1. Homer, Iliad, 14.214 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 368; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 368
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14.214 ἦ, καὶ ἀπὸ στήθεσφιν ἐλύσατο κεστὸν ἱμάντα'' None | sup>
14.214 ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, '' None |
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2. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 366
| 213d ἠράσθην, οὐκέτι ἔξεστίν μοι οὔτε προσβλέψαι οὔτε διαλεχθῆναι καλῷ οὐδʼ ἑνί, ἢ οὑτοσὶ ζηλοτυπῶν με καὶ φθονῶν θαυμαστὰ ἐργάζεται καὶ λοιδορεῖταί τε καὶ τὼ χεῖρε μόγις ἀπέχεται. ὅρα οὖν μή τι καὶ νῦν ἐργάσηται, ἀλλὰ διάλλαξον ἡμᾶς, ἢ ἐὰν ἐπιχειρῇ βιάζεσθαι, ἐπάμυνε, ὡς ἐγὼ τὴν τούτου μανίαν τε καὶ φιλεραστίαν πάνυ ὀρρωδῶ.'' None | 213d either to look upon or converse with a single handsome person, but the fellow flies into a spiteful jealousy which makes him treat me in a monstrous fashion, girding at me and hardly keeping his hands to himself. So take care that he does no mischief now: pray reconcile us; or if he sets about using force, protect me, for I shudder with alarm at his amorous frenzy.'' None |
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3. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 362, 363; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 362, 363
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4. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 362, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 362, 366
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5. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 352, 353, 359, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 352, 353, 359, 367
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6. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 357, 362; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 357, 362
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7. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 353, 361, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 353, 361, 366
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8. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 350; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 350
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9. Anon., Jubilees, 20.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus, T. • Josephus Flavius
Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 153
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20.4 And if any woman or maid commit fornication amongst you, burn her with fire, and let them not commit fornication with her after their eyes and their heart;'' None |
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10. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 369; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 369
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11. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cn. Flavius • Titus (Flavius Vespasianus)
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 249; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 124
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12. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus, • Flavius Josephus, T.
Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 70; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 180, 198
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13. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus • Josephus, Flavius
Found in books: Rüpke and Woolf (2013), Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE. 55; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 74
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14. Catullus, Poems, 13.11-13.14, 23.12-23.14, 95.4-95.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 347, 348, 352, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 368, 370, 371; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 205; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 347, 348, 352, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 368, 370, 371
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13.11 I'll give thee unguent lent my girl to scent" '13.12 By every Venus and all Cupids sent, 13.13 Which, as thou savour, pray Gods interpose 13.14 And thee, Fabúllus, make a Naught-but-nose.
23.12 Your frames are hard and dried like horn, 23.13 Or if more arid aught ye know 23.14 By suns and frosts and hunger-throe. 95.5 "Zmyrna" shall travel afar as the hollow breakers of Satrax, 95.6 "Zmyrna" by ages grey lastingly shall be perused.' "95.7 But upon Padus' brink shall die Volusius his annal" " None |
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15. Horace, Sermones, 1.2, 1.4.11, 1.10.50 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 352, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 352, 366
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1.2 However, since I observe a considerable number of people giving ear to the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill will to us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a late date, because they are not so much as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most famous historiographers among the Grecians,
1.2 Moreover, he attests that we Jews, went as auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add farther what he says he learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these:—
1.2 for if we remember, that in the beginning the Greeks had taken no care to have public records of their several transactions preserved, this must for certain have afforded those that would afterward write about those ancient transactions, the opportunity of making mistakes, and the power of making lies also;
1.4.11 As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skilful in the knowledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks themselves. I will also show, that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us, are to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary.
1.4.11 but as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and precepts for the conduct of human life. ' ' None |
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16. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.137-1.138 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 360; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 360
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1.137 Nil opus est digitis, per quos arcana loquaris, 1.138 rend='' None | sup>
1.137 Their fear was one, but not one face of fear: 1.138 Some rend the lovely tresses of the hair:'' None |
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17. Ovid, Fasti, 1.641-1.644, 3.260-3.392 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Cn. Flavius • concordia, Cn. Flavius shrine • fides, Cn. Flavius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 369; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 55; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 369
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1.641 Furius antiquam populi superator Etrusci 1.642 voverat et voti solverat ille fidem, 1.643 causa, quod a patribus sumptis secesserat armis 1.644 volgus, et ipsa suas Roma timebat opes.
3.260 arma ferant Salii Mamuriumque cat? 3.261 nympha, mone, nemori stagnoque operata Dianae; 3.262 nympha, Numae coniunx, ad tua facta veni. 3.263 vallis Aricinae silva praecinctus opaca 3.264 est lacus, antiqua religione sacer. 3.265 hic latet Hippolytus loris direptus equorum, 3.266 unde nemus nullis illud aditur equis. 3.267 licia dependent longas velantia saepes, 3.268 et posita est meritae multa tabella deae. 3.269 saepe potens voti, frontem redimita coronis, 3.270 femina lucentes portat ab urbe faces. 3.271 regna tenent fortes manibus pedibusque fugaces, 3.272 et perit exemplo postmodo quisque suo. 3.273 defluit incerto lapidosus murmure rivus: 3.274 saepe, sed exiguis haustibus, inde bibi. 3.275 Egeria est, quae praebet aquas, dea grata Camenis; 3.276 illa Numae coniunx consiliumque fuit. 3.277 principio nimium promptos ad bella Quirites 3.278 molliri placuit iure deumque metu; 3.279 inde datae leges, ne firmior omnia posset, 3.280 coeptaque sunt pure tradita sacra coli. 3.281 exuitur feritas, armisque potentius aequum est, 3.282 et cum cive pudet conseruisse manus; 3.283 atque aliquis, modo trux, visa iam vertitur ara 3.284 vinaque dat tepidis farraque salsa focis. 3.285 ecce deum genitor rutilas per nubila flammas 3.286 spargit et effusis aethera siccat aquis; 3.287 non alias missi cecidere frequentius ignes: 3.288 rex pavet et volgi pectora terror habet, 3.289 cui dea ‘ne nimium terrere! piabile fulmen 3.290 est,’ ait ‘et saevi flectitur ira Iovis, 3.291 sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi 3.292 tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli. 3.293 nec sine vi tradent: adhibe tu vincula captis.’ 3.294 atque ita qua possint edidit arte capi. 3.295 lucus Aventino suberat niger ilicis umbra, 3.296 quo posses viso dicere numen inest. 3.297 in medio gramen, muscoque adoperta virenti 3.298 manabat saxo vena perennis aquae: 3.299 inde fere soli Faunus Picusque bibebant. 3.300 huc venit et fonti rex Numa mactat ovem, 3.301 plenaque odorati disponit pocula Bacchi, 3.302 cumque suis antro conditus ipse latet, 3.303 ad solitos veniunt silvestria numina fontes 3.304 et relevant multo pectora sicca mero. 3.305 vina quies sequitur; gelido Numa prodit ab antro 3.306 vinclaque sopitas addit in arta manus, 3.307 somnus ut abscessit, pugdo vincula temptant 3.308 rumpere: pugtes fortius illa tenent. 3.309 tunc Numa: ‘di nemorum, factis ignoscite nostris, 3.310 si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo; 3.311 quoque modo possit fulmen, monstrate, piari.’ 3.312 sic Numa; sic quatiens cornua Faunus ait: 3.313 ‘magna petis nec quae monitu tibi discere nostro 3.314 fas sit: habent finis numina nostra suos. 3.315 di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis 3.316 montibus: arbitrium est in sua tela Iovi. 3.317 hunc tu non poteris per te deducere caelo, 3.318 at poteris nostra forsitan usus ope.’ 3.319 dixerat haec Faunus; par est sententia Pici: 3.320 deme tamen nobis vincula, Picus ait: 3.321 ‘Iuppiter huc veniet, valida perductus ab arte. 3.322 nubila promissi Styx mihi testis erit.’ 3.323 emissi laqueis quid agant, quae carmina dicant, 3.324 quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Iovem, 3.325 scire nefas homini: nobis concessa canentur 3.326 quaeque pio dici vatis ab ore licet, 3.327 eliciunt caelo te, Iuppiter, unde minores 3.328 nunc quoque te celebrant Eliciumque vocant, 3.329 constat Aventinae tremuisse cacumina silvae, 3.330 terraque subsedit pondere pressa Iovis, 3.331 corda micant regis, totoque e corpore sanguis 3.332 fugit, et hirsutae deriguere comae, 3.333 ut rediit animus, da certa piamina dixit 3.334 ‘fulminis, altorum rexque paterque deum, 3.335 si tua contigimus manibus donaria puris, 3.336 hoc quoque, quod petitur, si pia lingua rogat.’ 3.337 adnuit oranti, sed verum ambage remota 3.338 abdidit et dubio terruit ore virum. 3.339 caede caput dixit: cui rex parebimus, inquit 3.340 caedenda est hortis eruta caepa meis. 3.341 addidit, hic hominis: sumes ait ille capillos. 