1. Homer, Iliad, 14.214 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 368; Verhagen (2022) 368
14.214. ἦ, καὶ ἀπὸ στήθεσφιν ἐλύσατο κεστὸν ἱμάντα''. None | 14.214. ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, ''. None |
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2. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 366; Verhagen (2022) 366
213d. ἠράσθην, οὐκέτι ἔξεστίν μοι οὔτε προσβλέψαι οὔτε διαλεχθῆναι καλῷ οὐδʼ ἑνί, ἢ οὑτοσὶ ζηλοτυπῶν με καὶ φθονῶν θαυμαστὰ ἐργάζεται καὶ λοιδορεῖταί τε καὶ τὼ χεῖρε μόγις ἀπέχεται. ὅρα οὖν μή τι καὶ νῦν ἐργάσηται, ἀλλὰ διάλλαξον ἡμᾶς, ἢ ἐὰν ἐπιχειρῇ βιάζεσθαι, ἐπάμυνε, ὡς ἐγὼ τὴν τούτου μανίαν τε καὶ φιλεραστίαν πάνυ ὀρρωδῶ.''. None | 213d. either to look upon or converse with a single handsome person, but the fellow flies into a spiteful jealousy which makes him treat me in a monstrous fashion, girding at me and hardly keeping his hands to himself. So take care that he does no mischief now: pray reconcile us; or if he sets about using force, protect me, for I shudder with alarm at his amorous frenzy.''. None |
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3. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 362, 363; Verhagen (2022) 362, 363
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4. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 362, 366; Verhagen (2022) 362, 366
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5. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 352, 353, 359, 367; Verhagen (2022) 352, 353, 359, 367
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6. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 357, 362; Verhagen (2022) 357, 362
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7. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 350; Verhagen (2022) 350
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8. Anon., Jubilees, 20.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus, T. • Josephus Flavius
Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 175; Roskovec and Hušek (2021) 153
| 20.4. And if any woman or maid commit fornication amongst you, burn her with fire, and let them not commit fornication with her after their eyes and their heart;''. None |
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9. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 369; Verhagen (2022) 369
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10. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus, • Flavius Josephus, T.
Found in books: Huttner (2013) 70; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 180, 198
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11. Catullus, Poems, 13.11-13.14, 23.12-23.14, 95.4-95.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 347, 348, 352, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 368, 370, 371; Verhagen (2022) 347, 348, 352, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 368, 370, 371
| 13.11. I'll give thee unguent lent my girl to scent" '13.12. By every Venus and all Cupids sent, 13.13. Which, as thou savour, pray Gods interpose 13.14. And thee, Fabúllus, make a Naught-but-nose.
23.12. Your frames are hard and dried like horn, 23.13. Or if more arid aught ye know 23.14. By suns and frosts and hunger-throe. 95.5. "Zmyrna" shall travel afar as the hollow breakers of Satrax, 95.6. "Zmyrna" by ages grey lastingly shall be perused.' "95.7. But upon Padus' brink shall die Volusius his annal" ". None |
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12. Horace, Sermones, 1.2, 1.4.11, 1.10.50 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 352, 366; Verhagen (2022) 352, 366
| 1.2. However, since I observe a considerable number of people giving ear to the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill will to us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a late date, because they are not so much as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most famous historiographers among the Grecians,
1.2. Moreover, he attests that we Jews, went as auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add farther what he says he learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these:—
1.2. for if we remember, that in the beginning the Greeks had taken no care to have public records of their several transactions preserved, this must for certain have afforded those that would afterward write about those ancient transactions, the opportunity of making mistakes, and the power of making lies also;
1.4.11. As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skilful in the knowledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks themselves. I will also show, that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us, are to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary.
1.4.11. but as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and precepts for the conduct of human life. ' '. None |
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13. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.137-1.138 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 360; Verhagen (2022) 360
1.137. Nil opus est digitis, per quos arcana loquaris, 1.138. rend=''. None | 1.137. Their fear was one, but not one face of fear: 1.138. Some rend the lovely tresses of the hair:''. None |
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14. Ovid, Fasti, 1.641-1.644, 3.260-3.392 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Cn. Flavius • concordia, Cn. Flavius shrine • fides, Cn. Flavius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 369; Clark (2007) 55; Rüpke (2011) 98; Verhagen (2022) 369
1.641. Furius antiquam populi superator Etrusci 1.642. voverat et voti solverat ille fidem, 1.643. causa, quod a patribus sumptis secesserat armis 1.644. volgus, et ipsa suas Roma timebat opes.
3.260. arma ferant Salii Mamuriumque cat? 3.261. nympha, mone, nemori stagnoque operata Dianae; 3.262. nympha, Numae coniunx, ad tua facta veni. 3.263. vallis Aricinae silva praecinctus opaca 3.264. est lacus, antiqua religione sacer. 3.265. hic latet Hippolytus loris direptus equorum, 3.266. unde nemus nullis illud aditur equis. 3.267. licia dependent longas velantia saepes, 3.268. et posita est meritae multa tabella deae. 3.269. saepe potens voti, frontem redimita coronis, 3.270. femina lucentes portat ab urbe faces. 3.271. regna tenent fortes manibus pedibusque fugaces, 3.272. et perit exemplo postmodo quisque suo. 3.273. defluit incerto lapidosus murmure rivus: 3.274. saepe, sed exiguis haustibus, inde bibi. 3.275. Egeria est, quae praebet aquas, dea grata Camenis; 3.276. illa Numae coniunx consiliumque fuit. 3.277. principio nimium promptos ad bella Quirites 3.278. molliri placuit iure deumque metu; 3.279. inde datae leges, ne firmior omnia posset, 3.280. coeptaque sunt pure tradita sacra coli. 3.281. exuitur feritas, armisque potentius aequum est, 3.282. et cum cive pudet conseruisse manus; 3.283. atque aliquis, modo trux, visa iam vertitur ara 3.284. vinaque dat tepidis farraque salsa focis. 3.285. ecce deum genitor rutilas per nubila flammas 3.286. spargit et effusis aethera siccat aquis; 3.287. non alias missi cecidere frequentius ignes: 3.288. rex pavet et volgi pectora terror habet, 3.289. cui dea ‘ne nimium terrere! piabile fulmen 3.290. est,’ ait ‘et saevi flectitur ira Iovis, 3.291. sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi 3.292. tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli. 3.293. nec sine vi tradent: adhibe tu vincula captis.’ 3.294. atque ita qua possint edidit arte capi. 3.295. lucus Aventino suberat niger ilicis umbra, 3.296. quo posses viso dicere numen inest. 