1. Homer, Iliad, 23.75-23.76 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 84 | 23.75. / And give me thy hand, I pitifully entreat thee, for never more again shall I come back from out of Hades, when once ye have given me my due of fire. Never more in life shall we sit apart from our dear comrades and take counsel together, but for me hath loathly fate 23.76. / And give me thy hand, I pitifully entreat thee, for never more again shall I come back from out of Hades, when once ye have given me my due of fire. Never more in life shall we sit apart from our dear comrades and take counsel together, but for me hath loathly fate |
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| 2. Hecataeus of Miletus, Fragments, 20 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cults, foreign cult Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 24 |
3. Euripides, Bacchae, 1, 10-19, 2, 20-39, 4, 40-42, 5-9, 3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 23| 3. Σεμέλη λοχευθεῖσʼ ἀστραπηφόρῳ πυρί· | |
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| 4. Hellanicus of Lesbos, Fgrh I P. 104., 189 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cults, foreign cult Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 24 |
5. Herodotus, Histories, 2.37, 2.49, 2.81, 2.173-2.174, 3.30.1, 3.37-3.38, 3.40-3.43, 3.64.3, 4.36, 5.58 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults •cults, foreign cult Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 23, 24; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 78, 359 | 2.37. They are religious beyond measure, more than any other people; and the following are among their customs. They drink from cups of bronze, which they clean out daily; this is done not by some but by all. ,They are especially careful always to wear newly-washed linen. They practise circumcision for cleanliness' sake; for they would rather be clean than more becoming. Their priests shave the whole body every other day, so that no lice or anything else foul may infest them as they attend upon the gods. ,The priests wear a single linen garment and sandals of papyrus: they may have no other kind of clothing or footwear. Twice a day and twice every night they wash in cold water. Their religious observances are, one may say, innumerable. ,But also they receive many benefits: they do not consume or spend anything of their own; sacred food is cooked for them, beef and goose are brought in great abundance to each man every day, and wine of grapes is given to them, too. They may not eat fish. ,The Egyptians sow no beans in their country; if any grow, they will not eat them either raw or cooked; the priests cannot endure even to see them, considering beans an unclean kind of legume. Many (not only one) are dedicated to the service of each god. One of these is the high priest; and when a high priest dies, his son succeeds to his office. 2.49. Now then, it seems to me that Melampus son of Amytheon was not ignorant of but was familiar with this sacrifice. For Melampus was the one who taught the Greeks the name of Dionysus and the way of sacrificing to him and the phallic procession; he did not exactly unveil the subject taking all its details into consideration, for the teachers who came after him made a fuller revelation; but it was from him that the Greeks learned to bear the phallus along in honor of Dionysus, and they got their present practice from his teaching. ,I say, then, that Melampus acquired the prophetic art, being a discerning man, and that, besides many other things which he learned from Egypt , he also taught the Greeks things concerning Dionysus, altering few of them; for I will not say that what is done in Egypt in connection with the god and what is done among the Greeks originated independently: for they would then be of an Hellenic character and not recently introduced. ,Nor again will I say that the Egyptians took either this or any other custom from the Greeks. But I believe that Melampus learned the worship of Dionysus chiefly from Cadmus of Tyre and those who came with Cadmus from Phoenicia to the land now called Boeotia . 2.81. They wear linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs, called “calasiris,” and loose white woolen mantles over these. But nothing woolen is brought into temples, or buried with them: that is impious. ,They agree in this with practices called Orphic and Bacchic, but in fact Egyptian and Pythagorean: for it is impious, too, for one partaking of these rites to be buried in woolen wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. 2.173. The following was how he scheduled his affairs: in the morning, until the the hour when the marketplace filled, he readily conducted whatever business was brought to him; the rest of the day, he drank and joked at the expense of his companions and was idle and playful. ,But this displeased his friends, who admonished him thus: “O King, you do not conduct yourself well by indulging too much in vulgarity. You, a celebrated man, ought to conduct your business throughout the day, sitting on a celebrated throne; and thus the Egyptians would know that they are governed by a great man, and you would be better spoken of; as it is, what you do is by no means kingly.” ,But he answered them like this: “Men that have bows string them when they must use them, and unstring them when they have used them; were bows kept strung forever, they would break, and so could not be used when needed. ,Such, too, is the nature of man. Were one to be always at serious work and not permit oneself a bit of relaxation, he would go mad or idiotic before he knew it; I am well aware of that, and give each of the two its turn.” Such was his answer to his friends. 