1. Herodotus, Histories, 5.92 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Pinheiro et al (2018) 85 | 5.92. These were the words of the Lacedaemonians, but their words were ill-received by the greater part of their allies. The rest then keeping silence, Socles, a Corinthian, said, ,“In truth heaven will be beneath the earth and the earth aloft above the heaven, and men will dwell in the sea and fishes where men dwelt before, now that you, Lacedaemonians, are destroying the rule of equals and making ready to bring back tyranny into the cities, tyranny, a thing more unrighteous and bloodthirsty than anything else on this earth. ,If indeed it seems to you to be a good thing that the cities be ruled by tyrants, set up a tyrant among yourselves first and then seek to set up such for the rest. As it is, however, you, who have never made trial of tyrants and take the greatest precautions that none will arise at Sparta, deal wrongfully with your allies. If you had such experience of that thing as we have, you would be more prudent advisers concerning it than you are now.” ,The Corinthian state was ordered in such manner as I will show.There was an oligarchy, and this group of men, called the Bacchiadae, held sway in the city, marrying and giving in marriage among themselves. Now Amphion, one of these men, had a crippled daughter, whose name was Labda. Since none of the Bacchiadae would marry her, she was wedded to Eetion son of Echecrates, of the township of Petra, a Lapith by lineage and of the posterity of Caeneus. ,When no sons were born to him by this wife or any other, he set out to Delphi to enquire concerning the matter of acquiring offspring. As soon as he entered, the Pythian priestess spoke these verses to him: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Eetion,worthy of honor, no man honors you. /l l Labda is with child, and her child will be a millstone /l l Which will fall upon the rulers and will bring justice to Corinth. /l /quote ,This oracle which was given to Eetion was in some way made known to the Bacchiadae. The earlier oracle sent to Corinth had not been understood by them, despite the fact that its meaning was the same as the meaning of the oracle of Eetion, and it read as follows: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" An eagle in the rocks has conceived, and will bring forth a lion, /l l Strong and fierce. The knees of many will it loose. /l l This consider well, Corinthians, /l l You who dwell by lovely Pirene and the overhanging heights of Corinth. /l /quote ,This earlier prophecy had been unintelligible to the Bacchiadae, but as soon as they heard the one which was given to Eetion, they understood it at once, recognizing its similarity with the oracle of Eetion. Now understanding both oracles, they kept quiet but resolved to do away with the offspring of Eetion. Then, as soon as his wife had given birth, they sent ten men of their clan to the township where Eetion dwelt to kill the child. ,These men came to Petra and passing into Eetion's courtyard, asked for the child. Labda, knowing nothing of the purpose of their coming and thinking that they wished to see the baby out of affection for its father, brought it and placed it into the hands of one of them. Now they had planned on their way that the first of them who received the child should dash it to the ground. ,When, however, Labda brought and handed over the child, by divine chance it smiled at the man who took it. This he saw, and compassion prevented him from killing it. Filled with pity, he handed it to a second, and this man again to a third.In fact it passed from hand to hand to each of the ten, for none would make an end of it. ,They then gave the child back to its mother, and after going out, they stood before the door reproaching and upbraiding one another, but chiefly him who had first received it since he had not acted in accordance with their agreement. Finally they resolved to go in again and all have a hand in the killing. ,Fate, however, had decreed that Eetion's offspring should be the source of ills for Corinth, for Labda, standing close to this door, heard all this. Fearing that they would change their minds and that they would take and actually kill the child, she took it away and hid it where she thought it would be hardest to find, in a chest, for she knew that if they returned and set about searching they would seek in every place—which in fact they did. ,They came and searched, but when they did not find it, they resolved to go off and say to those who had sent them that they had carried out their orders. They then went away and said this. ,Eetion's son, however, grew up, and because of his escape from that danger, he was called Cypselus, after the chest. When he had reached manhood and was seeking a divination, an oracle of double meaning was given him at Delphi. Putting faith in this, he made an attempt on Corinth and won it. ,The