3.342 postulat hic animam, cui Numa piscis ait. 3.343 risit et his inquit ‘facito mea tela procures, 3.344 o vir conloquio non abigende deum. 3.345 sed tibi, protulerit cum totum crastinus orbem 3.346 Cynthius, imperii pignora certa dabo.’ 3.347 dixit et ingenti tonitru super aethera motum 3.348 fertur, adorantem destituitque Numam, 3.349 ille redit laetus memoratque Quiritibus acta: 3.350 tarda venit dictis difficilisque fides. 3.351 at certe credemur, ait ‘si verba sequetur 3.352 exitus: en audi crastina, quisquis ades. 3.353 protulerit terris cum totum Cynthius orbem, 3.354 Iuppiter imperii pignora certa dabit.’ 3.355 discedunt dubii, promissaque tarda videntur, 3.356 dependetque fides a veniente die. 3.357 mollis erat tellus rorata mane pruina: 3.358 ante sui populus limina regis adest, 3.359 prodit et in solio medius consedit acerno. 3.360 innumeri circa stantque silentque viri. 3.361 ortus erat summo tantummodo margine Phoebus: 3.362 sollicitae mentes speque metuque pavent, 3.363 constitit atque caput niveo velatus amictu 3.364 iam bene dis notas sustulit ille manus, 3.365 atque ita tempus adest promissi muneris, inquit 3.366 pollicitam dictis, Iuppiter, adde fidem. 3.367 dum loquitur, totum iam sol emoverat orbem, 3.368 et gravis aetherio venit ab axe fragor. 3.369 ter tonuit sine nube deus, tria fulmina misit. 3.370 credite dicenti: mira, sed acta, loquor, 3.371 a media caelum regione dehiscere coepit; 3.372 summisere oculos cum duce turba suo. 3.373 ecce levi scutum versatum leniter aura 3.374 decidit, a populo clamor ad astra venit. 3.375 tollit humo munus caesa prius ille iuvenca, 3.376 quae dederat nulli colla premenda iugo, 3.377 idque ancile vocat, quod ab omni parte recisum est, 3.378 quemque notes oculis, angulus omnis abest, 3.379 tum, memor imperii sortem consistere in illo, 3.380 consilium multae calliditatis init. 3.381 plura iubet fieri simili caelata figura, 3.382 error ut ante oculos insidiantis eat. 3.383 Mamurius (morum fabraene exactior artis, 3.384 difficile est ulli dicere) clausit opus. 3.385 cui Numa munificus facti pete praemia, dixit; 3.386 si mea nota fides, inrita nulla petes. 3.387 iam dederat Saliis a saltu nomina dicta 3.388 armaque et ad certos verba canenda modos. 3.389 tum sic Mamurius: ‘merces mihi gloria detur, 3.390 nominaque extremo carmine nostra sonent.’ 3.391 inde sacerdotes operi promissa vetusto 3.392 praemia persolvunt Mamuriumque vocant,'' None | sup>
1.641 Vowed your ancient temple and kept his vow. 1.642 His reason was that the commoners had armed themselves, 1.643 Seceding from the nobles, and Rome feared their power. 1.644 This latest reason was a better one: revered Leader, Germany
3.260 Teach me, nymph, who serves Diana’s lake and grove: 3.261 Nymph, Egeria, wife to Numa, speak of your actions. 3.262 There is a lake in the vale of Aricia, ringed by dense woods, 3.263 And sacred to religion from ancient times. 3.264 Here Hippolytus hides, who was torn to piece 3.265 By his horses, and so no horse may enter the grove. 3.266 The long hedge is covered with hanging threads, 3.267 And many tablets witness the goddess’s merit. 3.268 often a woman whose prayer is answered, brow wreathed 3.269 With garlands, carries lighted torches from the City. 3.270 One with strong hands and swift feet rules there, 3.271 And each is later killed, as he himself killed before. 3.272 A pebble-filled stream flows down with fitful murmurs: 3.273 often I’ve drunk there, but in little draughts. 3.274 Egeria, goddess dear to the Camenae, supplies the water: 3.275 She who was wife and counsellor to Numa. 3.276 The Quirites were too prompt to take up arms, 3.277 And Numa quietened them with justice, and fear of the gods. 3.278 So laws were made, that the stronger might not take all, 3.279 And traditional rights were properly observed. 3.280 They left off being savages, justice superseded arms, 3.281 And citizens were ashamed to fight each other: 3.282 Those who had once been violent were transformed, on seeing 3.283 An altar, offering wine and salted meal on the warm hearths. 3.284 See, the father of the gods scatters red lightning through 3.285 The clouds, and clears the sky with showers of rain: 3.286 The forked flames never fell thicker: 3.287 The king was fearful, the people filled with terror. 3.288 The goddess said: ‘Don’t be so afraid! Lightning 3.289 Can be placated, and fierce Jupiter’s anger averted. 3.290 Picus and Faunus, each a deity native to Roman soil, 3.291 Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t 3.292 Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’ 3.293 And she revealed the arts by which they could be caught. 3.294 There was a grove, dark with holm-oaks, below the Aventine, 3.295 At sight of which you would say: ‘There’s a god within.’ 3.296 The centre was grassy, and covered with green moss, 3.297 And a perennial stream of water trickled from the rock. 3.298 Faunus and Picus used to drink there alone. 3.299 Numa approached and sacrificed a sheep to the spring, 3.300 And set out cups filled with fragrant wine. 3.301 Then he hid with his people inside the cave. 3.302 The woodland spirits came to their usual spring, 3.303 And quenched their dry throats with draughts of wine. 3.304 Sleep succeeded wine: Numa emerged from the icy cave 3.305 And clasped the sleepers’ hands in tight shackles. 3.306 When sleep vanished, they fought and tried to burst 3.307 Their bonds, which grew tighter the more they struggled. 3.308 Then Numa spoke: ‘Gods of the sacred groves, if you accept 3.309 My thoughts were free of wickedness, forgive my actions: 3.310 And show me how the lightning may be averted.’ 3.311 So Numa: and, shaking his horns, so Faunus replied: 3.312 ‘You seek great things, that it’s not right for you to know 3.313 Through our admission: our powers have their limits. 3.314 We are rural gods who rule in the high mountains: 3.315 Jupiter has control of his own weapons. 3.316 You could never draw him from heaven by yourself, 3.317 But you may be able, by making use of our aid.’ 3.318 Faunus spoke these words: Picus too agreed, 3.319 ‘But remove our shackles,’ Picus added: 3.320 ‘Jupiter will arrive here, drawn by powerful art. 3.321 Cloudy Styx will be witness to my promise.’ 3.322 It’s wrong for men to know what the gods enacted when loosed 3.323 From the snare, or what spells they spoke, or by what art 3.324 They drew Jupiter from his realm above. My song will sing 3.325 of lawful things, such as a poet may speak with pious lips. 3.326 The drew you (eliciunt) from the sky, Jupiter, and later 3.327 Generations now worship you, by the name of Elicius. 3.328 It’s true that the crowns of the Aventine woods trembled, 3.329 And the earth sank under the weight of Jove. 3.330 The king’s heart shook, the blood fled from his body, 3.331 And the bristling hair stood up stiffly on his head. 3.332 When he regained his senses, he said: ‘King and father 3.333 To the high gods, if I have touched your offering 3.334 With pure hands, and if a pious tongue, too, asks for 3.335 What I seek, grant expiation from your lightning,’ 3.336 The god accepted his prayer, but hid the truth with deep 3.337 Ambiguities, and terrified him with confusing words. 3.338 ‘Sever a head,’ said the god: the king replied; ‘I will, 3.339 We’ll sever an onion’s, dug from my garden.’ 3.340 The god added: ‘of a man’: ‘You’ll have the hair,’ 3.341 Said the king. He demanded a life, Numa replied: ‘A fish’s’. 3.342 The god laughed and said: ‘Expiate my lightning like this, 3.343 O man who cannot be stopped from speaking with gods. 3.344 And when Apollo’s disc is full tomorrow, 3.345 I’ll give you sure pledges of empire.’ 3.346 He spoke, and was carried above the quaking sky, 3.347 In loud thunder, leaving Numa worshipping him. 3.348 The king returned joyfully, and told the Quirite 3.349 What had happened: they were slow to believe his words. 3.350 ‘It will surely be believed,’ he said, ‘if the event follow 3.351 My speech: listen, all you here, to what tomorrow brings. 3.352 When Apollo’s disc has lifted fully above the earth, 3.353 Jupiter will grant me sure pledges of empire.’ 3.354 The left, doubtful, considering it long to wait, 3.355 But setting their hopes on the following day. 3.356 The ground was soft at dawn, with a frost of dew: 3.357 When the crowd gathered at the king’s threshold. 3.358 He emerged, and sat in the midst on a maple wood throne. 3.359 Countless warriors stood around him in silence. 3.360 Phoebus had scarcely risen above the horizon: 3.361 Their anxious minds trembled with hope and fear. 3.362 The king stood, his head covered with a white cloth 3.363 Raising his hands, that the god now knew so well. 3.364 He spoke as follows: ‘The time is here for the promised gift, 3.365 Jupiter, make true the words of your pledge.’ 3.366 As he spoke, the sun’s full disc appeared, 3.367 And a loud crash came from the depths of the sky. 3.368 Three times the god thundered, and hurled his lightning, 3.369 From cloudless air, believe what I say, wonderful but true. 3.370 The sky began to split open at the zenith: 3.371 The crowd and its leader lifted their eyes. 3.372 Behold, a shield fell, trembling in the light breeze. 3.373 The sound of the crowd’s shouting reached the stars. 3.374 The king first sacrificed a heifer that had never known 3.375 The yoke, then raised the gift from the ground, 3.376 And called it ancile, because it was cut away (recisum) 3.377 All round, and there wasn’t a single angle to note. 3.378 Then, remembering the empire’s fate was involved, 3.379 He thought of a very cunning idea. 3.380 He ordered many shields cut in the same shape, 3.381 In order to confuse the eyes of any traitor. 3.382 Mamurius carried out the task: whether he was superior 3.383 In his craft or his character it would be hard to say. 3.384 Gracious Numa said to him: ‘Ask a reward for your work, 3.385 You’ll not ask in vain of one known for honesty.’ 3.386 He’d already given the Salii, named from their leaping (saltus), 3.387 Weapons: and words to be sung to a certain tune. 3.388 Mamurius replied: ‘Give me glory as my prize, 3.389 And let my name be sounded at the song’s end.’ 3.390 So the priests grant the reward promised for hi 3.391 Ancient work, and now call out ‘Mamurius’. 3.392 Girl if you’d marry, delay, however eager both are:'' None |
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18. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.365, 8.549-8.559 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 366, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 366, 367
sup>
7.365 Phoebeamque Rhodon et Ialysios Telchinas,
8.549 Clausit iter fecitque moras Achelous eunti 8.550 imbre tumens. “Succede meis,” ait “inclite, tectis, 8.551 Cecropida, nec te committe rapacibus undis: 8.552 ferre trabes solidas obliquaque volvere magno 8.553 murmure saxa solent. Vidi contermina ripae 8.555 profuit armentis, nec equis velocibus esse. 8.556 Multa quoque hic torrens nivibus de monte solutis 8.557 corpora turbineo iuvenalia flumine mersit. 8.558 Tutior est requies, solito dum flumina currant 8.559 limite, dum tenues capiat suus alveus undas.”' ' None | sup>
7.365 the flying dragons, harnessed by their necks,