2.174. It is said that even when Amasis was a private man he was fond of drinking and joking and was not at all a sober man; and that when his drinking and pleasure-seeking cost him the bare necessities, he would go around stealing. Then when he contradicted those who said that he had their possessions, they would bring him to whatever place of divination was nearby, and sometimes the oracles declared him guilty and sometimes they acquitted him. ,When he became king, he did not take care of the shrines of the gods who had acquitted him of theft, or give them anything for maintece, or make it his practice to sacrifice there, for he knew them to be worthless and their oracles false; but he took scrupulous care of the gods who had declared his guilt, considering them to be gods in very deed and their oracles infallible. 3.30.1. But Cambyses, the Egyptians say, owing to this wrongful act immediately went mad, although even before he had not been sensible. His first evil act was to destroy his full brother Smerdis, whom he had sent away from Egypt to Persia out of jealousy, because Smerdis alone could draw the bow brought from the Ethiopian by the Fish-eaters as far as two fingerbreadths, but no other Persian could draw it. 3.37. Cambyses committed many such mad acts against the Persians and his allies; he stayed at Memphis , and there opened ancient coffins and examined the dead bodies. ,Thus too he entered the temple of Hephaestus and jeered at the image there. This image of Hephaestus is most like the Phoenician Pataici, which the Phoenicians carry on the prows of their triremes. I will describe it for anyone who has not seen these figures: it is the likeness of a dwarf. ,Also he entered the temple of the Cabeiri, into which no one may enter save the priest; the images here he even burnt, with bitter mockery. These also are like the images of Hephaestus, and are said to be his sons. 3.38. I hold it then in every way proved that Cambyses was quite insane; or he would never have set himself to deride religion and custom. For if it were proposed to all nations to choose which seemed best of all customs, each, after examination, would place its own first; so well is each convinced that its own are by far the best. ,It is not therefore to be supposed that anyone, except a madman, would turn such things to ridicule. I will give this one proof among many from which it may be inferred that all men hold this belief about their customs. ,When Darius was king, he summoned the Greeks who were with him and asked them for what price they would eat their fathers' dead bodies. They answered that there was no price for which they would do it. ,Then Darius summoned those Indians who are called Callatiae, who eat their parents, and asked them (the Greeks being present and understanding through interpreters what was said) what would make them willing to burn their fathers at death. The Indians cried aloud, that he should not speak of so horrid an act. So firmly rooted are these beliefs; and it is, I think, rightly said in Pindar's poem that custom is lord of all. 3.40. Now Amasis was somehow aware of Polycrates' great good fortune; and as this continued to increase greatly, he wrote this letter and sent it to Samos : “Amasis addresses Polycrates as follows. ,It is pleasant to learn that a friend and ally is doing well. But I do not like these great successes of yours; for I know the gods, how jealous they are, and I desire somehow that both I and those for whom I care succeed in some affairs, fail in others, and thus pass life faring differently by turns, rather than succeed at everything. ,For from all I have heard I know of no man whom continual good fortune did not bring in the end to evil, and utter destruction. Therefore if you will be ruled by me do this regarding your successes: ,consider what you hold most precious and what you will be sorriest to lose, and cast it away so that it shall never again be seen among men; then, if after this the successes that come to you are not mixed with mischances, strive to mend the matter as I have counselled you.” 3.41. Reading this, and perceiving that Amasis' advice was good, Polycrates considered which of his treasures it would most grieve his soul to lose, and came to this conclusion: he wore a seal set in gold, an emerald, crafted by Theodorus son of Telecles of Samos ; ,being resolved to cast this away, he embarked in a fifty-oared ship with its crew, and told them to put out to sea; and when he was far from the island, he took off the seal-ring in sight of all that were on the ship and cast it into the sea. This done, he sailed back and went to his