.5.3, 16.6.1-16.6.2, 16.13, 16.13.1-16.13.2, 16.16.2, 16.19, 16.21.1-16.21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 238| 4.3. Ceterum plena Caesarum domus, iuvenis filius, nepotes adulti moram cupitis adferebant; et quia vi tot simul corripere intutum dolus intervalla scelerum poscebat. placuit tamen occultior via et a Druso incipere, in quem recenti ira ferebatur. nam Drusus impatiens aemuli et animo commotior orto forte iurgio intenderat Seiano manus et contra tendentis os verberaverat. igitur cuncta temptanti promptissimum visum ad uxorem eius Liviam convertere, quae soror Germanici, formae initio aetatis indecorae, mox pulchritudine praecellebat. hanc ut amore incensus adulterio pellexit, et postquam primi flagitii potitus est (neque femina amissa pudicitia alia abnuerit), ad coniugii spem, consortium regni et necem mariti impulit. atque illa, cui avunculus Augustus, socer Tiberius, ex Druso liberi, seque ac maiores et posteros municipali adultero foedabat ut pro honestis et praesentibus flagitiosa et incerta expectaret. sumitur in conscientiam Eudemus, amicus ac medicus Liviae, specie artis frequens secretis. pellit domo Seianus uxorem Apicatam, ex qua tres liberos genuerat, ne paelici suspectaretur. sed magnitudo facinoris metum, prolationes, diversa interdum consilia adferebat. 4.3. Dictis dein sententiis ut Serenus more maiorum puniretur, quo molliret invidiam, intercessit. Gallus Asinius cum Gyaro aut Donusa claudendum censeret, id quoque aspernatus est, egenam aquae utramque insulam referens dandosque vitae usus cui vita concederetur. ita Serenus Amorgum reportatur. et quia Cornutus sua manu ceciderat, actum de praemiis accusatorum abolendis, si quis maiestatis postulatus ante perfectum iudicium se ipse vita privavisset. ibaturque in eam sententiam ni durius con- traque morem suum palam pro accusatoribus Caesar inritas leges, rem publicam in praecipiti conquestus esset: subverterent potius iura quam custodes eorum amoverent. sic delatores, genus hominum publico exitio repertum et ne poenis quidem umquam satis coercitum, per praemia eliciebantur. | 4.3. Still, the imperial house with its plentitude of Caesars â a son arrived at manhood, grandchildren at the years of discretion â gave his ambition pause: for to attack all at once by violence was hazardous, while treachery demanded an interval between crime and crime. He resolved, however, to take the more secret way, and to begin with Drusus, against whom he felt the stimulus of a recent anger; for Drusus, impatient of a rival, and quick-tempered to a fault, had in a casual altercation raised his hand against the favourite, and, upon a counter-demonstration, had struck him in the face. On exploring the possibilities, then, it appeared simplest to turn to the prince's wife Livia, sister of Germanicus, in her early days a harsh-favoured girl, later a sovereign beauty. In the part of a fiery lover, he seduced her to adultery: then, when the first infamy had been achieved â and a woman, who has parted with her virtue, will not refuse other demands â he moved her to dream of marriage, a partnership in the empire, and the murder of her husband. And she, the grand-niece of Augustus, the daughter-inâlaw of Tiberius, the mother of Drusus' children, defiled herself, her ancestry, and her posterity, with a market-town adulterer, in order to change an honoured estate in the present for the expectation of a criminal and doubtful future. Eudemus, doctor and friend of Livia, was made privy to the danger, his profession supplying a pretext for repeated interviews. Sejanus, to forestall the suspicions of his mistress, closed his doors on Apicata, the wife who had borne him three children. Still the dimensions of the crime brought tremors, adjournments, and occasionally a division of counsels. |
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| 126. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 135 |
| 127. Suetonius, Tiberius, 15.1, 67.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae •fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 188; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 216 |
| 128. Suetonius, Nero, 34.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna publica Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 300 |
| 129. Suetonius, Iulius, 59 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 111 |
| 130. Suetonius, Domitianus, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 75 |
| 131. Suetonius, Caligula, 24.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 135 |
| 132. Suetonius, Augustus, 29.2, 35.3, 43.4, 92.1-92.2, 94.11, 98.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 272; Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 108; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 146; Rutledge (2012) 132, 209; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 5 |
| 133. Statius, Siluae, 2.2, 4.6.59-4.6.88 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 128; Rutledge (2012) 135 |
| 134. Silius Italicus, Punica, 12.283-12.284, 14.641-14.665 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, fickleness of •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 128; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 102 |
| 135. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 55.3-55.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, temple of (domus aurea) Found in books: Fertik (2019) 71 |
| 136. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 9.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 23 |
| 137. Tacitus, Agricola, 13.3, 42.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •fortuna, fickleness of •fortuna, as situation •fortuna, fortuna Found in books: Davies (2004) 173; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 20, 334 |
| 138. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 171 |
139. Plutarch, Sulla, 26.1-26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 67| 26.1. ἀναχθεὶς δὲ πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐξ Ἐφέσου τριταῖος ἐν Πειραιεῖ καθωρμίσθη καὶ μυηθεὶς ἐξεῖλεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν Ἀπελλικῶνος τοῦ Τηΐου βιβλιοθήκην, ἐν ᾗ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου βιβλίων ἦν, οὔπω τότε σαφῶς γνωριζόμενα τοῖς πολλοῖς, λέγεται δὲ κομισθείσης αὐτῆς εἰς Ῥώμην Τυραννίωνα τὸν γραμματικὸν ἐνσκευάσασθαι τὰ πολλά, καὶ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Ῥόδιον Ἀνδρόνικον εὐπορήσαντα τῶν ἀντιγράφων εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ἀναγράψαι τοὺς νῦν φερομένους πίνακας. 26.2. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι Περιπατητικοὶ φαίνονται μὲν καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς γενόμενοι χαρίεντες καὶ φιλολόγοι, τῶν δὲ Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου γραμμάτων οὔτε πολλοῖς οὔτε ἀκριβῶς ἐντετυχηκότες διὰ τὸ τὸν Νηλέως τοῦ Σκηψίου κλῆρον, ᾧ τὰ βιβλία κατέλιπε Θεόφραστος, εἰς ἀφιλοτίμους καὶ ἰδιώτας ἀνθρώπους περιγενέσθαι. | 26.1. 26.2. |
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| 140. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 2.34, 5.94 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tyche/fortuna (isis) Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 124 |
141. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.43, 31.47-31.53, 31.71, 31.99, 31.105-31.106, 31.112, 31.155 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 | 31.43. "Yes," you say, "for the majority of them are Romans and who would think of touching them? But those who stand beside them here are Macedonians, while these over here are Spartans, and by heavens, it is these we touch." And yet all that stood here formerly, or the most of them at any rate, you will admit were erected in acknowledgement of a benefaction, whereas of those now receiving honour many are being courted owing to their political power. Now the question which of the two classes has the greater right to be held in higher regard I will pass over; but this further question, which of the two classes â assuming that the honours granted are not to belong rightfully to all â can more reasonably be expected to take them on the basis of so uncertain a title, this question, I say, even these men themselves know well how to answer. For all know how much more permanent a benefaction is than power, for there is no strength which time does not destroy, but it destroys no benefaction. 31.47. Now perhaps some one will say that the statues belong to the city. Yes, and the land also belongs to the city, but none the less every one who possesses any has full authority over what is his own. Speaking in a political sense, if anyone inquires who owns the Island or who owns Caria, he will be told that the Rhodians own it. But if you ask in a different sense about this specific estate here or this field, it is clear that you will learn the name of the private owner. So also with the statues; in a general sense men say that they belong to the people of Rhodes, but in the particular or special sense they say that this or that statue belongs to So-andâso or to So-andâso, naming whatever man it has been given to. And yet, whereas in the case of estates, houses, and other possessions, you cannot learn who owns them unless you inquire, the statue has an inscription on it and preserves not only the name but also the lineaments of the man to whom it was first given, so that it is possible to step near and at once know whose it is. I refer to those on which the truth is still given. 31.48. Moreover, the plea that they stand on public property is most absurd, if this is really held to be an indication that they do not belong to those who received them, but to the city. Why, if that be true, it will be possible to say that also the things which are on sale in the centre of the market-place belong to the commonwealth, and that the boats, no doubt, do belong, not to their possessors, but to the city, just because they are lying in the harbours. Then, too, an argument which I heard a man advance, as a very strong one in support of that position, I am not disposed to conceal from you: he said that you have made an official list of your statues. What, pray, is the significance of that? Why, the country lying opposite us, Carpathos yonder, the mainland, the other islands, and in general many possessions can be found which the city has listed in its public records, but they have been parcelled out among individuals. 31.49. And in fine, even if each man who has been honoured does not in this sense 'possess' his statue as he would possess anything else he has acquired, it cannot for that reason be said that it belongs to him any the less or that he suffers no wrong when you give his statue to another. For you will find countless senses in which we say that a thing 'belongs' to an individual and very different senses too, for instance, a priesthood, a public office, a wife, citizenship, none of which their possessors are at liberty either to sell or to use in any way they like. 31.50. But certainly a common principle of justice is laid down in regard to them all, to the effect that anything whatsoever which any one has received justly â whether he happens to have got it once for all or for a specified time, just as, for instance, he obtains public offices â that is his secure possession and nobody can deprive him of it. How, then, is it possible to have anything more justly, than when a man who has proved himself good and worthy of gratitude receives honour in return for many noble deeds? Or from whom could he receive it that has fuller authority and is greater than the democracy of Rhodes and your city? For it is no trifling consideration that it was not the Calymnians who gave it, or those ill-advised Caunians; just as in private business the better and more trustworthy you prove the man to be from whom you obtain any possession, the stronger your title to it is, and by so much more no one can dispute it. Yet any city which one might mention is in every way better and more trustworthy than one private citizen, even if he has the highest standing, and arrangements made by the state are more binding than those which are negotiated privately. 31.51. Then consider, further, that all men regard those agreements as having greater validity which are made with the sanction of the state and are entered in the city's records; and it is impossible for anything thus administered to be annulled, either in case one buys a piece of land from another, a boat or a slave, or if a man makes a loan to another, or frees a slave, or makes gift to any one. How in the world, then, has it come to pass that these transactions carry a greater security than any other? It is because the man who has handled any affair of his in this way has made the city a witness to the transaction. 