3.297. in medio gramen, muscoque adoperta virenti 3.298. manabat saxo vena perennis aquae: 3.299. inde fere soli Faunus Picusque bibebant. 3.300. huc venit et fonti rex Numa mactat ovem, 3.301. plenaque odorati disponit pocula Bacchi, 3.302. cumque suis antro conditus ipse latet, 3.303. ad solitos veniunt silvestria numina fontes 3.304. et relevant multo pectora sicca mero. 3.305. vina quies sequitur; gelido Numa prodit ab antro 3.306. vinclaque sopitas addit in arta manus, 3.307. somnus ut abscessit, pugdo vincula temptant 3.308. rumpere: pugtes fortius illa tenent. 3.309. tunc Numa: ‘di nemorum, factis ignoscite nostris, 3.310. si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo; 3.311. quoque modo possit fulmen, monstrate, piari.’ 3.312. sic Numa; sic quatiens cornua Faunus ait: 3.313. ‘magna petis nec quae monitu tibi discere nostro 3.314. fas sit: habent finis numina nostra suos. 3.315. di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis 3.316. montibus: arbitrium est in sua tela Iovi. 3.317. hunc tu non poteris per te deducere caelo, 3.318. at poteris nostra forsitan usus ope.’ 3.319. dixerat haec Faunus; par est sententia Pici: 3.320. deme tamen nobis vincula, Picus ait: 3.321. ‘Iuppiter huc veniet, valida perductus ab arte. 3.322. nubila promissi Styx mihi testis erit.’ 3.323. emissi laqueis quid agant, quae carmina dicant, 3.324. quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Iovem, 3.325. scire nefas homini: nobis concessa canentur 3.326. quaeque pio dici vatis ab ore licet, 3.327. eliciunt caelo te, Iuppiter, unde minores 3.328. nunc quoque te celebrant Eliciumque vocant, 3.329. constat Aventinae tremuisse cacumina silvae, 3.330. terraque subsedit pondere pressa Iovis, 3.331. corda micant regis, totoque e corpore sanguis 3.332. fugit, et hirsutae deriguere comae, 3.333. ut rediit animus, da certa piamina dixit 3.334. ‘fulminis, altorum rexque paterque deum, 3.335. si tua contigimus manibus donaria puris, 3.336. hoc quoque, quod petitur, si pia lingua rogat.’ 3.337. adnuit oranti, sed verum ambage remota 3.338. abdidit et dubio terruit ore virum. 3.339. caede caput dixit: cui rex parebimus, inquit 3.340. caedenda est hortis eruta caepa meis. 3.341. addidit, hic hominis: sumes ait ille capillos. 3.342. postulat hic animam, cui Numa piscis ait. 3.343. risit et his inquit ‘facito mea tela procures, 3.344. o vir conloquio non abigende deum. 3.345. sed tibi, protulerit cum totum crastinus orbem 3.346. Cynthius, imperii pignora certa dabo.’ 3.347. dixit et ingenti tonitru super aethera motum 3.348. fertur, adorantem destituitque Numam, 3.349. ille redit laetus memoratque Quiritibus acta: 3.350. tarda venit dictis difficilisque fides. 3.351. at certe credemur, ait ‘si verba sequetur 3.352. exitus: en audi crastina, quisquis ades. 3.353. protulerit terris cum totum Cynthius orbem, 3.354. Iuppiter imperii pignora certa dabit.’ 3.355. discedunt dubii, promissaque tarda videntur, 3.356. dependetque fides a veniente die. 3.357. mollis erat tellus rorata mane pruina: 3.358. ante sui populus limina regis adest, 3.359. prodit et in solio medius consedit acerno. 3.360. innumeri circa stantque silentque viri. 3.361. ortus erat summo tantummodo margine Phoebus: 3.362. sollicitae mentes speque metuque pavent, 3.363. constitit atque caput niveo velatus amictu 3.364. iam bene dis notas sustulit ille manus, 3.365. atque ita tempus adest promissi muneris, inquit 3.366. pollicitam dictis, Iuppiter, adde fidem. 3.367. dum loquitur, totum iam sol emoverat orbem, 3.368. et gravis aetherio venit ab axe fragor. 3.369. ter tonuit sine nube deus, tria fulmina misit. 3.370. credite dicenti: mira, sed acta, loquor, 3.371. a media caelum regione dehiscere coepit; 3.372. summisere oculos cum duce turba suo. 3.373. ecce levi scutum versatum leniter aura 3.374. decidit, a populo clamor ad astra venit. 3.375. tollit humo munus caesa prius ille iuvenca, 3.376. quae dederat nulli colla premenda iugo, 3.377. idque ancile vocat, quod ab omni parte recisum est, 3.378. quemque notes oculis, angulus omnis abest, 3.379. tum, memor imperii sortem consistere in illo, 3.380. consilium multae calliditatis init. 3.381. plura iubet fieri simili caelata figura, 3.382. error ut ante oculos insidiantis eat. 3.383. Mamurius (morum fabraene exactior artis, 3.384. difficile est ulli dicere) clausit opus. 3.385. cui Numa munificus facti pete praemia, dixit; 3.386. si mea nota fides, inrita nulla petes. 3.387. iam dederat Saliis a saltu nomina dicta 3.388. armaque et ad certos verba canenda modos. 3.389. tum sic Mamurius: ‘merces mihi gloria detur, 3.390. nominaque extremo carmine nostra sonent.’ 3.391. inde sacerdotes operi promissa vetusto 3.392. praemia persolvunt Mamuriumque vocant,''. None | 1.641. Vowed your ancient temple and kept his vow. 1.642. His reason was that the commoners had armed themselves, 1.643. Seceding from the nobles, and Rome feared their power. 1.644. This latest reason was a better one: revered Leader, Germany
3.260. Teach me, nymph, who serves Diana’s lake and grove: 3.261. Nymph, Egeria, wife to Numa, speak of your actions. 3.262. There is a lake in the vale of Aricia, ringed by dense woods, 3.263. And sacred to religion from ancient times. 3.264. Here Hippolytus hides, who was torn to piece 3.265. By his horses, and so no horse may enter the grove. 3.266. The long hedge is covered with hanging threads, 3.267. And many tablets witness the goddess’s merit. 3.268. often a woman whose prayer is answered, brow wreathed 3.269. With garlands, carries lighted torches from the City. 3.270. One with strong hands and swift feet rules there, 3.271. And each is later killed, as he himself killed before. 3.272. A pebble-filled stream flows down with fitful murmurs: 3.273. often I’ve drunk there, but in little draughts. 3.274. Egeria, goddess dear to the Camenae, supplies the water: 3.275. She who was wife and counsellor to Numa. 3.276. The Quirites were too prompt to take up arms, 3.277. And Numa quietened them with justice, and fear of the gods. 3.278. So laws were made, that the stronger might not take all, 3.279. And traditional rights were properly observed. 3.280. They left off being savages, justice superseded arms, 3.281. And citizens were ashamed to fight each other: 3.282. Those who had once been violent were transformed, on seeing 3.283. An altar, offering wine and salted meal on the warm hearths. 3.284. See, the father of the gods scatters red lightning through 3.285. The clouds, and clears the sky with showers of rain: 3.286. The forked flames never fell thicker: 3.287. The king was fearful, the people filled with terror. 3.288. The goddess said: ‘Don’t be so afraid! Lightning 3.289. Can be placated, and fierce Jupiter’s anger averted. 3.290. Picus and Faunus, each a deity native to Roman soil, 3.291. Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t 3.292. Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’ 3.293. And she revealed the arts by which they could be caught. 3.294. There was a grove, dark with holm-oaks, below the Aventine, 3.295. At sight of which you would say: ‘There’s a god within.’ 3.296. The centre was grassy, and covered with green moss, 3.297. And a perennial stream of water trickled from the rock. 3.298. Faunus and Picus used to drink there alone. 3.299. Numa approached and sacrificed a sheep to the spring, 3.300. And set out cups filled with fragrant wine. 3.301. Then he hid with his people inside the cave. 3.302. The woodland spirits came to their usual spring, 3.303. And quenched their dry throats with draughts of wine. 3.304. Sleep succeeded wine: Numa emerged from the icy cave 3.305. And clasped the sleepers’ hands in tight shackles. 