1. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • faithfulness, fidelity to the Law, Job • fides,
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 104, 123; Toloni (2022), The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis, 79
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2. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Faith (belief, fidelity, trust), human • faithfulness, fidelity to the Law, Job
Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 85; Toloni (2022), The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis, 77, 111
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3. Homer, Iliad, 20.23-20.29 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 280; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 280
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20.23 ἥμενος, ἔνθʼ ὁρόων φρένα τέρψομαι· οἳ δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι 20.24 ἔρχεσθʼ ὄφρʼ ἂν ἵκησθε μετὰ Τρῶας καὶ Ἀχαιούς, 20.25 ἀμφοτέροισι δʼ ἀρήγεθʼ ὅπῃ νόος ἐστὶν ἑκάστου. 20.26 εἰ γὰρ Ἀχιλλεὺς οἶος ἐπὶ Τρώεσσι μαχεῖται 20.27 οὐδὲ μίνυνθʼ ἕξουσι ποδώκεα Πηλεΐωνα. 20.28 καὶ δέ τί μιν καὶ πρόσθεν ὑποτρομέεσκον ὁρῶντες· 20.29 νῦν δʼ ὅτε δὴ καὶ θυμὸν ἑταίρου χώεται αἰνῶς'' None | sup>
20.23 Thou knowest, O Shaker of Earth, the purpose in my breast, for the which I gathered you hither; I have regard unto them, even though they die. Yet verily, for myself will I abide here sitting in a fold of Olympus, wherefrom I will gaze and make glad my heart; but do ye others all go forth till ye be come among the Trojans and Achaeans, and bear aid to this side or that, even as the mind of each may be. 20.25 For if Achilles shall fight alone against the Trojans, not even for a little space will they hold back the swift-footed son of Peleus. Nay, even aforetime were they wont to tremble as they looked upon him, and now when verily his heart is grievously in wrath for his friend, I fear me lest even beyond what is ordained he lay waste the wall. 20.29 For if Achilles shall fight alone against the Trojans, not even for a little space will they hold back the swift-footed son of Peleus. Nay, even aforetime were they wont to tremble as they looked upon him, and now when verily his heart is grievously in wrath for his friend, I fear me lest even beyond what is ordained he lay waste the wall. '' None |
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4. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • faithfulness, fidelity to the Law, Tobit • fides,
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 230, 231; Toloni (2022), The Story of Tobit: A Comparative Literary Analysis, 11
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5. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267
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6. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267, 268; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267, 268
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7. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279
| 575a ἀλλὰ τυραννικῶς ἐν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἔρως ἐν πάσῃ ἀναρχίᾳ καὶ ἀνομίᾳ ζῶν, ἅτε αὐτὸς ὢν μόναρχος, τὸν ἔχοντά τε αὐτὸν ὥσπερ πόλιν ἄξει ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τόλμαν, ὅθεν αὑτόν τε καὶ τὸν περὶ αὑτὸν θόρυβον θρέψει, τὸν μὲν ἔξωθεν εἰσεληλυθότα ἀπὸ κακῆς ὁμιλίας, τὸν δʼ ἔνδοθεν ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν τρόπων καὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἀνεθέντα καὶ ἐλευθερωθέντα· ἢ οὐχ οὗτος ὁ βίος τοῦ τοιούτου;' ' None | 575a but the passion that dwells in him as a tyrant will live in utmost anarchy and lawlessness, and, since it is itself sole autocrat, will urge the polity, so to speak, of him in whom it dwells to dare anything and everything in order to find support for himself and the hubbub of his henchmen, in part introduced from outside by evil associations, and in part released and liberated within by the same habits of life as his. Is not this the life of such a one? It is this, he said. And if, I said, there are only a few of this kind in a city,' ' None |
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8. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267, 280; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267, 280
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9. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • fides • fides, in drama
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 105; Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 184
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10. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • fides • fides, in drama
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 105; Richlin (2018), Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy, 188
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11. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Punica fides • Silius Italicus fides in • fides definition of,, Punica • fides definition of,, personification of
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 203; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 186
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12. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.61, 3.47 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus, Fides, temple of • fides • fides definition of • fides definition of,, temple of • temples, of Fides
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 5; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 134; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 263; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98
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2.61 In other cases some exceptionally potent force is itself designated by a title of convey, for example Faith and Mind; we see the shrines on the Capitol lately dedicated to them both by Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, and Faith had previously been deified by Aulus Atilius Calatinus. You see the temple of Virtue, restored as the temple of Honour by Marcus Marcellus, but founded many years before by Quintus Maximus in the time of the Ligurian war. Again, there are the temples of Wealth, Safety, Concord, Liberty and Victory, all of which things, being so powerful as necessarily to imply divine goverce, were themselves designated as gods. In the same class the names of Desire, Pleasure and Venus Lubentina have been deified — things vicious and unnatural (although Velleius thinks otherwise), yet the urge of these vices often overpowers natural instinct. ' "
3.47 And if it is the nature of the gods to intervene in man's affairs, the Birth-Spirit also must be deemed divine, to whom it is our custom to offer sacrifice when we make the round of the shrines in the Territory of Ardea: she is named Natio from the word for being born (nasci), because she is believed to watch over married women in travail. If she is divine, so are all those abstractions that you mentioned, Honour, Faith, Intellect, Concord, and therefore also Hope, the Spirit of Money and all the possible creations of our own imagination. If this supposition is unlikely, so also is the former one, from which all these instances flow. Then, if the traditional gods whom we worship are really divine, what reason can you give why we should not include Isis and Osiris in the same category? And if we do so, why should we repudiate the gods of the barbarians? We shall therefore have to admit to the list of gods oxen and horses, ibises, hawks, asps, crocodiles, fishes, dogs, wolves, cats and many beasts besides. Or if we reject these, we shall also reject those others from whom their claim springs. "' None |
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13. Cicero, On Duties, 1.38-1.39, 3.104 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides • Fides and πίστις • Punica fides • Punica fides, and manipulation of Carthaginian image • fides • fides (good faith)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 270; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 184, 187; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 132; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 277; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 270; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 66
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1.38 Cum vero de imperio decertatur belloque quaeritur gloria, causas omnino subesse tamen oportet easdem, quas dixi paulo ante iustas causas esse bellorum. Sed ea bella, quibus imperii proposita gloria est, minus acerbe gerenda sunt Ut enim cum civi aliter contendimus, si est inimicus, aliter, si competitor (cum altero certamen honoris et dignitatis est, cum altero capitis et famae), sic cum Celtiberis, cum Cimbris bellum ut cum inimicis gerebatur, uter esset, non uter imperaret, cum Latinis, Sabinis, Samnitibus, Poenis, Pyrrho de imperio dimicabatur. Poeni foedifragi, crudelis Hannibal, reliqui iustiores. Pyrrhi quidem de captivis reddendis illa praeclara: Nec mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis, Nec caupotes bellum, sed belligerantes Ferro, non auro vitam cernamus utrique. Vosne velit an me regnare era, quidve ferat Fors, Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum: Quorum virtuti belli fortuna pepercit, Eorundem libertati me parcere certum est. Dono, ducite, doque volentibus cum magnis dis. Regalis sane et digna Aeacidarum genere sententia. 1.39 Atque etiam si quid singuli temporibus adducti hosti promiserunt, est in eo ipso fides conservanda, ut primo Punico bello Regulus captus a Poenis cum de captivis commutandis Romam missus esset iurassetque se rediturum, primum, ut venit, captivos reddendos in senatu non censuit, deinde, cum retineretur a propinquis et ab amicis, ad supplicium redire maluit quam fidem hosti datam fallere.
3.104 Non fuit Iuppiter metuendus ne iratus noceret, qui neque irasci solet nec nocere. Haec quidem ratio non magis contra Reguli quam contra omne ius iurandum valet. Sed in iure iurando non qui metus, sed quae vis sit, debet intellegi; est enim ius iurandum affirmatio religiosa; quod autem affirmate quasi deo teste promiseris, id tenendum est. Iam enim non ad iram deorum, quae nulla est, sed ad iustitiam et ad fidem pertinet. Nam praeclare Ennius: Ó Fides alma ápta pinnis ét ius iurandúm Iovis! Qui ius igitur iurandum violat, is Fidem violat, quam in Capitolio vicinam Iovis optimi maximi, ut in Catonis oratione est, maiores nostri esse voluerunt.'' None | sup>
1.38 \xa0But when a war is fought out for supremacy and when glory is the object of war, it must still not fail to start from the same motives which I\xa0said a moment ago were the only righteous grounds for going to war. But those wars which have glory for their end must be carried on with less bitterness. For we contend, for example, with a fellow-citizen in one way, if he is a personal enemy, in another, if he is a rival: with the rival it is a struggle for office and position, with the enemy for life and honour. So with the Celtiberians and the Cimbrians we fought as with deadly enemies, not to determine which should be supreme, but which should survive; but with the Latins, Sabines, Samnites, Carthaginians, and Pyrrhus we fought for supremacy. The Carthaginians violated treaties; Hannibal was cruel; the others were more merciful. From Pyrrhus we have this famous speech on the exchange of prisoners: "Gold will\xa0I none, nor price shall ye give; for I\xa0ask none; Come, let us not be chaff\'rers of war, but warriors embattled. Nay; let us venture our lives, and the sword, not gold, weigh the outcome. Make we the trial by valour in arms and see if Dame Fortune Wills it that ye shall prevail or I, or what be her judgment. Hear thou, too, this word, good Fabricius: whose valour soever Spared hath been by the fortune of war â\x80\x94 their freedom I\xa0grant them. Such my resolve. I\xa0give and present them to you, my brave Romans; Take them back to their homes; the great gods\' blessings attend you." A\xa0right kingly sentiment this and worthy a scion of the Aeacidae. < 1.39 \xa0Again, if under stress of circumstance individuals have made any promise to the enemy, they are bound to keep their word even then. For instance, in the First Punic War, when Regulus was taken prisoner by the Carthaginians, he was sent to Rome on parole to negotiate an exchange of prisoners; he came and, in the first place, it was he that made the motion in the Senate that the prisoners should not be restored; and in the second place, when his relatives and friends would have kept him back, he chose to return to a death by torture rather than prove false to his promise, though given to an enemy. <
3.104 \xa0"He need not have been afraid that Jupiter in anger would inflict injury upon him; he is not wont to be angry or hurtful." This argument, at all events, has no more weight against Regulus\'s conduct than it has against the keeping of any other oath. But in taking an oath it is our duty to consider not what one may have to fear in case of violation but wherein its obligation lies: an oath is an assurance backed by religious sanctity; and a solemn promise given, as before God as one\'s witness, is to be sacredly kept. For the question no longer concerns the wrath of the gods (for there is no such thing) but the obligations of justice and good faith. For, as Ennius says so admirably: "Gracious Good Faith, on wings upborne; thou oath in Jupiter\'s great name!" Whoever, therefore, violates his oath violates Good Faith; and, as we find it stated in Cato\'s speech, our forefathers chose that she should dwell upon the Capitol "neighbour to Jupiter Supreme and Best." <'' None |
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14. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
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15. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.73.3, 3.2-3.30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 270, 280; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 270, 280
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1.73.3 \xa0Others say that after the death of Aeneas Ascanius, having succeeded to the entire sovereignty of the Latins, divided both the country and the forces of the Latins into three parts, two of which he gave to his brothers, Romulus and Remus. He himself, they say, built Alba and some other towns; Remus built cities which he named Capuas, after Capys, his great-grandfather, Anchisa, after his grandfather Anchises, Aeneia (which was afterwards called Janiculum), after his father, and Rome, after himself. This last city was for some time deserted, but upon the arrival of another colony, which the Albans sent out under the leadership of Romulus and Remus, it received again its ancient name. So that, according to this account, there were two settlements of Rome, one a little after the Trojan war, and the other fifteen generations after the first. <
3.2 1. \xa0Many military exploits are related of him, but the greatest are those which I\xa0shall now narrate, beginning with the war against the Albans. The man responsible for the quarrel between the two cities and the severing of their bond of kinship was an Alban named Cluilius, who had been honoured with the chief magistracy; this man, vexed at the prosperity of the Romans and unable to contain his envy, and being by nature headstrong and somewhat inclined to madness, resolved to involve the cities in war with each other.,2. \xa0But not seeing how he could persuade the Albans to permit him to lead an army against the Romans without just and urgent reasons, he contrived a plan of the following sort: he permitted the poorest and boldest of the Albans to pillage the fields of the Romans, promising them immunity, and so caused many to overrun the neighbouring territory in a series of plundering raids, as they would now be pursuing without danger gains from which they would never desist even under the constraint of fear.,3. \xa0In doing this he was following a very natural line of reasoning, as the event bore witness. For he assumed that the Romans would not submit to being plundered but would rush to arms, and he would thus have an opportunity of accusing them to his people as the aggressors in the war; and he also believed that the majority of the Albans, envying the prosperity of their colony, would gladly listen to these false accusations and would begin war against the Romans. And that is just what happened.,4. \xa0For when the worst elements of each city fell to robbing and plundering each other and at last a Roman army made an incursion into the territory of the Albans and killed or took prisoner many of the bandits, Cluilius assembled the people and inveighed against the Romans at great length, showed them many who were wounded, produced the relations of those who had been seized or slain, and at the same time added other circumstances of his own invention; whereupon it was voted on his motion to send an embassy first of all to demand satisfaction for what had happened, and then, if the Romans refused it, to begin war against them. 3.3 1. \xa0Upon the arrival of the ambassadors at Rome, Tullius, suspecting that they had come to demand satisfaction, resolved to anticipate them in doing this, since he wished to turn upon the Albans the blame for breaking the compact between them and their colony. For there existed a treaty between the two cities which had been made in the reign of Romulus, wherein, among other articles, it was stipulated that neither of them should begin a war, but if either complained of any injury whatsoever, that city would demand satisfaction from the city which had done the injury, and failing to obtain it, should then make war as a matter of necessity, the treaty being looked upon as already broken.,2. \xa0Tullius, therefore, taking care that the Romans should not be the first called upon to give satisfaction and, by refusing it, become guilty in the eyes of the Albans, ordered the most distinguished of his friends to entertain the ambassadors of the Albans with every courtesy and to detain them inside their homes while he himself, pretending to be occupied with some necessary business, put off their audience.,3. \xa0The following night he sent to Alba some Romans of distinction, duly instructed as to the course they should pursue, together with the fetiales, to demand satisfaction from the Albans for the injuries the Romans had received. These, having performed their journey before sunrise, found Cluilius in the market-place at the time when the early morning crowd was gathered there. And having set forth the injuries which the Romans had received at the hands of the Albans, they demanded that he should act in conformity with the compact between the cities.,4. \xa0But Cluilius, alleging that the Albans had been first in sending envoys to Rome to demand satisfaction and had not even been vouchsafed an answer, ordered the Romans to depart, on the ground that they had violated the terms of the treaty, and declared war against them. The chief of the embassy, however, as he was departing, demanded from Cluilius an answer to just this one question, namely, whether he admitted that those were violating the treaty who, being the first called upon to give satisfaction, had refused to comply with any part of their obligation.,5. \xa0And when Cluilius said he did, he exclaimed: "Well, then, I\xa0call the gods, whom we made witnesses of our treaty, to witness that the Romans, having been the first to be refused satisfaction, will be undertaking a just war against the violators of that treaty, and that it is you Albans who have avoided giving satisfaction, as the events themselves show. For you, being the first called upon for satisfaction, have refused it and you have been the first to declare war against us. Look, therefore, for vengeance to come upon you ere long with the sword.",6. \xa0Tullius, having learned of all this from the ambassadors upon their return to Rome, then ordered the Albans to be brought before him and to state the reasons for their coming; and when they had delivered the message entrusted to them by Cluilius and were threatening war in case they did not obtain satisfaction, he replied: "I\xa0have anticipated you in doing this, and having obtained nothing that the treaty directs, I\xa0declare against the Albans the war that is both necessary and just." ' "3.4 1. \xa0After these pretences they both prepared themselves for war, not only arming their own forces but also calling to their assistance those of their subjects. And when they had everything ready the two armies drew near to each other and encamped at the distance of forty stades from Rome, the Albans at the Cluilian Ditches, as they are called (for they still preserve the name of the man who constructed them) and the Romans a little farther inside, having chosen the most convenient place for their camp.,2. \xa0When the two armies saw each other's forces neither inferior in numbers nor poorly armed nor to be despised in respect of their other preparations, they lost their impetuous ardour for the combat, which they had felt at first because of their expectation of defeating the enemy by their very onset, and they took thought rather of defending themselves by building their ramparts to a greater height than of being the first to attack. At the same time the most intelligent among them began to reflect, feeling that they were not being governed by the best counsels, and there was a spirit of faultfinding against those in authority.,3. \xa0And as the time dragged on in vain (for they were not injuring one another to any notable extent by sudden dashes of the light-armed troops or by skirmishes of the horse), the man who was looked upon as responsible for the war, Cluilius, being irked at lying idle, resolved to march out with his army and challenge the enemy to battle, and if they declined it, to attack their entrenchments.,4. \xa0And having made his preparations for an engagement and all the plans necessary for an attack upon the enemy's ramparts, in case that should prove necessary, when night came on he went to sleep in the general's tent, attended by his usual guard; but about daybreak he was found dead, no signs appearing on his body either of wounds, strangling, poison, or any other violent death. " "3.5 1. \xa0This unfortunate event appearing extraordinary to everybody, as one would naturally expect, and the cause of it being enquired into â\x80\x94 for no preceding illness could be alleged â\x80\x94 those who ascribed all human fortunes to divine providence said that this death had been due to the anger of the gods, because he had handled an unjust and unnecessary war between the mother-city and her colony. But others, who looked upon war as a profitable business and thought they had been deprived of great gains, attributed the event to human treachery and envy, accusing some of his fellow citizens of the opposing faction of having made away with him by secret and untraceable poisons that they had discovered.,2. \xa0Still others alleged that, being overcome with grief and despair, he had taken his own life, since all his plans were becoming difficult and impracticable and none of the things that he had looked forward to in the beginning when he first took hold of affairs was succeeding according to his desire. But those who were not influenced by either friendship or enmity for the general and based their judgment of what had happened on the soundest grounds were of the