house, where he grieved for the loss. 3.42. But on the fifth or sixth day from this it happened that a fisherman, who had taken a fine and great fish, and desired to make a gift of it to Polycrates, brought it to the door and said that he wished to see Polycrates. This being granted, he gave the fish, saying: ,“O King, when I caught this fish, I thought best not to take it to market, although I am a man who lives by his hands, but it seemed to me worthy of you and your greatness; and so I bring and offer it to you.” Polycrates was pleased with what the fisherman said; “You have done very well,” he answered, “and I give you double thanks, for your words and for the gift; and I invite you to dine with me.” ,Proud of this honor, the fisherman went home; but the servants, cutting up the fish, found in its belly Polycrates' seal-ring. ,As soon as they saw and seized it, they brought it with joy to Polycrates, and giving the ring to him told him how it had been found. Polycrates saw the hand of heaven in this matter; he wrote a letter and sent it to Egypt , telling all that he had done, and what had happened to him. 3.43. When Amasis had read Polycrates' letter, he perceived that no man could save another from his destiny, and that Polycrates, being so continually fortunate that he even found what he cast away, must come to an evil end. ,So he sent a herald to Samos to renounce his friendship, determined that when some great and terrible mischance overtook Polycrates he himself might not have to sadden his heart for a friend. 3.64.3. As he sprang upon his horse, the cap fell off the sheath of his sword, and the naked blade pierced his thigh, wounding him in the same place where he had once wounded the Egyptian god Apis; and believing the wound to be mortal, Cambyses asked what was the name of the town where he was. 4.36. I have said this much of the Hyperboreans, and let it suffice; for I do not tell the story of that Abaris, alleged to be a Hyperborean, who carried the arrow over the whole world, fasting all the while. But if there are men beyond the north wind, then there are others beyond the south. ,And I laugh to see how many have before now drawn maps of the world, not one of them reasonably; for they draw the world as round as if fashioned by compasses, encircled by the Ocean river, and Asia and Europe of a like extent. For myself, I will in a few words indicate the extent of the two, and how each should be drawn. 5.58. These Phoenicians who came with Cadmus and of whom the Gephyraeans were a part brought with them to Hellas, among many other kinds of learning, the alphabet, which had been unknown before this, I think, to the Greeks. As time went on the sound and the form of the letters were changed. ,At this time the Greeks who were settled around them were for the most part Ionians, and after being taught the letters by the Phoenicians, they used them with a few changes of form. In so doing, they gave to these characters the name of Phoenician, as was quite fair seeing that the Phoenicians had brought them into Greece. ,The Ionians have also from ancient times called sheets of papyrus skins, since they formerly used the skins of sheep and goats due to the lack of papyrus. Even to this day there are many foreigners who write on such skins. |
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| 6. Xanthus Lydius, Fragments, 32 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cults, foreign cult Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 23 |
| 7. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cults, foreign cult Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 24 |
8. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 4.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 335| 4.27. offensionum autem definitiones sunt eius modi, eiusdem modi G 1 ut inhospitalitas inhospitalis K 1 RH sit opinio vehemens valde fugiendum esse hospitem, eaque inhaerens et penitus insita; similiterque definitur et mulierum odium, ut Hippolyti, hippoliti GH hyppoliti V et, ut Timonis, generis humani. Atque ut ad valetudinis similitudinem veniamus veniamus s ( cf. utamur) veniam X eaque conlatione consolatione V utamur aliquando, sed parcius quam solent Stoici: ut sunt alii ad alios morbos procliviores St. fr. 3, 423 —itaque dicimus gravidinosos gravidinosos W Non. ( 115, 16 etiam in lemmate ) ut Plin. 18, 139 codd. praeter d cf. Catull. 44, 13 Lucil. 820 (gravedo Marx ) gravedinosos edd. alt. quosdam om. W Non. add. Beroaldus quosdam, quosdam torminosos, itaque ... 9 torminosos Non. 32, 13 et 115, 16 terminosos KRH ( Non. L 1 priore loco ) non quia iam sint, sed quia saepe sint—, sic saepe sint, sic Gr. Lb. saepe sint X saepe, sic Man. ( de iterato sint cf. Sey. ad Lael. 43 ) alii ad metum, alii ad aliam perturbationem; ex quo non quia ia in r. V 2 sed... 11 quo om. K 1 add. c in aliis anxietas, unde anxii, in aliis iracundia dicitur. quae ab ira differt, estque aliud aliud ex illud V rec iracundum esse, aliud iratum, ut differt anxietas ab angore (neque enim omnes anxii, qui anguntur aliquando, nec, nec s haec X qui anxii, semper anguntur), ut nec ... 15 ut om. Non. inter ebrietatem et ebriositatem et ebriositatem om. W Non. L 1 hab. Nonii codd. rell. interest, aliudque que om. G 1 Non. est amatorem esse, aliud amantem. aliud... 17 amantem Non. 444, 1 atque haec aliorum ad alios morbos proclivitas late patet; nam pertinet ad omnes perturbationes; | |