3.306. When sleep vanished, they fought and tried to burst 3.307. Their bonds, which grew tighter the more they struggled. 3.308. Then Numa spoke: ‘Gods of the sacred groves, if you accept 3.309. My thoughts were free of wickedness, forgive my actions: 3.310. And show me how the lightning may be averted.’ 3.311. So Numa: and, shaking his horns, so Faunus replied: 3.312. ‘You seek great things, that it’s not right for you to know 3.313. Through our admission: our powers have their limits. 3.314. We are rural gods who rule in the high mountains: 3.315. Jupiter has control of his own weapons. 3.316. You could never draw him from heaven by yourself, 3.317. But you may be able, by making use of our aid.’ 3.318. Faunus spoke these words: Picus too agreed, 3.319. ‘But remove our shackles,’ Picus added: 3.320. ‘Jupiter will arrive here, drawn by powerful art. 3.321. Cloudy Styx will be witness to my promise.’ 3.322. It’s wrong for men to know what the gods enacted when loosed 3.323. From the snare, or what spells they spoke, or by what art 3.324. They drew Jupiter from his realm above. My song will sing 3.325. of lawful things, such as a poet may speak with pious lips. 3.326. The drew you (eliciunt) from the sky, Jupiter, and later 3.327. Generations now worship you, by the name of Elicius. 3.328. It’s true that the crowns of the Aventine woods trembled, 3.329. And the earth sank under the weight of Jove. 3.330. The king’s heart shook, the blood fled from his body, 3.331. And the bristling hair stood up stiffly on his head. 3.332. When he regained his senses, he said: ‘King and father 3.333. To the high gods, if I have touched your offering 3.334. With pure hands, and if a pious tongue, too, asks for 3.335. What I seek, grant expiation from your lightning,’ 3.336. The god accepted his prayer, but hid the truth with deep 3.337. Ambiguities, and terrified him with confusing words. 3.338. ‘Sever a head,’ said the god: the king replied; ‘I will, 3.339. We’ll sever an onion’s, dug from my garden.’ 3.340. The god added: ‘of a man’: ‘You’ll have the hair,’ 3.341. Said the king. He demanded a life, Numa replied: ‘A fish’s’. 3.342. The god laughed and said: ‘Expiate my lightning like this, 3.343. O man who cannot be stopped from speaking with gods. 3.344. And when Apollo’s disc is full tomorrow, 3.345. I’ll give you sure pledges of empire.’ 3.346. He spoke, and was carried above the quaking sky, 3.347. In loud thunder, leaving Numa worshipping him. 3.348. The king returned joyfully, and told the Quirite 3.349. What had happened: they were slow to believe his words. 3.350. ‘It will surely be believed,’ he said, ‘if the event follow 3.351. My speech: listen, all you here, to what tomorrow brings. 3.352. When Apollo’s disc has lifted fully above the earth, 3.353. Jupiter will grant me sure pledges of empire.’ 3.354. The left, doubtful, considering it long to wait, 3.355. But setting their hopes on the following day. 3.356. The ground was soft at dawn, with a frost of dew: 3.357. When the crowd gathered at the king’s threshold. 3.358. He emerged, and sat in the midst on a maple wood throne. 3.359. Countless warriors stood around him in silence. 3.360. Phoebus had scarcely risen above the horizon: 3.361. Their anxious minds trembled with hope and fear. 3.362. The king stood, his head covered with a white cloth 3.363. Raising his hands, that the god now knew so well. 3.364. He spoke as follows: ‘The time is here for the promised gift, 3.365. Jupiter, make true the words of your pledge.’ 3.366. As he spoke, the sun’s full disc appeared, 3.367. And a loud crash came from the depths of the sky. 3.368. Three times the god thundered, and hurled his lightning, 3.369. From cloudless air, believe what I say, wonderful but true. 3.370. The sky began to split open at the zenith: 3.371. The crowd and its leader lifted their eyes. 3.372. Behold, a shield fell, trembling in the light breeze. 3.373. The sound of the crowd’s shouting reached the stars. 3.374. The king first sacrificed a heifer that had never known 3.375. The yoke, then raised the gift from the ground, 3.376. And called it ancile, because it was cut away (recisum) 3.377. All round, and there wasn’t a single angle to note. 3.378. Then, remembering the empire’s fate was involved, 3.379. He thought of a very cunning idea. 3.380. He ordered many shields cut in the same shape, 3.381. In order to confuse the eyes of any traitor. 3.382. Mamurius carried out the task: whether he was superior 3.383. In his craft or his character it would be hard to say. 3.384. Gracious Numa said to him: ‘Ask a reward for your work, 3.385. You’ll not ask in vain of one known for honesty.’ 3.386. He’d already given the Salii, named from their leaping (saltus), 3.387. Weapons: and words to be sung to a certain tune. 3.388. Mamurius replied: ‘Give me glory as my prize, 3.389. And let my name be sounded at the song’s end.’ 3.390. So the priests grant the reward promised for hi 3.391. Ancient work, and now call out ‘Mamurius’. 3.392. Girl if you’d marry, delay, however eager both are:''. None |
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15. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.365, 8.549-8.559 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 366, 367; Verhagen (2022) 366, 367
7.365. Phoebeamque Rhodon et Ialysios Telchinas,
8.549. Clausit iter fecitque moras Achelous eunti 8.550. imbre tumens. “Succede meis,” ait “inclite, tectis, 8.551. Cecropida, nec te committe rapacibus undis: 8.552. ferre trabes solidas obliquaque volvere magno 8.553. murmure saxa solent. Vidi contermina ripae 8.555. profuit armentis, nec equis velocibus esse. 8.556. Multa quoque hic torrens nivibus de monte solutis 8.557. corpora turbineo iuvenalia flumine mersit. 8.558. Tutior est requies, solito dum flumina currant 8.559. limite, dum tenues capiat suus alveus undas.”' '. None | 7.365. the flying dragons, harnessed by their necks,
8.549. with fatal onset rushed among this band 8.550. of noble lads, and stretched upon the ground 8.551. Eupalamon and Pelagon whose guard 8.552. was on the right; and their companions bore 8.553. their bodies from the field. 8.555. the brave son of Hippocoon received 8.556. a deadly wound—while turning to escape, 8.557. the sinew of his thigh was cut and failed 8.558. to bear his tottering steps.— 8.559. And Nestor might' '. None |
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16. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 323; König and Wiater (2022) 323
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17. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 323, 332, 338; König and Wiater (2022) 323, 332, 338
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18. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavian Amphitheater
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 334, 366, 367; Verhagen (2022) 334, 366, 367
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19. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 371; Verhagen (2022) 371
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20. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cn. Flavius • Flavius scriba, Gnaeus • Flavius, Gnaeus
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 48; Kaster(2005) 187; Rüpke (2011) 44, 98, 115
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21. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 366; Verhagen (2022) 366
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22. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 367; Verhagen (2022) 367