oracle was as follows: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" That man is fortunate who steps into my house, /l l Cypselus, son of Eetion, the king of noble Corinth, /l l He himself and his children, but not the sons of his sons. /l /quote Such was the oracle. Cypselus, however, when he had gained the tyranny, conducted himself in this way: many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he deprived of their wealth, and by far the most he had killed. ,After a reign of thirty years, he died in the height of prosperity, and was succeeded by his son Periander. Now Periander was to begin with milder than his father, but after he had held converse by messenger with Thrasybulus the tyrant of Miletus, he became much more bloodthirsty than Cypselus. ,He had sent a herald to Thrasybulus and inquired in what way he would best and most safely govern his city. Thrasybulus led the man who had come from Periander outside the town, and entered into a sown field. As he walked through the corn, continually asking why the messenger had come to him from Corinth, he kept cutting off all the tallest ears of wheat which he could see, and throwing them away, until he had destroyed the best and richest part of the crop. ,Then, after passing through the place and speaking no word of counsel, he sent the herald away. When the herald returned to Corinth, Periander desired to hear what counsel he brought, but the man said that Thrasybulus had given him none. The herald added that it was a strange man to whom he had been sent, a madman and a destroyer of his own possessions, telling Periander what he had seen Thrasybulus do. ,Periander, however, understood what had been done, and perceived that Thrasybulus had counselled him to slay those of his townsmen who were outstanding in influence or ability; with that he began to deal with his citizens in an evil manner. Whatever act of slaughter or banishment Cypselus had left undone, that Periander brought to accomplishment. In a single day he stripped all the women of Corinth naked, because of his own wife Melissa. ,Periander had sent messengers to the Oracle of the Dead on the river Acheron in Thesprotia to enquire concerning a deposit that a friend had left, but Melissa, in an apparition, said that she would tell him nothing, nor reveal where the deposit lay, for she was cold and naked. The garments, she said, with which Periander had buried with her had never been burnt, and were of no use to her. Then, as evidence for her husband that she spoke the truth, she added that Periander had put his loaves into a cold oven. ,When this message was brought back to Periander (for he had had intercourse with the dead body of Melissa and knew her token for true), immediately after the message he made a proclamation that all the Corinthian women should come out into the temple of Hera. They then came out as to a festival, wearing their most beautiful garments, and Periander set his guards there and stripped them all alike, ladies and serving-women, and heaped all the clothes in a pit, where, as he prayed to Melissa, he burnt them. ,When he had done this and sent a second message, the ghost of Melissa told him where the deposit of the friend had been laid. “This, then, Lacedaimonians, is the nature of tyranny, and such are its deeds. ,We Corinthians marvelled greatly when we saw that you were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel yet more at your words to us. We entreat you earnestly in the name of the gods of Hellas not to establish tyranny in the cities, but if you do not cease from so doing and unrighteously attempt to bring Hippias back, be assured that you are proceeding without the Corinthians' consent.” |
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| 2. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 66 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 292 |
| 3. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.5.127 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77 |
| 4. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.54 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 165 |
5. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 1.6.4, 2.1.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 166| 1.6.4. Quis fuit Marius, si illum suis inspexerimus maioribus? in septem consulatibus nihil habet clarius quam se auctorem. Pompeium si hereditariae extulissent imagines nemo Magnum dixisset. Seruium regem tulit Roma, in cuius uirtutibus humilitate nominis nihil est clarius. quid tibi uidentur illi ab aratro, qui paupertate sua beatam fecere rem publicam ? quemcumque uoluerimus reuolue nobilem: ad humilitatem peruenies. Quid recenseo singulos, cum hanc urbem possim tibi ostendere? nudi stetere colles, interque tam effusa moenia nihil est humili casa nobilius: fastigatis supra tectis auro puro fulgens praelucet Capitolium. potes obiurgare Romanos, quod humilitatem suam cum obscurare possint ostendunt et haec non putant magna, nisi apparuerit ex paruis surrexisse ? 2.1.5. omnium gentium populus cuius tantam felicitatem nemo miratur; merito potens est: nempe ab eius origine est qui non reliquit patrem. Egredientem te certe domum redeuntemque comitabor nec nisi in limine deseram: ero in publico filius. Amo aeque pauperiem quam patrem: utrique consueui. non possum agere in domo diuitis filium. Si carum tibi seruum uenderes, quaereres numquid saeuus emptor esset. Vnam mehercule horam qua tibi irato satisfaciam ter pluris omni patrimonio puto. hoc solum omnium quod sic me amittere cupis, satis amare non possum. Quid faciam adoptatus? loquar de filiis eius bene? | |