8.549 with fatal onset rushed among this band 8.550 of noble lads, and stretched upon the ground 8.551 Eupalamon and Pelagon whose guard 8.552 was on the right; and their companions bore 8.553 their bodies from the field. 8.555 the brave son of Hippocoon received 8.556 a deadly wound—while turning to escape, 8.557 the sinew of his thigh was cut and failed 8.558 to bear his tottering steps.— 8.559 And Nestor might' ' None |
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19. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 365, 370; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 365, 370
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20. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 323; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 323
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21. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 323, 332, 338; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 323, 332, 338
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22. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 323, 338; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 323, 338
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23. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavian Amphitheater
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334, 366, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334, 366, 367
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24. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 371; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 371
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25. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cn. Flavius • Flavius scriba, Gnaeus • Flavius, Gnaeus
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 187; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 44, 98, 115
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26. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 366
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27. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 367
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28. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 18.6-18.8, 18.10, 18.18 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 332, 338, 350; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 332, 338, 350
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18.6 \xa0So first of all, you should know that you have no need of toil or exacting labour; for although, when a man has already undergone a great deal of training, these contribute very greatly to his progress, yet if he has had only a little, they will lessen his confidence and make him diffident about getting into action; just as with athletes who are unaccustomed to the training of the body, such training weakens them if they become fatigued by exercises which are too severe. But just as bodies unaccustomed to toil need anointing and moderate exercise rather than the training of the gymnasium, so you in preparing yourself for public speaking have need of diligence which has a tempering of pleasure rather than laborious training. So let us consider the poets: I\xa0would counsel you to read Meder of the writers of Comedy quite carefully, and Euripides of the writers of Tragedy, and to do so, not casually by reading them to yourself, but by having them read to you by others, preferably by men who know how to render the lines pleasurably, but at any rate so as not to offend. For the effect is enhanced when one is relieved of the preoccupation of reading. <' "18.7 \xa0And let no one of the more 'advanced' critics chide me for selecting Meder's plays in preference to the Old Comedy, or Euripides in preference to the earlier writers of Tragedy. For physicians do not prescribe the most costly diet for their patients, but that which is salutary. Now it would be a long task to enumerate all the advantages to be derived from these writers; indeed, not only has Meder's portrayal of every character and every charming trait surpassed all the skill of the early writers of Comedy, but the suavity and plausibility of Euripides, while perhaps not completely attaining to the grandeur of the tragic poet's way of deifying his characters, or to his high dignity, are very useful for the man in public life; and furthermore, he cleverly fills his plays with an abundance of characters and moving incidents, and strews them with maxims useful on all occasions, since he was not without acquaintance with philosophy. <" '18.8 \xa0But Homer comes first and in the middle and last, in that he gives of himself to every boy and adult and old man just as much as each of them can take. Lyric and elegiac poetry too, and iambics and dithyrambs are very valuable for the man of leisure, but the man who intends to have a public career and at the same time to increase the scope of his activities and the effectiveness of his oratory, will have no time for them. <
18.10 \xa0As for Herodotus, if you ever want real enjoyment, you will read him when quite at your ease, for the easy-going manner and charm of his narrative will give the impression that his work deals with stories rather than with actual history. But among the foremost historians I\xa0place Thucydides, and among those of second rank Theopompus; for not only is there a rhetorical quality in the narrative portion of his speeches, but he is not without eloquence nor negligent in expression, and the slovenliness of his diction is not so bad as to offend you. As for Ephorus, while he hands down to us a great deal of information about events, yet the tediousness and carelessness of his narrative style would not suit your purpose. <' "
18.18 \xa0Writing, however, I\xa0do not advise you to engage in with your own hand, or only very rarely, but rather to dictate to a secretary. For, in the first place, the one who utters his thoughts aloud is more nearly in the mood of a man addressing an audience than is one who writes, and, in the second place, less labour is involved. Again, while it contributes less to effectiveness in delivery than writing does, it contributes more to your habit of readiness. But when you do write, I\xa0do not think it best for you to write these madeâ\x80\x91up school exercises; yet if you must write, take one of the speeches that you enjoy reading, preferably one of Xenophon's, and either oppose what he said, or advance the same arguments in a different way. <"' None |
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29. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 3.179-3.180, 14.237, 14.240, 17.300, 20.40-20.42 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus • Flavius Josephus, • Flavius Josephus, T. • Flavius Zeuxis • Josephus, Titus Flavius
Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 72, 73; Kosman (2012), Gender and Dialogue in the Rabbinic Prism, 188; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 158; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 180, 182, 214; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 214, 217, 377
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3.179 Θαυμάσειε δ' ἄν τις τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀπέχθειαν, ἣν ὡς ἐκφαυλιζόντων ἡμῶν τὸ θεῖον ὅπερ αὐτοὶ σέβειν προῄρηνται διατετελέκασιν ἐσχηκότες:" 14.237 ὅπως πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ποιεῖν εἰωθότας, ἂν αὐτῷ φανῇ, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολύσῃ: καὶ ἀπέλυσε πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν Κουιντιλίων Λευκίω Λέντλω Γαί̈ω Μαρκέλλω ὑπάτοις.' "20.41 δεδοικέναι γὰρ ἔλεγεν, μὴ τοῦ πράγματος ἐκδήλου πᾶσιν γενομένου κινδυνεύσειε τιμωρίαν ὑποσχεῖν ὡς αὐτὸς αἴτιος τούτων καὶ διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀπρεπῶν ἔργων γενόμενος, δυνάμενον δ' αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ χωρὶς τῆς περιτομῆς τὸ θεῖον σέβειν, εἴγε πάντως κέκρικε ζηλοῦν τὰ πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων: τοῦτ' εἶναι κυριώτερον τοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι:" "20.42 συγγνώμην δ' ἕξειν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θεὸν φήσαντος μὴ πράξαντι τὸ ἔργον δι' ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων φόβον, ἐπείσθη μὲν τότε τοῖς λόγοις ὁ βασιλεύς." " None | sup>
3.179 7. Now here one may wonder at the ill-will which men bear to us, and which they profess to bear on account of our despising that Deity which they pretend to honor;
14.237 he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.”20.41 and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. 20.42 He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias.' ' None |
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30. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 2.20, 3.52, 5.193-5.199, 5.227-5.229, 5.236, 7.47-7.59, 7.123, 7.133, 7.145-7.150, 7.155, 7.157-7.162, 7.218 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater • Flavian dynasty • Flavian, triumph • Flavians • Flavius Josephus • Flavius Josephus, • Flavius Josephus, T. • Jewish religion, in Flavian ideology • Jewish writings, interest in, in Flavian Rome • Josephus, Flavius • Judean writings, on par with Sibylline books, in Flavian Rome • Rome,Flavian building program • divinatory and prophetic writings, interest in, in Flavian Rome • religion, foreign, in Flavian ideology
Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al. (2015), A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer, 107; Ben-Eliyahu (2019), Identity and Territory : Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. 52, 55, 115, 136; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 132; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 142, 150, 160; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 54; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 70; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 180, 188, 194; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 131; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 51; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 12, 214, 216, 218, 220, 221
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1.3 Ταῦτα πάντα περιλαβὼν ἐν ἑπτὰ βιβλίοις καὶ μηδεμίαν τοῖς ἐπισταμένοις τὰ πράγματα καὶ παρατυχοῦσι τῷ πολέμῳ καταλιπὼν ἢ μέμψεως ἀφορμὴν ἢ κατηγορίας, τοῖς γε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνέγραψα. ποιήσομαι δὲ ταύτην τῆς ἐξηγήσεως ἀρχήν, ἣν καὶ τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐποιησάμην.' "
1.3 προυθέμην ἐγὼ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ̔Ελλάδι γλώσσῃ μεταβαλὼν ἃ τοῖς ἄνω βαρβάροις τῇ πατρίῳ συντάξας ἀνέπεμψα πρότερον ἀφηγήσασθαι ̓Ιώσηπος Ματθίου παῖς ἐξ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἱερεύς, αὐτός τε ̔Ρωμαίους πολεμήσας τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τοῖς ὕστερον παρατυχὼν ἐξ ἀνάγκης:
1.3 ταῦτ' ἀκούσας ̓Αντίγονος διέπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν εἴργειν καὶ λοχᾶν τοὺς σιτηγοὺς κελεύων. οἱ δ' ὑπήκουον, καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν ̔Ιεριχοῦντα συνηθροίσθη: διεκαθέζοντο δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρῶν παραφυλάσσοντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐκκομίζοντας." "
3.52 μεσαιτάτη δ' αὐτῆς πόλις τὰ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα κεῖται, παρ' ὃ καί τινες οὐκ ἀσκόπως ὀμφαλὸν τὸ ἄστυ τῆς χώρας ἐκάλεσαν." 3.52 ταύτην φλέβα τινὲς τοῦ Νείλου ἔδοξαν, ἐπεὶ γεννᾷ τῷ κατὰ τὴν ̓Αλεξανδρέων λίμνην κορακίνῳ παραπλήσιον.