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23. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 18.6-18.8, 18.10, 18.18 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 332, 338, 350; König and Wiater (2022) 332, 338, 350
| 18.6. \xa0So first of all, you should know that you have no need of toil or exacting labour; for although, when a man has already undergone a great deal of training, these contribute very greatly to his progress, yet if he has had only a little, they will lessen his confidence and make him diffident about getting into action; just as with athletes who are unaccustomed to the training of the body, such training weakens them if they become fatigued by exercises which are too severe. But just as bodies unaccustomed to toil need anointing and moderate exercise rather than the training of the gymnasium, so you in preparing yourself for public speaking have need of diligence which has a tempering of pleasure rather than laborious training. So let us consider the poets: I\xa0would counsel you to read Meder of the writers of Comedy quite carefully, and Euripides of the writers of Tragedy, and to do so, not casually by reading them to yourself, but by having them read to you by others, preferably by men who know how to render the lines pleasurably, but at any rate so as not to offend. For the effect is enhanced when one is relieved of the preoccupation of reading. <' "18.7. \xa0And let no one of the more 'advanced' critics chide me for selecting Meder's plays in preference to the Old Comedy, or Euripides in preference to the earlier writers of Tragedy. For physicians do not prescribe the most costly diet for their patients, but that which is salutary. Now it would be a long task to enumerate all the advantages to be derived from these writers; indeed, not only has Meder's portrayal of every character and every charming trait surpassed all the skill of the early writers of Comedy, but the suavity and plausibility of Euripides, while perhaps not completely attaining to the grandeur of the tragic poet's way of deifying his characters, or to his high dignity, are very useful for the man in public life; and furthermore, he cleverly fills his plays with an abundance of characters and moving incidents, and strews them with maxims useful on all occasions, since he was not without acquaintance with philosophy. <" '18.8. \xa0But Homer comes first and in the middle and last, in that he gives of himself to every boy and adult and old man just as much as each of them can take. Lyric and elegiac poetry too, and iambics and dithyrambs are very valuable for the man of leisure, but the man who intends to have a public career and at the same time to increase the scope of his activities and the effectiveness of his oratory, will have no time for them. <
18.10. \xa0As for Herodotus, if you ever want real enjoyment, you will read him when quite at your ease, for the easy-going manner and charm of his narrative will give the impression that his work deals with stories rather than with actual history. But among the foremost historians I\xa0place Thucydides, and among those of second rank Theopompus; for not only is there a rhetorical quality in the narrative portion of his speeches, but he is not without eloquence nor negligent in expression, and the slovenliness of his diction is not so bad as to offend you. As for Ephorus, while he hands down to us a great deal of information about events, yet the tediousness and carelessness of his narrative style would not suit your purpose. <' "
18.18. \xa0Writing, however, I\xa0do not advise you to engage in with your own hand, or only very rarely, but rather to dictate to a secretary. For, in the first place, the one who utters his thoughts aloud is more nearly in the mood of a man addressing an audience than is one who writes, and, in the second place, less labour is involved. Again, while it contributes less to effectiveness in delivery than writing does, it contributes more to your habit of readiness. But when you do write, I\xa0do not think it best for you to write these madeâ\x80\x91up school exercises; yet if you must write, take one of the speeches that you enjoy reading, preferably one of Xenophon's, and either oppose what he said, or advance the same arguments in a different way. <"'. None |
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24. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.237, 14.240, 17.300 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus, • Flavius Josephus, T. • Flavius Zeuxis
Found in books: Huttner (2013) 72, 73; Lampe (2003) 158; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 180, 182
14.237. ὅπως πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ποιεῖν εἰωθότας, ἂν αὐτῷ φανῇ, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολύσῃ: καὶ ἀπέλυσε πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν Κουιντιλίων Λευκίω Λέντλω Γαί̈ω Μαρκέλλω ὑπάτοις.' '. None | 14.237. he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” |
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25. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 7.150, 7.158-7.162, 7.218 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian dynasty • Flavians • Flavius Josephus, • Flavius Josephus, T. • Jewish religion, in Flavian ideology • Jewish writings, interest in, in Flavian Rome • Josephus, Flavius • Judean writings, on par with Sibylline books, in Flavian Rome • Rome,Flavian building program • divinatory and prophetic writings, interest in, in Flavian Rome • religion, foreign, in Flavian ideology
Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al (2015) 107; Bloch (2022) 132; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 150, 160; Goodman (2006) 54; Huttner (2013) 70; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 188
1.3. Ταῦτα πάντα περιλαβὼν ἐν ἑπτὰ βιβλίοις καὶ μηδεμίαν τοῖς ἐπισταμένοις τὰ πράγματα καὶ παρατυχοῦσι τῷ πολέμῳ καταλιπὼν ἢ μέμψεως ἀφορμὴν ἢ κατηγορίας, τοῖς γε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνέγραψα. ποιήσομαι δὲ ταύτην τῆς ἐξηγήσεως ἀρχήν, ἣν καὶ τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐποιησάμην.' "
1.3. προυθέμην ἐγὼ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ̔Ελλάδι γλώσσῃ μεταβαλὼν ἃ τοῖς ἄνω βαρβάροις τῇ πατρίῳ συντάξας ἀνέπεμψα πρότερον ἀφηγήσασθαι ̓Ιώσηπος Ματθίου παῖς ἐξ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἱερεύς, αὐτός τε ̔Ρωμαίους πολεμήσας τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τοῖς ὕστερον παρατυχὼν ἐξ ἀνάγκης:
1.3. ταῦτ' ἀκούσας ̓Αντίγονος διέπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν εἴργειν καὶ λοχᾶν τοὺς σιτηγοὺς κελεύων. οἱ δ' ὑπήκουον, καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦντα συνηθροίσθη: διεκαθέζοντο δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρῶν παραφυλάσσοντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐκκομίζοντας." '
7.158. Μετὰ δὲ τοὺς θριάμβους καὶ τὴν βεβαιοτάτην τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας κατάστασιν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἔγνω τέμενος Εἰρήνης κατασκευάσαι: ταχὺ δὲ δὴ μάλα καὶ πάσης ἀνθρωπίνης κρεῖττον ἐπινοίας ἐτετελείωτο. 7.159. τῇ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ πλούτου χορηγίᾳ δαιμονίῳ χρησάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῖς ἔκπαλαι κατωρθωμένοις γραφῆς τε καὶ πλαστικῆς ἔργοις αὐτὸ κατεκόσμησεν:' "7.161. ἀνέθηκε δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χρυσᾶ κατασκευάσματα σεμνυνόμενος ἐπ' αὐτοῖς." '7.162. τὸν δὲ νόμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ πορφυρᾶ τοῦ σηκοῦ καταπετάσματα προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀποθεμένους φυλάττειν.