31.52. In heaven's name, will it then be true that, while anything a person may get from a private citizen by acting through the state cannot possibly be taken from him, yet what one has received, not only by a state decree, but also as a gift of the people, shall not be inalienable? And whereas an action taken in this way by anybody else will never be annulled by the authority of the state, yet shall the state, in the offhand way we observe here, cancel what it has itself done? â and that too, not by taking it away in the same manner in which it was originally given, that is, by the commonwealth officially, but by letting one man, if he happens to be your chief magistrate, have the power to do so? 31.53. And besides, there are official records of those transactions of which I have spoken; for the decrees by which honours are given are recorded, I take it, and remain on public record for all time. For though repaying a favour is so strictly guarded among you, yet taking it back from the recipients is practised with no formality at all. Then, while the one action cannot be taken except by a decree passed by you as a body, yet the other comes to pass by a sort of custom, even though it is the will of only one person. Note, however, that, as I said, these matters have been recorded officially, not only in the decrees, but also upon the statues themselves, on which we find both the name of the man who received the honour and the statement that the assembly has bestowed it, and, again, that these statues are set up on public property. 31.71. Come, then, if any one were to question the magistrate who is set over you, who commands that the inscription be erased and another man's name engraved in its place, asking: "What does this mean? Ye gods, has this man been found guilty of having done the city some terrible wrong so many years after the deed?" In heaven's name, do you not think that he would be deterred, surely if he is a man of common decency? For my part I think that even the mason will blush for shame. And then if children or kinsmen of the great man should happen to appear, what floods of tears do you think they will shed when some one begins to obliterate the name? 31.99. Neither can we be so sure, moreover, that such treatment might not be brought about by some persons through hatred, I mean if it so happens that one of your chief magistrates has a grudge against any of his predecessors. You have heard how the Theagenes incident, at any rate, grew out of political envy and jealousy. For even if they urge that now they follow this practice only in the case of the old statues, yet as time goes on, just as ever happens in the case of all bad habits, this one too will of necessity grow worse and worse. The reason is that it is utterly impossible to call the culprit to account because the whole business from first to last lies in his hands. "Yes, by heavens," you say, "but the kinsmen will certainly put a stop to it." Well then, if the kinsmen happen to be absent or to have had no knowledge of the matter, what do we propose to do when they do learn of it? Will it be necessary to chisel out again the man's name which someone has been in a hurry to insert? 31.105. So much for that. Well then, neither can it be said that the persons you honour are more numerous; for the mere number of the statues standing which date from that time reveals the truth. And apart from that, who would say that those who are zealous to serve the state are now more numerous than then? Oh yes! you may say, "but we simply must honour the commanders who rule over us, one and all." What of it? Do not also the Athenians, Spartans, Byzantines, and Mytilenaeans pay court to these same? But nevertheless, whenever they decide to set up in bronze one of these, they do so, and they manage to find the cost. 31.106. Indeed I once heard a certain Rhodian remark â "The position of those people is not comparable to ours. For all that they, the Athenians excepted, possess is liberty and the Athenians have no great possessions either; but our city is the envy of all because it is the most prosperous, and consequently it needs a greater number of loyal friends. Furthermore, none of the Romans particularly cares to have a statue among those peoples, but they do not despise that honour here." 31.112. Then again, whereas the Eleans, who are not superior in other respects to any of the other Peloponnesians, put so high a value upon their own position, are you Rhodians so afraid of all your casual visitors that you think if you fail to set up some one person in bronze, you will lose your freedom? But if your freedom is in so precarious a state that it can be stripped from you on any petty pretext, it would in every way be better for you to be slaves forthwith. So too when men's bodies are so dangerously ill that there is no longer hope for their recovery, death is better than life. 31.155. For instance, many people assert that the statues of the Rhodians are like actors. For just as every actor makes his entrance as one character at one time and at another as another, so likewise your statues assume different rôles at different times and stand almost as if they were acting a part. For instance, one and the same statue, they say, is at one time a Greek, at another time a Roman, and later on, if it so happens, a Macedonian or a Persian; and what is more, with some statues the deception is so obvious that the beholder at once is aware of the deceit. For in fact, clothing, foot-gear, and everything else of that kind expose the fraud. |
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| 142. Anon., 2 Baruch, 83.10-83.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 253, 267 |
| 143. Plutarch, Marius, 26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, huiusce diei Found in books: Clark (2007) 128 |
| 144. Plutarch, Marcellus, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 33 |
145. Plutarch, Lucullus, 42.1-42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 67| 42.1. σπουδῆς δʼ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν, ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας. 42.2. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συνεσχόλαζεν αὐτὸς ἐμβάλλων εἰς τοὺς περιπάτους τοῖς φιλολόγοις καὶ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς συνέπραττεν ὅτου δέοιντο· καὶ ὅλως ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς Ῥώμην. φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πᾶσαν μὲν ἠσπάζετο καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν εὐμενὴς ἦν καὶ οἰκεῖος, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔρωτα καὶ ζῆλον ἔσχεν, οὐ τῆς νέας λεγομένης, 42.3. καίπερ ἀνθούσης τότε τοῖς Καρνεάδου λόγοις διὰ Φίλωνος, ἀλλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς, πιθανὸν ἄνδρα καὶ δεινὸν εἰπεῖν τότε προστάτην ἐχούσης τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην Ἀντίοχον, ὃν πάσῃ σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος φίλον ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ συμβιωτὴν ἀντέταττε τοῖς Φίλωνος ἀκροαταῖς, ὧν καὶ Κικέρων ἦν. 42.4. καὶ σύγγραμμά γε πάγκαλον ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταλήψεως λόγον Λουκούλλῳ περιτέθεικεν, αὑτῷ δὲ τὸν ἐναντίον. Λούκουλλος δʼ ἀναγέγραπται τὸ βιβλίον. ἦσαν δʼ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φίλοι σφόδρα καὶ κοινωνοὶ τῆς ἐν πολιτείᾳ προαιρέσεως· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὖ πάμπαν ἀπηλλάχει τῆς πολιτείας ἑαυτὸν ὁ Λούκουλλος, | 42.1. 42.2. 42.3. 42.4. |
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146. New Testament, Luke, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 146, 253| 1.49. ὅτι ἐποίησέν μοι μεγάλα ὁ δυνατός, καὶ ἅγιον τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, | 1.49. For he who is mighty has done great things for me. Holy is his name. |
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147. Anon., Acts of Thomas, 108-109, 111-113, 110 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 127 | 110. But when this befell me, my fathers also were ware of it, and grieved for me and a proclamation was published in our kingdom, that all should meet at our doors. And then the kings of Parthia and they that bare office and the great ones of the East made a resolve concerning me, that I should not be left in Egypt, and the princes wrote unto me signifying thus (and every noble signed his name to it, Syr.): From the (thy) Father the King of kings, and thy mother that ruleth the East, and thy brother that is second unto us; unto our son that is in Egypt, peace. Rise up and awake out of sleep, and hearken unto the words of the letter and remember that thou art a son of kings; lo, thou hast come under the yoke of bondage. Remember the pearl for the which thou wast sent into Egypt (Gr. puts this after 46). Remember thy garment spangled with gold, [AND the and thyself deck shouldest thou wherewith wear which mantle glorious] Thy name is named in the book of life, and with thy brother whom thou hast received [THOU be shalt] in our kingdom. |
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| 148. Palestinian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 149. Palestinian Talmud, Sukkah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 150. Palestinian Talmud, Sheviit, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
151. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.44.7, 2.4.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna muliebris •tyche/fortuna (isis) Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 239; Panoussi(2019) 259| 1.44.7. λόγοι δέ εἰσιν ἐς τὰς πέτρας, αἳ κατὰ τὸ στενὸν τῆς ὁδοῦ μάλιστα ἀνέχουσιν, ἐς μὲν τὴν Μολουρίδα, ὡς ἀπὸ ταύτης αὑτὴν ἐς θάλασσαν Ἰνὼ ῥίψαι Μελικέρτην ἔχουσα τῶν παίδων τὸν νεώτερον· τὸν γὰρ δὴ πρεσβύτερον αὐτῶν Λέαρχον ἀπέκτεινεν ὁ πατήρ. λέγεται μὲν δὴ καὶ μανέντα δρᾶσαι ταῦτα Ἀθάμαντα, λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὡς ἐς τὴν Ἰνὼ καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς παῖδας χρήσαιτο ἀκρατεῖ τῷ θυμῷ τὸν συμβάντα Ὀρχομενίοις λιμὸν καὶ τὸν δοκοῦντα Φρίξου θάνατον αἰσθόμενος, οὗ τὸ θεῖον αἴτιον οὐ γενέσθαι, βουλεῦσαι δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις πᾶσιν Ἰνὼ μητρυιὰν οὖσαν· 2.4.6. ἀνιοῦσι δὲ ἐς τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον—ἡ δέ ἐστιν ὄρους ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν κορυφή, Βριάρεω μὲν Ἡλίῳ δόντος αὐτὴν ὅτε ἐδίκαζεν, Ἡλίου δὲ ὡς οἱ Κορίνθιοί φασιν Ἀφροδίτῃ παρέντος—ἐς δὴ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον τοῦτον ἀνιοῦσίν ἐστιν Ἴσιδος τεμένη, ὧν τὴν μὲν Πελαγίαν, τὴν δὲ Αἰγυπτίαν αὐτῶν ἐπονομάζουσιν, καὶ δύο Σαράπιδος, ἐν Κανώβῳ καλουμένου τὸ ἕτερον. μετὰ δὲ αὐτὰ Ἡλίῳ πεποίηνται βωμοί, καὶ Ἀνάγκης καὶ Βίας ἐστὶν ἱερόν· ἐσιέναι δὲ ἐς αὐτὸ οὐ νομίζουσιν. | 1.44.7. There are legends about the rocks, which rise especially at the narrow part of the road. As to the Molurian, it is said that from it Ino flung her self into the sea with Melicertes, the younger of her children. Learchus, the elder of them, had been killed by his father. One account is that Athamas did this in a fit of madness; another is that he vented on Ino and her children unbridled rage when he learned that the famine which befell the Orchomenians and the supposed death of Phrixus were not accidents from heaven, but that Ino, the step-mother, had intrigued for all these things. 2.4.6. The Acrocorinthus is a mountain peak above the city, assigned to Helius by Briareos when he acted as adjudicator, and handed over, the Corinthians say, by Helius to Aphrodite. As you go up this Acrocorinthus you see two precincts of Isis, one if Isis surnamed Pelagian (Marine) and the other of Egyptian Isis, and two of Serapis, one of them being of Serapis called “in Canopus .” After these are altars to Helius, and a sanctuary of Necessity and Force, into which it is not customary to enter. |
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| 152. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.1.6, 14.7.7, 14.7.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae •fortuna, fickleness of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 5 |
| 153. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1, 3, 1, 19, 2-3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan |
| 154. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 55 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 33 |
| 155. Aelian, Varia Historia, 12.41 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 132 |
| 156. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 174 |
| 157. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.9.1-1.9.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 48 |
| 158. Lucian, The Hall, 6, 21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 33 |
| 159. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 1.7.3-1.7.5, 1.13.3-1.13.4, 2.8.2, 5.5, 5.5.1, 5.7.8-5.7.9, 5.10.2-5.10.3, 6.4.3-6.4.4, 8.15.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 69, 76; Pinheiro et al (2012a) 119 |