5.193 διὰ τούτου προϊόντων ἐπὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἱερὸν δρύφακτος περιβέβλητο λίθινος, τρίπηχυς μὲν ὕψος, πάνυ δὲ χαριέντως διειργασμένος: 5.194 ἐν αὐτῷ δὲ εἱστήκεσαν ἐξ ἴσου διαστήματος στῆλαι τὸν τῆς ἁγνείας προσημαίνουσαι νόμον αἱ μὲν ̔Ελληνικοῖς αἱ δὲ ̔Ρωμαϊκοῖς γράμμασιν μηδένα ἀλλόφυλον ἐντὸς τοῦ ἁγίου παριέναι: 5.195 τὸ γὰρ δεύτερον ἱερὸν ἅγιον ἐκαλεῖτο. καὶ τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα μὲν βαθμοῖς ἦν ἀναβατὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου, τετράγωνον δὲ ἄνω καὶ τείχει περιπεφραγμένον ἰδίῳ.' "5.196 τούτου τὸ μὲν ἔξωθεν ὕψος καίπερ τεσσαράκοντα πηχῶν ὑπάρχον ὑπὸ τῶν βαθμῶν ἐκαλύπτετο, τὸ δὲ ἔνδον εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε πηχῶν ἦν: πρὸς γὰρ ὑψηλοτέρῳ δεδομημένου τοῦ βαθμοῦ οὐκέτ' ἦν ἅπαν εἴσω καταφανὲς καλυπτόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ λόφου." '5.197 μετὰ δὲ τοὺς δεκατέσσαρας βαθμοὺς τὸ μέχρι τοῦ τείχους διάστημα πηχῶν ἦν δέκα, πᾶν ἰσόπεδον.' "5.198 ἔνθεν ἄλλοι πάλιν πεντέβαθμοι κλίμακες ἀνῆγον ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας, αἳ ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτου καὶ μεσημβρίας ὀκτώ, καθ' ἑκάτερον τέσσαρες, δύο δ' ἦσαν ἐξ ἀνατολῆς κατ' ἀνάγκην: διατετειχισμένου γὰρ κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ κλίμα ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἰδίου πρὸς θρησκείαν χώρου ἔδει δευτέραν εἶναι πύλην: τέτμητο δ' αὕτη τῆς πρώτης ἄντικρυς." "5.199 κἀκ τῶν ἄλλων δὲ κλιμάτων μία μεσημβρινὴ πύλη καὶ μία βόρειος, δι' ἧς εἰς τὴν γυναικωνῖτιν εἰσῆγον: κατὰ γὰρ τὰς ἄλλας οὐκ ἐξῆν παρελθεῖν γυναιξίν, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ κατὰ τὴν σφετέραν ὑπερβῆναι τὸ διατείχισμα. ἀνεῖτό γε μὴν ταῖς τ' ἐπιχωρίοις καὶ ταῖς ἔξωθεν ὁμοφύλοις ἐν ἴσῳ πρὸς θρησκείαν ὁ χῶρος." "
5.227 γονορροίοις μὲν δὴ καὶ λεπροῖς ἡ πόλις ὅλη, τὸ δ' ἱερὸν γυναικῶν ἐμμήνοις ἀπεκέκλειστο, παρελθεῖν δὲ ταύταις οὐδὲ καθαραῖς ἐξῆν ὃν προείπαμεν ὅρον. ἀνδρῶν δ' οἱ μὴ καθάπαν ἡγνευκότες εἴργοντο τῆς ἔνδον αὐλῆς, καὶ τῶν ἱερέων πάλιν οἱ μὴ καθαρεύοντες εἴργοντο." "5.228 Τῶν δ' ἀπὸ γένους ἱερέων ὅσοι διὰ πήρωσιν οὐκ ἐλειτούργουν παρῆσάν τε ἅμα τοῖς ὁλοκλήροις ἐνδοτέρω τοῦ γεισίου καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ γένους ἐλάμβανον μερίδας, ταῖς γε μὴν ἐσθῆσιν ἰδιωτικαῖς ἐχρῶντο: τὴν γὰρ ἱερὰν ὁ λειτουργῶν ἠμφιέννυτο μόνος." '5.229 ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ θυσιαστήριον καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἀνέβαινον οἱ τῶν ἱερέων ἄμωμοι, βύσσον μὲν ἀμπεχόμενοι, μάλιστα δὲ ἀπὸ ἀκράτου νήφοντες δέει τῆς θρησκείας, ὡς μή τι παραβαῖεν ἐν τῇ λειτουργίᾳ.' "
5.236 ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἐσθῆτα οὐκ ἐφόρει χρόνιον, λιτοτέραν δ' ἀνελάμβανεν, ὁπότε δ' εἰσίοι εἰς τὸ ἄδυτον: εἰσῄει δ' ἅπαξ κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν μόνος ἐν ᾗ νηστεύειν ἔθος ἡμέρᾳ πάντας τῷ θεῷ." "
7.47 τότε δή τις ̓Αντίοχος εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν τὰ μάλιστα διὰ τὸν πατέρα τιμώμενος, ἦν γὰρ ἄρχων τῶν ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας ̓Ιουδαίων, τοῦ δήμου τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ἐκκλησιάζοντος εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρελθὼν τόν τε πατέρα τὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐνεδείκνυτο κατηγορῶν, ὅτι νυκτὶ μιᾷ καταπρῆσαι τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν διεγνώκεισαν, καὶ παρεδίδου ξένους ̓Ιουδαίους τινὰς ὡς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν βεβουλευμένων." "7.48 ταῦτα ἀκούων ὁ δῆμος τὴν ὀργὴν οὐ κατεῖχεν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ μὲν τοὺς παραδοθέντας πῦρ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευον κομίζειν, καὶ παραχρῆμα πάντες ἐπὶ τοῦ θεάτρου κατεφλέγησαν," '7.49 ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὥρμητο τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐν τῷ τάχιον ἐκείνους τιμωρίᾳ περιβαλεῖν τὴν αὐτῶν πατρίδα σώζειν νομίζοντες. 7.51 ἐκέλευε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τὸ αὐτὸ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζειν: φανεροὺς γὰρ γενήσεσθαι τῷ μὴ θέλειν τοὺς ἐπιβεβουλευκότας. χρωμένων δὲ τῇ πείρᾳ τῶν ̓Αντιοχέων ὀλίγοι μὲν ὑπέμειναν, οἱ δὲ μὴ βουληθέντες ἀνῃρέθησαν. 7.52 ̓Αντίοχος δὲ στρατιώτας παρὰ τοῦ ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμόνος λαβὼν χαλεπὸς ἐφειστήκει τοῖς αὐτοῦ πολίταις, ἀργεῖν τὴν ἑβδόμην οὐκ ἐπιτρέπων, ἀλλὰ βιαζόμενος πάντα πράττειν ὅσα δὴ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἡμέραις.' "7.53 οὕτως τε τὴν ἀνάγκην ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίησεν, ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας καταλυθῆναι τὴν ἑβδομάδα ἀργὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλ' ἐκεῖθεν ἀρξαμένου τοῦ πράγματος κἀν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὁμοίως βραχύν τινα χρόνον." "7.54 Τοιούτων δὴ τοῖς ἐπ' ̓Αντιοχείας ̓Ιουδαίοις τῶν κατ' ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν κακῶν γεγενημένων δευτέρα πάλιν συμφορὰ προσέπεσε, περὶ ἧς ἐπιχειρήσαντες ἀφηγεῖσθαι καὶ ταῦτα διεξήλθομεν." '7.55 ἐπεὶ γὰρ συνέβη καταπρησθῆναι τὴν τετράγωνον ἀγορὰν ἀρχεῖά τε καὶ γραμματοφυλάκιον καὶ τὰς βασιλικάς, μόλις τε τὸ πῦρ ἐκωλύθη μετὰ πολλῆς βίας ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν περιφερόμενον, ταύτην ̓Αντίοχος τὴν πρᾶξιν ̓Ιουδαίων κατηγόρει.' "7.56 καὶ τοὺς ̓Αντιοχεῖς, εἰ καὶ μὴ πρότερον εἶχον πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπεχθῶς, τάχιστα τῇ διαβολῇ παρὰ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ συμβεβηκότος ταραχὴν ὑπαχθέντας πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐκ τῶν προϋπηργμένων τοῖς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λεγομένοις πιστεύειν παρεσκεύασεν, ὡς μόνον οὐκ αὐτοὺς τὸ πῦρ ἐνιέμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἑωρακότας," '7.57 καὶ καθάπερ ἐμμανεῖς γεγενημένοι μετὰ πολλοῦ τινος οἴστρου πάντες ἐπὶ τοὺς διαβεβλημένους ὥρμηντο.' "7.58 μόλις δ' αὐτῶν ἐδυνήθη τὰς ὁρμὰς ἐπισχεῖν Ναῖος Κολλήγας τις πρεσβευτής, ἀξιῶν ἐπιτρέψαι Καίσαρι δηλωθῆναι περὶ τῶν γεγονότων:" '7.59 τὸν γὰρ ἡγεμονεύοντα τῆς Συρίας Καισέννιον Παῖτον ἤδη μὲν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐξαπεστάλκει, συνέβαινε δὲ παρεῖναι μηδέπω.