7.218. φόρον δὲ τοῖς ὁπουδηποτοῦν οὖσιν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέβαλεν δύο δραχμὰς ἕκαστον κελεύσας ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρειν, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰς τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις νεὼν συνετέλουν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τότε τοιαύτην εἶχε κατάστασιν.' '. None | 1.3. 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves with fictitious relations. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter.
1.3. I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward am the author of this work.
1.3. When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions.
7.158. 7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: 7.159. for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; 7.161. he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. 7.162. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.
7.218. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time.' '. None |
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26. Lucan, Pharsalia, 9.64 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cosmopolitanism, Flavian • Flavius scriba, Gnaeus
Found in books: Kaster(2005) 187; Manolaraki (2012) 215
| 9.64. Or friend or foe they knew not. Yet they dread In every keel the presence of that chief Their fear-compelling conqueror. But in truth That navy tears and sorrow bore, and woes To make e\'en Cato weep. For when in vain Cornelia prayed her stepson and the crew To stay their flight, lest haply from the shore Back to the sea might float the headless corse; And when the flame arising marked the place of that unhallowed rite, "Fortune, didst thou ''. None |
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27. New Testament, Acts, 10.1-10.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus, T. • Josephus Flavius, Jewish Historian
Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177; Rizzi (2010) 123
10.1. Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρίᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς, 10.2. εὐσεβὴς καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν σὺν παντὶ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, ποιῶν ἐλεημοσύνας πολλὰς τῷ λαῷ καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ παντός,''. None | 10.1. Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment, 10.2. a devout man, and one who feared God with all his house, who gave gifts for the needy generously to the people, and always prayed to God. ''. None |
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28. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 369; Verhagen (2022) 369
13.3. τούτοις μὲν οὖν μαρτυρῆσαι λέγουσι καὶ τὰ τῆς νόσου παραχρῆμα παυσάμενα. τὴν δὲ πέλτην προθέντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κελεύσαντος ἁμιλλᾶσθαι τοὺς τεχνίτας ὑπὲρ τῆς ὁμοιότητος, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἀπειπεῖν, Οὐετούριον δὲ Μαμούριον ἕνα α τῶν ἄκρων δημιουργῶν οὕτως ἐφικέσθαι τῆς ἐμφερείας, καὶ κατασκευάσαι πάσας ὁμοίας, ὥστε μηδʼ αὐτὸν ἔτι τὸν Νομᾶν διαγινώσκειν. τούτων οὖν φύλακας καὶ ἀμφιπόλους ἀπέδειξε τοὺς Σαλίους ἱερεῖς.''. None | 13.3. Moreover, they say that the truth of all this was attested by the immediate cessation of the pestilence. When Numa showed the buckler to the artificers and bade them do their best to make others like it, they all declined, except Veturius Mamurius, a most excellent workman, who was so happy in his imitation of it, and made all the eleven so exactly like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. For the watch and care of these bucklers, then, he appointed the priesthood of the Salii.
13.3. Moreover, they say that the truth of all this was attested by the immediate cessation of the pestilence. When Numa showed the buckler to the artificers and bade them do their best to make others like it, they all declined, except Veturius Mamurius, a most excellent workman, who was so happy in his imitation of it, and made all the eleven so exactly like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. For the watch and care of these bucklers, then, he appointed the priesthood of the Salii.''. None |
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29. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 10.1.73, 10.3.19-10.3.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 338, 350; König and Wiater (2022) 338, 350
| 10.3.19. \xa0The condemnation which I\xa0have passed on such carelessness in writing will make it pretty clear what my views are on the luxury of dictation which is now so fashionable. For, when we write, however great our speed, the fact that the hand cannot follow the rapidity of our thoughts gives us time to think, whereas the presence of our amanuensis hurries us on, at times we feel ashamed to hesitate or pause, or make some alteration, as though we were afraid to display such weakness before a witness. 10.3.20. \xa0As a result our language tends not merely to be haphazard and formless, but in our desire to produce a continuous flow we let slip positive improprieties of diction, which show might the precision of the writer nor the impetuosity of the speaker. Again, if the amanuensis is a slow writer, or lacking in intelligence, he becomes a stumbling-block, our speed is checked, and the thread of our ideas is interrupted by the delay or even perhaps by the loss of temper to which it gives rise. 10.3.21. \xa0Moreover, the gestures which accompany strong feeling, and sometimes even serve to stimulate the mind, the waving of the hand, the contraction of the brow, the occasional striking of forehead or side, and those which Persius notes when he describes a trivial style as one that "Thumps not the desk nor smacks of bitten nails," all these become ridiculous, unless we are alone.' '. None |
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30. Suetonius, Domitianus, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian dynasty • tree portents, Flavian portents
Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 148; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 307
| 15.2. \xa0For eight successive months so many strokes of lightning occurred and were reported, that at last he cried: "Well, let him now strike whom he will." The temple of Jupiter of the Capitol was struck and that of the Flavian family, as well as the Palace and the emperor\'s own bedroom. The inscription too on the base of a triumphal statue of his was torn off in a violent tempest and fell upon a neighbouring tomb. The tree which had been overthrown when Vespasian was still a private citizen but had sprung up anew, then on a sudden fell down again. Fortune of Praeneste had throughout his whole reign, when he commended the new year to her protection, given him a favourable omen and always in the same words. Now at last she returned a most direful one, not without the mention of bloodshed.''. None |
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31. Suetonius, Nero, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 334; Verhagen (2022) 334
| 31.1. There was nothing however in which he was more ruinously prodigal than in building. He made a palace extending all the way from the Palatine to the Esquiline, which at first he called the House of Passage, but when it was burned shortly after its completion and rebuilt, the Golden House. Its size and splendour will be sufficiently indicated by the following details. Its vestibule was large enough to contain a colossal statue of the emperor a\xa0hundred and twenty feet high; and it was so extensive that it had a triple colonnade a\xa0mile long. There was a pond too, like a sea, surrounded with buildings to represent cities, besides tracts of country, varied by tilled fields, vineyards, pastures and woods, with great numbers of wild and domestic animals.''. None |
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32. Tacitus, Histories, 1.2.1, 1.15, 1.18, 3.1, 3.70.3, 3.72, 3.84, 4.82-4.84, 5.5.1-5.5.2, 5.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cosmopolitanism, Flavian • Egyptian religion, in Flavian ideology • Flavian amphitheatre • Flavian dynasty • Flavians • Flavius Josephus, T. • Flavius Sabinus • Flavius, Gnaeus • Jewish religion, in Flavian ideology • Jewish writings, interest in, in Flavian Rome • Josephus, Flavius, historiographical methodology in • Sabinus, Titus Flavius • Vopiscus Flavius, Roman Historian • divinatory and prophetic writings, interest in, in Flavian Rome • religion, foreign, in Flavian ideology
Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al (2015) 103, 105; Augoustakis et al (2021) 267; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022) 185; Bloch (2022) 86, 272, 277; Crabb (2020) 77, 78, 144; Honigman (2003) 79; Jenkyns (2013) 48, 140; König and Whitton (2018) 132; Lampe (2003) 202; Manolaraki (2012) 126; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 175, 177, 190, 198; Rizzi (2010) 120; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 20, 230
| 3.1. \xa0The generals of the Flavian party were planning their campaign with better fortune and greater loyalty. They had come together at Poetovio, the winter quarters of the Thirteenth legion. There they discussed whether they should guard the passes of the Pannonian Alps until the whole mass of their forces could be raised behind them, or whether it would not be a bolder stroke to engage the enemy at once and struggle with him for the possession of Italy. Those who favoured waiting for the auxiliaries and prolonging the war, emphasized the strength and reputation of the German legions and dwelt on the fact that the flower of the army in Britain had recently arrived with Vitellius; they pointed out that they had on their side an inferior number of legions, and at best legions which had lately been beaten, and that although the soldiers talked boldly enough, the defeated always have less courage. But while they meantime held the Alps, Mucianus, they said, would arrive with the troops from the east; Vespasian had besides full control of the sea and his fleets, and he could count on the enthusiastic support of the provinces, through whose aid he could raise the storm of almost a second war. Therefore they declared that delay would favour them, that new forces would join them, and that they would lose none of their present advantages.
3.70.3. \xa0At daybreak, before hostilities could begin on either side, Sabinus sent Cornelius Martialis, a centurion of the first rank, to Vitellius with orders to complain that he had broken their agreement. This was his message: "You have made simply a pretence and show of abdicating in order to deceive all these eminent men. For why did you go from the rostra to your brother\'s house which overlooks the Forum and invites men\'s eyes, rather than to the Aventine and to your wife\'s home there? That was the action proper to a private citizen who wished to avoid all the show that attaches to the principate. On the contrary, you went back to the palace, to the very citadel of the imperial power. From there an armed band has issued; the most crowded part of the city has been strewn with the bodies of innocent men; even the Capitol is not spared. I,\xa0Sabinus, am of course only a civilian and a single senator. So long as the question between Vespasian and Vitellius was being adjudged by battles between the legions, by the capture of cities and the surrender of cohorts, although the Spains, the Germanies, and Britain fell away, I,\xa0Vespasian\'s own brother, still remained faithful to you until I\xa0was invited to a conference. Peace and concord are advantageous to the defeated; to the victors they are only glorious. If you regret your agreement, you should not attack me whom your treachery has deceived, or Vespasian\'s son, who is as yet hardly more than a child. What is the advantage in killing one old man and one youth? You should rather go and face the legions and fight in the field for the supremacy. Everything else will follow the issue of the battle." Vitellius was disturbed by these words and made a brief reply to excuse himself, putting the blame on his soldiers, with whose excessive ardour, he declared, his own moderation could not cope. At the same time he advised Martialis to go away privately through a secret part of the palace, that the soldiers might not kill him as the mediator of a peace which they detested. As for himself, he was powerless to order or to forbid; he was no longer emperor, but only a cause of war.' "
3.72. \xa0This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate â\x80\x94 this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned â\x80\x94 and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned." '
3.84. \xa0The greatest difficulty was met in taking the Praetorian Camp, which the bravest soldiers defended as their last hope. The resistance made the victors only the more eager, the old praetorian cohorts being especially determined. They employed at the same time every device that had ever been invented for the destruction of the strongest cities â\x80\x94 the "tortoise," artillery, earthworks, and firebrands â\x80\x94 shouting that all the labour and danger that they had suffered in all their battles would be crowned by this achievement. "We have given back the city to the senate and the Roman people," they cried; "we have restored the temples to the gods. The soldier\'s glory is in his camp: that is his native city, that his penates. If the camp is not at once recovered, we must spend the night under arms." On their side the Vitellians, unequal though they were in numbers and in fortune, by striving to spoil the victory, to delay peace, and to defile the houses and altars of the city with blood, embraced the last solace left to the conquered. Many, mortally wounded, breathed their last on the towers and battlements; when the gates were broken down, the survivors in a solid mass opposed the victors and to a man fell giving blow for blow, dying with faces to the foe; so anxious were they, even at the moment of death, to secure a glorious end. On the capture of the city Vitellius was carried on a chair through the rear of the palace to his wife\'s house on the Aventine, so that, in case he succeeded in remaining undiscovered during the day, he might escape to his brother and the cohorts at Tarracina. But his fickle mind and the very nature of terror, which makes the present situation always seem the worst to one who is fearful of everything, drew him back to the palace. This he found empty and deserted, for even the meanest of his slaves had slipped away or else avoided meeting him. The solitude and the silent spaces filled him with fright: he tried the rooms that were closed and shuddered to find them empty. Exhausted by wandering forlornly about, he concealed himself in an unseemly hiding-place; but Julius Placidus, tribune of a cohort, dragged him to the light. With his arms bound behind his back, his garments torn, he presented a grievous sight as he was led away. Many cried out against him, not one shed a tear; the ugliness of the last scene had banished pity. One of the soldiers from Germany met him and struck at him in rage, or else his purpose was to remove him the quicker from insult, or he may have been aiming at the tribune â\x80\x94 no one could tell. He cut off the tribune\'s ear and was at once run through.' "
4.82. \xa0These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides." '4.83. \xa0The origin of this god has not yet been generally treated by our authors: the Egyptian priests tell the following story, that when King Ptolemy, the first of the Macedonians to put the power of Egypt on a firm foundation, was giving the new city of Alexandria walls, temples, and religious rites, there appeared to him in his sleep a vision of a young man of extraordinary beauty and of more than human stature, who warned him to send his most faithful friends to Pontus and bring his statue hither; the vision said that this act would be a happy thing for the kingdom and that the city that received the god would be great and famous: after these words the youth seemed to be carried to heaven in a blaze of fire. Ptolemy, moved by this miraculous omen, disclosed this nocturnal vision to the Egyptian priests, whose business it is to interpret such things. When they proved to know little of Pontus and foreign countries, he questioned Timotheus, an Athenian of the clan of the Eumolpidae, whom he had called from Eleusis to preside over the sacred rites, and asked him what this religion was and what the divinity meant. Timotheus learned by questioning men who had travelled