| 160. Nag Hammadi, The Apocryphon of John, 25.16-30.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 154 |
| 161. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.9.1-1.9.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 48 |
162. Tertullian, On The Games, 8.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 328| 8.1. credendo de cygno Iove non erubescunt. Delphines Neptuno vomunt, columnae Sessias a sementationibus, Messias a messibus, Tutulinas a tutela fructuum sustinent; ante eas tres arae trinis deis parent, Magnis Potentibus valentibus. Eosdem Samothracas existimant. Obelisci enormitas, ut Hermateles affirmat, Soli prostituta. Scriptura eius unde eius et census: de Aegypto superstitio est. Frigebat daemonum concilium sine sua Matre Magna; ea itaque illic praesidet euripo. Consus, ut diximus, apud metas sub terra delitescit Murcias. Eas quoque idolum fecit: Murciam enim deam amoris volunt, cui in illa parte aedem voverunt. Animadverte, Christiane, quot nomina inmunda posscderint circum. Aliena est tibi religio, quam tot diaboli spiritus occupaverunt. De locis quidem locus est retractandi ad praeveniendam quorundam interrogationem. Quid enim, inquis, si alio in tempore circum adiero, periclitabor de inquinamento? Nulla est praescriptio de locis. Nam non sola ista conciliabula spectaculorum, sed etiam templa ipsa sine periculo disciplinae adire servus dei potest urguente causa simplici dumtaxat, quae non pertineat ad proprium eius loci negotium vel officium. Ceterum et plateae et forum et balneae et stabula et ipsae domus nostrae sine idolis omnino non sunt: totum saeculum satanas et angeli eius repleverunt. Non tamen quod in saeculo sumus, a deo excidimus, sed si quid de saeculi criminibus attigerimus. Proinde si Capitolium, si Serapeum sacrificator vel adorator intravero, a deo excidam, quemadmodum circum vel theatrum spectator. Loca nos non contamit per se, sed quae in locis fiunt, a quibus et ipsa loca contaminari altercati sumus: de contaminatis contaminamur. Propterea autem commemoramus, quibus eiusmodi loca dicentur ut eorum demonstremus esse quae in iis locis fiunt, quibus ipsa loca dicantur. | |
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| 163. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 23 |
| 164. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 1.2.2, 1.4, 2.5.6-2.5.7, 3.1.4, 4.2.13, 5.5.2-5.5.3, 5.5.6, 5.8.2, 6.3.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 69, 76 |
| 165. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 5.6.3-5.6.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 23 |
| 166. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 2.16.7 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 76 |
167. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 11.13, 30.3-30.4, 37.17.2, 41.39.2, 43.45.3-43.45.4, 50.23.2, 50.29.1-50.29.4, 50.30.3-50.30.4, 51.6, 51.13-51.14, 53.30.4, 54.8.3, 54.30.1, 55.2.1, 55.10.3-55.10.4, 56.31.3, 58.7.2-58.7.3, 59.22.7, 61.14.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 36 | 51.14. 1. No one knows clearly in what way she perished, for the only marks on her body were slight pricks on the arm. Some say she applied to herself an asp which had been brought in to her in a water-jar, or perhaps hidden in some flowers.,2. Others declare that she had smeared a pin, with which she was wont to fasten her hair, with some poison possessed of such a property that in ordinary circumstances it would not injure the body at all, but if it came into contact with even a drop of blood would destroy the body very quietly and painlessly; and that previous to this time she had worn it in her hair as usual, but now had made a slight scratch on her arm and had dipped the pin in the blood.,3. In this or in some very similar way she perished, and her two handmaidens with her. As for the eunuch, he had of his own accord delivered himself up to the serpents at the very time of Cleopatra's arrest, and after being bitten by them had leaped into a coffin already prepared for him. When Caesar heard of Cleopatra's death, he was astounded, and not only viewed her body but also made use of drugs and Psylli in the hope that she might revive.,4. These Psylli are males, for there is no woman born in their tribe, and they have the power to suck out any poison of any reptile, if use is made of them immediately, before the victim dies; and they are not harmed themselves when bitten by any such creature.,5. They are propagated from one another and they test their offspring either by having them thrown among serpents as soon as they are born or else by having their swaddling-clothes thrown upon serpents; for the reptiles in the one case do no harm to the child, and in the other case are benumbed by its clothing.,6. So much for this matter. But Caesar, when he could not in any way resuscitate Cleopatra, felt both admiration and pity for her, and was excessively grieved on his own account, as if he had been deprived of all the glory of his victory. |
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| 168. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 2.9, 2.58, 2.89 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia •fortuna Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 60, 73 |
| 169. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 2.8.17 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 128 |
170. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 1.6, 2.4, 3.9, 6.4, 9.1, 9.10-9.13, 9.31, 11.5, 11.17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008) 297 | 11.5. “Behold, Lucius, I have come! Your weeping and prayers have moved me to succor you. I am she who is the natural mother of all things, mistress and governess of all the elements, the initial progeny of worlds, chief of powers divine, queen of heaven! I am the principal of the celestial gods, the light of the goddesses. At my will the planets of the heavens, the wholesome winds of the seas, and the silences of hell are disposed. My name and my divinity is adored throughout all the world in diverse manners. I am worshipped by various customs and by many names. The Phrygians call me the mother of the gods. The Athenians, Minerva. The Cyprians, Venus. The Cretans, Diana. The Sicilians, Proserpina. The Eleusians, Ceres. Some call me Juno, other Bellona, and yet others Hecate. And principally the Aethiopians who dwell in the Orient, and the Aegyptians who are excellent in all kind of ancient doctrine and by their proper ceremonies are accustomed to worship me, call me Queen Isis. Behold, I have come to take pity of your fortune and tribulation. Behold, I am present to favor and aid you. Leave off your weeping and lamentation, put away all your sorrow. For behold, the day which is ordained by my providence is at hand. Therefore be ready to attend to my command. This day which shall come after this night is dedicated to my service by an eternal religion. My priests and ministers are accustomed, after the tempests of the sea have ceased, to offer in my name a new ship as a first fruit of my navigation. I command you not to profane or despise the sacrifice in any way. |
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| 171. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 1.2.8, 1.4.1-1.4.11, 1.6.1-1.6.3, 1.7.1-1.7.8, 1.63.9, 2.2.1-2.2.2, 2.5.5, 2.6.1, 2.7.1-2.7.4, 2.18.3, 3.4.1-3.4.6, 6.56.6-6.56.15, 8.1-8.2, 8.5-8.9, 8.20.9-8.20.10, 10.9-10.10, 16.30.8, 21.25.8, 36.17.1-36.17.15, 38.1.1, 38.22, 39.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 115 |
172. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tyche (fortuna) Found in books: Levine (2005) 482| 22a. אין מתחילין בפרשה פחות משלשה פסוקים ליקרי תרי מהא ותלתא מהך פשו להו תרי,אמר לו זו לא שמעתי כיוצא בה שמעתי דתנן ביום הראשון בראשית ויהי רקיע ותני עלה בראשית בשנים יהי רקיע באחד,והוינן בה בשלמא יהי רקיע באחד דתלתא פסוקי הוו אלא בראשית בשנים חמשה פסוקי הוו ותניא הקורא בתורה לא יפחות משלשה פסוקים,ואיתמר עלה רב אמר דולג ושמואל אמר פוסק,רב אמר דולג מאי טעמא לא אמר פוסק קסבר כל פסוקא דלא פסקיה משה אנן לא פסקינן ליה,ושמואל אמר פסקינן ליה והא אמר רבי חנניא קרא צער גדול היה לי אצל רבי חנינא הגדול ולא התיר לי לפסוק אלא לתינוקות של בית רבן הואיל ולהתלמד עשויין,התם טעמא מאי משום דלא אפשר הכא נמי לא אפשר,ושמואל אמר פוסק מאי טעמא לא אמר דולג גזירה משום הנכנסין ומשום היוצאין,מיתיבי פרשה של ששה פסוקים קורין אותה בשנים ושל חמשה פסוקים ביחיד קרא ראשון שלשה השני קורא שנים מפרשה זו ואחד מפרשה אחרת ויש אומרים שלשה לפי שאין מתחילין בפרשה פחות משלשה פסוקים,ואם איתא למאן דאמר דולג נדלוג ולמאן דאמר פוסק נפסוק,שאני התם דאפשר בהכי,אמר רבי תנחום אמר ריב"ל הלכה כיש אומרים ואמר רבי תנחום אמר ריב"ל כשם שאין מתחילין בפרשה פחות מג' פסוקים כך אין משיירין בפרשה פחות משלשה פסוקים,פשיטא השתא ומה אתחלתא דקא מקיל תנא קמא מחמירי יש אומרים שיור דמחמיר ת"ק לא כ"ש דמחמירי יש אומרים,מהו דתימא נכנסין שכיחי יוצאין לא שכיחי דמנחי ספר תורה ונפקי קמ"ל,ות"ק מ"ש שיורי דלא משום יוצאין אתחולי נמי גזירה משום הנכנסין אמרי מאן דעייל שיולי שייל,שלח ליה רבה בריה דרבא לרב יוסף הלכתא מאי שלח ליה הלכתא דולג ואמצעי דולגן:,זה הכלל כל שיש בו מוסף וכו': איבעיא להו תענית צבור בכמה ראש חדש ומועד דאיכא קרבן מוסף ארבעה אבל הכא דליכא קרבן מוסף לא או דלמא הכא נמי איכא מוסף תפלה,ת"ש בראשי חדשים ובחולו של מועד קורין ארבעה הא בתענית צבור ג' אימא רישא בשני ובחמישי ובשבת במנחה קורין ג' הא תענית צבור ארבעה אלא מהא ליכא למישמע מינה,ת"ש דרב איקלע לבבל בתענית צבור קם קרא בסיפרא פתח בריך חתים ולא בריך נפול כולי עלמא אאנפייהו ורב לא נפל על אפיה,מכדי רב בישראל קרא מאי טעמא חתם ולא בריך לאו משום דבעי למיקרי אחרינא בתריה,לא רב בכהני קרא דהא רב הונא קרי בכהני,בשלמא רב הונא קרי בכהני דהא אפילו רב אמי ורב אסי דכהני חשיבי דארעא ישראל מיכף כייפו ליה לרב הונא אלא רב הא איכא שמואל דכהנא הוה ודבר עליה,שמואל נמי מיכף הוה כייף ליה לרב ורב הוא דעבד ליה כבוד וכי עביד ליה בפניו שלא בפניו לא עביד ליה,הכי נמי מסתברא דרב בכהני קרא דאי סלקא דעתך בישראל קרא לפניה מאי טעמא בריך לאחר תקנה,אי הכי לאחריה נמי לבריך שאני היכא דיתיב רב דמיעל עיילי | 22a. b one may not begin /b a new b paragraph /b and read b fewer than three verses /b from it. And if you say b he should read two /b verses b from this /b paragraph, i.e., the entire second paragraph, b and /b then b three /b verses b from that /b final paragraph, b only two /b verses will b remain /b from the final paragraph. This is problematic because one may not conclude a reading with fewer than three verses left until the end of a paragraph and because the fourth reader will not have a sufficient number of verses to read.,Rava b said to him: I have not heard /b a solution for b this /b problem from my teachers. However, b with regard to a similar /b problem b I heard /b a solution from them, b as we learned /b in a mishna ( i Ta’anit /i 26a): b On Sunday, /b the non-priestly watches would read two paragraphs from the Torah: b “In the beginning” /b (Genesis 1:1–5) b and “Let there be a firmament” /b (Genesis 1:6–8). b And it is taught in that regard /b that the paragraph b “In the beginning” /b was read b by two /b readers and the paragraph b “Let there be a firmament” by one /b reader., b And we discussed /b this ruling and raised difficulties with b it: Granted, /b the paragraph b “Let there be a firmament” /b was read b by one /b reader, b as it /b consists of b three verses. But /b how was the paragraph b “In the beginning” /b read b by two? /b It consists of only b five verses, and it was taught /b in a mishna (23b): b One who reads from the Torah should not /b read b fewer than three verses. /b , b And it was stated with regard to /b that mishna that the i amora’im /i disagreed about how to divide the verses. b Rav said: /b The second reader b repeats /b the last verse that the first reader had recited, so that each of them reads three verses. b And Shmuel said: /b The first reader b divides /b the third verse and reads half of it, and the second reader begins with the second half of that verse, as though each half were its own verse.,The Gemara explains the opinions of Rav and Shmuel. b Rav said /b that the second reader b repeats /b the last verse that the first reader recited. b What is the reason /b that b he did not state /b that the first reader b divides /b the third verse, in accordance with the opinion of Shmuel? The Gemara answers: b He holds /b that b any verse that Moses did not divide, we may not divide. /b ,The Gemara asks: b Does Shmuel say /b that b we may divide /b a verse into two parts? b Didn’t Rabbi Ḥaya Kara, /b the Bible expert, b say: I had great distress with Rabbi Ḥanina the Great; /b there were many times I had to ask his permission to divide a verse, b and he permitted me to divide /b it b only for the /b benefit of b schoolchildren, since they /b need b to be taught /b in this manner, as it is difficult for children to learn long verses all at once? In other cases, however it is prohibited to divide a verse.,The Gemara