7.123 Τοῦ δὲ στρατιωτικοῦ παντὸς ἔτι νύκτωρ κατὰ λόχους καὶ τάξεις ὑπὸ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι διεξωδευκότος καὶ περὶ θύρας ὄντος οὐ τῶν ἄνω βασιλείων ἀλλὰ πλησίον τοῦ τῆς ̓́Ισιδος ἱεροῦ, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἀνεπαύοντο τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης οἱ αὐτοκράτορες,' "
7.133 σχεδὸν γὰρ ὅσα τοῖς πώποτε ἀνθρώποις εὐδαιμονήσασιν ἐκτήθη κατὰ μέρος ἄλλα παρ' ἄλλοις θαυμαστὰ καὶ πολυτελῆ, ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἀθρόα τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ἔδειξε τὸ μέγεθος." 7.145 καὶ μετὰ πολλὴν ἐρημίαν καὶ κατήφειαν ποταμοὺς ῥέοντας οὐκ ἐπὶ γῆν γεωργουμένην, οὐδὲ ποτὸν ἀνθρώποις ἢ βοσκήμασιν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ἐπιπανταχόθεν φλεγομένης: ταῦτα γὰρ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πεισομένους αὑτοὺς τῷ πολέμῳ παρέδοσαν.' "7.146 ἡ τέχνη δὲ καὶ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων ἡ μεγαλουργία τοῖς οὐκ ἰδοῦσι γινόμενα τότ' ἐδείκνυεν ὡς παροῦσι." "7.147 τέτακτο δ' ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν πηγμάτων ὁ τῆς ἁλισκομένης πόλεως στρατηγὸς ὃν τρόπον ἐλήφθη." "7.148 πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ νῆες εἵποντο. λάφυρα δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χύδην ἐφέρετο, διέπρεπε δὲ πάντων τὰ ἐγκαταληφθέντα τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερῷ, χρυσῆ τε τράπεζα τὴν ὁλκὴν πολυτάλαντος καὶ λυχνία χρυσῆ μὲν ὁμοίως πεποιημένη, τὸ δ' ἔργον ἐξήλλακτο τῆς κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν χρῆσιν συνηθείας." "7.149 ὁ μὲν γὰρ μέσος ἦν κίων ἐκ τῆς βάσεως πεπηγώς, λεπτοὶ δ' ἀπ' αὐτοῦ μεμήκυντο καυλίσκοι τριαίνης σχήματι παραπλησίαν τὴν θέσιν ἔχοντες, λύχνον ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐπ' ἄκρον κεχαλκευμένος: ἑπτὰ δ' ἦσαν οὗτοι τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἑβδομάδος τὴν τιμὴν ἐμφανίζοντες." "
7.155 ἐπεὶ δ' ἀπηγγέλθη τέλος ἔχων καὶ πάντες εὐφήμησαν, ἤρχοντο τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς ἐπὶ ταῖς νομιζομέναις καλλιερήσαντες εὐχαῖς ἀπῄεσαν εἰς τὸ βασίλειον." 7.157 ταύτην γὰρ τὴν ἡμέραν ἡ ̔Ρωμαίων πόλις ἑώρταζεν ἐπινίκιον μὲν τῆς κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων στρατείας, πέρας δὲ τῶν ἐμφυλίων κακῶν, ἀρχὴν δὲ τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐλπίδων. 7.158 Μετὰ δὲ τοὺς θριάμβους καὶ τὴν βεβαιοτάτην τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας κατάστασιν Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἔγνω τέμενος Εἰρήνης κατασκευάσαι: ταχὺ δὲ δὴ μάλα καὶ πάσης ἀνθρωπίνης κρεῖττον ἐπινοίας ἐτετελείωτο. 7.159 τῇ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ πλούτου χορηγίᾳ δαιμονίῳ χρησάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῖς ἔκπαλαι κατωρθωμένοις γραφῆς τε καὶ πλαστικῆς ἔργοις αὐτὸ κατεκόσμησεν:' "7.161 ἀνέθηκε δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων χρυσᾶ κατασκευάσματα σεμνυνόμενος ἐπ' αὐτοῖς." '7.162 τὸν δὲ νόμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ πορφυρᾶ τοῦ σηκοῦ καταπετάσματα προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀποθεμένους φυλάττειν.
7.218 φόρον δὲ τοῖς ὁπουδηποτοῦν οὖσιν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέβαλεν δύο δραχμὰς ἕκαστον κελεύσας ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρειν, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰς τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις νεὼν συνετέλουν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ̓Ιουδαίων τότε τοιαύτην εἶχε κατάστασιν.' ' None | sup>
1.3 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves with fictitious relations. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter.
1.3 I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward am the author of this work.
1.3 When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions.
3.52 Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria.
3.52 The city Jerusalem is situated in the very middle; on which account some have, with sagacity enough, called that city the Navel of the country.
5.193 When you go through these first cloisters, unto the second court of the temple, there was a partition made of stone all round, whose height was three cubits: its construction was very elegant; 5.194 upon it stood pillars, at equal distances from one another, declaring the law of purity, some in Greek, and some in Roman letters, that “no foreigner should go within that sanctuary;” for that second court of the temple was called “the Sanctuary;” 5.195 and was ascended to by fourteen steps from the first court. This court was foursquare, and had a wall about it peculiar to itself; 5.196 the height of its buildings, although it were on the outside forty cubits, was hidden by the steps, and on the inside that height was but twenty-five cubits; for it being built over against a higher part of the hill with steps, it was no further to be entirely discerned within, being covered by the hill itself. 5.197 Beyond these fourteen steps there was the distance of ten cubits; this was all plain; 5.198 whence there were other steps, each of five cubits a piece, that led to the gates, which gates on the north and south sides were eight, on each of those sides four, and of necessity two on the east. For since there was a partition built for the women on that side, as the proper place wherein they were to worship, there was a necessity for a second gate for them: this gate was cut out of its wall, over against the first gate. 5.199 There was also on the other sides one southern and one northern gate, through which was a passage into the court of the women; for as to the other gates, the women were not allowed to pass through them; nor when they went through their own gate could they go beyond their own wall. This place was allotted to the women of our own country, and of other countries, provided they were of the same nation, and that equally.
5.227 Moreover, those that had the gonorrhea and the leprosy were excluded out of the city entirely; women also, when their courses were upon them, were shut out of the temple; nor when they were free from that impurity, were they allowed to go beyond the limit before-mentioned; men also, that were not thoroughly pure, were prohibited to come into the inner court of the temple; nay, the priests themselves that were not pure were prohibited to come into it also. 5.228 7. Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition, together with those that had no such imperfection, and had their share with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his sacred garments; 5.229 but then those priests that were without any blemish upon them went up to the altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest otherwise they should transgress some rules of their ministration.
5.236 However, the high priest did not wear these garments at other times, but a more plain habit; he only did it when he went into the most sacred part of the temple, which he did but once in a year, on that day when our custom is for all of us to keep a fast to God.
7.47 and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night;; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. 7.48 When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. 7.49 They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. 7.51 he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. 7.52 As for Antiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; 7.53 and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time. 7.54 4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we promised the account foregoing; 7.55 for upon this accident, whereby the foursquare marketplace was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces (and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. 7.56 Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill will at the Jews before, to believe this man’s accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused, 7.57 and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city; 7.58 nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; 7.59 for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither.
7.123 4. Now all the soldiery marched out beforehand by companies, and in their several ranks, under their several commanders, in the nighttime, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces, but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors had rested the foregoing night.
7.133 for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piecemeal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans;
7.145 rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. 7.146 Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. 7.147 On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships; 7.148 and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; 7.149 for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews;
7.155 Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had sent up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished, they went away to the palace.
7.157 for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness. 7.158 7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: 7.159 for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; 7.161 he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. 7.162 But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.
7.218 He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time.' ' None |
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31. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.43, 2.282 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater • Flavius Josephus, T. • Josephus Flavius • Josephus, Flavius
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 159; Poorthuis and Schwartz (2006), A Holy People: Jewish And Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity. 143; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 177; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 51
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1.43 ἤδη οὖν πολλοὶ πολλάκις ἑώρανται τῶν αἰχμαλώτων στρέβλας καὶ παντοίων θανάτων τρόπους ἐν θεάτροις ὑπομένοντες ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν ῥῆμα προέσθαι παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰς μετὰ τούτων ἀναγραφάς.' "
2.282 βίου καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους κοινωνίαν διδάσκοντες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθεσιν ἤδη πολὺς ζῆλος γέγονεν ἐκ μακροῦ τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐσεβείας, οὐδ' ἔστιν οὐ πόλις ̔Ελλήνων οὐδητισοῦν οὐδὲ βάρβαρον οὐδὲ ἓν ἔθνος, ἔνθα μὴ τὸ τῆς ἑβδομάδος, ἣν ἀργοῦμεν ἡμεῖς, τὸ ἔθος δὲ διαπεφοίτηκεν καὶ αἱ νηστεῖαι καὶ λύχνων ἀνακαύσεις καὶ πολλὰ τῶν εἰς βρῶσιν ἡμῖν οὐ νενομισμένων παρατετήρηται."' None | sup>
1.43 For it is no new thing for our captives, many of them in number, and frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that they may not be obliged to say one word against our laws and the records that contain them;
2.282 Nay, farther, the multitude of mankind itself have had a great inclination of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; '' None |
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32. Lucan, Pharsalia, 4.503-4.504, 9.64 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cosmopolitanism, Flavian • Flavian, epic • Flavius scriba, Gnaeus
Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 187; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 215; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 124
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4.503 Ere long they manned the rafts in eager wish To quit the island, when the latest glow Still parted day from night. But Magnus' troops, Cilician once, taught by their ancient art, In fraudulent deceit had left the sea To view unguarded; but with chains unseen Fast to Illyrian shores, and hanging loose, They blocked the outlet in the waves beneath. The leading rafts passed safely, but the third Hung in mid passage, and by ropes was hauled " "4.504 Ere long they manned the rafts in eager wish To quit the island, when the latest glow Still parted day from night. But Magnus' troops, Cilician once, taught by their ancient art, In fraudulent deceit had left the sea To view unguarded; but with chains unseen Fast to Illyrian shores, and hanging loose, They blocked the outlet in the waves beneath. The leading rafts passed safely, but the third Hung in mid passage, and by ropes was hauled " 9.64 Or friend or foe they knew not. Yet they dread In every keel the presence of that chief Their fear-compelling conqueror. But in truth That navy tears and sorrow bore, and woes To make e\'en Cato weep. For when in vain Cornelia prayed her stepson and the crew To stay their flight, lest haply from the shore Back to the sea might float the headless corse; And when the flame arising marked the place of that unhallowed rite, "Fortune, didst thou '" None |
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33. New Testament, Acts, 10.1-10.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus, T. • Josephus Flavius, Jewish Historian
Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 177; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 123
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10.1 Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρίᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς, 10.2 εὐσεβὴς καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν σὺν παντὶ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, ποιῶν ἐλεημοσύνας πολλὰς τῷ λαῷ καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ παντός,'' None | sup>
10.1 Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment, 10.2 a devout man, and one who feared God with all his house, who gave gifts for the needy generously to the people, and always prayed to God. '' None |
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34. New Testament, Galatians, 2.15-2.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus
Found in books: Dijkstra (2020), The Early Reception and Appropriation of the Apostle Peter (60-800 CE): The Anchors of the Fisherman, 45; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 377