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| 9. Cicero, On Laws, 2.23.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 49 |
| 10. Livy, History, 9.33.5, 39.39.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults •religious cults, foreign Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 63; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 84 |
11. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 9.31-9.33 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 56| 9.31. congrediturque ferox. Puduit modo magna locutum 9.32. cedere: reieci viridem de corpore vestem 9.33. bracchiaque opposui tenuique a pectore varas | |
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| 12. Persius, Satires, 6.45-6.47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 61 |
| 13. Persius, Saturae, 6.45-6.47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 61 |
| 14. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 76.10-76.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 227 |
| 15. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 76.10-76.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 227 |
| 16. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.34.120, 19.15, 37.33.110 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign •foreign cults Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 56, 63; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 359 |
| 17. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 359 |
| 18. Juvenal, Satires, 2.97, 3.168-3.170, 6.533 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign •foreign cults Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 56; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 359 |
| 19. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 3.4.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 335 |
20. Tacitus, Annals, 1.28.3, 1.49.2-1.49.4, 1.50.4, 1.51.1, 1.61.3, 1.62.1, 2.30.4, 2.32.2-2.32.3, 2.59.4, 2.85.4, 3.22.2, 3.60-3.63, 3.64.3-3.64.4, 3.71.2-3.71.3, 6.21.1, 11.1.1, 11.15, 12.52.1-12.52.3, 12.59.1, 12.61, 13.24.2, 14.12.2, 15.41.1, 15.44.1-15.44.5, 15.47.2, 16.6.1-16.6.2, 16.27.1, 16.31.1-16.31.2, 16.33.1-16.33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 78, 84, 227, 250, 272, 321, 335, 346| 3.61. Primi omnium Ephesii adiere, memorantes non, ut vulgus crederet, Dianam atque Apollinem Delo genitos: esse apud se Cenchreum amnem, lucum Ortygiam, ubi Latonam partu gravidam et oleae, quae tum etiam maneat, adnisam edidisse ea numina, deorumque monitu sacratum nemus, atque ipsum illic Apollinem post interfectos Cyclopas Iovis iram vitavisse. mox Liberum patrem, bello victorem, supplicibus Amazonum quae aram insiderant ignovisse. auctam hinc concessu Herculis, cum Lydia poteretur, caerimoniam templo neque Persarum dicione deminutum ius; post Macedonas, dein nos servavisse. 3.62. Proximi hos Magnetes L. Scipionis et L. Sullae constitutis nitebantur, quorum ille Antiocho, hic Mithridate pulsis fidem atque virtutem Magnetum decoravere, uti Dianae Leucophrynae perfugium inviolabile foret. Aphrodisienses posthac et Stratonicenses dictatoris Caesaris ob vetusta in partis merita et recens divi Augusti decretum adtulere, laudati quod Parthorum inruptionem nihil mutata in populum Romanum constantia pertulissent. sed Aphrodisiensium civitas Veneris, Stratonicensium Iovis et Triviae religionem tuebantur. altius Hierocaesarienses exposuere, Persicam apud se Dianam, delubrum rege Cyro dicatum; et memorabantur Perpennae, Isaurici multaque alia imperatorum nomina qui non modo templo sed duobus milibus passuum eandem sanctitatem tribuerant. exim Cy- prii tribus de delubris, quorum vetustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Ae+rias, post filius eius Amathus Veneri Amathusiae et Iovi Salaminio Teucer, Telamonis patris ira profugus, posuissent. 3.63. Auditae aliarum quoque civitatium legationes. quorum copia fessi patres, et quia studiis certabatur, consulibus permisere ut perspecto iure, et si qua iniquitas involveretur, rem integram rursum ad senatum referrent. consules super eas civitates quas memoravi apud Pergamum Aesculapii compertum asylum rettulerunt: ceteros obscuris ob vetustatem initiis niti. nam Zmyrnaeos oraculum Apollinis, cuius imperio Stratonicidi Veneri templum dicaverint, Tenios eiusdem carmen referre, quo sacrare Neptuni effigiem aedemque iussi sint. propiora Sardianos: Alexandri victoris id donum. neque minus Milesios Dareo rege niti; set cultus numinum utrisque Dianam aut Apollinem venerandi. petere et Cretenses simulacro divi Augusti. factaque senatus consulta quis multo cum honore modus tamen praescribebatur, iussique ipsis in templis figere aera sacrandam ad memoriam, neu specie religionis in ambitionem delaberentur. 