answers: b There, /b in the case of schoolchildren, b what is the reason /b that it is permitted to divide a verse? b Because it is not possible /b to teach the children without doing so. b Here, too, /b when a paragraph of five verses must be divided between two readers, b it is not possible /b to divide them without dividing the middle verse.,The Gemara now examines the opinion of Shmuel. b And Shmuel said: /b The first reader b divides /b the third verse and reads half of it. The Gemara asks: b What is the reason /b that b he did not state /b that the second reader b repeats /b the last verse recited by the first reader, in accordance with the opinion of Rav? The Gemara answers: It is because of a rabbinic b decree /b that was instituted b due to those who enter and those who leave /b the synagogue between the readings. These individuals might erroneously conclude that since the reading they heard consisted of three verses, the reading they missed consisted of only two verses. Therefore, the middle verse is divided into two parts, so that all will realize that no reader recites only two verses.,The Gemara b raises an objection /b to the opinions of Rav and Shmuel from the following i baraita /i : b Two /b people may b read a paragraph of six verses, but /b a paragraph b of five /b verses may be read only by b a single /b reader. If b the first /b one b read three /b verses, b the second /b one b reads /b the remaining b two /b verses b from this paragraph /b and then b one /b verse b from another, /b i.e., the following, b paragraph. And some say /b that it does not suffice to read one verse from the next paragraph; rather, he must read b three /b verses, as b one may not begin /b a new b paragraph /b and read b fewer than three verses /b from it., b And if it is so, /b if it is permissible to do as Rav and Shmuel suggested, b according to the one who said /b that the second reader b repeats /b a verse that the previous reader recited, i.e., Rav, b let him repeat /b the verse in this case as well. b And according to the one who said /b that the second reader b divides /b the verse, i.e., Shmuel, b let him divide /b the verse in this case as well.,The Gemara answers: b There, /b in the case of the i baraita /i , b it is different, as it is possible to /b solve the problem b in this /b manner by reading additional verses. On the New Moon, however, the next paragraph deals with an entirely different subject, and consequently it cannot be included in the Torah reading. Therefore, Rav and Shmuel presented alternate solutions.,With regard to the dispute cited in the i baraita /i , b Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: The i halakha /i is in accordance with /b the opinion introduced by the phrase: b Some say, /b which maintains that at least three verses must be read from the next paragraph. b And /b furthermore, b Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: Just as one may not begin /b a new b paragraph /b and read b fewer than three verses /b from it, b so too, one may not leave fewer than three verses /b before the end of b a paragraph /b at the conclusion of a reading.,The Gemara challenges this statement: This b is obvious. Now, /b if with regard to b the beginning /b of a paragraph, where b the first i tanna /i is lenient /b and holds that it is sufficient to read one verse from the next paragraph, the opinion introduced with the phrase: b Some say, is stringent, /b then with regard to b leaving /b verses at the end of a paragraph, where even b the first i tanna /i is stringent /b and holds that one may not conclude a reading with fewer than three verses remaining until the end of a paragraph, is it b not all the more so /b obvious that the opinion introduced with: b Some say, is stringent? /b ,The Gemara answers: b Lest you say: Entering /b in the middle of the Torah reading b is common, /b and therefore one should not conclude a reading after having read fewer than three verses of a paragraph, but b leaving /b in the middle of the Torah reading, whereby one b abandons a Torah scroll and leaves, is not common, /b and therefore one may conclude a reading with fewer than three verses left in the paragraph, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi b teaches us /b that the second opinion cited in the i baraita /i is also concerned that people may leave in the middle of the Torah reading, and consequently one may not conclude a reading with fewer than three verses left in the paragraph.,The Gemara asks: b And /b according to b the first i tanna /i , what is different /b about b leaving /b fewer than three verses at the end of a paragraph, b which /b is b not /b permitted b due to /b concern about b those who leave /b the synagogue in the middle of the Torah reading? In the case of b beginning /b a paragraph without reading at least three verses, he should b also /b hold that there is a rabbinic b decree due to those who enter, /b lest the latecomer think that the previous reader read fewer than three verses. The Gemara responds: b Say /b in answer to this question that b one who enters /b in the middle of the Torah reading b asks /b how the Torah was read until then, and those present will explain to him that the reader started in the previous paragraph. Therefore, he will not erroneously think that the reader recited fewer than three verses., b Rabba, son of Rava, sent /b a messenger b to /b ask b Rav Yosef: What is the i halakha /i /b with regard to dividing a small Torah portion? Rav Yosef b sent him /b the following answer: b The i halakha /i is /b that b one repeats /b a verse, in accordance with the opinion of Rav, b and /b it is b the middle /b reader who b repeats /b it, and not the last reader, so that it will not be necessary to leave fewer than three verses until the end of the paragraph.,§ We learned in the mishna: b This is the principle: Any /b day b on which there is an additional offering /b sacrificed in the Temple and that is not a Festival, four people read from the Torah. b A dilemma was raised before /b the Sages: On b a public fast, how many /b people read from the Torah? Does the mishna mean to say that only on b the New Moon and /b the intermediate days of b a Festival, when there is an additional offering, four /b people read; b but here, /b on a public fast day, b when there is no additional offering, no, /b only three people read? b Or perhaps here, too, there is an additional prayer, /b as on public fast days the prayer: i Aneinu /i , is inserted into the i Amida /i prayer, and so too an additional reader is called to read from the Torah.,The Gemara attempts to adduce a proof: b Come /b and b hear that which /b we learned in the mishna: b On /b the days of the b New Moon and on the intermediate days of a Festival, four /b people b read /b from the Torah. b Doesn’t /b this indicate that b on a public fast, /b only b three /b people read? The Gemara responds: b Say the first clause /b of the mishna: b On Mondays and Thursdays /b during the morning service b and on Shabbat during the afternoon service, three /b people b read /b from the Torah. b Doesn’t /b this indicate that on b a public fast, four /b people read from the Torah? b Rather, /b it must be concluded that b nothing can be derived from this /b mishna with regard to a public fast day, as the mishna does not mean to indicate the i halakha /i in every possible case.,A different proof is now suggested. b Come /b and b hear /b the following incident: b Rav /b once b happened /b to come b to Babylonia on a public fast. He stood and read from /b a Torah b scroll. /b When b he began /b to read, b he recited a blessing, /b but when b he concluded, he did not recite a blessing. Everyone /b else b fell on their faces, /b i.e., bowed down on the floor, during the i Taḥanun /i supplication, as was the custom, b but Rav did not fall on his face. /b ,The Gemara attempts to clarify the i halakha /i based upon Rav’s conduct. b Now, Rav /b must have b read /b the portion that is designated for b an Israelite, /b as he was neither a priest nor a Levite, and therefore he was the third person to read from the Torah. b What, /b then, b is the reason /b that when b he concluded /b his reading b he did not recite a blessing? Was it not because another /b person b was to read after him, /b and since only the last reader recites a blessing, Rav did not recite a blessing upon completion of his portion? This would indicate that four readers are called to the Torah on public fasts.,The Gemara rejects this proof: b No, Rav read /b the first reading, which is generally designated for b priests. /b He was the leading Torah authority of his generation, and one who holds this position is called to read from the Torah even before a priest, b as Rav Huna would read /b the first reading, which is generally designated for b priests, /b and Rav would do the same.,The Gemara raises a difficulty: b Granted, Rav Huna read /b the portion designated for b priests, as even Rav Ami and Rav Asi, /b who were b the most esteemed priests in Eretz Yisrael, were subordinate to Rav Huna, /b and he was considered the undisputed rabbinic leader of the Jewish people. b However, /b in the case of b Rav, there was Shmuel, who was a priest, and /b Rav had b elevated /b him b above himself, /b showing Shmuel deference in all matters of honor. Consequently, Rav was not the singular leader of his generation and would not have read the first reading in place of a priest.,The Gemara answers: In fact, b Shmuel was also subordinate to Rav, /b as Rav was indeed the leading authority in Babylonia, b and it was Rav who showed /b Shmuel b honor /b of his own volition, in order to appease him for having cursed him. b And he did this /b only when Shmuel was b in his presence, /b but b when he was not in his presence, /b Rav b did not do this, /b and therefore Rav would read first from the Torah when Shmuel was not present.,The Gemara comments: b So too, it is reasonable /b to assume that b Rav read /b first b from /b the portion that is generally designated for b priests, because if it enters your mind to say /b that b he read /b third, b from /b the portion designated for b an /b ordinary b Israelite, what is the reason he recited a blessing before /b reading his portion? Only the first reader recites a blessing before reading from the Torah. The Gemara rejects this argument: This incident took place b after it was instituted /b that all those called to read from the Torah recite a blessing.,The Gemara asks: b If so, he should also have recited a blessing after /b his reading, as the rabbinic enactment requires those who read from the Torah to recite blessings both before and after their reading. The Gemara answers: The reason that the Sages required all the readers to recite blessings both before and after their readings was to prevent misunderstandings on the part of both those who enter the synagogue in the middle of the reading and those who leave early. But b it was different where Rav was present, as /b people b would enter /b the synagogue in the middle of the reading, |
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| 173. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 2.67 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis •fortuna virginalis (statue of) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 48, 142, 152; Radicke (2022) 359 |
| 174. Nag Hammadi, The Exegesis On The Soul, a b c d\n0 2.6) 2.6) 2 6) (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 127 |
175. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 14.6, 14.6.2-14.6.3, 14.9.6, 14.10.16, 14.11.8, 14.11.12, 14.11.19, 14.11.25-14.11.26, 14.11.29-14.11.30, 14.11.34, 15.5.1, 16.1, 17.12.4, 17.13.5, 17.13.7, 17.13.11, 18.6.6, 19.8.6, 20.4.13, 20.10.1, 21.5.13, 21.16.13-21.16.14, 21.16.21, 22.1.1, 22.3.12, 22.9.7, 22.15.24, 23.5.19, 24.4.24, 25.5.8, 25.7.5, 25.9.2, 25.9.7, 26.1.1, 26.2.9, 26.8.13, 26.9.9, 28.1.3-28.1.4, 28.2.7, 28.4, 29.1.15-29.1.16, 29.2.20, 30.5.18, 31.1.1, 31.4.9, 31.10.7, 31.13.19, 31.16.9 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, orbis romanae •fortuna, populi romani •fortuna, and the gods •fortuna, and uirtus •fortuna, fortuna •fortuna, reversals •fortuna, unpredictable •nemesis, and fortuna •fortuna, and nemesis •fortuna, technical device' •poets, and fortuna Found in books: Davies (2004) 228, 229, 235, 268, 269, 270, 276, 281 | 14.6.2. Now I think that some foreigners Here Ammianus, writing his History at Rome, classes himself as a Roman; see note on 6, 12, below, and Introd., p. xiv. who will perhaps read this work (if I shall be so fortunate) may wonder why it is that when the narrative turns to the description of what goes on at Rome, I tell of nothing save dissensions, taverns, and other similar vulgarities. Accordingly, I shall briefly touch upon the reasons, intending nowhere to depart intentionally from the truth. 14.6.3. At the time when Rome first began to rise into a position of world-wide splendour, destined to live so long as men shall exist, in order that she might grow to a towering stature, Virtue and Fortune, ordinarily at variance, formed a pact of eternal peace; for if either one of them had failed her, Rome had not come to complete supremacy. 14.9.6. And when, being acquainted with the law, he persistently called for his accuser and the usual formalities, Caesar, being informed of his demand and regarding his freedom of speech as arrogance, ordered that he be tortured as a reckless traducer. And when he had been so disembowelled that he had no parts left to torture, calling on Heaven for justice and smiling sardonically, he remained unshaken, with stout heart, neither deigning to accuse himself nor anyone else; and at last, without having admitted his guilt or been convicted, he was condemned to death along with his abject associate. And he was led off to execution unafraid, railing at the wickedness of the times and imitating the ancient stoic Zeno, who, after being tortured for a long time, to induce him to give false witness, tore his tongue from its roots and hurled it with its blood and spittle into the eyes of the king of Cyprus, who was putting him to the question. 14.10.16. No sooner had he finished speaking than the whole throng, fully in agreement with the emperor’s wish, praised his purpose and uimously voted for peace. They were influenced especially by the conviction, which they had formed from frequent campaigns, that his fortune watched over him only in civil troubles, but that when foreign wars were undertaken, they had often ended disastrously. After this a treaty was struck in accordance with the rites of the Alamanni, and when the ceremony had been concluded, the emperor withdrew to Mediolanum for his winter quarters. 14.11.8. But in such a critical situation and anticipating the worst if he were not on the watch, he secretly aimed at the highest rank, if any chance should offer; but for a twofold reason he feared treachery on the part of those nearest to his person, both because they stood in dread of him as cruel and untrustworthy, and because they feared the fortune of Constantius which in civil discords usually had the upper hand. Cf. ch. 10, 16, above. 14.11.12. And since, when the fates lay hands upon men, their senses are apt to be dulled and blunted, Gallus was roused by these blandishments to the hope of a better destiny, and leaving Antioch under the lead of an unpropitious power, he proceeded to go straight from the smoke into the fire, as the old proverb has it; and entering Constantinople as if in the height of prosperity and security, he exhibited horse-races and crowned Thorax the charioteer as victor. 14.11.19. And thus with the way opened by the sad decree of fate, by which it was ordained that he should be stripped of life and rank, he hurried by the most direct way and with relays of horses and came to Petobio, a town of Noricum. There all the secret plots were revealed and Count Barbatio suddenly made his appearance—he had commanded the household troops under Gallus—accompanied by Apodemius, of the secret service, The agentes in rebus constituted the imperial secret service under the direction of the magister officiorum. These were the original frumentarii, who at first had charge of the grain supply of the troops, but towards the beginning of the second century A.D. became secret police agents. It was Diocletian who changed the name frumentarii to agentes in rebus. and at the head of soldiers whom Constantius had chosen because they were under obligation to him for favours and could not, he felt sure, be influenced by bribes or any feeling of pity. 14.11.25. These and innumerable other instances of the kind are sometimes (and would that it were always so!) the work of Adrastia, See Index. the chastiser of evil deeds and the rewarder of good actions, whom we also call by the second name of Nemesis. She is, as it were, the sublime jurisdiction of an efficient divine power, dwelling, as men think, above the orbit of the moon; or as others define her, an actual guardian presiding with universal sway over the destinies of individual men. The ancient theologians, regarding her as the daughter of Justice, say that from an unknown eternity she looks down upon all the creatures of earth. 14.11.26. She, as queen of causes and arbiter and judge Cf. Cic., Acad. ii. 28, 91, veri etfalsi quasi disceptatricem et iudicem. of events, controls the urn with its lots and causes the changes of fortune, Cf. Ovid, Metam. xv. 409, alternare vices. and sometimes she gives our plans a different result than that at which we aimed, changing and confounding many actions. She too, binding the vainly swelling pride of mortals with the indissoluble bond of fate, and tilting changeably, as she knows how to do, the balance of gain and loss, now bends and weakens the uplifted necks of the proud, and now, raising the good from the lowest estate, lifts them to a happy life. Moreover, the storied past has given her wings in order that she might be thought to come to all with swift speed; and it has given her a helm to hold and has put a wheel beneath her feet, in order that none may fail to know that she runs through all the elements and rules the universe. With this description cf. that of Fortune in Pacuvius, inc. xiv., Ribbeck (p. 144), and Horace, Odes , i. 34. 14.11.29. Raised to the highest rank in Fortune’s gift, he experienced her fickle changes, which make sport of mortals, now lifting some to the stars, now plunging them in the depths of Cocytus. But although instances of this are innumerable, I shall make cursory mention of only a few. 14.11.30. It was this mutable and fickle Fortune that changed the Sicilian Agathocles from a potter to a king, and Dionysius, once the terror of nations, to the head of an elementary school, at Corinth. 14.11.34. But if anyone should desire to know all these instances, varied and constantly occurring as they are, he will be mad enough to think of searching out the number of the sands and the weight of the mountains. 15.5.1. Now there arises in this afflicted state of affairs a storm of new calamities, with no less mischief to the provinces; and it would have destroyed everything at once, had not Fortune, arbitress of human chances, brought to an end with speedy issue a most formidable uprising. 17.12.4. And so, when the spring equinox was past, the emperor mustered a strong force of soldiers and set out under the guidance of a more propitious fortune; and although the river Ister was in flood since the masses of snow and ice were now melted, having come to the most suitable place, he crossed it on a bridge built over the decks of ships and invaded the savages’ lands with intent to lay them waste. They were outwitted by his rapid march, and on seeing already at their throats the troops of a fighting army, which they supposed could not yet be assembled owing to the time of year, they ventured neither to take breath nor make a stand, but to avoid unlooked-for destruction all took to precipitate flight. 17.13.5. So, at the emperor’s request, they came with their native arrogance to their bank of the river, not, as the event proved, intending to do what they were bidden, but in order not to appear to have feared the presence of the soldiers; and there they stood defiantly, thus giving the impression that they had come there to reject any orders that might be given. 17.13.7. But they, wavering in uncertainty of mind, were distracted different ways, and with mingled craft and fury they thought both of entreaties and of battle; and preparing to sally out on our men where we lay near to them, they purposely threw forward their shields a long way, so that by advancing step by step to recover them they might without any show of treachery gain ground by stealth. 17.13.11. And amid their varied torments not a single man asked for pardon or threw down his weapon, or even prayed for a speedy death, but they tightly grasped their weapons, although defeated, and thought it less shameful to be overcome by an enemy’s strength than by the judgement of their own conscience, That is, to be overcome by a superior force rather than yield voluntarily. while sometimes they were heard to mutter that what befell them was due to fortune, not to their deserts. Thus in the course of half an hour the decision of this battle was reached, and so many savages met a sudden death that the victory alone showed that there had been a fight. 18.6.6. This was devised by the mischievous moulders of the empire with the idea that, if the Persians were baffled and returned to their own country, the glorious deed would be attributed to the ability of the new leader; but if Fortune proved unfavourable, Ursicinus would be accused as a traitor to his country. 19.8.6. At the post-house there we got a little rest, and when we were making ready to go farther and I was already unequal to the excessive walking, to which as a gentleman I was unused, I met a terrible sight, which however furnished me a most timely relief, worn out as I was by extreme weariness. 20.4.13. And in order to treat with greater honour those who were going far away, he invited their officers to dinner and bade them make any request that was in their minds. And since they were so liberally entertained, they departed anxious and filled with twofold sorrow: because an unkindly fortune was depriving them both of a mild ruler and of the lands of their birth. But though possessed by this sorrow, they were apparently consoled and remained quiet in their quarters. 20.10.1. Julian, however, being now happier in his lofty station and in the confidence which the soldiers felt in him, in order not to become lukewarm or be accused of negligence and sloth, after sending envoys to Constantius set out for the frontier of Second Germany, and, thoroughly equipped with all the material that the business in hand demanded, drew near to the city of Tricensima. Modern Kellen; cf. xviii. 2, 4, note. 21.5.13. After taking these precautions, as the greatness of the enterprise demanded, Julian, knowing by experience the value of anticipating and outstripping an adversary in troublous times, Cf. 5, 1, above; xxvi. 7, 4; Sallust, Cat. xliii. 4, maximum bonum in celeritate putabat. having given written Cf. Suet. Galba , 6, 2. The tessera was a square tablet on which the watchword (see xiv. 2, 15) or an order, was written; in xxiii. 2, 2, expeditionalis tessera is used for an order to march. order for a march into Pannonia, advanced his camp and his standards, and unhesitatingly temere usually means rashly, without consideration, but here the word seems to be used in a good, or at least in a neutral, sense. committed himself to whatever Fortune might offer. 21.16.13. And this Tully also shows in a letter to Nepos, in which he taxes Caesar with cruelty, saying: For happiness is nothing else than success in noble actions. Or, to express it differently, happiness is the good fortune that aids worthy designs, and one who does not aim at these can in no wise be happy. Therefore, in lawless and impious plans, such as Caesar followed, there could be no happiness. Happier, in my judgement, was Camillus in exile than was Manlius M. Manlius saved the Roman citadel when the Gauls took the city in 387 B.C. Later, because he defended the commons, he was accused of aspiring to regal power and hurled from the Tarpeian Rock. at that same time, even if (as he had desired) he had succeeded in making himself king. A fragment preserved by Ammianus alone, not found in Cicero’s extant works. 21.16.14. Heraclitus the Ephesian The weeping philosopher, as Democritus was the laughing philosopher ; cf. Juvenal, x. 33 ff. He flourished about 535-475 B.C. also agrees with this, when he reminds us that the weak and cowardly have sometimes, through the mutability of fortune, been victorious over eminent men; but that the most conspicuous praise is won, when high-placed power sending, as it were, under the yoke the inclination to harm, to be angry, and to show cruelty, on the citadel of a spirit victorious over itself has raised a glorious trophy. 21.16.21. And as he sat in the carriage that bore the remains, samples of the soldiers’ rations ( probae, as they themselves call them) were presented to him, as they commonly are to emperors, The emperors took pains to see that the soldiers were well fed. Cf. Spartianus, Hadr. 11, 1; Lampridius, Alex. Sev. xv. 5. and the public courier-horses were shown to him, and the people thronged about him in the customary manner. These and similar things foretold imperial power for the said Jovianus, but of an empty and shadowy kind, since he was merely the director of a funeral procession. 