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2.15 Ἡμεῖς φύσει Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ οὐκ ἐξ ἐθνῶν ἁμαρτωλοί, 2.16 εἰδότες δὲ ὅτι οὐ δικαιοῦται ἄνθρωπος ἐξ ἔργων νόμου ἐὰν μὴ διὰ πίστεως Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, καὶ ἡμεῖς εἰς Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐπιστεύσαμεν, ἵνα δικαιωθῶμεν ἐκ πίστεως Χριστοῦ καὶ οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων νόμου, ὅτι ἐξ ἔργων νόμουοὐ δικαιωθήσεται πᾶσα σάρξ. 2.17 εἰ δὲ ζητοῦντες δικαιωθῆναι ἐν Χριστῷ εὑρέθημεν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἁμαρτωλοί, ἆρα Χριστὸς ἁμαρτίας διάκονος; μὴ γένοιτο· 2.18 εἰ γὰρ ἃ κατέλυσα ταῦτα πάλιν οἰκοδομῶ, παραβάτην ἐμαυτὸν συνιστάνω. 2.19 ἐγὼ γὰρ διὰ νόμου νόμῳ ἀπέθανον ἵνα θεῷ ζήσω· Χριστῷ συνεσταύρωμαι· 2.20 ζῶ δὲ οὐκέτι ἐγώ, ζῇ δὲ ἐν ἐμοὶ Χριστός· ὃ δὲ νῦν ζῶ ἐν σαρκί, ἐν πίστει ζῶ τῇ τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ἀγαπήσαντός με καὶ παραδόντος ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ. 2.21 Οὐκ ἀθετῶ τὴν χάριν τοῦ θεοῦ· εἰ γὰρ διὰ νόμου δικαιοσύνη, ἄρα Χριστὸς δωρεὰν ἀπέθανεν.'' None | sup>
2.15 "We, being Jews by nature, and not Gentile sinners, 2.16 yet knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law butthrough the faith of Jesus Christ, even we believed in Christ Jesus,that we might be justified by faith in Christ, and not by the works ofthe law, because no flesh will be justified by the works of the law. 2.17 But if, while we sought to be justified in Christ, we ourselvesalso were found sinners, is Christ a servant of sin? Certainly not! 2.18 For if I build up again those things which I destroyed, I provemyself a law-breaker. 2.19 For I, through the law, died to the law,that I might live to God. 2.20 I have been crucified with Christ, andit is no longer I that live, but Christ living in me. That life which Inow live in the flesh, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me,and gave himself up for me. ' "2.21 I don't make void the grace of God.For if righteousness is through the law, then Christ died for nothing!"' None |
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35. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 369; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 369
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13.3 τούτοις μὲν οὖν μαρτυρῆσαι λέγουσι καὶ τὰ τῆς νόσου παραχρῆμα παυσάμενα. τὴν δὲ πέλτην προθέντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κελεύσαντος ἁμιλλᾶσθαι τοὺς τεχνίτας ὑπὲρ τῆς ὁμοιότητος, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἀπειπεῖν, Οὐετούριον δὲ Μαμούριον ἕνα α τῶν ἄκρων δημιουργῶν οὕτως ἐφικέσθαι τῆς ἐμφερείας, καὶ κατασκευάσαι πάσας ὁμοίας, ὥστε μηδʼ αὐτὸν ἔτι τὸν Νομᾶν διαγινώσκειν. τούτων οὖν φύλακας καὶ ἀμφιπόλους ἀπέδειξε τοὺς Σαλίους ἱερεῖς.'' None | sup>
13.3 Moreover, they say that the truth of all this was attested by the immediate cessation of the pestilence. When Numa showed the buckler to the artificers and bade them do their best to make others like it, they all declined, except Veturius Mamurius, a most excellent workman, who was so happy in his imitation of it, and made all the eleven so exactly like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. For the watch and care of these bucklers, then, he appointed the priesthood of the Salii.
13.3 Moreover, they say that the truth of all this was attested by the immediate cessation of the pestilence. When Numa showed the buckler to the artificers and bade them do their best to make others like it, they all declined, except Veturius Mamurius, a most excellent workman, who was so happy in his imitation of it, and made all the eleven so exactly like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. For the watch and care of these bucklers, then, he appointed the priesthood of the Salii.'' None |
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36. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 10.1.73, 10.3.19-10.3.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian literature
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 338, 350; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 338, 350
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10.3.19 \xa0The condemnation which I\xa0have passed on such carelessness in writing will make it pretty clear what my views are on the luxury of dictation which is now so fashionable. For, when we write, however great our speed, the fact that the hand cannot follow the rapidity of our thoughts gives us time to think, whereas the presence of our amanuensis hurries us on, at times we feel ashamed to hesitate or pause, or make some alteration, as though we were afraid to display such weakness before a witness. 10.3.20 \xa0As a result our language tends not merely to be haphazard and formless, but in our desire to produce a continuous flow we let slip positive improprieties of diction, which show might the precision of the writer nor the impetuosity of the speaker. Again, if the amanuensis is a slow writer, or lacking in intelligence, he becomes a stumbling-block, our speed is checked, and the thread of our ideas is interrupted by the delay or even perhaps by the loss of temper to which it gives rise. 10.3.21 \xa0Moreover, the gestures which accompany strong feeling, and sometimes even serve to stimulate the mind, the waving of the hand, the contraction of the brow, the occasional striking of forehead or side, and those which Persius notes when he describes a trivial style as one that "Thumps not the desk nor smacks of bitten nails," all these become ridiculous, unless we are alone.' ' None |
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37. Suetonius, Domitianus, 4.4, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cn. Flavius • Flavian Amphitheater • Flavian dynasty • tree portents, Flavian portents
Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 148; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 53; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 307; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 73
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4.4 \xa0He also established a quinquennial contest in honour of Jupiter Capitolinus of a threefold character, comprising music, riding, and gymnastics, and with considerably more prizes than are awarded nowadays. For there were competitions in prose declamation both in Greek and in Latin; and in addition to those of the lyre-players, between choruses of such players and in the lyre alone, without singing; while in the stadium there were races even between maidens. He presided at the competitions in half-boots, clad in a purple toga in the Greek fashion, and wearing upon his head a golden crown with figures of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, while by his side sat the priest of Jupiter and the college of the Flaviales, similarly dressed, except that their crowns bore his image as well. He celebrated the Quinquatria too every year in honour of Minerva at his Alban villa, and established for her a college of priests, from which men were chosen by lot to act as officers and give splendid shows of wild beasts and stage plays, besides holding contests in oratory and poetry.
15.2 \xa0For eight successive months so many strokes of lightning occurred and were reported, that at last he cried: "Well, let him now strike whom he will." The temple of Jupiter of the Capitol was struck and that of the Flavian family, as well as the Palace and the emperor\'s own bedroom. The inscription too on the base of a triumphal statue of his was torn off in a violent tempest and fell upon a neighbouring tomb. The tree which had been overthrown when Vespasian was still a private citizen but had sprung up anew, then on a sudden fell down again. Fortune of Praeneste had throughout his whole reign, when he commended the new year to her protection, given him a favourable omen and always in the same words. Now at last she returned a most direful one, not without the mention of bloodshed.'' None |
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38. Suetonius, Nero, 31.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334
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31.1 There was nothing however in which he was more ruinously prodigal than in building. He made a palace extending all the way from the Palatine to the Esquiline, which at first he called the House of Passage, but when it was burned shortly after its completion and rebuilt, the Golden House. Its size and splendour will be sufficiently indicated by the following details. Its vestibule was large enough to contain a colossal statue of the emperor a\xa0hundred and twenty feet high; and it was so extensive that it had a triple colonnade a\xa0mile long. There was a pond too, like a sea, surrounded with buildings to represent cities, besides tracts of country, varied by tilled fields, vineyards, pastures and woods, with great numbers of wild and domestic animals.'' None |
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39. Tacitus, Annals, 14.21, 15.44 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater • Flavian period (literature, dress) • Flavians • Flavius Vopiscus
Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 202; Piovanelli, Burke, Pettipiece (2015), Rediscovering the Apocryphal Continent : New Perspectives on Early Christian and Late Antique Apocryphal Textsand Traditions. De Gruyter: 2015 280; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 223, 350; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 152
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15.44 Et haec quidem humanis consiliis providebantur. mox petita dis piacula aditique Sibyllae libri, ex quibus supplicatum Vulcano et Cereri Proserpinaeque ac propitiata Iuno per matronas, primum in Capitolio, deinde apud proximum mare, unde hausta aqua templum et simulacrum deae perspersum est; et sellisternia ac pervigilia celebravere feminae quibus mariti erant. sed non ope humana, non largitionibus principis aut deum placamentis decedebat infamia quin iussum incendium crederetur. ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat; repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed per urbem etiam quo cuncta undique atrocia aut pudenda confluunt celebranturque. igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens haud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio humani generis convicti sunt. et pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus adfixi aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis urerentur. hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae permixtus plebi vel curriculo insistens. unde quamquam adversus sontis et novissima exempla meritos miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non utilitate publica sed in saevitiam unius absumerentur.' ' None | sup>
15.44 \xa0So far, the precautions taken were suggested by human prudence: now means were sought for appeasing deity, and application was made to the Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the married state. But neither human help, nor imperial munificence, nor all the modes of placating Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, a class of men, loathed for their vices, whom the crowd styled Christians. Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. First, then, the confessed members of the sect were arrested; next, on their disclosures, vast numbers were convicted, not so much on the count of arson as for hatred of the human race. And derision accompanied their end: they were covered with wild beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs; or they were fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man. <" " None |
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40. Tacitus, Histories, 1.2, 1.2.1, 1.15, 1.16.2, 1.18, 3.1, 3.70.3, 3.72, 3.84, 4.82-4.84, 5.5, 5.5.1-5.5.2, 5.13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cosmopolitanism, Flavian • Domitianus, Titus Flavius • Egyptian religion, in Flavian ideology • Flavian amphitheatre • Flavian dynasty • Flavian, culture • Flavian, literature/texts • Flavian, triumph • Flavians • Flavius Josephus, T. • Flavius Sabinus • Flavius, Gnaeus • Jewish religion, in Flavian ideology • Jewish writings, interest in, in Flavian Rome • Josephus, Flavius, historiographical methodology in • Sabinus, Titus Flavius • Vespasanius, T. Flavius • Vopiscus Flavius, Roman Historian • divinatory and prophetic writings, interest in, in Flavian Rome • dynasty (Flavian) • religion, foreign, in Flavian ideology
Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al. (2015), A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer, 103, 105; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 267; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 185; Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 86, 272, 277; Brenk and Lanzillotta (2023), Plutarch on Literature, Graeco-Roman Religion, Jews and Christians, 306; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 77, 78, 144; Honigman (2003), The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas, 79; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48, 140; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 132; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 202; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 126; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175, 177, 188, 190, 198; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 120; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 211; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 113, 131; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 20, 230
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3.1 \xa0The generals of the Flavian party were planning their campaign with better fortune and greater loyalty. They had come together at Poetovio, the winter quarters of the Thirteenth legion. There they discussed whether they should guard the passes of the Pannonian Alps until the whole mass of their forces could be raised behind them, or whether it would not be a bolder stroke to engage the enemy at once and struggle with him for the possession of Italy. Those who favoured waiting for the auxiliaries and prolonging the war, emphasized the strength and reputation of the German legions and dwelt on the fact that the flower of the army in Britain had recently arrived with Vitellius; they pointed out that they had on their side an inferior number of legions, and at best legions which had lately been beaten, and that although the soldiers talked boldly enough, the defeated always have less courage. But while they meantime held the Alps, Mucianus, they said, would arrive with the troops from the east; Vespasian had besides full control of the sea and his fleets, and he could count on the enthusiastic support of the provinces, through whose aid he could raise the storm of almost a second war. Therefore they declared that delay would favour them, that new forces would join them, and that they would lose none of their present advantages.