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6. Ovid, Fasti, 2.411, 3.183-3.188 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 165, 166| 2.411. arbor erat: remanent vestigia, quaeque vocatur 3.183. quae fuerit nostri, si quaeris, regia nati, 3.184. aspice de canna straminibusque domum. 3.185. in stipula placidi capiebat munera somni, 3.186. et tamen ex illo venit in astra toro. 3.187. iamque loco maius nomen Romanus habebat, 3.188. nec coniunx illi nec socer ullus erat. | 2.411. There was a tree: traces remain, which is now called 3.183. If you ask where my son’s palace was, 3.184. See there, that house made of straw and reeds. 3.185. He snatched the gifts of peaceful sleep on straw, 3.186. Yet from that same low bed he rose to the stars. 3.187. Already the Roman’s name extended beyond his city, 3.188. Though he possessed neither wife nor father-in-law. |
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| 7. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 8.136 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Davies (2004) 213 |
| 8. Livy, History, 1.4.5, 4.8.2, 5.53.8, 10.23.11-10.23.13, 22.1.15-22.1.20, 22.10.2-22.10.6, 22.57.2-22.57.7, 27.37.7-27.37.8, 31.12.1-31.12.5, 36.36, 40.59.6, 42.6.11, 42.20 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis •remus, and the ficus ruminalis •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Davies (2004) 205; Rutledge (2012) 165, 166, 289; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 290 |
9. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.79.8, 5.35.2, 5.39.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis •remus, and the ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77, 166, 289 | 1.79.8. Now there was not far off a holy place, arched over by a dense wood, and a hollow rock from which springs issued; the wood was said to be consecrated to Pan, and there was an altar there to that god. To this place, then, the wolf came and hid herself. The grove, to be sure, no longer remains, but the cave from which the spring flows is still pointed out, built up against the side of the Palatine hill on the road which leads to the Circus, and near it is a sacred precinct in which there is a statue commemorating the incident; it represents a she-wolf suckling two infants, the figures being in bronze and of ancient workmanship. This spot is said to have been a holy place of the Arcadians who formerly settled there with Evander. 5.35.2. In honour of Cloelia, the maiden, they ordered a bronze statue to be set up, which was erected accordingly by the fathers of the maidens on the Sacred Way, that leads to the Forum. This statue I found no longer standing; it was said to have been destroyed when a fire broke out in the adjacent houses. 5.39.4. Then for the first time the commonwealth, recovering from the defeat received at the hands of the Tyrrhenians, recovered its former spirit and dared as before to aim at the supremacy over its neighbours. The Romans decreed a triumph jointly to both the consuls, and, as a special gratification to one of them, Valerius, ordered that a site should be given him for his habitation on the best part of the Palatine Hill and that the cost of the building should be defrayed from the public treasury. The folding doors of this house, near which stands the brazen bull, are the only doors in Rome either of public or private buildings that open outwards. |
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| 10. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 2.1.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 166 |
11. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 8.6.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 292 | 8.6.34. These facts make catachresis (of which abuse is a correct translation) all the more necessary. By this term is meant the practice of adapting the nearest available term to describe something for which no actual term exists, as in the line "A horse they build by Pallas' art divine," or as in the expression found in tragedy, "To Aigaleus His sire bears funeral offerings," |
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| 12. Martial, Epigrams, 12.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77 |