opinion that neither the anger of the gods nor the envy of the opposing faction nor despair of his plans had put an end to his life, but rather Nature's stern law and fate, when once he had finished the destined course which is marked out for everyone that is born.,3. \xa0Such, then, was the end that Cluilius met, before he had performed any noble deed. In his place Mettius Fufetius was chosen general by those in the camp and invested with absolute power; he was a man without either ability to conduct a war or constancy to preserve a peace, one who, though he had been at first as zealous as any of the Albans in creating strife between the two cities and for that reason had been honoured with the command after the death of Cluilius, yet after he had obtained it and perceived the many difficulties and embarrassments with which the business was attended, no longer adhered to the same plans, but resolved to delay and put off matters, since he observed that not all the Albans now had the same ardour for war and also that the victims, whenever he offered sacrifice concerning battle, were unfavourable.,4. \xa0And at last he even determined to invite the enemy to an accommodation, taking the initiative himself in sending heralds, after he had been informed of a danger from the outside which threatened both the Albans and Romans, a danger which, if they did not terminate their war with each other by a treaty, was unavoidable and bound to destroy both armies. The danger was this: " "3.6 1. \xa0The Veientes and Fidenates, who inhabited large and populous cities, had in the reign of Romulus engaged in a war with the Romans for command and sovereignty, and after losing many armies in the course of the war and being punished by the loss of part of their territory, they had been forced to become subjects of the conquerors; concerning which I\xa0have given a precise account in the preceding Book. But having enjoyed an uninterrupted peace during the reign of Numa Pompilius, they had greatly increased in population, wealth and every other form of prosperity. Elated, therefore, by these advantages, they again aspired to freedom, assumed a bolder spirit and prepared to yield obedience to the Romans no longer.,2. \xa0For a time, indeed, their intention of revolting remained undiscovered, but during the Alban war it became manifest. For when they learned that the Romans had marched out with all their forces to engaged the Albans, they thought that they had now got the most favourable opportunity for their attack, and through their most influential men they entered into a secret conspiracy. It was arranged that all who were capable of bearing arms should assemble in Fidenae, going secretly, a\xa0few at a time, so as to escape as far as possible the notice of those against whom the plot was aimed,,3. \xa0and should remain there awaiting the moment when the armies of the Romans and Albans should quit their camps and march out to battle, the actual time to be indicated to them by means of signals given by some scouts posted on the mountains; and as soon as the signals were raised they were all to take arms and advance in haste against the combatants (the road leading from Fidenae to the camps was not a long one, but only a march of two or three hours at most), and appearing on the battlefield at the time when presumably the conflict would be over, they were to regard neither side as friends, but whether the Romans or the Albans had won, were to slay the victors. This was the plan of action on which the chiefs of those cities had determined.,4. \xa0If, therefore, the Albans, in their contempt for the Romans, had rushed more boldly into an engagement and had resolved to stake everything upon the issue of a single battle, nothing could have hindered the treachery contrived against them from remaining secret and both their armies from being destroyed. But as it was, their delay in beginning war, contrary to all expectations, and the length of time they employed in making their preparations were bringing their foes' plans to nought. For some of the conspirators, either seeking to compass their private advantage or envying their leaders and those who had been the authors of the undertaking or fearing that others might lay information â\x80\x94 a\xa0thing which has often happened in conspiracies where there are many accomplices and the execution is long delayed â\x80\x94 or being compelled by the will of Heaven, which could not consent that a wicked design should meet with success, informed their enemies of the treachery. " '3.7 1. \xa0Fufetius, upon learning of this, grew still more desirous of making an accommodation, feeling that they now had no choice left of any other course. The king of the Romans also had received information of this conspiracy from his friends in Fidenae, so that he, too, made no delay but hearkened to the overtures made by Fufetius. When the two met in the space between the camps, each being attended by his council consisting of persons of competent judgment, they first embraced, according to their former custom, and exchanged the greetings usual among friends and relations, and then proceeded to discuss an accommodation.,2. \xa0And first the Alban leader began as follows: "It seems to me necessary to begin my speech by setting forth the reasons why I\xa0have determined to take the initiative in proposing a termination of the war, though neither defeated by you Romans in battle nor hindered from supplying my army with provisions nor reduced to any other necessity, to the end that you may not imagine that a recognition of the weakness of my own force or a belief that yours is difficult to overcome makes me seek a plausible excuse for ending the war. For, should you entertain such an opinion of us, you would be intolerably severe, and, as if you were already victorious in the war, you could not bring yourself to do anything reasonable.,3. \xa0In order, therefore, that you may not impute to me false reasons for my purpose to end the war, listen to the true reasons. My country have been appointed me general with absolute power, as soon as I\xa0took over the command I\xa0considered what were the causes which had disturbed the peace of our cities. And finding them trivial and petty and of too little consequence to dissolve so great a friendship and kinship, I\xa0concluded that neither we Albans nor you Romans had been governed by the best counsels.,4. \xa0And I\xa0was further convinced of this and led to condemn the great madness that we both have shown, an once I\xa0had taken hold of affairs and began to sound out each man\'s private opinion. For I\xa0found that the Albans neither in their private meetings nor in their public assemblies were all of one mind regarding the war; and the signs from Heaven, whenever I\xa0consulted the victims concerning battle, presenting, as they did, far greater difficulties than those based on human reasoning, caused me great dismay and anxiety.,5. \xa0In view, therefore, of these considerations, I\xa0restrained my eagerness for armed conflicts and devised delays and postponements of the war, in the belief that you Romans would make the first overtures towards peace. And indeed you should have done this, Tullius, since you are our colony, and not have waited till your mother-city set the example. For the founders of cities have a right to receive as great respect from their colonies as parents from their children.,6. \xa0But while we have been delaying and watching each other, to see which side should first make friendly overtures, another motive, more compelling than any arguments drawn from human reason, has arisen to draw us together. And since I\xa0learned of this while it was yet a secret to you, I\xa0felt that I\xa0ought no longer to aim at appearances in concluding peace. For dreadful designs are being formed against us, Tullius, and a deadly plot has been woven against both of us, a plot which was bound to overwhelm and destroy us easily and without effort, bursting upon us like a conflagration or a flood.,7. \xa0The authors of these wicked designs are the chiefs of the Fidenates and Veientes, who have conspired together. Hear now the nature of their plot and how the knowledge of their secret design came to me." 3.8 1. \xa0With these words he gave to one of those present the letters which a certain man had brought to him from his friends at Fidenae, and desired him to read them out; and at the same time he produced the man who had brought the letters. After they were read and the man had informed them of everything he had learned by word of mouth from the persons who had despatched the letters, all present were seized with great astonishment, as one would naturally expect upon their hearing of so great and so unexpected a danger. Then Fufetius, after a short pause, continued:,2. \xa0You have now heard, Romans, the reasons why I\xa0have thus far been postponing armed conflicts with you and have now thought fit to make the first overtures concerning peace. After this it is for you to consider whether, in order to avenge the seizure of some miserable oxen and sheep, you ought to continue to carry on an implacable war against year founders and fathers, in the course of which, whether conquered or conquerors, you are sure to be destroyed, or, laying aside your enmity toward your kinsmen, to march with us against our common foes, who have plotted not only to revolt from you but also to attack you â\x80\x94 although they have neither suffered any harm nor had any reason to fear that they should suffer any â\x80\x94 and, what is more, have not attacked us openly, according to the universally recognized laws of war, but under cover of darkness, so that their treachery could least be suspected and guarded against.,3. \xa0But I\xa0need say no more to convince you that we ought to lay aside our enmity and march with all speed against these impious men (for it would be madness to think otherwise), since you are already resolved and will pursue that resolution. But in what manner the terms of reconciliation may prove honourable and advantageous to both cities (for probably you have long been eager to hear this) I\xa0shall now endeavour to explain.,4. \xa0For my part, I\xa0hold that that mutual reconciliation is the best and the most becoming to kinsmen and friends, in which there is no rancour nor remembrance of past injuries, but a general and sincere remission of everything that has been done or suffered on both sides; less honourable than this form of reconciliation is one by which, indeed, the mass of the people are absolved of blame, but those who have injured one another are compelled to undergo such a trial as reason and law direct.,5. \xa0of these two methods of reconciliation, now, it is my opinion that we ought to choose the one which is the more honourable and magimous, and we ought to pass a decree of general amnesty. However, if you, Tullius, do not wish a reconciliation of this kind, but prefer that the accusers and the accused should mutually give and receive satisfaction, the Albans are also ready to do this, after first settling our mutual hatreds. And if, besides this, you have any other method to suggest which is either more honourable or more just, you cannot lay it before us too soon, and for doing so I\xa0shall be greatly obliged to you." 3.9 1. \xa0After Fufetius had thus spoken, the king of the Romans answered him and said: "We also, Fufetius, felt that it would be a grave calamity for us if we were forced to decide this war between kinsmen by blood and slaughter, and whenever we performed the sacrifices preparatory to war we were forbidden by them to begin an engagement. As regards the secret conspiracy entered into by the Fidenates and Veientes against us both, we have learned of it, a little ahead of you, through our friends in their midst, and we are not unprepared against their plot, but have taken measures not only to suffer no mischief ourselves but also to punish those foes in such a manner as their treachery deserves. Nor were we less disposed than you to put an end to the war without a battle rather than by the sword;,2. \xa0yet we did not consider it fitting that we should be the first to send ambassadors to propose an accommodation, since we had not been the first to begin the war, but had merely defended ourselves against those who had begun it. But once you are ready to lay down your arms, we will gladly receive your proposal, and will not scrutinize too closely the terms of the reconciliation, but will accept those that are the best and the most magimous, forgiving every injury and offence we have received from the city of Alba â\x80\x94 if, indeed, those deserve to be called public offences of the city for which your general Cluilius was responsible, and has paid no mean penalty to the gods for the wrongs he did us both.,3. \xa0Let every occasion, therefore, for complaint, whether private or public, be removed and let no memory of past injuries any longer remain â\x80\x94 even as you also, Fufetius, think fitting. Yet it is not enough for us to consider merely how we may compose our present enmity toward one another, but we must further take measures to prevent our ever going to war again; for the purpose of our present meeting is not to obtain a postponement but rather an end of our evils. What settlement of the war, therefore, will be enduring and what contribution must each of us make toward the situation, in order that we may be friends both now and for all time? This, Fufetius, you have omitted to tell us; but I\xa0shall endeavour to go on and supply this omission also.,4. \xa0If, on the one hand, the Albans would cease to envy the Romans the advantages they possess, advantages which were acquired not without great perils and many hardships (in any case you have suffered no injury at our hands, great or slight, but you hate us for this reason alone, that we seem to be better off than you); and if, on the other hand, the Romans would cease to suspect the Albans of always plotting against them and would cease to be on their guard against them as against enemies (for no one can be a firm friend to one who distrusts him).,5. \xa0How, then, shall each of these results be brought about? Not by inserting them in the treaty, nor by our both swearing to them over the sacrificial victims â\x80\x94 for these are small and weak assurances â\x80\x94 but by looking upon each other\'s fortunes as common to us both. For there is only one cure, Fufetius, for the bitterness which men feel over the advantages of others, and that is for the envious no longer to regard the advantages of the envied as other than their own.,6. \xa0In order to accomplish this, I\xa0think the Romans ought to place equally at the disposal of the Albans all the advantages they either now or shall hereafter possess; and that the Albans ought cheerfully to accept this offer and all of you, if possible, or at least the most and the best of you, become residents of Rome. Was it not, indeed, a fine thing for the Sabines and Tyrrhenians to leave their own cities and transfer their habitation to Rome? And for you, who are our nearest kinsmen, will it not accordingly be a fine thing if this same step is taken?,7. \xa0If, however, you refuse to inhabit the same city with us, which is already large and will be larger, but are going to cling to your ancestral hearths, do this at least: appoint a single council to consider what shall be of advantage to each city, and give the supremacy to that one of the two cities which is the more powerful and is in a position to render the greater services to the weaker. This is what I\xa0recommend, and if these proposals are carried out I\xa0believe that we shall then be lasting friends; whereas, so long as we inhabit two cities of equal eminence, as at present, there never will be harmony between us." 3.10 1. \xa0Fufetius, hearing this, desired time for taking counsel; and withdrawing from the assembly along with the Albans who were present, he consulted with them whether they should accept the proposals. Then, having taken the opinions of all, he returned to the assembly and spoke as follows: "We do not think it best, Tullius, to abandon our country or to desert the sanctuaries of our fathers, the hearths of our ancestors, and the place which our forbears have possessed for nearly five hundred years, particularly when we are not compelled to such a course either by war or by any other calamity inflicted by the hand of Heaven. But we are not opposed to establishing a single council and letting one of the two cities rule over the other.,2. \xa0Let this article, then, also be inserted in the treaty, if agreeable, and let every excuse for war be removed." These conditions having been agreed upon, they fell to disputing which of the two cities should be given the supremacy and many words were spoken by both of them upon this subject, each contending that his own city should rule over the other.,3. \xa0The claims advanced by the Alban leader were as follows: "As for us, Tullius, we deserve to rule over even all the rest of Italy, inasmuch as we represent a Greek nation and the greatest nation of all that inhabit this country. But to the sovereignty of the Latin nation, even if no other, we think ourselves entitled, not without reason, but in accordance with the universal law which Nature bestowed upon all men, that ancestors should rule their posterity. And above all our other colonies, against whom we have thus far no reason to complain, we think we ought to rule your city, having sent our colony thither not so long ago that the stock sprung from us is already extinct, exhausted by the lapse of time, but only the third generation before the present. If, indeed, Nature, inverting human rights, shall ever command the young to rule over the old and posterity over their progenitors, then we shall submit to seeing the mother-city ruled by its colony, but not before.,4. \xa0This, then, is one argument we offer in support of our claim, in virtue of which we will never willingly yield the command to you. Another argument â\x80\x94\xa0and do not take this as said by way of censure or reproach of you Romans, but only from necessity â\x80\x94 is the fact that the Alban race has to this day continued the same that it was under the founders of the city, and one cannot point to any race of mankind, except the Greeks and Latins, to whom we have granted citizenship; whereas you have corrupted the purity of your body politic by admitting Tyrrhenians, Sabines, and some others who were homeless, vagabonds and barbarians, and that in great numbers too, so that the true-born element among you that went out from our midst is become small, or rather a tiny fraction, in comparison with those who have been brought in and are of alien race.,5. \xa0And if we should yield the command to you, the base-born will rule over the true-born, barbarians over Greeks, and immigrants over the native-born. For you cannot even say this much for yourself, that you have not permitted this immigrant mob to gain any control of public affairs but that you native-born citizens are yourselves the rulers and councillors of the commonwealth. Why, even for your kings you choose outsiders, and the greatest part of your senate consists of these newcomers; and to none of these conditions can you assert that you submit willingly. For what man of superior rank willingly allows himself to be ruled by an inferior? It would be great folly and baseness, therefore, on our part to accept willingly those evils which you must own you submit to through necessity.,6. \xa0My last argument is this: The city of Alba has so far made no alteration in any part of its constitution, though it is already the eighteenth generation that it has been inhabited, but continues to observe in due form all its customs and traditions; whereas your city is still without order and discipline, due to its being newly founded and a conglomeration of many races, and it will require long ages and manifold turns of fortune in order to be regulated and freed from those troubles and dissensions with which it is now agitated. But all will agree that order ought to rule over confusion, experience over inexperience, and health over sickness; and you do wrong in demanding the reverse." After Fufetius had thus spoken, Tullius answered and said: "The right which is derived from Nature and the virtue of one\'s ancestors, Fufetius and ye men of Alba, is common to us both; for we both boast the same ancestors, so that on this score neither of use ought to have any advantage or suffer any disadvantage. But as to your claim that by a kind of necessary law of Nature mother-cities should invariably rule over their colonies, it is neither true nor just. 3.11 2. \xa0Indeed, there are many races of mankind among which the mother-cities do not rule over their colonies but are subject to them. The greatest and the most conspicuous instance of this is the Spartan state, which claims the right not only to rule over the other Greeks but even over the Doric nation, of which she is a colony. But why should\xa0I mention the others? For you who colonized our city are yourself a colony of the Lavinians.,3. \xa0If, therefore, it is a law of Nature that the mother-city should rule over its colony, would not the Lavinians be the first to issue their just orders to both of us? To your first claim, then, and the one which carries with it the most specious appearance, this is a sufficient answer. But since you also undertook to compare the ways of life of the two cities, Fufetius, asserting that the nobility of the Albans has always remained the same while ours has been \'corrupted\' by the various admixtures of foreigners, and demanded that the base-born should not rule over the well-born nor newcomers over the native-born, know, then, that in making this claim, too, you are greatly mistaken.,4. \xa0For we are so far from being ashamed of having made the privileges of our city free to all who desired them that we even take the greatest pride in this course; moreover, we are not the originators of this admirable practice, but took the example from the city of Athens, which enjoys the greatest reputation among the Greeks, due in no small measure, if indeed not chiefly, to this very policy.,5. \xa0And this principle, which has been to us the source of many advantages, affords us no ground either for complaint or regret, as if we had committed some error. Our chief magistracies and membership in the senate are held and the other honours among us are enjoyed, not by men possessed of great fortunes, nor by those who can show a long line of ancestors all natives of the country, but by such as are worthy of these honours; for we look upon the nobility of men as consisting in nothing else than in virtue. The rest of the populace are the body of the commonwealth, contributing strength and power to the decisions of the best men. It is owing to this humane policy that our city, from a small and contemptible beginning, is become large and formidable to its neighbours, and it is this policy which you condemn, Fufetius, that his laid for trains the foundation of that supremacy which none of the other Latins disputes with us.,6. \xa0For the power of states consists in the force of arms, and this in turn depends upon a multitude of citizens; whereas, for small states that are sparsely populated and for that reason weak it is not possible to rule others, nay, even to rule themselves.,7. \xa0On the whole, I\xa0am of the opinion that a man should only then