3.70.3 \xa0At daybreak, before hostilities could begin on either side, Sabinus sent Cornelius Martialis, a centurion of the first rank, to Vitellius with orders to complain that he had broken their agreement. This was his message: "You have made simply a pretence and show of abdicating in order to deceive all these eminent men. For why did you go from the rostra to your brother\'s house which overlooks the Forum and invites men\'s eyes, rather than to the Aventine and to your wife\'s home there? That was the action proper to a private citizen who wished to avoid all the show that attaches to the principate. On the contrary, you went back to the palace, to the very citadel of the imperial power. From there an armed band has issued; the most crowded part of the city has been strewn with the bodies of innocent men; even the Capitol is not spared. I,\xa0Sabinus, am of course only a civilian and a single senator. So long as the question between Vespasian and Vitellius was being adjudged by battles between the legions, by the capture of cities and the surrender of cohorts, although the Spains, the Germanies, and Britain fell away, I,\xa0Vespasian\'s own brother, still remained faithful to you until I\xa0was invited to a conference. Peace and concord are advantageous to the defeated; to the victors they are only glorious. If you regret your agreement, you should not attack me whom your treachery has deceived, or Vespasian\'s son, who is as yet hardly more than a child. What is the advantage in killing one old man and one youth? You should rather go and face the legions and fight in the field for the supremacy. Everything else will follow the issue of the battle." Vitellius was disturbed by these words and made a brief reply to excuse himself, putting the blame on his soldiers, with whose excessive ardour, he declared, his own moderation could not cope. At the same time he advised Martialis to go away privately through a secret part of the palace, that the soldiers might not kill him as the mediator of a peace which they detested. As for himself, he was powerless to order or to forbid; he was no longer emperor, but only a cause of war.' "
3.72 \xa0This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate â\x80\x94 this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned â\x80\x94 and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned." 3.84 \xa0The greatest difficulty was met in taking the Praetorian Camp, which the bravest soldiers defended as their last hope. The resistance made the victors only the more eager, the old praetorian cohorts being especially determined. They employed at the same time every device that had ever been invented for the destruction of the strongest cities â\x80\x94 the "tortoise," artillery, earthworks, and firebrands â\x80\x94 shouting that all the labour and danger that they had suffered in all their battles would be crowned by this achievement. "We have given back the city to the senate and the Roman people," they cried; "we have restored the temples to the gods. The soldier\'s glory is in his camp: that is his native city, that his penates. If the camp is not at once recovered, we must spend the night under arms." On their side the Vitellians, unequal though they were in numbers and in fortune, by striving to spoil the victory, to delay peace, and to defile the houses and altars of the city with blood, embraced the last solace left to the conquered. Many, mortally wounded, breathed their last on the towers and battlements; when the gates were broken down, the survivors in a solid mass opposed the victors and to a man fell giving blow for blow, dying with faces to the foe; so anxious were they, even at the moment of death, to secure a glorious end. On the capture of the city Vitellius was carried on a chair through the rear of the palace to his wife\'s house on the Aventine, so that, in case he succeeded in remaining undiscovered during the day, he might escape to his brother and the cohorts at Tarracina. But his fickle mind and the very nature of terror, which makes the present situation always seem the worst to one who is fearful of everything, drew him back to the palace. This he found empty and deserted, for even the meanest of his slaves had slipped away or else avoided meeting him. The solitude and the silent spaces filled him with fright: he tried the rooms that were closed and shuddered to find them empty. Exhausted by wandering forlornly about, he concealed himself in an unseemly hiding-place; but Julius Placidus, tribune of a cohort, dragged him to the light. With his arms bound behind his back, his garments torn, he presented a grievous sight as he was led away. Many cried out against him, not one shed a tear; the ugliness of the last scene had banished pity. One of the soldiers from Germany met him and struck at him in rage, or else his purpose was to remove him the quicker from insult, or he may have been aiming at the tribune â\x80\x94 no one could tell. He cut off the tribune\'s ear and was at once run through.' "
4.82 \xa0These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides." '4.83 \xa0The origin of this god has not yet been generally treated by our authors: the Egyptian priests tell the following story, that when King Ptolemy, the first of the Macedonians to put the power of Egypt on a firm foundation, was giving the new city of Alexandria walls, temples, and religious rites, there appeared to him in his sleep a vision of a young man of extraordinary beauty and of more than human stature, who warned him to send his most faithful friends to Pontus and bring his statue hither; the vision said that this act would be a happy thing for the kingdom and that the city that received the god would be great and famous: after these words the youth seemed to be carried to heaven in a blaze of fire. Ptolemy, moved by this miraculous omen, disclosed this nocturnal vision to the Egyptian priests, whose business it is to interpret such things. When they proved to know little of Pontus and foreign countries, he questioned Timotheus, an Athenian of the clan of the Eumolpidae, whom he had called from Eleusis to preside over the sacred rites, and asked him what this religion was and what the divinity meant. Timotheus learned by questioning men who had travelled to Pontus that there was a city there called Sinope, and that not far from it there was a temple of Jupiter Dis, long famous among the natives: for there sits beside the god a female figure which most call Proserpina. But Ptolemy, although prone to superstitious fears after the nature of kings, when he once more felt secure, being more eager for pleasures than religious rites, began gradually to neglect the matter and to turn his attention to other things, until the same vision, now more terrible and insistent, threatened ruin upon the king himself and his kingdom unless his orders were carried out. Then Ptolemy directed that ambassadors and gifts should be despatched to King Scydrothemis â\x80\x94 he ruled over the people of Sinope at that time â\x80\x94 and when the embassy was about to sail he instructed them to visit Pythian Apollo. The ambassadors found the sea favourable; and the answer of the oracle was not uncertain: Apollo bade them go on and bring back the image of his father, but leave that of his sister.' "4.84 \xa0When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A\xa0temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I\xa0am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy\xa0III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis." "
5.5.2 \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean." 5.5 \xa0Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean." "
5.13 \xa0Prodigies had indeed occurred, but to avert them either by victims or by vows is held unlawful by a people which, though prone to superstition, is opposed to all propitiatory rites. Contending hosts were seen meeting in the skies, arms flashed, and suddenly the temple was illumined with fire from the clouds. of a sudden the doors of the shrine opened and a superhuman voice cried: "The gods are departing": at the same moment the mighty stir of their going was heard. Few interpreted these omens as fearful; the majority firmly believed that their ancient priestly writings contained the prophecy that this was the very time when the East should grow strong and that men starting from Judea should possess the world. This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, as is the way of human ambition, interpreted these great destinies in their own favour, and could not be turned to the truth even by adversity. We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand; there were arms for all who could use them, and the number ready to fight was larger than could have been anticipated from the total population. Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death. Such was the city and people against which Titus Caesar now proceeded; since the nature of the ground did not allow him to assault or employ any sudden operations, he decided to use earthworks and mantlets; the legions were assigned to their several tasks, and there was a respite of fighting until they made ready every device for storming a town that the ancients had ever employed or modern ingenuity invented.' ' None |
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41. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavian, emperors • Flavian, epic • Flavian, literature/texts • Flavius Abascantus, Titus • Flavius Ursus • Flavius scriba, Gnaeus • T. Flavius Abascantus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 345, 348, 349, 367; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 70, 71, 72, 74, 76; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 187; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 235, 236; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 8, 98, 99; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 345, 348, 349, 367
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42. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 348, 352, 367, 368; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 348, 352, 367, 368
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43. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cn. Flavius • Flavians
Found in books: Gunderson (2022), The Social Worlds of Ancient Jews and Christians: Essays in Honor of L. Michael White, 136; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 61
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44. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian, triumph • tyrant, Flavian epic
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 147; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 131
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45. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavians • Flavius Josephus, T.
Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 201; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 605
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46. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavians • Flavius Josephus, T. • Vopiscus Flavius, Roman Historian • regime change, Flavian into Trajanic
Found in books: König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 128; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 202; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175, 177; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 115
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47. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavian Amphitheater • Flavian, culture • Flavian, epic • Flavian, era/period • Flavian, literature/texts • regime change, Flavian into Trajanic
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334, 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 371; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 303; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 3; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334, 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 371
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48. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater • Flavian amphitheatre
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 332, 333, 334; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 129, 132; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 152; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 332, 333, 334
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49. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius Josephus • Flavius Zeuxis
Found in books: Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 158; Weissenrieder (2016), Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances 377
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50. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 352, 366; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 352, 366
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51. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian Amphitheater • Vopiscus Flavius, Roman Historian
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 334; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 120; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 334
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52. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 67.14.1-67.14.3, 69.20.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constantine (Flavius Valerius Constantinus) • Constantius I (Flavius Valerius Constantius) • Flavius Clemens • Flavius Josephus, T. • Vopiscus Flavius, Roman Historian
Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 236; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 460; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 214; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 113
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67.14.1 \xa0At this time the road leading from Sinuessa to Puteoli was paved with stone. And the same year Domitian slew, along with many others, Flavius Clemens the consul, although he was a cousin and had to wife Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of the emperor's." '67.14.2 \xa0The charge brought against them both was that of atheism, a charge on which many others who drifted into Jewish ways were condemned. Some of these were put to death, and the rest were at least deprived of their property.' "67.14.3 \xa0Domitilla was merely banished to Pandateria. But Glabrio, who had been Trajan's colleague in the consulship, was put to death, having been accused of the same crimes as most of the others, and, in particular, of fighting as a gladiator with wild beasts. Indeed, his prowess in the arena was the chief cause of the emperor's anger against him, an anger prompted by jealousy. For in Glabrio's consulship Domitian had summoned him to his Alban estate to attend the festival called the Juvenalia and had imposed on him the task of killing a large lion; and Glabrio not only had escaped all injury but had despatched the lion with most accurate aim." " None |
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53. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.5, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavians • Flavius Arrianus • Flavius Clemens • regime change, Flavian into Trajanic
Found in books: Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 460; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 425; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 117, 202, 203
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1.5 To Voconius Romanus. Did you ever see a man more abject and fawning than Marcus Regulus has been since the death of Domitian? His misdeeds were better concealed during that prince\'s reign, but they were every bit as bad as they were in the time of Nero. He began to be afraid that I was angry with him and he was not mistaken, for I certainly was annoyed. After doing what he could to help those who were prosecuting Rusticus Arulenus, he had openly exulted at his death, and went so far as to publicly read and then publish a pamphlet in which he violently attacks Rusticus and even calls him "the Stoics\' ape," adding that "he is marked with the brand of Vitellius." * You recognise, of course, the Regulian style! He tears to pieces Herennius Senecio so savagely that Metius Carus said to him, "What have you to do with my dead men? Did I ever worry your Crassus or Camerinus?" - these being some of Regulus\'s victims in the days of Nero. Regulus thought I bore him malice for this, and so he did not invite me when he read his pamphlet. Besides, he remembered that he once mortally attacked me in the court of the centumviri. ** I was a witness on behalf of Arionilla, the wife of Timon, at the request of Rusticus Arulenus, and Regulus was conducting the prosecution. We on our side were relying for part of the defence on a decision of Metius Modestus, an excellent man who had been banished by Domitian and was at that moment in exile. This was Regulus\'s opportunity. "Tell me, Secundus," said he, "what you think of Modestus." You see in what peril I should have placed myself if I had answered that I thought highly of him, and how disgraceful it would have been if I had said that I thought ill of him. I fancy it must have been the gods who came to my rescue. "I will tell you what I think of him," I said, "when the Court has to give a decision on the point." He returned to the charge Well, now the fellow is conscience-stricken, and buttonholes first Caecilius Celer and then implores Fabius Justus to reconcile me to him. Not content with that, he makes his way in to see Spurinna, and begs and prays of him - you know what an abject coward he is when he is frightened - as follows. "Do go," says he, "and call on Pliny in the morning - early in the morning, for my suspense is unbearable - and do what you can to remove his anger against me." I was early awake that day, when a message came from Spurinna, "I am coming to see you." I sent back word, "I will come and see you." We met at the portico of Livia, just as we were each of us on the way to see the other. He explained his commission from Regulus and added his own entreaties, but did not press the point too strongly, as became a worthy gentleman asking a favour for a worthless acquaintance. This was my answer That practically closed the conversation. I did not wish it to go any further, so that I might not commit myself until Mauricus arrived. Moreover, I am quite aware that Regulus is a difficult bird to net. He is rich, he is a shrewd intriguer, he has no inconsiderable body of followers and a still larger circle of those who fear him, and fear is often a more powerful factor than affection. But, after all, these are bonds that may be shattered and weakened, for a bad man\'s influence is as little to be relied upon as is the man himself. Moreover, let me repeat that I am waiting for Mauricus. He is a man of sound judgment and sagacity, which he has learned by experience, and he can gauge what is likely to happen in the future from what has occurred in the past. I shall be guided by him, and either strike a blow or set aside my weapons just as he thinks best. I have written you this letter because it is only right, considering our regard for one another, that you should be acquainted not only with what I have said and done, but also with my plans for the future. Farewell. ' ' None |
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54. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 362; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 362
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55. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius (Clement of Alexandria) • Josephus Flavius, Jewish Historian
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 188; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 123
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56. None, None, nan (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian of Antioch, bishop • Flavian, patriarch of Constantinople
Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 184; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 251
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57. Strabo, Geography, 10.3.7
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 368; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 368
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10.3.7 The accounts which are more remotely related, however, to the present subject, but are wrongly, on account of the identity of the names, brought into the same connection by the historians — I mean those accounts which, although they are called Curetan History and History of the Curetes, just as if they were the history of those Curetes who lived in Aitolia and Acaria, not only are different from that history, but are more like the accounts of the Satyri, Sileni, Bacchae, and Tityri; for the Curetes, like these, are called genii or ministers of gods by those who have handed down to us the Cretan and the Phrygian traditions, which are interwoven with certain sacred rites, some mystical, the others connected in part with the rearing of the child Zeus in Crete and in part with the orgies in honor of the Mother of the Gods which are celebrated in Phrygia and in the region of the Trojan Ida. But the variation in these accounts is so small that, whereas some represent the Corybantes, the Cabeiri, the Idaean Dactyli, and the Telchines as identical with the Curetes, others represent them as all kinsmen of one another and differentiate only certain small matters in which they differ in respect to one another; but, roughly speaking and in general, they represent them, one and all, as a kind of inspired people and as subject to Bacchic frenzy, and, in the guise of ministers, as inspiring terror at the celebration of the sacred rites by means of war-dances, accompanied by uproar and noise and cymbals and drums and arms, and also by flute and outcry; and consequently these rites are in a way regarded as having a common relationship, I mean these and those of the Samothracians and those in Lemnos and in several other places, because the divine ministers are called the same. However, every investigation of this kind pertains to theology, and is not foreign to the speculation of the philosopher.'' None |
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58. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.440, 8.702-8.703, 11.263
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Cosmopolitanism, Flavian • tyrant, Flavian epic
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 133; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 367; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 192; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 367
sup>
8.440 Aetnaei Cyclopes, et huc advertite mentem:
8.702 et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla, 8.703 quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello.
11.263 exsulat, Aetnaeos vidit Cyclopas Ulixes.'' None | sup>
8.440 the Albula, its true and ancient style.
8.702 a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703 tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall,
11.263 behold their comrades burning, and keep guard '' None |
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59. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.4-6.5
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 357, 362; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 357, 362
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6.4 of battles and of kings, the Cynthian god 6.5 plucked at mine ear and warned me: “Tityrus,' ' None |
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60. Vergil, Georgics, 3.3-3.4, 3.37
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 351, 352, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 351, 352, 367
sup>
3.3 Cetera, quae vacuas tenuissent carmine mentes, 3.4 omnia iam volgata: quis aut Eurysthea durum
3.37 Invidia infelix Furias amnemque severum'' None | sup>
3.3 You, woods and waves Lycaean. All themes beside, 3.4 Which else had charmed the vacant mind with song,
3.37 Surging with war, and hugely flowing, the |
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61. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cosmopolitanism, Flavian • Flavian dynasty • Flavian, epic • Flavius scriba, Gnaeus
Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 187; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 89, 96; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 135, 136; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 80, 165
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62. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cn. Flavius • concordia, Cn. Flavius shrine • fides, Cn. Flavius
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 54; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 53
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63. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of • Flavian Amphitheater
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 332, 333, 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 332, 333, 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370
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64. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Callimachus, Flavian reception of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 366, 367; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 366, 367
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65. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Flavius • Flavius Pudens Pomponianus • Julius Quintianus Flavius Rogantius
Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 306; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 125; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 251
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66. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian dynasty • Flavius Damianus, T. (sophist) • Flavius Damianus, T. (sophist), Philostratus on • Flavius Damianus, T. (sophist), marries Vedia Phaedrina • Flavius Furius Aptus, C. • Flavius Furius Aptus, Gaius • Flavius Furius Aptus, T. • Flavius Vedius Apellas, T. (son of T. Fl. Vedius Antoninus and Fl. Pasinice), and monument with genealogical inscription • Imperial Cult, of the Flavian Augusti
Found in books: Benefiel and Keegan (2016), Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, 150, 153; Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 118; Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 72, 191, 205, 387
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67. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Flavian dynasty • Flavius Megalinus • Soclarus, Flavius • Soclarus, Titus Flavius
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 49; Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 32
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