| 13. Martial, Epigrams, 12.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77 |
| 14. Juvenal, Satires, 8.212-8.214 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 292 |
| 15. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 10.2.5, 10.5, 14.11, 15.77-15.78, 16.216, 16.235-16.237, 22.13, 34.29, 35.25 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Davies (2004) 216; Rutledge (2012) 77, 165, 215; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 230, 291 |
16. Plutarch, Romulus, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 165| 4.1. ἦν δὲ πλησίον ἐρινεός, ὃν Ῥωμινάλιον ἐκάλουν, ἢ διὰ τὸν Ῥωμύλον ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσιν, ἢ διὰ τὸ τὰ μηρυκώμενα τῶν θρεμμάτων ἐκεῖ διὰ τὴν σκιὰν ἐνδιάζειν, ἢ μάλιστα διὰ τὸν τῶν βρεφῶν θηλασμόν, ὅτι τήν τε θηλὴν ῥοῦμαν ὠνόμαζον οἱ παλαιοί, καὶ θεόν τινα τῆς ἐκτροφῆς τῶν νηπίων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι δοκοῦσαν ὀνομάζουσι Ῥουμῖναν, καὶ θύουσιν αὐτῇ νηφάλια, καὶ γάλα τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐπισπένδουσιν. | 4.1. Now there was a wild fig-tree hard by, which they called Ruminalis, either from Romulus, as is generally thought, or because cud-chewing, or ruminating , animals spent the noon-tide there for the sake of the shade, or best of all, from the suckling of the babes there; for the ancient Romans called the teat ruma, and a certain goddess, who is thought to preside over the rearing of young children, is still called Rumilia, in sacrificing to whom no wine is used, and libations of milk are poured over her victims. |
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17. Tacitus, Histories, 1.49.4, 1.50.4, 1.86, 2.30.2, 2.37, 2.38.5, 2.91.1, 3.56.1, 4.84-4.85 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Davies (2004) 205, 216, 220; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 230, 291, 297 | 1.86. Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess's hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno's chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people's minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes. 2.37. In certain authorities I find it stated that, prompted by their fear of war or by their disgust with both emperors, whose shameful wickedness was becoming better known and more notorious every day, the armies debated whether they should not give up fighting and either consult together themselves or allow the senate to choose an emperor. This, it is urged, was the reason why the generals on Otho's side advised delay, and it is said that Paulinus had great hope of being chosen, since he was the senior ex-consul and by his distinguished service had won fame and reputation in his British campaigns. Now while I can grant that there were a few who silently prayed for peace instead of civil strife, and who wished a good and upright emperor instead of the worst rascals alive, still I do not believe that Paulinus, with his practical good sense, ever hoped for such moderation on the part of the people in that most corrupt age that the very men whose passion for war had destroyed peace would now abandon war from love of peace. Nor can I think that the two armies, whose habits and speech were so different, could ever have come to such an agreement or that the lieutets and generals, most of whom were well aware of their own extravagance, poverty, and crimes, would ever have endured an emperor unless he was foul with vice and under obligations to them. 4.84. When the ambassadors reached Sinope, they delivered the gifts, requests, and messages of their king to Scydrothemis. He was all uncertainty, now fearing the god and again being terrified by the threats and opposition of his people; often he was tempted by the gifts and promises of the ambassadors. In the meantime three years passed during which Ptolemy did not lessen his zeal or his appeals; he increased the dignity of his ambassadors, the number of his ships, and the quantity of gold offered. Then a terrifying vision appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him not to hinder longer the purposes of the god: as he still hesitated, various disasters, diseases, and the evident anger of the gods, growing heavier from day to day, beset the king. He called an assembly of his people and made known to them the god's orders, the visions that had appeared to him and to Ptolemy, and the misfortunes that were multiplying upon them: the people opposed their king; they were jealous of Egypt, afraid for themselves, and so gathered about the temple of the god. At this point the tale becomes stranger, for tradition says that the god himself, voluntarily embarking on the fleet that was lying on the shore, miraculously crossed the wide stretch of sea and reached Alexandria in two days. A temple, befitting the size of the city, was erected in the quarter called Rhacotis; there had previously been on that spot an ancient