11.15. Rettulit deinde ad senatum super collegio haruspicum, ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per desidiam exolesceret: saepe adversis rei publicae temporibus accitos, quorum monitu redintegratas caerimonias et in posterum rectius habitas; primoresque Etruriae sponte aut patrum Romanorum impulsu retinuisse scientiam et in familias propagasse: quod nunc segnius fieri publica circa bonas artes socordia, et quia externae superstitiones valescant. et laeta quidem in praesens omnia, sed benignitati deum gratiam referendam, ne ritus sacrorum inter ambigua culti per prospera oblitterarentur. factum ex eo senatus consultum, viderent pontifices quae retinenda firmandaque haruspicum. 12.61. Rettulit dein de immunitate Cois tribuenda multaque super antiquitate eorum memoravit: Argivos vel Coeum Latonae parentem vetustissimos insulae cultores; mox adventu Aesculapii artem medendi inlatam maximeque inter posteros eius celebrem fuisse, nomina singulorum referens et quibus quisque aetatibus viguissent. quin etiam dixit Xenophontem, cuius scientia ipse uteretur, eadem familia ortum, precibusque eius dandum ut omni tributo vacui in posterum Coi sacram et tantum dei ministram insulam colerent. neque dubium habetur multa eorundem in populum Romanum merita sociasque victorias potuisse tradi: set Claudius facilitate solita quod uni concesserat nullis extrinsecus adiumentis velavit. | 3.60. Tiberius, however, while tightening his grasp on the solid power of the principate, vouchsafed to the senate a shadow of the past by submitting the claims of the provinces to the discussion of its members. For throughout the Greek cities there was a growing laxity, and impunity, in the creation of rights of asylum. The temples were filled with the dregs of the slave population; the same shelter was extended to the debtor against his creditor and to the man suspected of a capital offence; nor was any authority powerful enough to quell the factions of a race which protected human felony equally with divine worship. It was resolved, therefore, that the communities in question should send their charters and deputies to Rome. A few abandoned without a struggle the claims they had asserted without a title: many relied on hoary superstitions or on their services to the Roman nation. It was an impressive spectacle which that day afforded, when the senate scrutinized the benefactions of its predecessors, the constitutions of the provinces, even the decrees of kings whose power antedated the arms of Rome, and the rites of the deities themselves, with full liberty as of old to confirm or change. 3.61. The Ephesians were the first to appear. "Apollo and Diana," they stated, "were not, as commonly supposed, born at Delos. In Ephesus there was a river Cenchrius, with a grove Ortygia; where Latona, heavy-wombed and supporting herself by an olive-tree which remained to that day, gave birth to the heavenly twins. The grove had been hallowed by divine injunction; and there Apollo himself, after slaying the Cyclopes, had evaded the anger of Jove. Afterwards Father Liber, victor in the war, had pardoned the suppliant Amazons who had seated themselves at the altar. Then the sanctity of the temple had been enhanced, with the permission of Hercules, while he held the crown of Lydia; its privileges had not been diminished under the Persian empire; later, they had been preserved by the Macedonians â last by ourselves." 3.62. The Magnesians, who followed, rested their case on the rulings of Lucius Scipio and Lucius Sulla, who, after their defeats of Antiochus and Mithridates respectively, had honoured the loyalty and courage of Magnesia by making the shrine of Leucophryne Diana an inviolable refuge. Next, Aphrodisias and Stratonicea adduced a decree of the dictator Julius in return for their early services to his cause, together with a modern rescript of the deified Augustus, who praised the unchanging fidelity to the Roman nation with which they had sustained the Parthian inroad. Aphrodisias, however, was championing the cult of Venus; Stratonicea, that of Jove and Diana of the Crossways. The statement of Hierocaesarea went deeper into the past: the community owned a Persian Diana with a temple dedicated in the reign of Cyrus; and there were references to Perpenna, Isauricus, and many other commanders who had allowed the same sanctity not only to the temple but to the neighbourhood for two miles round. The Cypriotes followed with an appeal for three shrines â the oldest erected by their founder Aërias to the Paphian Venus; the second by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; and a third by Teucer, exiled by the anger of his father Telamon, to Jove of Salamis. 3.63. Deputations from other states were heard as well; till the Fathers, weary of the details, and disliking the acrimony of the discussion, empowered the consuls to investigate the titles, in search of any latent flaw, and to refer the entire question back to the senate. Their report was that â apart from the communities I have already named â they were satisfied there was a genuine sanctuary of Aesculapius at Pergamum; other claimants relied on pedigrees too ancient to be clear. "For Smyrna cited an oracle of Apollo, at whose command the town had dedicated a temple to Venus Stratonicis; Tenos, a prophecy from the same source, ordering the consecration of a statue and shrine to Neptune. Sardis touched more familiar ground with a grant from the victorious Alexander; Miletus had equal confidence in King Darius. With these two, however, the divine object of adoration was Diana in the one case, Apollo in the other. The Cretans, again, were claiming for an effigy of the deified Augustus." The senate, accordingly, passed a number of resolutions, scrupulously complimentary, but still imposing a limit; and the applicants were ordered to fix the brass records actually inside the temples, both as a solemn memorial and as a warning not to lapse into secular intrigue under the cloak of religion. 