disparage the government of other states and extol his own when he can show that his own, by following the principles he lays down, is grown flourishing and great, and that the states he censures, by not adopting them, are in an unhappy plight. But this is not our situation. On the contrary, your city, beginning with greater brilliance and enjoying greater resources than ours, has shrunk to lesser importance, while we, from small beginnings at first, have in a short time made Rome greater than all the neighbouring cities by following the very policies you condemned.,8. \xa0And as for our factional strife â\x80\x94 since this also, Fufetius, met with your censure â\x80\x94 it tends, not to destroy and diminish the commonwealth, but to preserve and enhance it. For there is emulation between our youths and our older men and between the newcomers and those who invited them in, to see which of us shall do more for the common welfare.,9. \xa0In short, those who are going to rule others ought to be endowed with these two qualities, strength in war and prudence in counsel, both of which are present in our case. And that this is no empty boast, experience, more powerful than any argument, bears us witness. It is certain in any case that the city could not have attained to such greatness and power in the third generation after its founding, had not both valour and prudence abounded in it. Suffer proof of its strength is afforded by the behaviour of many cities of the Latin race which owe their founding to you, but which, nevertheless, scorning your city, have come over us, choosing rather to be ruled by the Romans than by the Albans, because they look upon us as capable of doing both good to our friends and harm to our enemies, and upon you as capable of neither.,10. \xa0I\xa0had many other arguments, and valid ones, Fufetius, to advance against the claims which you have presented; but as I\xa0see that argument is futile and that the result will be the same whether I\xa0say much or little to you, who, though our adversaries, are at the same time the arbiters of justice, I\xa0will make an end of speaking. However, since I\xa0conceive that there is but one way of deciding our differences which is the best and has been made use of by many, both barbarians and Greeks, when hatred has arisen between them either over the supremacy or over some territory in dispute, I\xa0shall propose this and then conclude.,11. \xa0Let each of us fight the battle with some part of our forces and limit the fortune of war to a very small number of combatants; and let us give to that city whose champions shall overcome their adversaries the supremacy over the other. For such contests as cannot be determined by arguments are decided by arms." 3.12 1. \xa0These were the reasons urged by the two generals to support the pretensions of their respective cities to the supremacy; and the outcome of the discussion was the adoption of the plan Tullius proposed. For both the Albans and Romans who were present at the conference, in their desire to put a speedy end to the war, resolved to decide the controversy by arms. This also being agreed to, the question arose concerning the number of the combatants, since the two generals were not of the same mind.,2. \xa0For Tullius desired that the fate of the war might be decided by the smallest possible number of combatants, the most distinguished man among the Albans fighting the bravest of the Romans in single combat, and he cheerfully offered himself to fight for his own country, inviting the Alban leader to emulate him. He pointed out that for those who have assumed the command of armies combats for sovereignty and power are glorious, not only when they conquer brave men, but also when they are conquered by the brave; and he enumerated all the generals and kings who had risked their lives for their country, regarding it as a reproach to them to have a greater share of the honours than others but a smaller share of the dangers.,3. \xa0The Alban, however, while approving of the proposal to commit the fate of the cities to a\xa0few champions, would not agree to decide it by single combat. He owned that when commanders of the armies were seeking to establish their own power a combat between them for the supremacy was noble and necessary, but when states themselves were contending for the first place he thought the risk of single combat not only hazardous but even dishonourable, whether they met with good or ill fortune.,4. \xa0And he proposed that three chosen men from each city should fight in the presence of all the Albans and Romans, declaring that this was the most suitable number for deciding any matter in controversy, as containing in itself a beginning, a middle and an end. This proposal meeting with the approval of both Romans and Albans, the conference broke up and each side returned to its own camp. 3.13 1. \xa0After this the generals assembled their respective armies and gave them an account both of what they had said to each other and of the terms upon which they had agreed to put an end to the war. And both armies having with great approbation ratified the agreement entered into by their generals, there arose a wonderful emulation among the officers and soldiers alike, since a great many were eager to carry off the prize of valour in the combat and expressed their emulation not only by their words but also by their actions, so that their leaders found great difficulty in selecting the most suitable champions.,2. \xa0For if anyone was renowned for his illustrious ancestry or remarkable for his strength of body, famous for some brave deed in action, or distinguished by some other good fortune or bold achievement, he insisted upon being chosen first among the three champions.,3. \xa0This emulation, which was running to great lengths in both armies, was checked by the Alban general, who called to mind that some divine providence, long since foreseeing this conflict between the two cities, had arranged that their future champions should be sprung of no obscure families and should be brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and distinguished from the generality of mankind by their birth, which should be unusual and wonderful because of its extraordinary nature.,4. \xa0It seems that Sicinius, an Alban, had at one and the same time married his twin daughters to Horatius, a Roman, and to Curiatius, an Alban; and the two wives came with child at the same time and each was brought to bed, at her first lying-in, of three male children. The parents, looking upon the event as a happy omen both to their cities and families, brought up all these children till they arrived at manhood. And Heaven, as I\xa0said in the beginning, gave them beauty and strength and nobility of mind, so that they were not inferior to any of those most highly endowed by Nature. It was to these men that Fufetius resolved to commit the combat for supremacy; and having invited the Roman king to a conference, he addressed him as follows: 3.14 1. \xa0"Tullius, some god who keeps watch over both our cities would seem, just as upon many other occasions, so especially in what relates to this combat to have made his goodwill manifest. For that the champions who are to fight on behalf of all their people should be found inferior to none in birth, brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and that they should furthermore have been born of one father and mother, and, most wonderful of all, that they should have come into the world on the same day, the Horatii with you and the Curiatii with us, all this, I\xa0say, has every appearance of a remarkable instance of divine favour.,2. \xa0Why, therefore, do we not accept this great providence of the god and each of us invite the triplets on his side to engage in the combat for the supremacy? For not only all the other advantages which we could desire in the best-qualified champions are to be found in these men, but, as they are brothers, they will be more unwilling than any others among either the Romans or the Albans to forsake their companions when in distress; and furthermore, the emulation of the other youths, which cannot easily be appeased in any other way, will be promptly settled.,3. \xa0For I\xa0surmise that among you also, as well as among the Albans, there is a kind of strife among many of those who lay claim to bravery; but if we inform them that some providential fortune has anticipated all human efforts and has itself furnished us with champions qualified to engage upon equal terms in the cause of the cities, we shall easily persuade them to desist. For they will then look upon themselves as inferior to the triplets, not in point of bravery, but only in respect of a special boon of Nature and of the favour of a Chance that is equally inclined toward both sides." 3.15 1. \xa0After Fufetius had thus spoken and his proposal had been received with general approbation (for the most important both of the Romans and Albans were with the two leaders), Tullius, after a short pause, spoke as follows: "In other respects, Fufetius, you seem to me to have reasoned well; for it must be some wonderful fortune that has produced in both our cities in our generation a similarity of birth never known before. But of one consideration you seem to be unaware â\x80\x94 a\xa0matter which will cause great reluctance in the youths if we ask them to fight with one another.,2. \xa0For the mother of our Horatii is sister to the mother of the Alban Curiatii, and the young men have been brought up in the arms of both the women and cherish and love one another no less than their own brothers. Consider, therefore, whether, as they are cousins and have been brought up together, it would not be impious in us to put arms in their hands and invite them to mutual slaughter. For the pollution of kindred blood, if they are compelled to stain their hands with one another\'s blood, will deservedly fall upon us who compel them.",3. \xa0To this Fufetius answered: "Neither have\xa0I failed, Tullius, to note the kinship of the youths, nor did\xa0I purpose to compel them to fight with their cousins unless they themselves were inclined to undertake the combat. But as soon as this plan came into my mind I\xa0sent for the Alban Curiatii and sounded them in private to learn whether they were willing to engage in the combat; and it was only after they had accepted the proposal with incredible and wonderful alacrity that I\xa0decided to disclose my plan and bring it forward for consideration. And I\xa0advise you to take the same course yourself â\x80\x94 to send for the triplets on your side and sound out their disposition.,4. \xa0And if they, too, agree of their own accord to risk their lives for their country, accept the favour; but if they hesitate, bring no compulsion to bear upon them. I\xa0predict, however, the same result with them as with our own youths â\x80\x94 that is, if they are such men as we have been informed, like the few most highly endowed by Nature, and are brave in arms; for the reputation of their valour has reached us also." 3.16 1. \xa0Tullius, accordingly, approved of this advice and made a truce for ten days, in order to have time to deliberate and give his answer after learning the disposition of the Horatii; and thereupon he returned to the city. During the following days he consulted with the most important men, and when the greater part of them favoured accepting the proposals of Fufetius, he sent for the three brothers and said to them:,2. \xa0Horatii, Fufetius the Alban informed me at a conference the last time we met at the camp that by divine providence three brave champions were at hand for each city, the noblest and most suitable of any we could hope to find â\x80\x94 the Curiatii among the Albans and you among the Romans. He added that upon learning of this he had himself first inquired whether your cousins were willing to give their lives to their country, and that, finding them very eager to undertake the combat on behalf of all their people, he could now bring forward this proposal with confidence; and he asked me also to sound you out, to learn whether you would be willing to risk your lives for your country by engaging with the Curiatii, or whether you choose to yield this honour to others.,3. \xa0I,\xa0in view of your valour and your gallantry in action, which are not concealed from public notice, assumed that you of all others would embrace this danger for the sake of winning the prize of valour; but fearing lest your kinship with the three Alban brothers might prove an obstacle to your zeal, I\xa0requested time for deliberation and made a truce for ten days. And when I\xa0came here I\xa0assembled the senate and laid the matter before them for their consideration. It was the opinion of the majority that if you of your own free will accepted the combat, which is a noble one and worthy of you and which I\xa0myself was eager to wage alone on behalf of all our people, they should praise your resolution and accept the favour from you; but if, to avoid the pollution of kindred blood â\x80\x94 for surely it would be no admission of cowardice on your part â\x80\x94 you felt that those who are not related to them ought to be called upon to undertake the combat, they should bring no compulsion to bear upon you. This, then, being the vote of the senate, which will neither be offended with you if you show a reluctance to undertake the task nor feel itself under any slight obligation to you if you rate your country more highly than your kinship, deliberate carefully and well." 3.17 1. \xa0The youths upon hearing these words withdrew to one side, and after a short conference together returned to give their answer; and the eldest on behalf of them all spoke as follows: "If we were free and sole masters of our own decisions, Tullius, and you had given us the opportunity to deliberate concerning the combat with our cousins, we should without further delay have given your our thoughts upon it. But since our father is still living, without whose advice we do not think it proper to say or do the least thing, we ask you to wait a short time for our answer till we have talked with him.",2. \xa0Tullius having commended their filial devotion and told them to do as they proposed, they went home to their father. And acquainting him with the proposals of Fufetius and with what Tullius had said to them and, last of all, with their own answer, they desired his advice.,3. \xa0And he answered and said: "But indeed this is dutiful conduct on your part, my sons, when you live for your father and do nothing without my advice. But it is time for you to show that you yourselves now have discretion in such matters at least. Assume, therefore, that my life is now over, and let me know what you yourselves would have chosen to do if you had deliberated without your father upon your own affairs.",4. \xa0And the eldest answered him thus: "Father, we would have accepted this combat for the supremacy and would have been ready to suffer whatever should be the will of Heaven; for we had rather be dead than to live unworthy both of you and of our ancestors. As for the bond of kinship with our cousins, we shall not be the first to break it, but since it has already been broken by fate, we shall acquiesce therein.,5. \xa0For if the Curiatii esteem kinship less than honour, the Horatii also will not value the ties of blood more highly than valour." Their father, upon learning their disposition, rejoiced exceedingly, and lifting his hands to Heaven, said he rendered thanks to the gods for having given him noble sons. Then, throwing his arms about each in turn and giving the tenderest of embraces and kisses, he said: "You have my opinion also, my brave sons. Go, then, to Tullius and give him the answer that is both dutiful and honourable.",6. \xa0The youths went away pleased with the exhortation of their father, and going to the king, they accepted the combat; and he, after assembling the senate and sounding the praises of the youths, sent ambassadors to the Alban to inform him that the Romans accepted his proposal and would offer the Horatii to fight for the sovereignty. ' "3.18 1. \xa0As my subject requires not only that a full account of the way the battle was fought should be given, but also that the subsequent tragic events, which resemble the sudden reversals of fortune seen upon the stage, should be related in no perfunctory manner, I\xa0shall endeavour, as far as I\xa0am able, to give an accurate account of every incident. When the time came, then, for giving effect to the terms of the agreement, the Roman forces marched out in full strength, and afterwards the youths, when they had offered up their prayers to the gods of their fathers; they advanced accompanied by the king, while the entire throng that filed the city acclaimed them and strewed flowers upon their heads. By this time the Albans' army also had marched out.,2. \xa0And when the armies had encamped near one another, leaving as an interval between their camps the boundary that separated the Roman territory from that of the Albans, each side occupying the site of its previous camp, they first offered sacrifice and swore over the burnt offerings that they would acquiesce in whatever fate the event of the combat between the cousins should allot to each city and that they would keep inviolate their agreement, neither they nor their posterity making use of any deceit. Then, after performing the rites which religion required, both the Romans and Albans laid aside their arms and came out in front of their camps to be spectators of the combat, leaving an interval of three or four stades for the champions. And presently appeared the Alban general conducting the Curiatii and the Roman king escorting the Horatii, all of them armed in the most splendid fashion and withal dressed like men about to die.,3. \xa0When they came near to one another they gave their swords to their armour-bearers, and running to one another, embraced, weeping and calling each other by the tenderest names, so that all the spectators were moved to tears and accused both themselves and their leaders of great heartlessness, in that, when it was possible to decide the battle by other champions, they had limited the combat on behalf of the cities to men of kindred blood and compelled the pollution of fratricide. The youths, after their embraces were over, received their swords from their armour-bearers, and the bystanders having retired, they took their places according to age and began the combat. " "3.19 1. \xa0For a time quiet and silence prevailed in both armies, and then there was shouting by both sides together and alternate exhortations to the combatants; and there were vows and lamentations and continual expressions of every other emotion experienced in battle, some of them caused by what was either being enacted or witnessed by each side, and others by their apprehensions of the outcome; and the things they imagined outnumbered those which actually were happening.,2. \xa0For it was impossible to see very clearly, owing to the great distance, and the partiality of each side for their own champions interpreted everything that passed to match their desire; then, too, the frequent advances and retreats of the combatants and their many sudden countercharges rendered any accurate judgment out of the question; and this situation lasted a considerable time.,3. \xa0For the champions on both sides not only were alike in strength of body but were well matched also in nobility of spirit, and they had their entire bodies protected by the choicest armour, leaving no part exposed which if wounded would bring on swift death. So that many, both of the Romans and of the Albans, from their eager rivalry and from their partiality for their own champions, were unconsciously putting themselves in the position of the combatants and desired rather to be actors in the drama that was being enacted than spectators.,4. \xa0At last the eldest of the Albans, closing with his adversary and giving and receiving blow after blow, happened somehow to run his sword thru the Roman's groin. The latter was already stupefied from his other wounds, and now receiving this final low, a mortal one, he fell down dead, his limbs no longer supporting him.,5. \xa0When the spectators of the combat saw this they all cried out together, the Albans as already victorious, the Romans as vanquished; for they concluded that their two champions would be easily dispatched by the three Albans. In the meantime, the Roman who had fought by the side of the fallen champion, seeing the Alban rejoicing in his success, quickly rushed upon him, and after inflicting many wounds and receiving many himself, happened to plunge his sword into his neck and killed him.,6. \xa0After Fortune had thus in a short time made a great alteration both in the state of the combatants and in the feelings of the spectators, and the Romans had now recovered from their former dejection while the Albans had had their joy snatched away, another shift of Fortune, by giving a check to the success of the Romans, sunk their hopes and raised the confidence of their enemies. For when Alban fell, his brother who stood next to him closed with the Roman who had struck him down; and each, as it chanced, gave the other a dangerous wound at the same time, the Alban plunging his sword down through the Roman's back into his bowels, and the Roman throwing himself under the shield of his adversary and slashing one of his thighs. " 3.20 1. \xa0The one who had received the mortal wound died instantly, and the other, who had been wounded in the thigh, was scarcely able to stand, but limped and frequently leaned upon his shield. Nevertheless, he still made a show of resistance and with his surviving brother advanced against the Roman, who stood his ground; and they surrounded him, one coming up to him from in front and the other from behind.,2. \xa0The Roman, fearing that, being thus surrounded by them and obliged to fight with two adversaries attacking him from two sides, he might easily be overcome â\x80\x94 he was still uninjured â\x80\x94 hit upon the plan of separating his enemies and fighting each one singly. He thought he could most easily separate them by feigning flight; for then he would not be pursued by both the Albans, but only by one of them, since he saw that the other no longer had control of his limbs. With this thought in mind he fled as fast as he could; and it was his good fortune not to be disappointed in his expectation.,3. \xa0For the Alban who was not mortally wounded followed at his heels, while the other, being unable to keep going was falling altogether too far behind. Then indeed the Albans encouraged their men and the Romans reproached their champion with cowardice, the former singing songs of triumph and crowning themselves with garlands as if the contest were already won, and the others lamenting as if Fortune would never raise them up again. But the Roman, having carefully waited for his opportunity, turned quickly and, before the Alban could put himself on his guard, struck him a blow on the arm with his sword and clove his elbow in twain,,4. \xa0and when his hand fell to the ground together with his sword, he struck one more blow, a mortal one, and dispatched the Alban; then, rushing from him to the last of his adversaries, who was half dead and fainting, he slew him also. And taking the spoils from the bodies of his cousins, he hastened to the city, wishing to give his father the first news of his victory.