22.1.1. While Fortune’s mutable phases were causing these occurrences in a different part of the world, Julian in the midst of his many occupations in Illyricum was constantly prying into the entrails of victims and watching the flight of birds, in his eagerness to foreknow the result of events; but he was perplexed by ambiguous and obscure predictions and continued to be uncertain of the future. 22.3.12. Eusebius besides, who had been made Constantius’ grand chamberlain, a man full of pride and cruelty, was condemned to death by the judges. This man, who had been raised from the lowest station to a position which enabled him almost to give orders like those of the emperor himself, See xviii. 4, 3, and Introd., p. xxxvi. and in consequence had become intolerable, Adrastia, the judge of human acts, Cf. xiv. 11, 25. had plucked by the ear (as the saying is) and warned him to live with more restraint; and when he demurred, she threw him headlong, as if from a lofty cliff. 22.9.7. for some have maintained that since the image of the goddess fell from heaven, the city was named from πεσεῖν, which is the Greek word meaning to fall. Others say that Ilus, son of Tros, king of Dardania, Herodian, i. 11, 1. gave the place that name. But Theopompus of Chios, a pupil of Isocrates, and a rhetorician and historian. His works are lost. asserts that it was not Ilus who did it, but Midas, According to Diod. Sic. (iii. 59, 8), he was the first to build a splendid temple to Cybele at Pessinus. the once mighty king of Phrygia. 22.15.24. This monstrous and once rare kind of beast the Roman people first saw when Scaurus was aedile, the father of that Scaurus in whose defence Cicero spoke We have fragments of the oration Pro M. Aemilio Scauro , delivered in 54 B.C. The Scaurus who gave magnificent games when aedile was the same as the one defended by Cicero. His father, who was an aedile in 123 B.C. was poor at the time, and nothing is said of his games, while those of his son were famous. Pliny, N.H. viii. 96, says: eum (= hippopotamum) et quinque crocodiles Romae aedilitatis suae ludis M. Scaurus temporario euripo ostendit. It seems natural to apply this to the man defended by Cicero, and temporario euripo may have been a feature of the temporary theatre which he built on that occasion. and bade the Sardinians also to conform with the authority of the whole world in their judgement of so noble a family; and for many ages after that more hippopotami were often brought to Rome. But now they can nowhere be found, since, as the inhabitants of those regions conjecture, they were forced from weariness of the multitude that hunted them to take refuge in the land of the Blemmyae. A people of Aethiopia, near the cataracts of the Nile. 23.5.19. Everywhere shall I, with the help of the eternal deity, be by your side, as emperor, as leader, and as fellow horseman, antesigus et conturmalis seems to imply playing the part now of a leader of the infantry and now of the cavalry. and (as I think) under favourable auspices. But if fickle fortune should overthrow me in any battle, I shall be content with having sacrificed myself for the Roman world, after the example of the Curtii Cf. Livy, vii. 6, 1 ff. and Mucii Cf. Livy, ii. 12. of old and the noble family of the Decii. See xvi. 10, 3. We must wipe out a most mischievous nation, on whose sword-blades the blood of our kinsmen is not yet dry. 24.4.24. It was thought that Mars himself (if it is lawful for the majesty of the gods to mingle with mortals) had been with Luscinus, C. Fabricius Luscinus relieved the people of Thurii, when they were besieged by the Brutii and the Lucanians under Stenius Statilius, and slew 20,000 of the enemy; cf. Val. Max. i. 8, 6 (who gives the name as Statius Statilius). when he stormed the camp of the Lucanians; and this was believed because in the heat of battle an armed warrior of formidable size was seen carrying scaling-ladders, and on the following day, when the army was reviewed, could not be found, although he was sought for with particular care; whereas, if he had been a soldier, from consciousness of a memorable exploit he would have presented himself of his own accord. But although then the doer of that noble deed was wholly unknown, on the present occasion those who had fought valiantly were made conspicuous by gifts of siege-crowns, Mural crowns ( coronae murales ) would have been more appropriate; the siege-crown was given to the general who relieved a beleagured city; cf. Gellius, v. 6, 8-9 and 16. and according to the ancient custom were commended in the presence of the assembled army. 25.5.8. When this had been done as described, as if by the blind decree of fortune, the standard-bearer of the Joviani, Legions so named by Diocletian, who was called Jovius. formerly commanded by Varronianus, who was at odds with the new emperor even when he was still a private citizen, just as he had been a persistent critic of his father, fearing danger from an enemy who had now risen above the ordinary rank, deserted to the Persians. And as soon as he had the opportunity of telling what he knew to Sapor, who was already drawing near, he informed the king that the man whom he feared was dead, and that an excited throng of camp-followers had chosen a mere shadow of imperial power in the person of Jovian, up to that time one of the bodyguard, and a slothful, weak man. On hearing this news, for which he had always longed with anxious prayers, the king, elated by the unexpected good fortune, added a corps of the royal cavalry to the army opposed to us and hastened on, ordering an attack upon the rear of our army. 25.7.5. However, the eternal power of God in heaven was on our side, and the Persians, beyond our hopes, took the first step and sent as envoys for securing peace the Surena and another magnate, being themselves also low in their minds, which the fact that the Roman side was superior in almost every battle shook more and more every day. 25.9.2. And when all were commanded to leave their homes at once, with tears and outstretched hands they begged that they might not be compelled to depart, declaring that they alone, without aid from the empire in provisions and men, were able to defend their hearths, trusting that Justice herself would, as they had often found, aid them in fighting for their ancestral dwelling-place. But suppliantly as the council and people entreated, all was spoken vainly to the winds, since the emperor (as he pretended, while moved by other fears) did not wish to incur the guilt of perjury. 25.9.7. You are here justly censured, O Fortune of the Roman world! that, when storms shattered our country, you did snatch the helm from the hands of an experienced steersman and entrust it to an untried consummando = inconsummato unfinished. youth, who, since he was known during his previous life for no brilliant deeds in that field, cannot be justly either blamed or praised. 26.1.1. Having narrated the course of events with the strictest care up to the bounds of the present epoch, I had already determined to withdraw my foot from the more familiar tracks, partly to avoid the dangers which are often connected with the truth, and partly to escape unreasonable critics of the work which I am composing, who cry out as if wronged, if one has failed to mention what an emperor said at table, or left out the reason why the common soldiers were led before the standards for punishment, or because in an ample account of regions he ought not to have been silent about some insignificant forts; also because the names of all who came together to pay their respects to the city-praetor On the first of January, when he entered upon his office; cf. Pliny, Epist. i. 5, 11, ipse me Regulus convenit in praetoris officio ; Spart., Hadr. 9, 7. were not given, and many similar matters, which are not in accordance with the principles of history; for it is wont to detail the high lights of events, not to ferret out the trifling details of unimportant matters. For whoever wishes to know these may hope to be able to count the small indivisible bodies which fly through space, and to which we give the name of atoms. 26.2.9. For Fortune (I hope) which aids good purposes, so far as I can accomplish this and effect it, will give me after careful search a man of sober character. As colleague in the imperial power. For as the philosophers teach us, not only in royal power, where the greatest and most numerous dangers are found, but also in the relations of private and everyday life, a stranger ought to be admitted to friendship by a prudent man only after he has first tested him; not tested after he has been admitted to friendship. 26.8.13. By this victory Procopius was elated, beyond what is lawful for mortals, and forgetting that any happy man, if Fortune’s wheel turns, may before evening become most wretched, he ordered the house of Arbitio, full of priceless furniture, to be completely stripped. Hitherto he had spared it as if it were his own, believing that the man was on his side; but he had been incensed because he had summoned Arbitio several times to come to him and Arbitio had put him off, pleading the infirmities of age and illness. 26.9.9. The greater part of the night had passed. The moon, brightly shining from its evening rise until dawn, increased the fear of Procopius; and since on all sides the opportunity for escape was cut off and he was completely at a loss, he began, as is usual in extreme necessity, to rail at Fortune as cruel and oppressive; and so, overwhelmed as he was by many anxieties, he was suddenly tightly bound by his companions and at daybreak was taken to the camp and handed over to the emperor, silent and terror- stricken. He was at once beheaded, and so put an end to the rising storm of civil strife and war. His fate was like that of Perpenna Perperna is the better form; cf. Liv., Epit. 96; Vell. ii. 30, 1; Plutarch, Sert. 26, has Perpenna. of old, who after killing Sertorius at table, for a short time was in possession of the rule, but was dragged from the thickets where he had hidden himself, brought before Pompey, and by his order put to death. 28.1.3. When in the first Medic war the Persians had plundered Asia, they besieged Miletus with mighty forces, threatened the defenders with death by torture, and drove the besieged to the necessity, overwhelmed as they all were by a weight of evils, of killing their own dear ones, consigning their movable possessions to the flames, and each one striving to be first to throw himself into the fire, to burn on the common funeral pyre of their country. 28.1.4. Soon after this, Phrynichus composed a play with this disaster as its plot, which he put upon the stage at Athens in the lofty language of tragedy. At first he was heard with pleasure, but as the sad story went on in too tragic style, the people became angry and punished With a fine of 1000 drachmas. The play was the Capture of Miletus , produced soon after 494 B.C.; cf. Herodotus, vi. 21. him, thinking that consolation was not his object but blame and reproach, when he had the bad taste to include among stage-plays a portrayal even of those sufferings which a well-beloved city had undergone, without receiving any support from its founders. For auctores in this sense, cf. Suet., Claud. 25, 3. For Miletus was a colony of the Athenians founded by Nileus, the son of Codrus (who is said to have sacrificed himself for his country in the Dorian war) and by other Ionians. Ammianus’ purpose in telling this story is to show that he might dread to give a description of the degeneracy of the Romans, for fear of what befel Phrynichus. 28.2.7. They on bended knees begged that the Romans, whose fortune consistent trustworthiness had raised to skies, should not, regardless of their security, be led astray by a perverse error, and, treading their promises under foot, enter upon an unworthy undertaking. 29.1.15. And because that man does not seem less deceitful who knowingly passes over what has been done, than one who invents things that never happened, I do not deny—and in fact there is no doubt about it—that Valens’ life, not only often before through secret conspiracies, but also on this occasion, was plunged into extreme danger, and that a sword was almost driven into his throat by the soldiers; it was thrust away and turned aside by the hand of Fate only because she had destined him to suffer lamentable disasters in Thrace. Cf. xxxi. 13. 29.1.16. For when he was quietly sleeping after midday in a wooded spot between Antioch and Seleucia, he was attacked by Sallustius, then one of the targeteers; but although at other times many men often eagerly made plots against his life, he escaped them all, since the limits of life assigned him at his very birth curbed these monstrous attempts. 