to Pontus that there was a city there called Sinope, and that not far from it there was a temple of Jupiter Dis, long famous among the natives: for there sits beside the god a female figure which most call Proserpina. But Ptolemy, although prone to superstitious fears after the nature of kings, when he once more felt secure, being more eager for pleasures than religious rites, began gradually to neglect the matter and to turn his attention to other things, until the same vision, now more terrible and insistent, threatened ruin upon the king himself and his kingdom unless his orders were carried out. Then Ptolemy directed that ambassadors and gifts should be despatched to King Scydrothemis â\x80\x94 he ruled over the people of Sinope at that time â\x80\x94 and when the embassy was about to sail he instructed them to visit Pythian Apollo. The ambassadors found the sea favourable; and the answer of the oracle was not uncertain: Apollo bade them go on and bring back the image of his father, but leave that of his sister.' "4.84. \xa0When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A\xa0temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I\xa0am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy\xa0III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis." "
5.5.1. \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean." "5.5.2. \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean." '
5.13. \xa0Prodigies had indeed occurred, but to avert them either by victims or by vows is held unlawful by a people which, though prone to superstition, is opposed to all propitiatory rites. Contending hosts were seen meeting in the skies, arms flashed, and suddenly the temple was illumined with fire from the clouds. of a sudden the doors of the shrine opened and a superhuman voice cried: "The gods are departing": at the same moment the mighty stir of their going was heard. Few interpreted these omens as fearful; the majority firmly believed that their ancient priestly writings contained the prophecy that this was the very time when the East should grow strong and that men starting from Judea should possess the world. This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, as is the way of human ambition, interpreted these great destinies in their own favour, and could not be turned to the truth even by adversity. We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death. Such was the city and people against which Titus Caesar now proceeded; since the nature of the ground did not allow him to assault or employ any sudden operations, he decided to use earthworks and mantlets; the legions were assigned to their several tasks, and there was a respite of fighting until they made ready every device for storming a town that the ancients had ever employed or modern ingenuity invented.' '. None |
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33. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavius Abascantus, Titus • Flavius Ursus • Flavius scriba, Gnaeus • T. Flavius Abascantus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 345, 348, 349, 367; Augoustakis et al (2021) 70, 71, 72, 74, 76; Kaster(2005) 187; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 235, 236; Verhagen (2022) 345, 348, 349, 367
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34. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 348, 352, 367, 368; Verhagen (2022) 348, 352, 367, 368
|
35. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cn. Flavius • Flavians
Found in books: Gunderson (2022) 136; Rüpke (2011) 61
|
36. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavians • Flavius Josephus, T.
Found in books: Lampe (2003) 202; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 175, 177
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37. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavian Amphitheater • regime change, Flavian into Trajanic
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 334, 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 371; König and Whitton (2018) 303; Verhagen (2022) 334, 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 371
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38. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater • Flavian amphitheatre
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 332, 333, 334; König and Whitton (2018) 129, 132; Verhagen (2022) 332, 333, 334
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39. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 352, 366; Verhagen (2022) 352, 366
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40. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater • Vopiscus Flavius, Roman Historian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 334; Rizzi (2010) 120; Verhagen (2022) 334
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41. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 67.14.1-67.14.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Clemens • Flavius Josephus, T.
Found in books: Isaac (2004) 460; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 214
| 67.14.1. \xa0At this time the road leading from Sinuessa to Puteoli was paved with stone. And the same year Domitian slew, along with many others, Flavius Clemens the consul, although he was a cousin and had to wife Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of the emperor's." '67.14.2. \xa0The charge brought against them both was that of atheism, a charge on which many others who drifted into Jewish ways were condemned. Some of these were put to death, and the rest were at least deprived of their property.' "67.14.3. \xa0Domitilla was merely banished to Pandateria. But Glabrio, who had been Trajan's colleague in the consulship, was put to death, having been accused of the same crimes as most of the others, and, in particular, of fighting as a gladiator with wild beasts. Indeed, his prowess in the arena was the chief cause of the emperor's anger against him, an anger prompted by jealousy. For in Glabrio's consulship Domitian had summoned him to his Alban estate to attend the festival called the Juvenalia and had imposed on him the task of killing a large lion; and Glabrio not only had escaped all injury but had despatched the lion with most accurate aim."". None |
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42. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.5, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavians • Flavius Arrianus • Flavius Clemens • regime change, Flavian into Trajanic
Found in books: Isaac (2004) 460; König and Whitton (2018) 425; Lampe (2003) 117, 202, 203
| 1.5. To Voconius Romanus. Did you ever see a man more abject and fawning than Marcus Regulus has been since the death of Domitian? His misdeeds were better concealed during that prince\'s reign, but they were every bit as bad as they were in the time of Nero. He began to be afraid that I was angry with him and he was not mistaken, for I certainly was annoyed. After doing what he could to help those who were prosecuting Rusticus Arulenus, he had openly exulted at his death, and went so far as to publicly read and then publish a pamphlet in which he violently attacks Rusticus and even calls him "the Stoics\' ape," adding that "he is marked with the brand of Vitellius." * You recognise, of course, the Regulian style! He tears to pieces Herennius Senecio so savagely that Metius Carus said to him, "What have you to do with my dead men? Did I ever worry your Crassus or Camerinus?" - these being some of Regulus\'s victims in the days of Nero. Regulus thought I bore him malice for this, and so he did not invite me when he read his pamphlet. Besides, he remembered that he once mortally attacked me in the court of the centumviri. ** I was a witness on behalf of Arionilla, the wife of Timon, at the request of Rusticus Arulenus, and Regulus was conducting the prosecution. We on our side were relying for part of the defence on a decision of Metius Modestus, an excellent man who had been banished by Domitian and was at that moment in exile. This was Regulus\'s opportunity. "Tell me, Secundus," said he, "what you think of Modestus." You see in what peril I should have placed myself if I had answered that I thought highly of him, and how disgraceful it would have been if I had said that I thought ill of him. I fancy it