3.21 1. \xa0But it was ordained after all that even he, as he was but a mortal, should not be fortunate in everything, but should feel some stroke of the envious god who, having from an insignificant man made him great in a brief moment of time and raised him to wonderful and unexpected distinction, plunged him the same day into the unhappy state of being his sister\'s murderer.,2. \xa0For when he arrived near the gates he saw a multitude of people of all conditions pouring out from the city and among them his sister running to meet him. At the first sight of her he was distressed that a virgin ripe for marriage should have deserted her household tasks at her mother\'s side and joined a crowd of strangers. And though he indulged in many absurd reflections, he was at last inclining to those which were honourable and generous, feeling that in her yearning to be the first to embrace her surviving brother and in her desire to receive an account from him of the gallant behaviour of her dead brothers she had disregarded decorum in a moment of feminine weakness.,3. \xa0However, it was not, after all, her yearning for her brothers that had led her to venture forth in this unusual manner, but it was because she was overpowered by love for one of her cousins to whom her father had promised her in marriage, a passion which she had till then kept secret; and when she had overheard a man who came from the camp relating the details of the combat, she could no longer contain herself, but leaving the house, rushed to the city gates like a maenad, without paying any heed to her nurse who called her and ran to bring her back.,4. \xa0But when she got outside the city and saw her brother exulting and wearing the garlands of victory with which the king had crowned him, and his friends carrying the spoils of the slain, among which was an embroidered robe which she herself with the assistance of her mother had woven and sent as a present to her betrothed against their nuptial day (for it is the custom of the Latins to array themselves in embroidered robes when they go to fetch their brides), when, therefore, she saw this robe stained with blood, she rent her garment, and beating her breast with both hands, fell to lamenting and calling upon her cousin by name, so that great astonishment came upon all who were present there.,5. \xa0After she had bewailed the death of her betrothed she stared with fixed gaze at her brother and said: "Most abominable wretch, so you rejoice in having slain your cousins and deprived your most unhappy sister of wedlock! Miserable fellow! Why, you are not even touched with pity for your slain kinsmen, whom you were wont to call your brothers, but instead, as if you had performed some noble deed, you are beside yourself with joy and wear garlands in honour of such calamities. of what wild beast, then, have you the heart?",6. \xa0And he, answering her, said: "The heart of a citizen who loves his country and punishes those who wish her ill, whether they happen to be foreigners or his own people. And among such I\xa0count even you; for though you know that the greatest of blessings and of woes have happened to us at one and the same time â\x80\x94 I\xa0mean the victory of your country, which I,\xa0your brother, am bringing home with me, and the death of your brothers â\x80\x94 you neither rejoice in the public happiness of your country, wicked wretch, nor grieve at the private calamities of your own family, but, overlooking your own brothers, you lament the fate of your betrothed, and this, too, not after taking yourself off somewhere alone under cover of darkness, curse you! but before the eyes of the whole world; and you reproach me for my valour and my crowns of victory, you pretender to virginity, you hater of your brothers and disgrace to your ancestors! Since, therefore, you mourn, not for your brothers, but for your cousins, and since, though your body is with the living, your soul is with him who is dead, go to him on whom you call and cease to dishonour either your father or your brothers.",7. \xa0After these words, being unable in his hatred of baseness to observe moderation, but yielding to the anger which swayed him, he ran his sword through her side; and having slain his sister, he went to his father. But so averse to baseness and so stern were the manners and thoughts of the Romans of that day and, to compare them with the actions and lives of those of our age, so cruel and harsh and so little removed from the savagery of wild beasts, that the father, upon being informed of this terrible calamity, far from resenting it, looked upon it as a glorious and becoming action.,8. \xa0In fact, he would neither permit his daughter\'s body to be brought into the house nor allow her to be buried in the tomb of her ancestors or given any funeral or burial robe or other customary rites; but as she lay there where she had been cast, in the place where she was slain, the passers-by, bringing stones and earth, buried her like any corpse which had none to give it proper burial.,9. \xa0Besides these instances of the father\'s severity there were still others that I\xa0shall mention. Thus, as if in gratitude for some glorious and fortunate achievements, he offered that very day to the gods of his ancestors the sacrifices he had vowed, and entertained his relations at a splendid banquet, just as upon the greatest festivals, making less account of his private calamities than of the public advantages of his country.,10. \xa0This not only Horatius but many other prominent Romans after him are said to have done; I\xa0refer to their offering sacrifice and wearing crowns and celebrating triumphs immediately after the death of their sons when through them the commonwealth had met with good fortune. of these I\xa0shall make mention in the proper places.
3.22 1. \xa0After the combat between the triplets, the Romans who were then in the camp buried the slain brothers in a splendid manner in the places where they had fallen, and having offered to the gods the customary sacrifices for victory, were passing their time in rejoicings. On the other side, the Albans were grieving over what had happened and blaming their leader for bad generalship; and the greatest part of them spent that night without food and without any other care for their bodies.,2. \xa0The next day the king of the Romans called them to an assembly and consoled them with many assurances that he would lay no command upon them that was either dishonourable, grievous or unbecoming to kinsmen, but that with impartial judgment he would take thought for what was best and most advantageous for both cities; and having continued Fufetius, their ruler, in the same office and made no other change in the government, he led his army home.,3. \xa0After he had celebrated the triumph which the senate had decreed for him and had entered upon the administration of civil affairs, some citizens of importance came to him bringing Horatius for trial, on the ground that because of his slaying of his sister he was not free of the guilt of shedding a kinsman\'s blood; and being given a hearing, they argued at length, citing the laws which forbade the slaying of anyone without a trial, and recounting instances of the anger of all the gods against the cities which neglected to punish those who were polluted.,4. \xa0But the father spoke in defence of the youth and blamed his daughter, declaring that the act was a punishment, not a murder, and claiming that he himself was the proper judge of the calamities of his own family, since he was the father of both. And a great deal having been said on both sides, the king was in great perplexity what decision to pronounce in the cause.,5. \xa0For he did not think it seemly either to acquit any person of murder who confessed he had put his sister to death before a trial â\x80\x94 and that, too, for an act which the laws did not concede to be a capital offence â\x80\x94 lest by so doing he should transfer the curse and pollution from the criminal to his own household, or to punish as a murderer any person who had chosen to risk his life for his country and had brought her so great power, especially as he was acquitted of blame by his father, to whom before all others both nature and the law gave the right of taking vengeance in the case of his daughter.,6. \xa0Not knowing, therefore, how to deal with the situation, he at last decided it was best to leave the decision to the people. And the Roman people, becoming upon this occasion judges for the first time in a cause of a capital nature, sided with the opinion of the father and acquitted Horatius of the murder. Nevertheless, the king did not believe that the judgment thus passed upon Horatius by men was a sufficient atonement to satisfy those who desired to observe due reverence toward the gods; but sending for the pontiffs, he ordered them to appease the gods and other divinities and to purify Horatius with those lustrations with which it was customary for involuntary homicides to be expiated.,7. \xa0The pontiffs erected two altars, one to Juno, to whom the care of sisters is allotted, and the other to a certain god or lesser divinity of the country called in their language Janus, to whom was now added the name Curiatius, derived from that of the cousins who had been slain by Horatius; and after they had offered certain sacrifices upon these altars, they finally, among other expiations, led Horatius under the yoke. It is customary among the Romans, when enemies deliver up their arms and submit to their power, to fix two pieces of wood upright in the ground and fasten a\xa0third to the top of them transversely, then to lead the captives under this structure, and after they have passed through, to grant them their liberty and leave to return home. This they call a yoke; and it was the last of the customary expiatory ceremonies used upon this occasion by those who purified Horatius.,8. \xa0The place in the city where they performed this expiation is regarded by all the Romans as sacred; it is in the street that leads down from the Carinae as one goes towards Cuprius Street. Here the altars then erected still remain, and over them extends a beam which is fixed in each of the opposite walls; the beam lies over the heads of those who go out of this street and is called in the Roman tongue "the Sister\'s Beam." This place, then, is still preserved in the city as a monument to this man\'s misfortune and honoured by the Romans with sacrifices every year.,9. \xa0Another memorial of the bravery he displayed in the combat is the small corner pillar standing at the entrance to one of the two porticos in the Forum, upon which were placed the spoils of the three Alban brothers. The arms, it is true, have disappeared because of the lapse of time, but the pillar still preserves its name and is called pila Horatia or "the Horatian Pillar.",10. \xa0The Romans also have a law, enacted in consequence of this episode and observed even to this day, which confers immortal honour and glory upon these men; it provides that the parents of triplets shall receive from the public treasury the cost of rearing them until they are grown. With this, the incidents relating to the family of the Horatii, which showed some remarkable and unexpected reversals of fortune, came to an end.
3.22 <
3.23 1. \xa0The king of the Romans, after letting a\xa0year pass, during which he made the necessary preparations for war, resolved to lead out his army against the city of the Fidenates. The grounds he alleged for the war were that this people, being called upon to justify themselves in the matter of the plot that they had formed against the Romans and Albans, had paid no heed, but immediately taking up arms, shutting their gates, and bringing in the allied forces of the Veientes, had openly revolted, and that when ambassadors arrived from Rome to inquire the reason for their revolt, they had answered that they no longer had anything in common with the Romans since the death of Romulus, their king, to whom they had sworn their oaths of friendship.,2. \xa0Seizing on these grounds for war, Tullus was not only arming his own forces, but also sending for those of his allies. The most numerous as well as the best auxiliary troops were brought to him from Alba by Mettius Fufetius, and they were equipped with such splendid arms as to excel all the other allied forces.,3. \xa0Tullus, therefore, believing that Mettius had been actuated by zeal and by the best motives in deciding to take part in the war, commended him and communicated to him all his plans. But this man, who was accused by his fellow citizens of having mismanaged the recent war and was furthermore charged with treason, in view of the fact that he continued in the supreme command of the city for the third year by order of Tullus, disdaining now to hold any longer a command that was subject to another\'s command or to be subordinated rather than himself to lead, devised an abominable plot.,4. \xa0He sent ambassadors here and there secretly to the enemies of the Romans while they were as yet wavering in their resolution to revolt and encouraged them not to hesitate, promising that he himself would join them in attacking the Romans during the battle; and these activities and plans he kept secret from everybody.,5. \xa0Tullus, as soon as he had got ready his own army as well as that of his allies, marched against the enemy and after crossing the river Anio encamped near Fidenae. And finding a considerable army both of the Fidenates and of their allies drawn up before the city, he lay quiet that day; but on the next he sent for Fufetius, the Alban, and the closest of his other friends and took counsel with them concerning the best method of conducting the war. And when all were in favour of engaging promptly and not wasting time, he assigned them their several posts and commands, and having fixed the next day for the battle, he dismissed the council.,6. \xa0In the meantime Fufetius, the Alban â\x80\x94 for his treachery was still a secret to many even of his own friends â\x80\x94 calling together the most prominent centurions and tribunes among the Albans, addressed them as follows: "Tribunes and centurions, I\xa0am going to disclose to you important and unexpected things which I\xa0have hitherto been concealing; and I\xa0beg of you to keep them secret if you do not wish to ruin me, and to assist me in carrying them out if you think their realization will be advantageous. The present occasion does not permit of many words, as the time is short; so I\xa0shall mention only the most essential matters.,7. \xa0I,\xa0from the time we were subordinated to the Romans up to this day, have led a life full of shame and grief, though honoured by the king with the supreme command, which I\xa0am now holding for the third year and may, if I\xa0should so desire, hold as long as I\xa0live. But regarding it as the greatest of all evils to be the only fortunate man in a time of public misfortune, and taking it to heart that, contrary to all the rights mankind look upon as sacred, we have been deprived by the Romans of our supremacy, I\xa0took thought how we might recover it without experiencing any great disaster. And although I\xa0considered many plans of every sort, the only way I\xa0could discover that promised success, and at the same time the easiest and the least dangerous one, was in hand a war should be started against them by the neighbouring states.,8. \xa0For I\xa0assumed that when confronted by such a war they would have need of allies and particularly of us. As to the next step, I\xa0assumed that it would not require much argument to convince you that it is more glorious as well as more fitting to fight for our liberty than for the supremacy of the Romans.,9. \xa0"With these thoughts in mind I\xa0secretly stirred up a war against the Romans on the part of their subjects, encouraging the Veientes and Fidenates to take up arms by a promise of my assistance in the war. And thus far I\xa0have escaped the Romans\' notice as I\xa0contrived these things and kept in my own hands the opportune moment for the attack. Just consider now the many advantages we shall derive from this course.,10. \xa0First, by not having openly planned a revolt, in which there would have been a double danger â\x80\x94 either of being hurried or unprepared and of putting everything to the hazard while trusting to our own strength only, or, while we were making preparations and gathering assistance, of being forestalled by an enemy already prepared â\x80\x94 we shall now experience neither of these difficulties but shall enjoy the advantage of both. In the next place, we shall not be attempting to destroy the great and formidable power and good fortune of our adversaries by force, but rather by those means by which every thing that is overbearing and not easy to be subdued by force is taken, namely, by guile and deceit; and we shall be neither the first nor the only people who have resorted to these means.,11. \xa0Besides, as our own force is not strong enough to be arrayed against the whole power of the Romans and their allies, we have also added the forces of the Fidenates and the Veientes, whose great numbers you see before you; and I\xa0have taken the following precautions that these auxiliaries who have been added to our numbers may with all confidence be depended on to adhere to our alliance.,12. \xa0For it will not be in our territory that the Fidenates will be fighting, but while they are defending their own country they will at the same time be protecting ours. Then, too, we shall have this advantage, which men look upon as the most gratifying of all and which has fallen to the lot of but few in times past, namely, that, while receiving a benefit from our allies, we shall ourselves be thought to be conferring one upon them.,13. \xa0And if this enterprise turns out according to our wish, as is reasonable to expect, the Fidenates and the Veientes, in delivering us from a grievous subjection, will feel grateful to us, as if it were they themselves who had received this favour at our hands. "These are the preparations which I\xa0have made after much thought and which I\xa0regard as sufficient to inspire you with the courage and zeal to revolt.,14. \xa0Now hear from me the manner in which I\xa0have planned to carry out the undertaking. Tullus has assigned me my post under the hill and has given me the command of one of the wings. When we are about to engage the enemy, I\xa0will break ranks and begin to lead up the hill; and you will then follow me with your companies in their proper order. When I\xa0have gained the top of the hill and am securely posted, hear in what manner I\xa0shall handle the situation after that.,15. \xa0If I\xa0find my plans turning out according to my wish, that is, if I\xa0see that the enemy has become emboldened through confidence in our assistance, and the Romans disheartened and terrified, in the belief that they have been betrayed by us, and contemplating, as they likely will, flight rather than fight, I\xa0will fall upon them and cover the field with the bodies of the slain, since I\xa0shall be rushing down hill from higher ground and shall be attacking with a courageous and orderly force men who are frightened and dispersed.,16. \xa0For a terrible thing in warfare is the sudden impression, even though ill-grounded, of the treachery of allies or of an attack by fresh enemies, and we know that many great armies in the past have been utterly destroyed by no other kind of terror so much as by an impression for which there was no ground. But in our case it will be no vain report, no unseen terror, but a deed more dreadful than anything ever seen or experienced.,17. \xa0If, however, I\xa0find that the contrary of my calculations is in fact coming to pass (for mention must be made also of those things which are wont to happen contrary to human expectations, since our lives bring us many improbable experiences as well), I\xa0too shall then endeavour to do the contrary of what I\xa0have just proposed. For I\xa0shall lead you against the enemy in conjunction with the Romans and shall share with them the victory, pretending that I\xa0occupied the heights with the intention of surrounding the foes drawn up against me; and my claim will seem credible, since I\xa0shall have made my actions agree with my explanation. Thus, without sharing in the dangers of either side, we shall have a part in the good fortune of both.,18. \xa0"I,\xa0then, have determined upon these measures, and with the assistance of the gods I\xa0shall carry them out, as being the most advantageous, not only to the Albans, but also to the rest of the Latins. It is your part, in the first place, to observe secrecy, and next, to maintain good order, to obey promptly the orders you shall receive, to fight zealously yourselves and to infuse the same zeal into those who are under your command, remembering that we are not contending for liberty upon the same terms as other people, who have been accustomed to obey others and who have received that form of government from their ancestors.,19. \xa0For we are freemen descended from freemen, and to us our ancestors have handed down the tradition of holding sway over our neighbours as a mode of life preserved by them for someone five hundred years; of which let us not deprive our posterity. And let none of you entertain the fear that by showing a will to do this he will be breaking a compact and violating the oaths by which it was confirmed; on the contrary, let him consider that he will be restoring to its original force the compact which the Romans have violated, a compact far from unimportant, but one which human nature has established and the universal law of both Greeks and barbarians confirms, namely, that fathers shall rule over and give just commands to their children, and mother-cities to their colonies.,20. \xa0This compact, which is forever inseparable from human nature, is not being violated by us, who demand that it shall always remain in force, and none of the gods or lesser divinities will be wroth with us, as guilty of an impious action, if we resent being slaves to our own posterity; but it is being violated by those who have broken it from the beginning and have attempted by an impious act to set up the law of man above that of Heaven. And it is reasonable to expect that the anger of the gods will be directed against them rather than against us, and that the indignation of men will fall upon them rather than upon us.,21. \xa0If, therefore, you all believe that these plans will be the most advantageous, let us pursue them, calling the gods and other divinities to our assistance. But if any one of you is minded to the contrary and either believes that we ought never to recover the ancient dignity of our city, or, while awaiting a more favourable opportunity, favours deferring our undertaking for the present, let him not hesitate to propose his thoughts to the assembly. For we shall follow whatever plan meets with your uimous approval."