29.2.20. After these various deeds of injustice which have already been mentioned, and the marks of torture shamefully branded upon the bodies of such free men as bad survived, the never-closing eye of Justice, the eternal witness and avenger of all things, was watchfully attentive. For the last curses of the murdered, moving the eternal godhead through the just ground of their complaints, had kindled the firebrands of Bellona; so that the truth of the oracle was confirmed, which had predicted that no crimes would go unpunished. 30.5.18. And on the night before the day which was to deprive him of life, he had a vision (as men often do in their sleep); he saw his absent wife sitting with disordered hair and dressed in mourning attire; and it was possible to infer that she was his own Fortune, on the point of leaving him in the garb of sorrow. 31.1.1. Meanwhile Fortune’s rapid wheel, which is always interchanging adversity and prosperity, armed Bellona in the company of her attendant Furies, and transferred to the Orient melancholy events, the coming of which was foreshadowed by the clear testimony of omens and portents. 31.4.9. During this time, when the barriers of our 376 f. A.D. frontier were unlocked and the realm of savagery was spreading far and wide columns of armed Ammianus seems to forget that the Goths were required first to hand over their weapons; but this order was frequently evaded through the negligence of the imperial officials. men like glowing ashes from Aetna, when our difficulties and imminent dangers called for military reformers who were most distinguished for the fame of their exploits: then it was, as if at the choice of some adverse deity, that men were gathered together and given command of armies who bore stained reputations. At their head were two rivals in recklessness: one was Lupicinus, commanding general in Thrace, the other Maximus, a pernicious leader. 31.10.7. Accordingly, while Nannienus Cf. xxviii. 5, 1, where he is called Nannenus. weighed the changeable events of fortune and hence believed that they ought to act deliberately, Mallobaudes, carried away (as usual) by his strong eagerness for battle and impatient of postponement, was tormented with longing to go against the foe. 31.13.19. The annals record no such massacre of a battle except the one at Cannae, although the Romans more than once, deceived by trickery due to an adverse breeze of Fortune, yielded for a time to illsuccess in their wars, and although the storied dirges of the Greeks have mourned over many a contest. 31.16.9. These events, from the principate of the emperor Nerva to the death of Valens, I, a former soldier and a Greek, have set forth to the measure of my ability, without ever (I believe) consciously venturing to debase through silence or through falsehood a work whose aim was the truth. The rest may be written by abler men, who are in the prime of life and learning. But if they chose to undertake such a task, I advise them to forge For procudere, cf. xv. 2, 8 ( ingenium ); xxx. 4, 13 ( ora ); Horace, Odes , iv. 15, 19. their tongues to the loftier style. The second part, written about 550 in barbarous Latin by another unknown author, under the title Item ex libris Chronicorum inter cetera , covers the period from 474 to 526, and deals mainly with the history of Theodoric. The writer was an opponent of Arianism, and he seems to have based his compilation on the Chronicle of Maximianus, bishop of Ravenna in 546, who died in 556. For this part we have, besides B, cod. Vaticanus Palatinus, Lat. n. 927 (P) of the twelfth century, in which the title appears as De adventu Oduachar regis Cyrorum Apparently for Scyrorum (Scirorum), Exc. § 37. et Erulorum in Italia, et quomodo Rex Theodericus eum fuerit persecutus. The Excerpts as a whole furnish an introduction and a sequel to the narrative of Ammianus. |
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| 176. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.235, 10.541, 12.139 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, fortuna •fortuna •fortuna, equestris •temples, of fortuna equestris Found in books: Davies (2004) 13; Rüpke (2011) 97; Santangelo (2013) 111 |
| 177. Nonius Marcellus, De Conpendiosa Doctrina, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 152 |
| 178. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 12.10-12.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna seiani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 54 |
| 179. Hilary of Poitiers, Tractatus Mysteriorum, 19.186-19.188 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fors fortuna •fortuna, publica Found in books: Clark (2007) 265 |
| 180. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Carus, 19.1-19.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 188 |
| 181. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 28.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 132 |
| 182. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 3.4, 6.6-6.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 23 |
| 183. Carmina Duodecim Sapientum, Carmina, 61.182 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis (statue of) Found in books: Radicke (2022) 359 |
| 184. Carmina Duodecim Sapientum, Carmina, 61.182 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis (statue of) Found in books: Radicke (2022) 359 |
| 185. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.6.7, 1.6.16-1.6.17, 1.8.5, 1.15.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis •rome, temple of fortuna •servius tullius, and fortuna •fortuna Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 152; Rutledge (2012) 171; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 327 |
| 186. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.6.7, 1.6.16-1.6.17, 1.8.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis •rome, temple of fortuna •servius tullius, and fortuna Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 152; Rutledge (2012) 171 |
| 187. Nonius Marcellus, De Conpendiosa Doctrina, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 152 |
| 188. Justinian, Digest, 23.2.43-23.2.44 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia, cult of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 34 |
| 189. Procopius, De Bellis, 3.2.24, 8.22.5-8.22.16 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae •rome, temple of fortuna huiusce diei Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83, 132, 188 |
| 190. Papyri, P.Oxy., 11.214, 11.1380 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna •isis-tyche, and fortuna primigeneia Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 137, 181 |
| 191. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.18.20 Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna seiani Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 209 |
| 192. Plutarch, De Se Laudando, None Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 288 |
| 193. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q382, 19.30 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 181 |
| 194. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 164 |
| 195. Mekhilta of R. Yishmael, Bahodesh, 70 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, and prodigies Found in books: Clark (2007) 192 |
| 196. Epigraphy, Ils, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 541 |
| 197. Anon., Anthologia Latina, 708 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, fickleness of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 102 |
| 198. Epigraphy, Igur, 3.1171 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia, cult of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 541 |
| 199. Epigraphy, Beth Shearim, Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 128 |
| 200. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 111 |
| 201. Anon., 4 Ezra, 12, 11 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 103 |
| 202. Anon., Panegyrici Latini, 1610, 1609 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simmons(1995) 103 |
| 203. Epigraphy, Ricis, 202/0344, 402/0501 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault et al. (2007) 453 |
| 204. Anon., Totenbuch, 77 Tagged with subjects: •praeneste, temple of fortuna primigeneia at, mosaic Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 42 |
| 205. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 9.387 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, fickleness of Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 102 |
| 206. Epigraphy, Illrp, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Clark (2007) 196 |
| 207. Epigraphy, Ig, 5.1.1165 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia, cult of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 164 |
| 208. Zonaras, Epitome, 8.1, 8.15-8.16 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Konrad (2022) 165; Santangelo (2013) 80 |
| 209. Vergil, Georgics, 4 Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 239 |
| 210. Vergil, Eclogues, 4.4-4.10 Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna Found in books: Crabb (2020) 239 |
211. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.148-1.153, 1.262, 1.283, 4.532, 4.614, 5.604-5.699, 6.566-6.569, 6.687-6.688, 6.793, 8.324-8.335, 8.697, 10.515, 10.515999999999998, 10.517000000000001, 11.5, 11.18, 11.42-11.49, 11.51-11.58, 11.96-11.97, 11.179, 11.181, 11.177999999999999, 12.435-12.436, 12.499, 12.494000000000002 Tagged with subjects: •fortune, τύχη/fortuna •fortuna •fortuna muliebris •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Braund and Most (2004) 224; Crabb (2020) 150, 239, 241; Panoussi(2019) 197; Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 191; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 36; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 112, 113, 216 | 1.148. an east wind, blowing landward from the deep, 1.149. drove on the shallows,—pitiable sight,— 1.150. and girdled them in walls of drifting sand. 1.151. That ship, which, with his friend Orontes, bore 1.152. the Lycian mariners, a great, plunging wave 1.153. truck straight astern, before Aeneas' eyes. 1.262. which good Acestes while in Sicily 1.283. they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 4.532. for gods, I trow, that such a task disturbs 4.614. Such plaints, such prayers, again and yet again, 5.604. in soothing words: “Ill-starred! What mad attempt 5.605. is in thy mind? Will not thy heart confess 5.606. thy strength surpassed, and auspices averse? 5.607. Submit, for Heaven decrees!” With such wise words 5.608. he sundered the fell strife. But trusty friends 5.609. bore Dares off: his spent limbs helpless trailed, 5.610. his head he could not lift, and from his lips 5.611. came blood and broken teeth. So to the ship 5.612. they bore him, taking, at Aeneas' word, 5.613. the helmet and the sword—but left behind 5.614. Entellus' prize of victory, the bull. 5.615. He, then, elate and glorying, spoke forth: 5.616. “See, goddess-born, and all ye Teucrians, see, 5.617. what strength was mine in youth, and from what death 5.618. ye have clelivered Dares.” Saying so, 5.619. he turned him full front to the bull, who stood 5.620. for reward of the fight, and, drawing back 5.621. his right hand, poising the dread gauntlet high, 5.622. wung sheer between the horns and crushed the skull; 5.623. a trembling, lifeless creature, to the ground 5.624. the bull dropped forward dead. Above the fallen 5.625. Entellus cried aloud, “This victim due 5.626. I give thee, Eryx , more acceptable 5.627. than Dares' death to thy benigt shade. 5.628. For this last victory and joyful day, 5.630. Forthwith Aeneas summons all who will 5.631. to contest of swift arrows, and displays 5.632. reward and prize. With mighty hand he rears 5.633. a mast within th' arena, from the ship 5.634. of good Sergestus taken; and thereto 5.635. a fluttering dove by winding cord is bound 5.636. for target of their shafts. Soon to the match 5.637. the rival bowmen came and cast the lots 5.638. into a brazen helmet. First came forth 5.639. Hippocoon's number, son of Hyrtacus, 5.640. by cheers applauded; Mnestheus was the next, 5.641. late victor in the ship-race, Mnestheus crowned 5.642. with olive-garland; next Eurytion, 5.643. brother of thee, O bowman most renowned, 5.644. Pandarus, breaker of the truce, who hurled 5.645. his shaft upon the Achaeans, at the word 5.646. the goddess gave. Acestes' Iot and name 5.647. came from the helmet last, whose royal hand 5.648. the deeds of youth dared even yet to try. 5.649. Each then with strong arm bends his pliant bow, 5.650. each from the quiver plucks a chosen shaft. 