12.61. He next proposed to grant immunity to the inhabitants of Cos. of their ancient history he had much to tell:â "The earliest occupants of the island had," he said, "been Argives â or, possibly, Coeus, the father of Latona. Then the arrival of Aesculapius had introduced the art of healing, which attained the highest celebrity among his descendants" â here he gave the names of the descendants and the epochs at which they had all flourished. "Xenophon," he observed again, "to whose knowledge he himself had recourse, derived his origin from the same family; and, as a concession to his prayers, the Coans ought to have been exempted from all forms of tribute for the future and allowed to tet their island as a sanctified place subservient only to its god." There can be no doubt that a large number of services rendered by the islanders to Rome, and of victories in which they had borne their part, could have been cited; but Claudius declined to disguise by external aids a favour which, with his wonted complaisance, he had accorded to an individual. |
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| 21. Suetonius, Tiberius, 14.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 227 |
| 22. Tacitus, Agricola, 45.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 359 |
| 23. Suetonius, Domitianus, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 93 |
| 24. Suetonius, Claudius, 38.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 335 |
| 25. Suetonius, Caligula, 17.2, 35.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 49 |
| 26. Suetonius, Augustus, 35.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 5 |
| 27. Suetonius, Otho, 12.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 335 |
| 28. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 321 |
| 29. Suetonius, Galba, 12.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 93 |
30. Tacitus, Histories, 1.3.2, 2.70.2, 2.78.1, 3.74.1, 4.81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 250, 346, 359 | 4.81. During the months while Vespasian was waiting at Alexandria for the regular season of the summer winds and a settled sea, many marvels continued to mark the favour of heaven and a certain partiality of the gods toward him. One of the common people of Alexandria, well known for his loss of sight, threw himself before Vespasian's knees, praying him with groans to cure his blindness, being so directed by the god Serapis, whom this most superstitious of nations worships before all others; and he besought the emperor to deign to moisten his cheeks and eyes with his spittle. Another, whose hand was useless, prompted by the same god, begged Caesar to step and trample on it. Vespasian at first ridiculed these appeals and treated them with scorn; then, when the men persisted, he began at one moment to fear the discredit of failure, at another to be inspired with hopes of success by the appeals of the suppliants and the flattery of his courtiers: finally, he directed the physicians to give their opinion as to whether such blindness and infirmity could be overcome by human aid. Their reply treated the two cases differently: they said that in the first the power of sight had not been completely eaten away and it would return if the obstacles were removed; in the other, the joints had slipped and become displaced, but they could be restored if a healing pressure were applied to them. Such perhaps was the wish of the gods, and it might be that the emperor had been chosen for this divine service; in any case, if a cure were obtained, the glory would be Caesar's, but in the event of failure, ridicule would fall only on the poor suppliants. So Vespasian, believing that his good fortune was capable of anything and that nothing was any longer incredible, with a smiling countece, and amid intense excitement on the part of the bystanders, did as he was asked to do. The hand was instantly restored to use, and the day again shone for the blind man. Both facts are told by eye-witnesses even now when falsehood brings no reward. |
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| 31. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 39.2, 40.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 78 |
| 32. Gellius, Attic Nights, 14.7.7, 14.7.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 5 |
| 33. Gaius, Instiutiones, 2.5-2.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 78 |
34. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.27.11, 10.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 78, 84 | 10.5. To Trajan. Last year, Sir, when I was in serious ill-health and was in some danger of my life I called in an ointment-doctor {iatroliptes}, and I can only adequately repay him for the pains and interest he took in my case if you are kind enough to help me. Let me, therefore, entreat you to bestow on him the Roman citizenship, for he belongs to a foreign race and was manumitted by a foreign lady. His name is Harpocras, his patroness being Thermuthis, the daughter of Theon, but she has been dead for some years. I also beg you to give full Roman citizenship * to the freedwomen of Antonia Maximilla, a lady of great distinction, Hedia, and Antonia Harmeris. It is at the request of their patroness that I beg this favour. |
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35. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 8.27, 10.20, 11.3, 11.9-11.10, 11.24, 11.26 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign •foreign cults Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 50, 62, 63, 153; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 359; Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 231 | 11.3. When I had ended this prayer and discovered my complaints to the goddess, I happened to fall asleep. By and by appeared a divine and venerable face, worshipped even by the gods themselves. Then, little by little, I seemed to see the whole figure of her body, mounting out of the sea and standing before me. Wherefore I intend to describe her divine semblance, if the poverty of human speech will allow me, or if her divine power gives me eloquence to do so. First she had a great abundance of hair dispersed and scattered about her neck. On the crown of her head she bore many garlands interlaced with flowers. In the middle of her forehead was a compass like mirror, or resembling the light of the moon. In one of her hands she bore serpents, in the other, blades of grain. Her vestment was of fine silk of diverse colors, sometimes yellow, sometimes rosy, sometimes the color of flame. Her robe (which troubled my spirit sorely) was dark and obscure, and pleated in most subtle fashion at the skirts of her garments. Its fringe appeared comely. 11.9. Amongst the pleasures and popular delights which wandered hither and thither, you might see the procession of the goddess triumphantly marching forward. The women, attired in white vestments and rejoicing because they wore garlands and flowers upon their heads, bedspread the road with herbs which they bare in their aprons. This marked the path this regal and devout procession would pass. Others carried mirrors on their backs to testify obeisance to the goddess who came after. Other bore combs of ivory and declared by the gesture and motions of their arms that they were ordained and ready to dress the goddess. Others dropped balm and other precious ointments as they went. Then came a great number of men as well as women with candles, torches, and other lights, doing honor to the celestial goddess. After that sounded the musical harmony of instruments. Then came a fair company of youths, appareled in white vestments, singing both meter and verse a comely song which some studious poet had made in honor of the Muses. In the meantime there arrived the blowers of trumpets, who were dedicated to the god Serapis. Before them were officers who prepared room for the goddess to pass. 11.10. Then came the great company of men and women who had taken divine orders and whose garments glistened all the streets over. The women had their hair anointed and their heads covered with linen. But the men had their crowns shaven, which were like earthly stars of the goddess. They held in their hands instruments of brass, silver and gold, which rendered a pleasant sound. The principal priests, who were appareled with white surpluses hanging down to the ground, bore the relics of the powerful goddess. One carried in his hand a light, not unlike to those which we used in our houses, except that in the middle of it there was a bole which rendered a brighter flame. The second, attired like the other, bore in his hand an altar which the goddess herself named the succor of nations. The third held a tree of palm, with leaves of gold, and the verge of Mercury. The fourth showed a token of equity in his left hand, which was deformed in every place, signifying more equity then by the right hand. The same priest carried a round vessel of gold in the form of a cap. The fifth bore a van, wrought with springs of gold, and another carried a vessel for wine. 11.24. When morning came, and that the solemnities were finished, I came forth sanctified with twelve robes and in a religious habit. I am not forbidden to speak of this since many persons saw me at that time. There I was commanded to stand upon a seat of wood which stood in the middle of the temple before the image of the goddess. My vestment was of fine linen, covered and embroidered with flowers. I had a precious cloak upon my shoulders hung down to the ground. On it were depicted beasts wrought of diverse colors: Indian dragons and Hyperborean griffins which the other world engenders in the form of birds. The priests commonly call such a habit a celestial robe. In my right