3.24 1. \xa0Those who were present having approved of this advice and promised to carry out all his orders, he bound each of them by an oath and then dismissed the assembly. The next day the armies both of the Fidenates and of their allies marched out of their camp at sunrise and drew up in order of battle; and on the other side the Romans came out against them and took their positions.,2. \xa0Tullus himself and the Romans formed the left wing, which was opposite to the Veientes (for these occupied the enemy\'s right), while Mettius Fufetius and the Albans drew up on the right wing of the Roman army, over against the Fidenates, beside the flank of the hill.,3. \xa0When the armies drew near one another and before they came within range of each other\'s missiles, the Albans, separating themselves from the rest of the army, began to lead their companies up the hill in good order. The Fidenates, learning of this and feeling confident that the Albans\' promises to betray the Romans were coming true before their eyes, now fell to attacking the Romans with greater boldness, and the right wing of the Romans, left unprotected by their allies, was being broken and was suffering severely; but the left, where Tullus himself fought among the flower of the cavalry, carried on the struggle vigorously.,4. \xa0In the meantime a horseman rode up to those who were fighting under the king and said: "Our right wing is suffering, Tullus. For the Albans have deserted their posts and are hastening up to the heights, and the Fidenates, opposite to whom they were stationed, extend beyond our wing that is now left unprotected, and are going to surround us." The Romans, upon hearing this and seeing the haste with which the Albans were rushing up the hill, were seized with such fear of being surrounded by the enemy that it did not occur to them either to fight or to stand their ground.,5. \xa0Thereupon Tullus, they say, not at all disturbed in mind by so great and so unexpected a misfortune, made use of a stratagem by which he not only saved the Roman army, which was threatened with manifest ruin, but also shattered and brought to nought all the plans of the enemy. For, as soon as he had heard the messenger, he raised his voice, so as to be heard even by the enemy, and cried:,6. \xa0"Romans, we are victorious over the enemy. For the Albans have occupied for us this hill hard by, as you see, by my orders, so as to get behind the enemy and fall upon them. Consider, therefore, that we have our greatest foes where we want them, some of us attacking them in front and others in the rear, in a position where, being unable either to advance or to retire, hemmed in as they are on the flanks by the river and by the hill, they will make handsome atonement to us. Forward, then, and show your utter contempt of them."
3.25 1. \xa0These words he repeated as he rode past all the ranks. And immediately the Fidenates became afraid of counter-treachery, suspecting that the Alban had deceived them by a stratagem, since they did not see either that he had changed his battle order so as to face the other way or that he was promptly charging the Romans, according to his promise; but the Romans, on their side, were emboldened by the words of Tullus and filled with confidence, and giving a great shout, they rushed in a body against the enemy. Upon this, the Fidenates gave way and fled toward their city in disorder.,2. \xa0The Roman king hurled his cavalry against them while they were in this fear and confusion, and pursued them for some distance; but when he learned that they were dispersed and separated from one another and neither likely to take thought for getting together again nor in fact able to do so, he gave over the pursuit and marched against those of the enemy whose ranks were still unbroken and standing their ground.,3. \xa0And now there took place a brilliant engagement of the infantry and a still more brilliant one on the part of the cavalry. For the Veientes, who were posted at this point, did not give way in terror at the charge of the Roman horse, but maintained the fight for a considerable time. Then, learning that their left wing was beaten and that the whole army of the Fidenates and of their other allies was in headlong flight, and fearing to be surrounded by the troops that had returned from the pursuit, they also broke their ranks and fled, endeavouring to save themselves by crossing the river.,4. \xa0Accordingly, those among them who were strongest, least disabled by their wounds, and had some ability to swim, got across the river, without their arms, while all who lacked any of these advantages perished in the eddies; for the stream of the Tiber near Fidenae is rapid and has many windings.,5. \xa0Tullus ordered a detachment of the horse to cut down those of the enemy who were pressing toward the river, while he himself led the rest of the army to the camp of the Veientes and captured it by storm. This was the situation of the Romans after they had been unexpectedly preserved from destruction. ' "
3.26 1. \xa0When the Alban observed that Tullus had already won a brilliant victory, he also marched down from the heights with his own troops and pursued those of the Fidenates who were fleeing, in order that he might be seen by all the Romans performing some part of the duty of an ally; and he destroyed many of the enemy who had become dispersed in the left.,2. \xa0Tullus, though he understood his purpose and understood his double treachery, thought he ought to utter no reproaches for the present till he should have the man in his power, but addressing himself to many of those who were present, he pretended to applaud the Alban's withdrawal to the heights, as if it had been prompted by the best motive; and sending a party of horse to him, he requested him to give the final proof of his zeal by hunting down and slaying the many Fidenates who had been unable to get inside the walls and were dispersed about the country.,3. \xa0And Fufetius, imagining that he had succeeded in one of his two hopes and that Tullus was unacquainted with his treachery, rejoiced, and riding over the plains for a considerable time, he cut down all whom he found; but when the sun was now set, he returned from the pursuit with his horsemen to the Roman camp and passed the following night in making merry with his friends.,4. \xa0Tullus remained in the camp of the Veientes till the first watch and questioned the most prominent of the prisoners concerning the leaders of the revolt; and when he learned that Mettius Fufetius, the Alban, was also one of the conspirators and considered that his actions agreed with the information of the prisoners, he mounted his horse, and taking with him the most faithful of his friends, rode off to Rome.,5. \xa0Then, sending to the houses of the senators, he assembled them before midnight and informed them of the treachery of the Alban, producing the prisoners as witnesses, and informed them of the stratagem by which he himself had outwitted both their enemies and the Fidenates. And he asked them, now that the war was ended in the most successful manner, to consider the problems that remained â\x80\x94 how the traitors ought to be punished and the city of Alba rendered more circumspect for the future.,6. \xa0That the authors of these wicked designs should be punished seemed to all both just and necessary, but how this was to be most easily and safely accomplished was a problem that caused them great perplexity. For they thought it obviously impossible to put to death a great number of brave Albans in a secret and clandestine manner, whereas, if they should attempt openly to apprehend and punish the guilty, they assumed that the Albans would not permit it but would rush to arms; and they were unwilling to carry on war at the same time with the Fidenates and Tyrrhenians and with the Albans, who had come to them as allies. While they were in this perplexity, Tullus delivered the final opinion, which met with the approval of all; but of this I\xa0shall speak presently. The distance between Fidenae and Rome being forty stades, Tullus rode full speed to the camp, and sending for Marcus Horatius, the survivor of the triplets, before it was quite day, he commanded him to take the flower of the cavalry and infantry, and proceeding to Alba, to enter the city as a friend, and then, as soon as he had secured the submission of the inhabitants, to raze the city to the foundations without sparing a single building, whether private or public, except the temples; but as for the citizens, he was neither to kill nor injure any of them, but to permit them to retain their possessions." 3.27 2. \xa0After sending him on his way he assembled the tribunes and centurions, and having acquainted them with the resolutions of the senate, he placed them as a guard about his person. Soon after, the Alban came, pretending to express his joy over their common victory and to congratulate Tullus upon it. The latter, still concealing his intention, commended him and declared he was deserving of great rewards; at the same time he asked him to write down the names of such of the other Albans also as had performed any notable exploit in the battle and to bring the list to him, in order that they also might get their share of the fruits of victory.,3. \xa0Mettius, accordingly, greatly pleased at this, entered upon a tablet and gave to him a list of his most intimate friends who had been the accomplices in his secret designs. Then the Roman king ordered all the troops to come to an assembly after first laying aside their arms. And when they assembled he ordered the Alban general together with his tribunes and centurions to stand directly beside the tribunal; next to these the rest of the Albans were to take their place in the assembly, drawn up in their ranks, and behind the Albans the remainder of the allied forces, while outside of them all he stationed Romans, including the most resolute, with swords concealed under their garments. When he thought he had his foes where he wanted them, he rose up and spoke as follows:
3.28 1. \xa0"Romans and you others, both friends and allies, those who dared openly to make war against us, the Fidenates and their allies, have been punished by us with the aid of the gods, and either will cease for the future to trouble us or will receive an even severer chastisement than that they have just experienced.,2. \xa0It is now time, since our first enterprise has succeeded to our wish, to punish those other enemies also who ear the name of friends and were taken into this war to assist us in harrying our common foes, but have broken faith with us, and entering into secret treaties with those enemies, have attempted to destroy us all.,3. \xa0For these are much worse than open enemies and deserve a severer punishment, since it is both easy to guard against the latter when one is treacherously attacked and possible to repulse them when they are at grips as enemies, but when friends act the part of enemies it is neither easy to guard against them nor possible for those who are taken by surprise to repulse them. And such are the allies sent us by the city of Alba with treacherous intent, although they have received no injury from us but many considerable benefits.,4. \xa0For, as we are their colony, we have not wrested away any part of their dominion but have acquired our own strength and power from our own wars; and by making our city a bulwark against the greatest and most warlike nations we have effectually secured them from a war with the Tyrrhenians and Sabines. In the prosperity, therefore, of our city they above all others should have rejoiced, and have grieved at its adversity no less than at their own.,5. \xa0But they, it appears, continued not only to begrudge us the advantages we had but also to begrudge themselves the good fortune they enjoyed because of us, and at last, unable any longer to contain their festering hatred, they declared war against us. But finding us well prepared for the struggle and themselves, therefore, in no condition to do any harm, they invited us to a reconciliation and friendship and asked that our strife over the supremacy should be decided by three men from each city. These proposals also we accepted, and after winning in the combat became masters of their city. Well, then, what did we do after that?,6. \xa0Though it was in our power to take hostages from them, to leave a garrison in their city, to destroy some of the principal authors of the war between the two cities and to banish others, to change the form of their government according to our own interest, to punish them with the forfeiture of a part of their lands and effects, and â\x80\x94 the thing that was easiest of all â\x80\x94 to disarm them, by which means we should have strengthened our rule, we did not see fit to do any of these things, but, consulting our filial obligations to our mother-city rather than the security of our power and considering the good opinion of all the world as more important than our own private advantage, we allowed them to enjoy all that was theirs and permitted Mettius Fufetius, as being supposedly the best of the Albans â\x80\x94 since they themselves had honoured him with the chief magistracy â\x80\x94 to administer their affairs up to the present time.,7. \xa0"For which favours hear now what gratitude they showed, at a time when we needed the goodwill of our friends and allies more than ever. They made a secret compact with our common enemies by which they engaged to fall upon us in conjunction with them in the course of the battle; and when the two armies approached each other they deserted the post to which they had been assigned and made off for the hills near by at a run, eager to occupy the strong positions ahead of anyone else.,8. \xa0And if their attempt had succeeded according to their wish, nothing could have prevented us, surrounded at once by our enemies and by our friends, from being all destroyed, and the fruit of the many battles we had fought for the sovereignty of our city from being lost in a single day.,9. \xa0But since their plan has miscarried, owing, in the first place, to the goodwill of the gods (for I\xa0at any rate ascribe all worthy achievements to them), and, second, to the stratagem I\xa0made use of, which contributed not a little to inspire the enemy with fear and you with confidence (for the statement I\xa0made during the battle, that the Albans were taking possession of the heights by my orders with a view of surrounding the enemy, was all a fiction and a stratagem contrived by myself),,10. \xa0since, I\xa0say, things have turned out to our advantage, we should not be the men we ought to be if we did not take revenge on these traitors. For, apart from the other ties which, by reason of their kinship to us, they ought to have preserved inviolate, they recently made a treaty with us confirmed by oaths, and then, without either fearing the gods whom they had made witnesses of the treaty or showing any regard for justice itself and the condemnation of men, or considering the greatness of the danger if their treachery should not succeed according to their wish, endeavoured to destroy us, who are both their colony and their benefactors, in the most miserable fashion, thus arraying themselves, though our founders, on the side of our most deadly foes and our greatest enemies."