5.651. First, with loud arrow whizzing from the string, 5.652. the young Hippocoon with skyward aim 5.653. cuts through the yielding air; and lo! his barb 5.654. pierces the very wood, and makes the mast 5.655. tremble; while with a fluttering, frighted wing 5.656. the bird tugs hard,—and plaudits fill the sky. 5.657. Boldly rose Mnestheus, and with bow full-drawn 5.658. aimed both his eye and shaft aloft; but he 5.659. failing, unhappy man, to bring his barb 5.660. up to the dove herself, just cut the cord 5.661. and broke the hempen bond, whereby her feet 5.662. were captive to the tree: she, taking flight, 5.663. clove through the shadowing clouds her path of air. 5.664. But swiftly—for upon his waiting bow 5.665. he held a shaft in rest—Eurytion 5.666. invoked his brother's shade, and, marking well 5.667. the dove, whose happy pinions fluttered free 5.668. in vacant sky, pierced her, hard by a cloud; 5.669. lifeless she fell, and left in light of heaven 5.670. her spark of life, as, floating down, she bore 5.671. the arrow back to earth. Acestes now 5.672. remained, last rival, though the victor's palm 5.673. to him was Iost; yet did the aged sire, 5.674. to show his prowess and resounding bow, 5.675. hurl forth one shaft in air; then suddenly 5.676. all eyes beheld such wonder as portends 5.677. events to be (but when fulfilment came, 5.678. too late the fearful seers its warning sung): 5.679. for, soaring through the stream of cloud, his shaft 5.680. took fire, tracing its bright path in flame, 5.681. then vanished on the wind,—as oft a star 5.682. will fall unfastened from the firmament, 5.683. while far behind its blazing tresses flow. 5.684. Awe-struck both Trojan and Trinacrian stood, 5.685. calling upon the gods. Nor came the sign 5.686. in vain to great Aeneas. But his arms 5.687. folded the blest Acestes to his heart, 5.688. and, Ioading him with noble gifts, he cried: 5.689. “Receive them, sire! The great Olympian King 5.690. ome peerless honor to thy name decrees 5.691. by such an omen given. I offer thee 5.692. this bowl with figures graven, which my sire, 5.693. good gray Anchises, for proud gift received 5.694. of Thracian Cisseus, for their friendship's pledge 5.695. and memory evermore.” Thereon he crowned 5.696. his brows with garland of the laurel green, 5.697. and named Acestes victor over all. 5.698. Nor could Eurytion, noble youth, think ill 5.699. of honor which his own surpassed, though he, 6.566. The vital essence. Willingly, alas! 6.567. They now would suffer need, or burdens bear, 6.568. If only life were given! But Fate forbids. 6.569. Around them winds the sad, unlovely wave 6.687. If with clean lips upon your wrath I call! 6.688. But, friend, what fortunes have thy life befallen? 6.793. Some roll huge boulders up; some hang on wheels, 8.324. tood open, deeply yawning, just as if 8.325. the riven earth should crack, and open wide 8.326. th' infernal world and fearful kingdoms pale, 8.327. which gods abhor; and to the realms on high 8.328. the measureless abyss should be laid bare, 8.329. and pale ghosts shrink before the entering sun. 8.330. Now upon Cacus, startled by the glare, 8.331. caged in the rocks and howling horribly, 8.332. Alcides hurled his weapons, raining down 8.333. all sorts of deadly missiles—trunks of trees, 8.334. and monstrous boulders from the mountain torn. 8.335. But when the giant from his mortal strait 8.697. With meditative brows and downcast eyes 11.5. for reward to his gods, a conqueror's vow, 11.18. our largest work is done. Bid fear begone 11.42. his darling child. Around him is a throng 11.43. of slaves, with all the Trojan multitude, 11.44. and Ilian women, who the wonted way 11.45. let sorrow's tresses loosely flow. When now 11.46. Aeneas to the lofty doors drew near, 11.47. all these from smitten bosoms raised to heaven 11.48. a mighty moaning, till the King's abode 11.49. was loud with anguish. There Aeneas viewed 11.51. the smooth young breast that bore the gaping wound 11.52. of that Ausonian spear, and weeping said: 11.53. “Did Fortune's envy, smiling though she came, 11.54. refuse me, hapless boy, that thou shouldst see 11.55. my throne established, and victorious ride 11.56. beside me to thy father's house? Not this 11.57. my parting promise to thy King and sire, 11.58. Evander, when with friendly, fond embrace 11.96. the sad prince o'er the youthful body threw 11.97. for parting gift; and with the other veiled 11.181. to King Evander hied, Evander's house 12.435. this frantic stir, this quarrel rashly bold? 12.436. Recall your martial rage! The pledge is given 12.499. Such reward will I give to all who dare |
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| 212. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.13.5 Tagged with subjects: •ferentinum, and the temple of fortuna •rome, temple of fortuna Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 33 |
| 213. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020) 165, 168 |
| 214. Valerius Flaccus Gaius, Argonautica, 2.170-2.175, 2.436 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna muliebris •fortuna, fickleness of Found in books: Panoussi(2019) 259; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 102 |
215. Strabo, Geography, 8.6.23, 13.1.54 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 140; Rutledge (2012) 67 | 8.6.23. The Corinthians, when they were subject to Philip, not only sided with him in his quarrel with the Romans, but individually behaved so contemptuously towards the Romans that certain persons ventured to pour down filth upon the Roman ambassadors when passing by their house. For this and other offences, however, they soon paid the penalty, for a considerable army was sent thither, and the city itself was razed to the ground by Leucius Mummius; and the other countries as far as Macedonia became subject to the Romans, different commanders being sent into different countries; but the Sikyonians obtained most of the Corinthian country. Polybius, who speaks in a tone of pity of the events connected with the capture of Corinth, goes on to speak of the disregard shown by the army for the works of art and votive offerings; for he says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these. Among the paintings he names that of Dionysus by Aristeides, to which, according to some writers, the saying, Nothing in comparison with the Dionysus, referred; and also the painting of Heracles in torture in the robe of Deianeira. Now I have not seen the latter, but I saw the Dionysus, a most beautiful work, on the walls of the sanctuary of Ceres in Rome; but when recently the temple was burned, the painting perished with it. And I may almost say that the most and best of the other dedicatory offerings at Rome came from there; and the cities in the neighborhood of Rome also obtained some; for Mummius, being magimous rather than fond of art, as they say, readily shared with those who asked. And when Lucullus built the sanctuary of Good Fortune and a portico, he asked Mummius for the use of the statues which he had, saying that he would adorn the sanctuary with them until the dedication and then give them back. However, he did not give them back, but dedicated them to the goddess, and then bade Mummius to take them away if he wished. But Mummius took it lightly, for he cared nothing about them, so that he gained more repute than the man who dedicated them. Now after Corinth had remained deserted for a long time, it was restored again, because of its favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who colonized it with people that belonged for the most part to the freedmen class. And when these were removing the ruins and at the same time digging open the graves, they found numbers of terra-cotta reliefs, and also many bronze vessels. And since they admired the workmanship they left no grave unransacked; so that, well supplied with such things and disposing of them at a high price, they filled Rome with Corinthian mortuaries, for thus they called the things taken from the graves, and in particular the earthenware. Now at the outset the earthenware was very highly prized, like the bronzes of Corinthian workmanship, but later they ceased to care much for them, since the supply of earthen vessels failed and most of them were not even well executed. The city of the Corinthians, then, was always great and wealthy, and it was well equipped with men skilled both in the affairs of state and in the craftsman's arts; for both here and in Sikyon the arts of painting and modelling and all such arts of the craftsman flourished most. The city had territory, however, that was not very fertile, but rifted and rough; and from this fact all have called Corinth beetling, and use the proverb, Corinth is both beetle-browed and full of hollows. 13.1.54. From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kings to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to Apellicon of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts — a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both here and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men. |
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| 216. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q542, 2.74 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 181 |
| 217. Anon., Sifra Qedoshim, 13.708 Tagged with subjects: •bona fortuna Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 242 |
| 218. Anon., Sifra Behuqqotay, 412, 528, 614, 731, 80, 358 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Griffiths (1975) 241 |
| 219. Epigraphy, Syll. , 616 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia, cult of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 164 |
| 220. Ps. Lucianus, Onos, 5.5 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, in apuleius’ metamorphoses Found in books: Cueva et al. (2018b) 80 |
| 221. Apol., Met., 2.6.1-2.6.5 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, in apuleius’ metamorphoses Found in books: Cueva et al. (2018b) 80 |
| 222. Epigraphy, Th, 13-25, 27-30, 26 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 34 |
| 223. Epigraphy, Illrp-S, 36 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, cult of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 156 |
| 224. Epigraphy, Ilcv, 2834 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia, cult of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 34 |
| 225. Epigraphy, Cle, 579 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, cult of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 641 |
| 226. Epigraphy, Pompei, 2-9, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 45 |
| 227. Epigraphy, 1074, 1084, 1087A, 1074, 1079-1081, 1083-1087, 1082 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 414 |
| 228. Epigraphy, Fira, None Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia, cult of Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 34 |
| 229. Cicero, In Verrem Act. Ii, 1.113 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna virginalis Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 142, 152 |
| 230. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 117, 149, 195, 208, 279, 281, 283, 76, 80, 103 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 97 |
| 231. Ptolemy, Apotelesmata, 4.10.3 Tagged with subjects: •gods (egyptian, greek, and roman), fortuna Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 258 |
| 232. Pliny The Elder, Ep., 2.17.2-2.17.3, 2.17.8-2.17.9, 2.17.17-2.17.19, 2.17.22, 2.17.24 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, temple of (domus aurea) Found in books: Fertik (2019) 71 |
| 233. Philostratus Minor, Imagines, None Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 |
| 234. Philostratus Maior, Imagines, None Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 83 |
| 235. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Gordiani Tres, 2.3, 3.6-3.8, 32.1 Tagged with subjects: •rome, temple of fortuna primigenia •rome, temple of fortuna publica citerior •rome, temple of fortuna publica populi romani •rome, tres fortunae Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 188 |
| 236. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 40, 129 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 67 |
| 237. Epigraphy, Cse Italia, 6.83 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Gorain (2019) 125 |
| 241. Epigraphy, Rrc, 405/2 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 78 |
| 242. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.16.3-1.16.6, 1.18.27 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna primigenia Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 128 |
| 243. Pseudo-Caesar, De Bello Africo, 2.2-2.5 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 111 |
244. Longus, Daphnis And Chloe, 2.7.1, 2.27.2, 3.23.1-3.23.5, 4.20.1 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna (fortune) Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 69; Pinheiro et al (2012a) 119| 2.7.1. 2.27.2. 3.23.1. 3.23.2. 3.23.3. 3.23.4. 3.23.5. 4.20.1. | |
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| 245. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 1.8.1, 5.44.2, 5.53.1 Tagged with subjects: •fortuna, Found in books: Bay (2022) 51 |