hand I carried a lit torch. There was a garland of flowers upon my head with palm leaves sprouting out on every side. I was adorned like un the sun and made in fashion of an image such that all the people came up to behold me. Then they began to solemnize the feast of the nativity and the new procession, with sumptuous banquets and delicacies. The third day was likewise celebrated with like ceremonies with a religious dinner, and with all the consummation of the order. After I had stayed there a good space, I conceived a marvelous pleasure and consolation in beholding the image of the goddess. She at length urged me to depart homeward. I rendered my thanks which, although not sufficient, yet they were according to my power. However, I could not be persuaded to depart before I had fallen prostrate before the face of the goddess and wiped her steps with my face. Then I began greatly to weep and sigh (so uch so that my words were interrupted) and, as though devouring my prayer, I began to speak in this way: 11.26. After great greeting and thanks I departed from him to visit my parents and friends. And after a while, by the exhortation of the goddess, I made up my packet, and took shipping toward the city of Rome, where (with a favorable wind) I arrived about the twelfth day of December. And the greatest desire I had there was to make my daily prayers to the sovereign goddess Isis. She, because of the place where her temple was built, was called Campensis, and was continually adored of the people of Rome. Although I was her minister and worshipper, I was a stranger to her temple and unknown to her religion there. When a year had gone by, the goddess advised me again to receive this new order and consecration. I marveled greatly what it signified and what should happen, considering that I was a sacred person already. |
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| 36. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 46.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 93 |
37. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 54.30.1, 55.11.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 5, 227 | 54.30.1. These were the events connected with Agrippa's death. After this Augustus was chosen supervisor and corrector of morals for another five years; for he received this office also for limited periods, as he did the monarchy. He ordered the senators to burn incense in their assembly hall whenever they held a session, and not to pay their usual visit to him, his purpose being, in the first instance, that they should show reverence to the gods, and, in the second, that they should not be hindered in convening. 55.11.2. And the story goes that once in Rhodes he was about to push Thrasyllus from the walls, because he was the only one who shared all his own thoughts; but he did not carry out his intention when he observed that Thrasyllus was gloomy, â not, indeed, because of his gloom, but because, when asked why his countece was overcast, the other replied that he had a premonition that some peril was in store for him. This answer made Tiberius marvel that he could foresee the mere project of the plot, and so he conceived the desire to keep Thrasyllus for his own purposes because of the hopes he entertained. |
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| 38. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 22.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 226 |
| 39. Prudentius, Cathemerina., 3.101-3.105 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 153 |
| 40. Stesichorus, Fragments, 213 Tagged with subjects: •cults, foreign cult Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 24 |
| 41. Epigraphy, Ig, 14.830 Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 227 |
| 42. Epigraphy, C.C.I.D., 373 Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 230 |
| 43. Anon., Sha Sept. Sev., 6.11 Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 93 |
| 46. Epigraphy, A.E., 1926.116 Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 226 |
| 47. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.50-6.51, 6.30817, 10.1634 Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 223, 228 |
48. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.31-8.33, 11.772-11.777 Tagged with subjects: •religious cults, foreign Found in books: Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 62, 63 | 8.31. of a reflected moon, send forth a beam 8.32. of flickering light that leaps from wall to wall, 8.33. or, skyward lifted in ethereal flight, 11.772. Strymonian cranes or swans of spotless wing. 11.773. From Tuscan towns proud matrons oft in vain 11.774. ought her in marriage for their sons; but she 11.775. to Dian only turned her stainless heart, 11.776. her virgin freedom and her huntress' arms 11.777. with faithful passion serving. Would that now |
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| 49. Heracleides Ponticus, Abaris, 69-70, 73-75, 68 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 23 |
| 50. Epigraphy, I.G.U.R., 1.117-1.120 Tagged with subjects: •foreign cults Found in books: Tacoma (2016), Models from the Past in Roman Culture: A World of Exempla, 223 |