3.29 1. \xa0While he was thus speaking the Albans had recourse to lamentations and entreaties of every kind, the common people declaring that they had no knowledge of the intrigues of Mettius, and their commanders alleging that they had not learned of his secret plans till they were in the midst of the battle itself, when it was not in their power either to prevent his orders or to refuse obedience to them; and some even ascribed their action to the necessity imposed against their will by their affinity or kinship to the man. But the king, having commanded them to be silent,,2. \xa0addressed them thus:,2. \xa0"I,\xa0too, Albans, am not unaware of any of these things that you urge in your defence, but am of the opinion that the generality of you had no knowledge of this treachery, since secrets are not apt to be kept even for a moment when many share in the knowledge of them; and I\xa0also believe that only a small number of the tribunes and centurions were accomplices in the conspiracy formed against us, but that the greater part of them were deceived and forced into a position where they were compelled to act against their will.,3. \xa0Nevertheless, even if nothing of all this were true, but if all the Albans, as well you who are here present as those who are left in your city, had felt a desire to hurt us, and if you had not now for the first time, but long since, taken this resolution, yet on account of their kinship to you the Romans would feel under every necessity to bear even this injustice at your hands.,4. \xa0But against the possibility of your forming some wicked plot against us hereafter, as the result either of compulsion or deception on the part of the leaders of your state, there is but one precaution and provision, and that is for us all to become citizens of the same city and to regard one only as our fatherland, in whose prosperity and adversity everyone will have that share which Fortune allots to him. For so long as each of our two peoples decides what is advantageous and disadvantageous on the basis of a different judgment, as is now the case, the friendship between us will not be enduring, particularly when those who are the first to plot against the others are either to gain an advantage if they succeed, or, if they fail, are to be secured by their kinship from any serious retribution, while those against whom the attempt is made, if they are subdued, are to suffer the extreme penalties, and if they escape, are not, like enemies, to remember their wrongs â\x80\x94 as has happened in the present instance.,5. \xa0"Know, then, that the Romans last night came to the following resolutions, I\xa0myself having assembled the senate and proposed the decree: it is ordered that your city be demolished and that no buildings, either public or private, be left standing except the temples;,6. \xa0that all the inhabitants, while continuing in the possession of the allotments of land they now enjoy and being deprived of none of their slaves, cattle and other effects, reside henceforth at Rome; that such of your lands as belong to the public be divided among those of the Albans who have none, except the sacred possessions from which the sacrifices to the gods were provided; that I\xa0take charge of the construction of the houses in which you newcomers are to establish your homes, determining in what parts of the city they shall be, and assist the poorest among you in the expense of building;,7. \xa0that the mass of your population be incorporated with our plebeians and be distributed among the tribes and curiae, but that the following families be admitted to the senate, hold magistracies and be numbered with the patricians, to wit, the Julii, the Servilii, the Curiatii, the Quintilii, the Cloelii, the Geganii, and the Metilii; and that Mettius and his accomplices in the treachery suffer such punishments as we shall ordain when we come to sit in judgment upon each of the accused. For we shall deprive none of them either of a trial or of the privilege of making a defence." 3.30 1. \xa0At these words of Tullus the poorer sort of the Albans were very well satisfied to become residents of Rome and to have lands allotted to them, and they received with loud acclaim the terms granted them. But those among them who were distinguished for their dignities and fortunes were grieved at the thought of having to leave the city of their birth and to abandon the hearths of their ancestors and pass the rest of their lives in a foreign country; nevertheless, being reduced to the last extremity, they could think of nothing to say. Tullus, seeing the disposition of the multitude, ordered Mettius to make his defence, if he wished to say anything in answer to the charges.,2. \xa0But he, unable to justify himself against the accusers and witnesses, said that the Alban senate had secretly given him these orders when he led his army forth to war, and he asked the Albans, for whom he had endeavoured to recover the supremacy, to come to his aid and to permit neither their city to be razed nor the most illustrious of the citizens to be haled to punishment. Upon this, a tumult arose in the assembly and, some of them rushing to arms, those who surrounded the multitude, upon a given signal, held up their swords.,3. \xa0And when all were terrified, Tullus rose up again and said: "It is no longer in your power, Albans, to act seditiously or even to make any false move. For if you dare attempt any disturbance, you shall all be slain by these troops (pointing to those who held their swords in their hands). Accept, then, the terms offered to you and become henceforth Romans. For you must do one of two things, either live at Rome or have no other country.,4. \xa0For early this morning Marcus Horatius set forth, sent by me, to raze your city to the foundations and to remove all the inhabitants to Rome. Knowing, then, that these orders are as good as executed already, cease to court destruction and do as you are bidden. As for Mettius Fufetius, who has not only laid snares for us in secret but even now has not hesitated to call the turbulent and seditious to arms, I\xa0shall punish him in such manner as his wicked and deceitful heart deserves.",5. \xa0At these words, that part of the assembly which was in an irritated mood, cowered in fear, restrained by inevitable necessity. Fufetius alone still showed his resentment and cried out, appealing to the treaty which he himself was convicted of having violated, and even in his distress abated nothing of his boldness; but the lictors seized him at the command of King Tullus, and tearing off his clothes, scourged his body with many stripes.,6. \xa0After he had been sufficiently punished in this manner, they brought up two teams of horses and with long traces fastened his arms to one of them and his feet to the other; then, as the drivers urged their teams apart, the wretch was mangled upon the ground and, being dragged by the two teams in opposite directions, was soon torn apart.,7. \xa0This was the miserable and shameful end of Mettius Fufetius. For the trial of his friends and the accomplices of his treachery the king set up courts and put to death such of the accused as were found guilty, pursuant to the law respecting deserters and traitors. '' None |
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16. Ovid, Fasti, 1.641-1.644 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus, Fides, temple of • fides, Cn. Flavius • temples, of Fides
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 55; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98
sup>
1.641 Furius antiquam populi superator Etrusci 1.642 voverat et voti solverat ille fidem, 1.643 causa, quod a patribus sumptis secesserat armis 1.644 volgus, et ipsa suas Roma timebat opes.'' None | sup>
1.641 Vowed your ancient temple and kept his vow. 1.642 His reason was that the commoners had armed themselves, 1.643 Seceding from the nobles, and Rome feared their power. 1.644 This latest reason was a better one: revered Leader, Germany'' None |
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17. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.128-1.150, 5.40, 11.56-11.60 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 273, 274, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 273, 274, 283
sup>
1.128 Protinus inrupit venae peioris in aevum 1.129 omne nefas: fugere pudor verumque fidesque; 1.130 In quorum subiere locum fraudesque dolique 1.131 insidiaeque et vis et amor sceleratus habendi. 1.132 Vela dabat ventis (nec adhuc bene noverat illos) 1.133 navita; quaeque diu steterant in montibus altis, 1.134 fluctibus ignotis insultavere carinae, 1.135 communemque prius ceu lumina solis et auras 1.136 cautus humum longo signavit limite mensor. 1.138 poscebatur humus, sed itum est in viscera terrae: 1.139 quasque recondiderat Stygiisque admoverat umbris, 1.140 effodiuntur opes, inritamenta malorum. 1.141 Iamque nocens ferrum ferroque nocentius aurum 1.142 prodierat: prodit bellum, quod pugnat utroque, 1.143 sanguineaque manu crepitantia concutit arma. 1.144 Vivitur ex rapto: non hospes ab hospite tutus, 1.145 non socer a genero; fratrum quoque gratia rara est. 1.146 Inminet exitio vir coniugis, illa mariti; 1.147 lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae; 1.148 filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos. 1.149 Victa iacet pietas, et virgo caede madentis, 1.150 ultima caelestum terras Astraea reliquit.
5.40 calcitrat et positas adspergit sanguine mensas.
11.56 Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis harenis 11.57 os petit et sparsos stillanti rore capillos. 11.59 arcet et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos 11.60 congelat et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus.' ' None | sup>
1.128 without a judge in peace. Descended not 1.129 the steeps, shorn from its height, the lofty pine, 1.130 cleaving the trackless waves of alien shores, 1.131 nor distant realms were known to wandering men. 1.132 The towns were not entrenched for time of war; 1.133 they had no brazen trumpets, straight, nor horn 1.134 of curving brass, nor helmets, shields nor swords. 1.135 There was no thought of martial pomp —secure 1.136 a happy multitude enjoyed repose. 1.138 a store of every fruit. The harrow touched 1.139 her not, nor did the plowshare wound 1.140 her fields. And man content with given food, 1.141 and none compelling, gathered arbute fruit 1.142 and wild strawberries on the mountain sides, 1.143 and ripe blackberries clinging to the bush, 1.144 and corners and sweet acorns on the ground, 1.145 down fallen from the spreading tree of Jove. 1.146 Eternal Spring! Soft breathing zephyrs soothed 1.147 and warmly cherished buds and blooms, produced 1.148 without a seed. The valleys though unplowed 1.149 gave many fruits; the fields though not renewed 1.150 white glistened with the heavy bearded wheat:
5.40 that she was rescued from a dreadful fate,
11.56 deserted fields—harrows and heavy rake 11.57 and their long spade 11.59 had seized upon those implements, and torn 11.60 to pieces oxen armed with threatening horns,' ' None |
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18. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides • fides, and Catiline
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 219, 220; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 119
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19. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides and πίστις • Punica fides • Punica fides, and manipulation of Carthaginian image • Silius Italicus fides in • fides definition of,, Punica • fides definition of,, personification of
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 203; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 132; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 66
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20. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 268, 274; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 268, 274
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21. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Octavia fides in • Statius fides in the Achilleid,, fides in the Silvae • conjugal love / fidelity • fides
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 80, 225; Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 244
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22. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides • Punica fides, and manipulation of Carthaginian image • Silius Italicus fides in • fides definition of,, Punica
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 282, 284; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 204; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 133; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 282, 284
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23. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus, Fides, temple of • Fides / fides • Fides and πίστις • Punic, dependability (Punica fides) • Punica fides, and manipulation of Carthaginian image • Silius Italicus fides in • fides definition of • fides definition of,, Punica • fides definition of,, and pietas • fides definition of,, personification of • fides definition of,, temple of • temples, of Fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 270, 271, 274, 278, 279; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 5, 183, 203, 204; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 102; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 133; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 270, 271, 274, 278, 279; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 65
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24. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 284; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 284
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25. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides • Octavia fides in • Statius fides in the Achilleid,, fides in the Silvae • fidelity • fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 284; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 81, 225, 227, 228; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 91, 98, 99; Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 130; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 284
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26. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 7.132 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Josephus fides in • Rome, Temple of Fides • Titus and fides,, in Josephus
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 48, 49; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 221
sup>
7.132 ̓Αμήχανον δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν εἰπεῖν τῶν θεαμάτων ἐκείνων τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν μεγαλοπρέπειαν ἐν ἅπασιν οἷς ἄν τις ἐπινοήσειεν ἢ τεχνῶν ἔργοις ἢ πλούτου μέρεσιν ἢ φύσεως σπανιότησιν:'' None | sup>
7.132 5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature;'' None |
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27. Lucan, Pharsalia, 10.109-10.333 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides • Valerius Flaccus fides in
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 105; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