must have been the gods who came to my rescue. "I will tell you what I think of him," I said, "when the Court has to give a decision on the point." He returned to the charge Well, now the fellow is conscience-stricken, and buttonholes first Caecilius Celer and then implores Fabius Justus to reconcile me to him. Not content with that, he makes his way in to see Spurinna, and begs and prays of him - you know what an abject coward he is when he is frightened - as follows. "Do go," says he, "and call on Pliny in the morning - early in the morning, for my suspense is unbearable - and do what you can to remove his anger against me." I was early awake that day, when a message came from Spurinna, "I am coming to see you." I sent back word, "I will come and see you." We met at the portico of Livia, just as we were each of us on the way to see the other. He explained his commission from Regulus and added his own entreaties, but did not press the point too strongly, as became a worthy gentleman asking a favour for a worthless acquaintance. This was my answer That practically closed the conversation. I did not wish it to go any further, so that I might not commit myself until Mauricus arrived. Moreover, I am quite aware that Regulus is a difficult bird to net. He is rich, he is a shrewd intriguer, he has no inconsiderable body of followers and a still larger circle of those who fear him, and fear is often a more powerful factor than affection. But, after all, these are bonds that may be shattered and weakened, for a bad man\'s influence is as little to be relied upon as is the man himself. Moreover, let me repeat that I am waiting for Mauricus. He is a man of sound judgment and sagacity, which he has learned by experience, and he can gauge what is likely to happen in the future from what has occurred in the past. I shall be guided by him, and either strike a blow or set aside my weapons just as he thinks best. I have written you this letter because it is only right, considering our regard for one another, that you should be acquainted not only with what I have said and done, but also with my plans for the future. Farewell. ' '. None |
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43. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 362; Verhagen (2022) 362
|
44. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius (Clement of Alexandria) • Josephus Flavius, Jewish Historian
Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 188; Rizzi (2010) 123
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45. None, None, nan (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian of Antioch, bishop • Flavian, patriarch of Constantinople
Found in books: Humfress (2007) 184; Klein and Wienand (2022) 251
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46. Strabo, Geography, 10.3.7
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 368; Verhagen (2022) 368
| 10.3.7. The accounts which are more remotely related, however, to the present subject, but are wrongly, on account of the identity of the names, brought into the same connection by the historians — I mean those accounts which, although they are called Curetan History and History of the Curetes, just as if they were the history of those Curetes who lived in Aitolia and Acaria, not only are different from that history, but are more like the accounts of the Satyri, Sileni, Bacchae, and Tityri; for the Curetes, like these, are called genii or ministers of gods by those who have handed down to us the Cretan and the Phrygian traditions, which are interwoven with certain sacred rites, some mystical, the others connected in part with the rearing of the child Zeus in Crete and in part with the orgies in honor of the Mother of the Gods which are celebrated in Phrygia and in the region of the Trojan Ida. But the variation in these accounts is so small that, whereas some represent the Corybantes, the Cabeiri, the Idaean Dactyli, and the Telchines as identical with the Curetes, others represent them as all kinsmen of one another and differentiate only certain small matters in which they differ in respect to one another; but, roughly speaking and in general, they represent them, one and all, as a kind of inspired people and as subject to Bacchic frenzy, and, in the guise of ministers, as inspiring terror at the celebration of the sacred rites by means of war-dances, accompanied by uproar and noise and cymbals and drums and arms, and also by flute and outcry; and consequently these rites are in a way regarded as having a common relationship, I mean these and those of the Samothracians and those in Lemnos and in several other places, because the divine ministers are called the same. However, every investigation of this kind pertains to theology, and is not foreign to the speculation of the philosopher.''. None |
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47. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.440, 8.702-8.703, 11.263
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Cosmopolitanism, Flavian • tyrant, Flavian epic
Found in books: Agri (2022) 133; Augoustakis (2014) 367; Manolaraki (2012) 192; Verhagen (2022) 367
8.440. Aetnaei Cyclopes, et huc advertite mentem:
8.702. et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla, 8.703. quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello.
11.263. exsulat, Aetnaeos vidit Cyclopas Ulixes.''. None | 8.440. the Albula, its true and ancient style.
8.702. a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703. tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall,
11.263. behold their comrades burning, and keep guard ''. None |
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48. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.4-6.5
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 357, 362; Verhagen (2022) 357, 362
| 6.4. of battles and of kings, the Cynthian god 6.5. plucked at mine ear and warned me: “Tityrus,' '. None |
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49. Vergil, Georgics, 3.3-3.4, 3.37
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 351, 352, 367; Verhagen (2022) 351, 352, 367
3.3. Cetera, quae vacuas tenuissent carmine mentes, 3.4. omnia iam volgata: quis aut Eurysthea durum
3.37. Invidia infelix Furias amnemque severum''. None | 3.3. You, woods and waves Lycaean. All themes beside, 3.4. Which else had charmed the vacant mind with song,
3.37. Surging with war, and hugely flowing, the |
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50. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cosmopolitanism, Flavian • Flavian dynasty
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018) 89; Manolaraki (2012) 135, 136
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51. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cn. Flavius • concordia, Cn. Flavius shrine • fides, Cn. Flavius
Found in books: Clark (2007) 54; Rüpke (2011) 53
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52. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavian Amphitheater
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 332, 333, 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370; Verhagen (2022) 332, 333, 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370
|
53. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 366, 367; Verhagen (2022) 366, 367
|
54. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius • Flavius Pudens Pomponianus • Julius Quintianus Flavius Rogantius
Found in books: Borg (2008) 306; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 125; Edmondson (2008) 251
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55. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Damianus, T. (sophist) • Flavius Damianus, T. (sophist), Philostratus on • Flavius Damianus, T. (sophist), marries Vedia Phaedrina • Flavius Furius Aptus, C. • Flavius Furius Aptus, Gaius • Flavius Furius Aptus, T. • Flavius Vedius Apellas, T. (son of T. Fl. Vedius Antoninus and Fl. Pasinice), and monument with genealogical inscription
Found in books: Benefiel and Keegan (2016) 150, 153; Kalinowski (2021) 72, 191, 387
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56. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 353, 361, 366; Verhagen (2022) 353, 361, 366
|
57. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 365, 370; Verhagen (2022) 365, 370
|