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10.109 Be due, give ear. of Lagian race am I offspring illustrious; from my father's throne Cast forth to banishment; unless thy hand Restore to me the sceptre: then a Queen Falls at thy feet embracing. To our race Bright star of justice thou! Nor first shall I As woman rule the cities of the Nile; For, neither sex preferring, Pharos bows To queenly goverce. of my parted sire Read the last words, by which 'tis mine to share " "10.110 With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " "10.119 With equal rights the kingdom and the bed. And loves the boy his sister, were he free; But his affections and his sword alike Pothinus orders. Nor wish I myself To wield my father's power; but this my prayer: Save from this foul disgrace our royal house, Bid that the king shall reign, and from the court Remove this hateful varlet, and his arms. How swells his bosom for that his the hand That shore Pompeius' head! And now he threats " '10.120 Thee, Caesar, also; which the Fates avert! \'Twas shame enough upon the earth and thee That of Pothinus Magnus should have been The guilt or merit." Caesar\'s ears in vain Had she implored, but aided by her charms The wanton\'s prayers prevailed, and by a night of shame ineffable, passed with her judge, She won his favour. When between the pair Caesar had made a peace, by costliest gifts Purchased, a banquet of such glad event 10.130 Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; 10.139 Made fit memorial; and with pomp the Queen Displayed her luxuries, as yet unknown To Roman fashions. First uprose the hall Like to a fane which this corrupted age Could scarcely rear: the lofty ceiling shone With richest tracery, the beams were bound In golden coverings; no scant veneer Lay on its walls, but built in solid blocks of marble, gleamed the palace. Agate stood In sturdy columns, bearing up the roof; ' "10.140 Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" "10.149 Onyx and porphyry on the spacious floor Were trodden 'neath the foot; the mighty gates of Maroe's throughout were formed, He mere adornment; ivory clothed the hall, And fixed upon the doors with labour rare Shells of the tortoise gleamed, from Indian Seas, With frequent emeralds studded. Gems of price And yellow jasper on the couches shone. Lustrous the coverlets; the major part Dipped more than once within the vats of Tyre" '10.150 Had drunk their juice: part feathered as with gold; Part crimson dyed, in manner as are passed Through Pharian leash the threads. There waited slaves In number as a people, some in ranks By different blood distinguished, some by age; This band with Libyan, that with auburn hair Red so that Caesar on the banks of RhineNone such had witnessed; some with features scorched By torrid suns, their locks in twisted coils Drawn from their foreheads. Eunuchs too were there, 10.160 Unhappy race; and on the other side Men of full age whose cheeks with growth of hair Were hardly darkened. Upon either hand Lay kings, and Caesar in the midst supreme. There in her fatal beauty lay the Queen Thick daubed with unguents, nor with throne content Nor with her brother spouse; laden she lay On neck and hair with all the Red Sea spoils, And faint beneath the weight of gems and gold. Her snowy breast shone through Sidonian lawn 10.170 Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here 10.179 Which woven close by shuttles of the east The art of Nile had loosened. Ivory feet Bore citron tables brought from woods that wave On Atlas, such as Caesar never saw When Juba was his captive. Blind in soul By madness of ambition, thus to fire By such profusion of her wealth, the mind of Caesar armed, her guest in civil war! Not though he aimed with pitiless hand to grasp The riches of a world; not though were here ' "10.180 Those ancient leaders of the simple age, Fabricius or Curius stern of soul, Or he who, Consul, left in sordid garb His Tuscan plough, could all their several hopes Have risen to such spoil. On plates of gold They piled the banquet sought in earth and air And from the deepest seas and Nilus' waves, Through all the world; in craving for display, No hunger urging. Frequent birds and beasts, Egypt's high gods, they placed upon the board: " "10.190 In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " "10.199 In crystal goblets water of the NileThey handed, and in massive cups of price Was poured the wine; no juice of Mareot grape But noble vintage of Falernian growth Which in few years in Meroe's vats had foamed, (For such the clime) to ripeness. On their brows Chaplets were placed of roses ever young With glistening nard entwined; and in their locks Was cinnamon infused, not yet in air Its fragrance perished, nor in foreign climes; " '10.200 And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt: 10.209 And rich amomum from the neighbouring fields. Thus Caesar learned the booty of a world To lavish, and his breast was shamed of war Waged with his son-in-law for meagre spoil, And with the Pharian realm he longed to find A cause of battle. When of wine and feast They wearied and their pleasure found an end, Caesar drew out in colloquy the night Thus with Achoreus, on the highest couch With linen ephod as a priest begirt: ' "10.210 O thou devoted to all sacred rites, Loved by the gods, as proves thy length of days, Tell, if thou wilt, whence sprang the Pharian race; How lie their lands, the manners of their tribes, The form and worship of their deities. Expound the sculptures on your ancient fanes: Reveal your gods if willing to be known: If to th' Athenian sage your fathers taught Their mysteries, who worthier than I To bear in trust the secrets of the world? " "10.220 True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " "10.229 True, by the rumour of my kinsman's flight Here was I drawn; yet also by your fame: And even in the midst of war's alarms The stars and heavenly spaces have I conned; Nor shall Eudoxus' year excel mine own. But though such ardour burns within my breast, Such zeal to know the truth, yet my chief wish To learn the source of your mysterious flood Through ages hidden: give me certain hope To see the fount of Nile — and civil war " '10.230 Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control 10.239 Then shall I leave." He spake, and then the priest: "The secrets, Caesar, of our mighty sires Kept from the common people until now I hold it right to utter. Some may deem That silence on these wonders of the earth Were greater piety. But to the gods I hold it grateful that their handiwork And sacred edicts should be known to men. "A different power by the primal law, Each star possesses: these alone control ' "10.240 The movement of the sky, with adverse force Opposing: while the sun divides the year, And day from night, and by his potent rays Forbids the stars to pass their stated course. The moon by her alternate phases sets The varying limits of the sea and shore. 'Neath Saturn's sway the zone of ice and snow Has passed; while Mars in lightning's fitful flames And winds abounds' beneath high JupiterUnvexed by storms abides a temperate air; " "10.250 And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " "10.259 And fruitful Venus' star contains the seeds of all things. Ruler of the boundless deep The god Cyllenian: whene'er he holds That part of heaven where the Lion dwells With neighbouring Cancer joined, and Sirius star Flames in its fury; where the circular path (Which marks the changes of the varying year) Gives to hot Cancer and to CapricornTheir several stations, under which doth lie The fount of Nile, he, master of the waves, " '10.260 Strikes with his beam the waters. Forth the stream Brims from his fount, as Ocean when the moon Commands an increase; nor shall curb his flow Till night wins back her losses from the sun. "Vain is the ancient faith that Ethiop snows Send Nile abundant forth upon the lands. Those mountains know nor northern wind nor star. of this are proof the breezes of the South, Fraught with warm vapours, and the people\'s hue Burned dark by suns: and \'tis in time of spring, 10.270 When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, 10.279 When first are thawed the snows, that ice-fed streams In swollen torrents tumble; but the NileNor lifts his wave before the Dog-star burns; Nor seeks again his banks, until the sun In equal balance measures night and day. Nor are the laws that govern other streams Obeyed by Nile. For in the wintry year Were he in flood, when distant far the sun, His waters lacked their office; but he leaves His channel when the summer is at height, ' "10.280 Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " "10.289 Tempering the torrid heat of Egypt's clime. Such is the task of Nile; thus in the world He finds his purpose, lest exceeding heat Consume the lands: and rising thus to meet Enkindled Lion, to Syene's prayers By Cancer burnt gives ear; nor curbs his wave Till the slant sun and Meroe's lengthening shades Proclaim the autumn. Who shall give the cause? 'Twas Parent Nature's self which gave command Thus for the needs of earth should flow the Nile. " '10.290 Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes 10.299 Vain too the fable that the western winds Control his current, in continuous course At stated seasons governing the air; Or hurrying from Occident to South Clouds without number which in misty folds Press on the waters; or by constant blast, Forcing his current back whose several mouths Burst on the sea; — so, forced by seas and wind, Men say, his billows pour upon the land. Some speak of hollow caverns, breathing holes ' "10.300 Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " "10.309 Deep in the earth, within whose mighty jaws Waters in noiseless current underneath From northern cold to southern climes are drawn: And when hot Meroe pants beneath the sun, Then, say they, Ganges through the silent depths And Padus pass: and from a single fount The Nile arising not in single streams Pours all the rivers forth. And rumour says That when the sea which girdles in the world O'erflows, thence rushes Nile, by lengthy course, " '10.310 Softening his saltness. More, if it be true That ocean feeds the sun and heavenly fires, Then Phoebus journeying by the burning Crab Sucks from its waters more than air can hold Upon his passage — this the cool of night Pours on the Nile. "If, Caesar, \'tis my part To judge such difference, \'twould seem that since Creation\'s age has passed, earth\'s veins by chance Some waters hold, and shaken cast them forth: But others took when first the globe was formed 10.320 A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone 10.329 A sure abode; by Him who framed the world Fixed with the Universe. "And, Roman, thou, In thirsting thus to know the source of NileDost as the Pharian and Persian kings And those of Macedon; nor any age Refused the secret, but the place prevailed Remote by nature. Greatest of the kings By Memphis worshipped, Alexander grudged To Nile its mystery, and to furthest earth Sent chosen Ethiops whom the crimson zone ' "10.330 Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source " "10.333 Stayed in their further march, while flowed his stream Warm at their feet. Sesostris westward far Reached, to the ends of earth; and necks of kings Bent 'neath his chariot yoke: but of the springs Which fill your rivers, Rhone and Po, he drank. Not of the fount of Nile. Cambyses king In madman quest led forth his host to where The long-lived races dwell: then famine struck, Ate of his dead and, Nile unknown, returned. No lying rumour of thy hidden source "" None |
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28. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 3.19-3.21, 4.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ambrose of Milan, De Fide (On the Faith) • Faith (belief, fidelity, trust), human • Liber de fide • faith, fides
Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 388; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 46, 79, 126, 136, 185, 266, 287, 288; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 85; Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 279
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3.19 ἡ γὰρ σοφία τοῦ κόσμου τούτου μωρία παρὰ τῷ θεῷ ἐστίν· γέγραπται γάρὉ δρασσόμενος τοὺς σοφοὺς ἐν τῇ πανουργίᾳ αὐτῶν· 3.20 καὶ πάλινΚύριος γινώσκει τοὺς διαλογισμοὺς τῶνσοφῶνὅτι εἰσὶν μάταιοι. 3.21 ὥστε μηδεὶς καυχάσθω ἐν ἀνθρώποις·
4.7 τίς γάρ σε διακρίνει; τί δὲ ἔχεις ὃ οὐκ ἔλαβες; εἰ δὲ καὶ ἔλαβες, τί καυχᾶσαι ὡς μὴ λαβών;'' None | sup>
3.19 Forthe wisdom of this world is foolishness with God. For it is written,"He has taken the wise in their craftiness." 3.20 And again, "TheLord knows the reasoning of the wise, that it is worthless." 3.21 Therefore let no one boast in men. For all things are yours,' "
4.7 For who makes you different? And what doyou have that you didn't receive? But if you did receive it, why do youboast as if you had not received it?"' None |
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29. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 2.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Faith (belief, fidelity, trust), human • Simeon, Jewish fidelity
Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 180; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 192
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2.16 κωλυόντων ἡμᾶς τοῖς ἔθνεσιν λαλῆσαι ἵνα σωθῶσιν, εἰς τὸἀναπληρῶσαιαὐτῶντὰς ἁμαρτίαςπάντοτε. ἔφθασεν δὲ ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἡ ὀργὴ εἰς τέλος.'' None | sup>
2.16 forbidding us to speak to the Gentiles that they may be saved; to fill up their sins always. But wrath has come on them to the uttermost. '' None |
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30. New Testament, Ephesians, 4.15-4.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Faith (belief, fidelity, trust), human • faith, fides
Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 46; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 110
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4.15 ἀληθεύοντες δὲ ἐν ἀγάπῃ αὐξήσωμεν εἰς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα, ὅς ἐστιν ἡ κεφαλή, Χριστός, 4.16 ἐξ οὗ πᾶν τὸ σῶμα συναρμολογούμενον καὶ συνβιβαζόμενον διὰ πάσης ἁφῆς τῆς ἐπιχορηγίας κατʼ ἐνέργειαν ἐν μέτρῳ ἑνὸς ἑκάστου μέρους τὴν αὔξησιν τοῦ σώματος ποιεῖται εἰς οἰκοδομὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἐν ἀγάπῃ.'' None | sup>
4.15 but speaking truth in love, we may grow up in all things into him, who is the head, Christ; 4.16 from whom all the body, being fitted and knit together through that which every joint supplies, according to the working in measure of each individual part, makes the body increase to the building up of itself in love. '' None |
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31. New Testament, Galatians, 5.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • faith, fides • fides non ficta
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 52; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 164
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5.6 ἐν γὰρ Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ οὔτε περιτομή τι ἰσχύει οὔτε ἀκροβυστία, ἀλλὰ πίστις διʼ ἀγάπης ἐνεργουμένη.'' None | sup>
5.6 For in Christ Jesusneither circumcision amounts to anything, nor uncircumcision, but faithworking through love. '' None |
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32. New Testament, Romans, 5.5, 5.12, 8.16, 9.18-9.29, 11.33 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Faith (belief, fidelity, trust), divine • Faith (belief, fidelity, trust), human • Liber de fide • faith, fides • fides non ficta
Found in books: Cheuk-Yin Yam (2019), Trinity and Grace in Augustine, 93, 530; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 52, 64, 75, 154, 164, 186, 206, 238, 250, 252, 265, 266, 287; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 6, 71, 73, 74, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 193, 195, 206; Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 157, 276, 279, 280
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5.5 ἡ δὲἐλπὶς οὐ καταισχύνει.ὅτι ἡ ἀγάπη τοῦ θεοῦ ἐκκέχυται ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ἡμῶν διὰ πνεύματος ἁγίου τοῦ δοθέντος ἡμῖν·
5.12 Διὰ τοῦτο ὥσπερ διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου ἡ ἁμαρτία εἰς τὸν κόσμον εἰσῆλθεν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ὁ θάνατος, καὶ οὕτως εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὁ θάνατος διῆλθεν ἐφʼ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον-.
8.16 Ἀββά ὁ πατήρ· αὐτὸ τὸ πνεῦμα συνμαρτυρεῖ τῷ πνεύματι ἡμῶν ὅτι ἐσμὲν τέκνα θεοῦ.
9.18 ἄρα οὖν ὃν θέλει ἐλεεῖ, ὃν δὲ θέλεισκληρύνει. 9.19 Ἐρεῖς μοι οὖν Τί ἔτι μέμφεται; 9.20 τῷ γὰρ βουλήματι αὐτοῦ τίς ἀνθέστηκεν; ὦ ἄνθρωπε, μενοῦνγε σὺ τίς εἶ ὁ ἀνταποκρινόμενος τῷ θεῷ;μὴ ἐρεῖ τὸ πλάσμα τῷ πλάσαντιΤί με ἐποίησας οὕτως; 9.21 ἢ οὐκ ἔχει ἐξουσίανὁ κεραμεὺς τοῦ πηλοῦἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ φυράματος ποιῆσαι ὃ μὲν εἰς τιμὴν σκεῦος, ὃ δὲ εἰς ἀτιμίαν; 9.22 εἰ δὲ θέλων ὁ θεὸς ἐνδείξασθαι τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ γνωρίσαι τὸ δυνατὸν αὐτοῦἤνεγκενἐν πολλῇ μακροθυμίᾳσκεύη ὀργῆςκατηρτισμέναεἰς ἀπώλειαν, 9.23 ἵνα γνωρίσῃ τὸν πλοῦτον τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ σκεύη ἐλέους, ἃ προητοίμασεν εἰς δόξαν, 9.24 οὓς καὶ ἐκάλεσεν ἡμᾶς οὐ μόνον ἐξ Ἰουδαίων ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐξ ἐθνῶν; 9.25 ὡς καὶ ἐν τῷ Ὠσηὲ λέγει 9.26 9.27 Ἠσαίας δὲ κράζει ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἸσραήλἘὰν ᾖ ὁ ἀριθμὸς τῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραὴλ ὡς ἡ ἄμμος τῆς θαλάσσης, τὸ ὑπό λιμμα σωθήσεται· 9.28 λόγον γὰρ συντελῶν καὶ συντέμνων ποιήσει Κύριος ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. 9.29 καὶ καθὼς προείρηκεν Ἠσαίας
11.33 Ὢ βάθος πλούτου καὶ σοφίας καὶ γνώσεως θεοῦ· ὡς ἀνεξεραύνητα τὰ κρίματα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνεξιχνίαστοι αἱ ὁδοὶ αὐτοῦ.' ' None | sup>
5.5 and hope doesn't disappoint us, because God's love has been poured out into our hearts through the Holy Spirit who was given to us. " 5.12 Therefore, as sin entered into the world through one man, and death through sin; and so death passed to all men, because all sinned.
8.16 The Spirit himself testifies with our spirit that we are children of God;
9.18 So then, he has mercy on whom he desires, and he hardens whom he desires. 9.19 You will say then to me, "Why does he still find fault? For who withstands his will?" 9.20 But indeed, O man, who are you to reply against God? Will the thing formed ask him who formed it, "Why did you make me like this?"' "9.21 Or hasn't the potter a right over the clay, from the same lump to make one part a vessel for honor, and another for dishonor? " '9.22 What if God, willing to show his wrath, and to make his power known, endured with much patience vessels of wrath made for destruction, 9.23 and that he might make known the riches of his glory on vessels of mercy, which he prepared beforehand for glory, 9.24 us, whom he also called, not from the Jews only, but also from the Gentiles? 9.25 As he says also in Hosea, "I will call them \'my people,\' which were not my people; And her \'beloved,\' who was not beloved." 9.26 "It will be that in the place where it was said to them, \'You are not my people,\' There they will be called \'sons of the living God.\'" 9.27 Isaiah cries concerning Israel, "If the number of the children of Israel are as the sand of the sea, It is the remt who will be saved; 9.28 For He will finish the work and cut it short in righteousness, Because the LORD will make a short work upon the earth." 9.29 As Isaiah has said before, "Unless the Lord of Hosts had left us a seed, We would have become like Sodom, And would have been made like Gomorrah."
11.33 Oh the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and the knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past tracing out! ' " None |
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33. Plutarch, Lucullus, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
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41.2 τὸν οὖν Λούκουλλον εἰπεῖν μειδιάσαντα πρὸς αὐτούς· γίνεται μέν τι τούτων καὶ διʼ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες· τὰ μέντοι πλεῖστα γίνεται διὰ Λούκουλλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ μόνου δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μία τράπεζα καὶ μέτριον παρεσκευάσθη δεῖπνον, ἠγανάκτει καλέσας τὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένον οἰκέτην. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς οὐκ ᾤετο μηδενὸς κεκλημένου πολυτελοῦς τινος αὐτὸν δεήσεσθαι τί λέγεις; εἶπεν, οὐκ ᾔδεις, ὅτι σήμερον παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ δειπνεῖ Λούκουλλος;'' None | sup>
41.2 '' None |
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34. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.10.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
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1.10.14 \xa0It is recorded that the greatest generals played on the lyre and the pipe, and that the armies of Sparta were fired to martial ardour by the strains of music. Twenty-Sixth North Carolina Regiment, come to serenade him in his tent, "I\xa0don\'t believe we can have an army without music." (G.\xa0C.\xa0Underwood, in Freeman\'s biography of Lee, Vol.\xa0III, p267. -- And what else is the function of the horns and trumpets attached to our legions? The louder the concert of their notes, the greater is the glorious supremacy of our arms over all the nations of the earth.'' None |
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35. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.10.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
| sup>
1.10.14 \xa0It is recorded that the greatest generals played on the lyre and the pipe, and that the armies of Sparta were fired to martial ardour by the strains of music. Twenty-Sixth North Carolina Regiment, come to serenade him in his tent, "I\xa0don\'t believe we can have an army without music." (G.\xa0C.\xa0Underwood, in Freeman\'s biography of Lee, Vol.\xa0III, p267. -- And what else is the function of the horns and trumpets attached to our legions? The louder the concert of their notes, the greater is the glorious supremacy of our arms over all the nations of the earth.'' None |
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36. Tacitus, Annals, 2.49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Divine being, Faith (fides) • fides
Found in books: Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 25, 26; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 23
sup>
2.49 Isdem temporibus deum aedis vetustate aut igni abolitas coeptasque ab Augusto dedicavit, Libero Liberaeque et Cereri iuxta circum maximum, quam A. Postumius dictator voverat, eodemque in loco aedem Florae ab Lucio et Marco Publiciis aedilibus constitutam, et Iano templum, quod apud forum holitorium C. Duilius struxerat, qui primus rem Romanam prospere mari gessit triumphumque navalem de Poenis meruit. Spei aedes a Germanico sacratur: hanc A. Atilius voverat eodem bello.'' None | sup>
2.49 \xa0Nearly at the same time, he consecrated the temples, ruined by age or fire, the restoration of which had been undertaken by Augustus. They included a temple to Liber, Libera, and Ceres, close to the Circus Maximus, and vowed by Aulus Postumius, the dictator; another, on the same site, to Flora, founded by Lucius and Marcus Publicius in their aedileship, and a shrine of Janus, built in the Herb Market by Gaius Duilius, who first carried the Roman cause to success on sea and earned a naval triumph over the Carthaginians. The temple of Hope, vowed by Aulus Atilius in the same war, was dedicated by Germanicus. <'' None |
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37. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 268, 269, 270, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 268, 269, 270, 278
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38. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 277, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 277, 283
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39. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 279
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40. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides • Fides / fides • Silius Italicus fides in • Statius fides in the Achilleid • Statius fides in the Achilleid,, fides in the Thebaid • fides • fides definition of,, Publica • fides definition of,, Punica • fides definition of,, and pietas • fides definition of,, personification of • fides definition of,, temple of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 133, 150, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 191, 192, 195, 199, 203, 204, 205, 207; Langlands (2018), Exemplary Ethics in Ancient Rome, 329; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 112, 113, 114, 116; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285
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41. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides • Statius fides in the Achilleid,, fides in the Silvae
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 273, 278, 282, 283, 284; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 75; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 273, 278, 282, 283, 284
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42. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides • Statius fides in the Achilleid,, fides in the Thebaid • fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 282, 283, 284; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 124, 125, 126, 131, 142, 143, 144; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 209; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 282, 283, 284
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43. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Josephus fides in • Rome, Temple of Fides • Titus and fides,, in Josephus
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 64; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 221
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44. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides • Statius fides in the Achilleid • Statius fides in the Achilleid,, fides in the Silvae • faith, fides • fides
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 68, 165; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 26; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 14; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 79, 238; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 113; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 156
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45. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 279, 281; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 279, 281
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46. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
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47. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides and πίστις • fides definition of • fides definition of,, temple of
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 5; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 65
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48. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 11.15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Faith (belief, fidelity, trust), human • fides
Found in books: Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 104, 105; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 294
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11.15 “O my friend Lucius, after the enduring so many labors and escaping so many tempests of fortune, you have at length come to the port and haven of rest and mercy. Your noble linage, your dignity, your education, or any thing else did not avail you. But you have endured so many servile pleasures due to the folly of youth. Thusly you have had an unpleasant reward for your excessive curiosity. But however the blindness of Fortune has tormented you in various dangers, so it is now that, unbeknownst to her, you have come to this present felicity. Let Fortune go and fume with fury in another place. Let her find some other matter on which to execute her cruelty. Fortune has no power against those who serve and honor our goddess. What good did it do her that you endured thieves, savage beasts, great servitude, dangerous waits, long journeys, and fear of death every day? Know that now you are safe and under the protection of her who, by her clear light, brightens the other gods. Wherefore rejoice and take a countece appropriate to your white garment. Follow the parade of this devout and honorable procession so that those who do not worship the goddess may see and acknowledge their error. Behold Lucius, you are delivered from so great miseries by the providence of the goddess Isis. Rejoice therefore and triumph in the victory over fortune. And so that you may live more safe and sure, make yourself one of this holy order. Dedicate your mind to our religion and take upon yourself the voluntary yoke of ministry. And when you begin to serve and honor the goddess, then you shall feel the fruit of your liberty.”'' None |
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49. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 67.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 278; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 278
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67.9 1. \xa0At this time, then, he feasted the populace as described; and on another occasion he entertained the foremost men among the senators and knights in the following fashion. He prepared a room that was pitch black on every side, ceiling, walls and floor, and had made ready bare couches of the same colour resting on the uncovered floor; then he invited in his guests alone at night without their attendants.,2. \xa0And first he set beside each of them a slab shaped like a gravestone, bearing the guest's name and also a small lamp, such as hang in tombs. Next comely naked boys, likewise painted black, entered like phantoms, and after encircling the guests in an awe-inspiring dance took up their stations at their feet.,3. \xa0After this all the things that are commonly offered at the sacrifices to departed spirits were likewise set before the guests, all of them black and in dishes of a similar colour. Consequently, every single one of the guests feared and trembled and was kept in constant expectation of having his throat cut the next moment, the more so as on the part of everybody but Domitian there was dead silence, as if they were already in the realms of the dead, and the emperor himself conversed only upon topics relating to death and slaughter.,4. \xa0Finally he dismissed them; but he had first removed their slaves, who had stood in the vestibule, and now gave his guests in charge of other slaves, whom they did not know, to be conveyed either in carriages or litters, and by this procedure he filled them with far greater fear. And scarcely had each guest reached his home and was beginning to get his breath again, as one might say, when word was brought him that a messenger from the Augustus had come.,5. \xa0While they were accordingly expecting to perish this time in any case, one person brought in the slab, which was of silver, and then others in turn brought in various articles, including the dishes that had been set before them at the dinner, which were constructed of very costly material; and last of all came that particular boy who had been each guest's familiar spirit, now washed and adorned. Thus, after having passed the entire night in terror, they received the gifts.,6. \xa0Thus was the triumphal celebration, or, as the crowd put it, such was the funeral banquet that Domitian held for those who had died in Dacia and in Rome. Even at this time, too, he slew some of the foremost men. And in the case of a certain man who buried the body of one of the victims, he deprived him of his property because it was on his estate that the victim had died."" None |
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50. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 9.17.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
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9.17.3 To Genitor. I have received your letter in which you complain how offensive to you a really magnificent banquet was, owing to the fact that there were buffoons, dancers, and jesters going round from table to table. Ah ! will you never relax that severe frown of yours even a little ? For my own part, I do not provide any such entertainments like those, but I can put up with those who do. Why then do I not provide them myself? For this reason, that if any dancer makes a lewd movement, if a buffoon is impudent, or a jester makes a senseless fool of himself, it does not amuse me a whit, for I see no novelty or fun in it. I am not giving you a high moral reason, but am only telling you my individual taste. Yet think how many people there are who would regard with disfavour, as partly insipid and partly wearisome, the entertainments which charm and attract you and me. When a reader, or a musician, or a comic actor enters the banqueting-room, how many there are who call for their shoes or lie back on their couches just as completely bored as you were, when you endured what you describe as those monstrosities ! Let us then make allowances for what pleases other people, so that we may induce others to make allowances for us ! Farewell. '' None |
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51. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 274; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 274
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52. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269, 277, 279; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269, 277, 279
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53. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • faith, fides • fides, defined • fides, in Augustine
Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 268; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 184
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54. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.1, 3.2.17
Tagged with subjects: • Octavia fides in • Seneca,, fides in • faith, fides • fides, Xamines • fides, rites of • fides, temple • ritual, high-fidelity
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 247, 248; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 170; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 277; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 117
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1.1.1 Our ancestors appointed that the set and solemn ceremonies should be ordered by the knowledge of the pontiffs; the right administration of these ceremonies, and authority for so doing, by the observations of the augurs; the predictions of Apollo should depend upon the books of the seers; but that the mysteries of portents should be unfolded according to the rules of the Etruscan discipline. For by the ancient institutions, when we were to commend anything to the gods, we gave ourselves to prayer; when anything was earnestly to be desired of the gods, then to vows; when anything to be paid, to thanksgiving; when enquiry after future success was made, to obtain by request; when any solemn sacrifice was to be done, to sacrifice. By which means the significations of portents and thunders were likewise discovered.
3.2.17 The courage of the toga may be mixed in with warlike actions, deserving the same honour in courts of justice as in the camp. When Ti. Gracchus, having got the favour of the people by his generosity, endeavoured to oppress the commonwealth, he openly declared that the senate ought to be put to death, and all things be transacted by the people. The senate, being summoned into the temple of Public Faith by Mucius Scaevola the consul, began to consult what at such a time should be done: and all being of opinion, that the consul ought to protect the commonwealth by force of arms, Scaevola denied that he would do any thing by force. Then replied Scipio Nasica, "Because the consul, while he follows the course of law, does that which will bring both the law and all the Roman empire in jeopardy, I as a private person offer myself to take the lead according to the senate\'s will." Then wrapping his left hand in the upper part of his see also: Plutarch TGrac_19 }'' None |
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55. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.183, 1.340, 1.657, 1.725-1.734, 1.740-1.747, 2.35-2.39, 2.54-2.56, 4.2, 4.66, 4.77, 4.86-4.89, 4.101, 4.193, 4.260-4.265, 4.597, 6.853, 7.345-7.365, 8.643, 9.576, 10.143-10.145, 10.270-10.277
Tagged with subjects: • Dido, fidelity of • Divine being, Faith (fides) • Faith (belief, fidelity, trust), human • Fides • Fides / fides • Punic, dependability (Punica fides) • Punica fides • Punica fides, and manipulation of Carthaginian image • Silius Italicus fides in • Statius fides in the Achilleid,, fides in the Thebaid • fides definition of,, Punica
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267, 270, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 119, 190; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 179; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 102; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 132; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 15; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 114; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267, 270, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280
sup>
1.183 aut Capyn, aut celsis in puppibus arma Caici.
1.340 Imperium Dido Tyria regit urbe profecta,
1.657 At Cytherea novas artes, nova pectore versat
1.725 Fit strepitus tectis, vocemque per ampla volutant 1.726 atria; dependent lychni laquearibus aureis 1.728 Hic regina gravem gemmis auroque poposcit 1.729 implevitque mero pateram, quam Belus et omnes 1.730 a Belo soliti; tum facta silentia tectis: 1.731 Iuppiter, hospitibus nam te dare iura loquuntur, 1.732 hunc laetum Tyriisque diem Troiaque profectis 1.733 esse velis, nostrosque huius meminisse minores. 1.734 Adsit laetitiae Bacchus dator, et bona Iuno;
1.740 post alii proceres. Cithara crinitus Iopas 1.741 personat aurata, docuit quem maximus Atlas. 1.742 Hic canit errantem lunam solisque labores; 1.743 unde hominum genus et pecudes; unde imber et ignes; 1.744 Arcturum pluviasque Hyadas geminosque Triones; 1.745 quid tantum Oceano properent se tinguere soles 1.746 hiberni, vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet. 1.747 Ingemit plausu Tyrii, Troesque sequuntur.
2.35 At Capys, et quorum melior sententia menti, 2.36 aut pelago Danaum insidias suspectaque dona 2.37 praecipitare iubent, subiectisque urere flammis, 2.38 aut terebrare cavas uteri et temptare latebras. 2.39 Scinditur incertum studia in contraria volgus.
2.54 Et, si fata deum, si mens non laeva fuisset, 2.55 impulerat ferro Argolicas foedare latebras, 2.56 Troiaque, nunc stares, Priamique arx alta, maneres.
4.2 volnus alit venis, et caeco carpitur igni.
4.66 quid delubra iuvant? Est mollis flamma medullas
4.77 nunc eadem labente die convivia quaerit,
4.86 Non coeptae adsurgunt turres, non arma iuventus 4.87 exercet, portusve aut propugnacula bello 4.88 tuta parant; pendent opera interrupta, minaeque 4.89 murorum ingentes aequataque machina caelo.
4.101 ardet amans Dido, traxitque per ossa furorem.
4.193 nunc hiemem inter se luxu, quam longa, fovere
4.260 Aenean fundantem arces ac tecta novantem
4.261 conspicit; atque illi stellatus iaspide fulva
4.262 ensis erat, Tyrioque ardebat murice laena
4.263 demissa ex umeris, dives quae munera Dido
4.264 fecerat, et tenui telas discreverat auro.
4.265 Continuo invadit: Tu nunc Karthaginis altae
4.597 Tum decuit, cum sceptra dabas.—En dextra fidesque,
6.853 parcere subiectis, et debellare superbos.
7.345 femineae ardentem curaeque iraeque coquebant. 7.346 Huic dea caeruleis unum de crinibus anguem 7.347 conicit inque sinum praecordia ad intuma subdit, 7.348 quo furibunda domum monstro permisceat omnem. 7.349 Ille inter vestes et levia pectora lapsus 7.350 volvitur attactu nullo fallitque furentem, 7.351 vipeream inspirans animam: fit tortile collo 7.352 aurum ingens coluber, fit longae taenia vittae 7.353 innectitque comas, et membris lubricus errat. 7.354 Ac dum prima lues udo sublapsa veneno 7.355 pertemptat sensus atque ossibus implicat ignem 7.356 necdum animus toto percepit pectore flammam, 7.357 mollius et solito matrum de more locuta est, 7.358 multa super nata lacrimans Phrygiisque hymenaeis: 7.359 Exsulibusne datur ducenda Lavinia Teucris, 7.360 O genitor, nec te miseret gnataeque tuique ? 7.361 Nec matris miseret, quam primo aquilone relinquet 7.362 perfidus alta petens abducta virgine praedo? 7.363 An non sic Phrygius penetrat Lacedaemona pastor 7.364 Ledaeamque Helenam Troianas vexit ad urbes ? 7.365 Quid tua sancta fides, quid cura antiqua tuorum
8.643 distulerant, at tu dictis, Albane, maneres,
9.576 Privernum Capys. Hunc primo levis hasta Themillae
10.143 Adfuit et Mnestheus, quem pulsi pristina Turni 10.144 aggere moerorum sublimem gloria tollit, 10.145 et Capys: hinc nomen Campanae ducitur urbi.
10.270 Ardet apex capiti cristisque a vertice flamma 10.271 funditur et vastos umbo vomit aureus ignes: 10.272 non secus ac liquida siquando nocte cometae 10.273 sanguinei lugubre rubent aut Sirius ardor, 10.274 ille sitim morbosque ferens mortalibus aegris, 10.275 nascitur et laevo contristat lumine caelum. 10.276 Haud tamen audaci Turno fiducia cessit 10.277 litora praecipere et venientis pellere terra.' ' None | sup>
1.183 and bear your king this word! Not unto him
1.340 behold our navy vilely wrecked, because ' "
1.657 in night's first watch burst o'er them unawares " 1.725 had brought them hither; for a chosen few 1.726 from every ship had come to sue for grace, 1.728 The doors swung wide; and after access given 1.729 and leave to speak, revered Ilioneus 1.730 with soul serene these lowly words essayed: 1.731 “O Queen, who hast authority of Jove 1.732 to found this rising city, and subdue 1.733 with righteous goverce its people proud, 1.734 we wretched Trojans, blown from sea to sea,
1.740 uch haughty violence fits not the souls 1.741 of vanquished men. We journey to a land 1.742 named, in Greek syllables, Hesperia : 1.743 a storied realm, made mighty by great wars 1.744 and wealth of fruitful land; in former days ' "1.745 Oenotrians had it, and their sons, 't is said, " "1.746 have called it Italy, a chieftain's name " '1.747 to a whole region given. Thitherward
2.35 threw off her grief inveterate; all her gates 2.36 wung wide; exultant went we forth, and saw 2.37 the Dorian camp unteted, the siege 2.38 abandoned, and the shore without a keel. 2.39 “Here!” cried we, “the Dolopian pitched; the host
2.54 Then from the citadel, conspicuous, 2.55 Laocoon, with all his following choir, 2.56 hurried indigt down; and from afar
4.2 of love; and out of every pulsing vein
4.66 and what imperial city shall be thine,
4.77 a doubting mind with hope, and bade the blush
4.86 and poured it full between the lifted horns 4.87 of the white heifer; or on temple floors 4.88 he strode among the richly laden shrines, 4.89 the eyes of gods upon her, worshipping
4.101 through Cretan forest rashly wandering,
4.193 and fiercely champs the foam-flecked bridle-rein.
4.260 an equal number of vociferous tongues,
4.261 foul, whispering lips, and ears, that catch at all. ' "
4.262 At night she spreads midway 'twixt earth and heaven " 4.263 her pinions in the darkness, hissing loud, ' "
4.264 nor e'er to happy slumber gives her eyes: " 4.265 but with the morn she takes her watchful throne
4.597 ‘I was not with the Greeks what time they swore
6.853 Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests
7.345 forbid to wed. A son from alien shores ' "7.346 they prophesy for Latium 's heir, whose seed " '7.347 hall lift our glory to the stars divine. 7.348 I am persuaded this is none but he, 7.349 that man of destiny; and if my heart 7.350 be no false prophet, I desire it so.” 7.351 Thus having said, the sire took chosen steeds 7.352 from his full herd, whereof, well-groomed and fair, 7.353 three hundred stood within his ample pale. 7.354 of these to every Teucrian guest he gave 7.355 a courser swift and strong, in purple clad 7.356 and broidered housings gay; on every breast 7.357 hung chains of gold; in golden robes arrayed, 7.358 they champed the red gold curb their teeth between. 7.359 For offering to Aeneas, he bade send 7.360 a chariot, with chargers twain of seed 7.361 ethereal, their nostrils breathing fire: 7.362 the famous kind which guileful Circe bred, ' "7.363 cheating her sire, and mixed the sun-god's team " '7.364 with brood-mares earthly born. The sons of Troy, 7.365 uch gifts and greetings from Latinus bearing,
8.643 May Heaven requite them on his impious head
9.576 this way and that. But Nisus, fiercer still,
10.143 have goverce supreme, began reply; 10.144 deep silence at his word Olympus knew, ' "10.145 Earth's utmost cavern shook; the realms of light " 10.270 oft snow-white plumes, and spurning earth he soared 10.271 on high, and sped in music through the stars. 10.272 His son with bands of youthful peers urged on 10.273 a galley with a Centaur for its prow, ' "10.274 which loomed high o'er the waves, and seemed to hurl " '10.275 a huge stone at the water, as the keel 10.276 ploughed through the deep. Next Ocnus summoned forth 10.277 a war-host from his native shores, the son ' ' None |
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56. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.31-6.40
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 280; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 280
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6.31 and crying, “Why tie the fetters? loose me, boys; 6.32 enough for you to think you had the power; 6.33 now list the songs you wish for—songs for you, 6.34 another meed for her”—forthwith began. 6.35 Then might you see the wild things of the wood, 6.36 with Fauns in sportive frolic beat the time, 6.37 and stubborn oaks their branchy summits bow. 6.38 Not Phoebus doth the rude Parnassian crag 6.39 o ravish, nor Orpheus so entrance the height 6.40 of Rhodope or Ismarus: for he sang'' None |
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57. Vergil, Georgics, 4.523
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283
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4.523 Tum quoque marmorea caput a cervice revulsum'' None | sup>
4.523 The fetters, or in showery drops anon'' None |
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58. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Fides / fides
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 267, 275, 283, 284; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 267, 275, 283, 284
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