shrine dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most popular account of the origin and arrival of the god. Yet I am not unaware that there are some who maintain that the god was brought from Seleucia in Syria in the reign of Ptolemy III; still others claim that the same Ptolemy introduced the god, but that the place from which he came was Memphis, once a famous city and the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many regard the god himself as identical with Aesculapius, because he cures the sick; some as Osiris, the oldest god among these peoples; still more identify him with Jupiter as the supreme lord of all things; the majority, however, arguing from the attributes of the god that are seen on his statue or from their own conjectures, hold him to be Father Dis. 4.85. But before Domitian and Mucianus reached the Alps, they received news of the success among the Treviri. The chief proof of their victory was given by the presence of the enemy's leader, Valentinus, who, never losing courage, continued to show by his looks the same spirit that he had always maintained. He was given an opportunity to speak, but solely that his questioners might judge of his nature; and he was condemned. While being executed, someone taunted him with the fact that his native country had been subdued, to which he replied that he found therein consolation for his own death. Mucianus now brought forward a proposal as if he had just thought of it, but which in reality he had long concealed. He urged that since, thanks to the gods' kindness, the enemy's strength has been broken, it would little become Domitian, now that war is almost over, to interfere in the glory of others. If the stability of the empire or the safety of Gaul were imperilled, then Caesar ought to take his place in the battle-line; but the Canninefates and the Batavi he should assign to inferior commanders. "You should," he added, "personally display the power and majesty of the imperial throne from close quarters at Lyons, not mixing yourself up with trifling tasks, but ready to deal with graver ones." |
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18. Tacitus, Annals, 3.55, 3.55.4, 4.1.1, 4.58.2, 6.22.1-6.22.4, 6.28, 6.28.1-6.28.6, 11.11, 11.15, 11.15.2, 12.27.1, 12.42.2, 12.43, 12.43.1-12.43.2, 12.64.1, 13.4.2, 13.5.1-13.5.2, 13.12.1-13.12.2, 13.17.2, 13.20.3, 13.24.1-13.24.2, 13.41.4, 13.57.3, 13.58, 13.58.1, 14.1.1, 14.1.3, 14.5.3, 14.6.1-14.6.2, 14.12.2-14.12.3, 14.22.1-14.22.3, 14.62.2, 15.22.2-15.22.4, 15.44.1-15.44.2, 15.47.1-15.47.3, 16.13.1-16.13.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis •tree portents, ficus ruminalis •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Davies (2004) 205, 213, 216, 220; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 165, 166; Rutledge (2012) 166; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 229, 230, 290, 291, 292, 295, 297, 298, 306| 3.55. Auditis Caesaris litteris remissa aedilibus talis cura; luxusque mensae a fine Actiaci belli ad ea arma quis Servius Galba rerum adeptus est per annos centum pro- fusis sumptibus exerciti paulatim exolevere. causas eius mutationis quaerere libet. dites olim familiae nobilium aut claritudine insignes studio magnificentiae prolabebantur. nam etiam tum plebem socios regna colere et coli licitum; ut quisque opibus domo paratu speciosus per nomen et clientelas inlustrior habebatur. postquam caedibus saevitum et magnitudo famae exitio erat, ceteri ad sapientiora convertere. simul novi homines e municipiis et coloniis atque etiam provinciis in senatum crebro adsumpti domesticam parsimoniam intulerunt, et quamquam fortuna vel industria plerique pecuniosam ad senectam pervenirent, mansit tamen prior animus. sed praecipuus adstricti moris auctor Vespasianus fuit, antiquo ipse cultu victuque. obsequium inde in principem et aemulandi amor validior quam poena ex legibus et metus. nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, ut quem ad modum temporum vices ita morum vertantur; nec omnia apud priores meliora, sed nostra quoque aetas multa laudis et artium imitanda posteris tulit. verum haec nobis in maiores certamina ex honesto maneant. 6.28. Paulo Fabio L. Vitellio consulibus post longum saeculorum ambitum avis phoenix in Aegyptum venit praebuitque materiem doctissimis indigenarum et Graecorum multa super eo miraculo disserendi. de quibus congruunt et plura ambigua, sed cognitu non absurda promere libet. sacrum Soli id animal et ore ac distinctu pinnarum a ceteris avibus diversum consentiunt qui formam eius effinxere: de numero annorum varia traduntur. maxime vulgatum quingentorum spatium: sunt qui adseverent mille quadringentos sexaginta unum interici, prioresque alites Sesoside primum, post Amaside domitibus, dein Ptolemaeo, qui ex Macedonibus tertius regnavit, in civitatem cui Heliopolis nomen advolavisse, multo ceterarum volucrum comitatu novam faciem mirantium. sed antiquitas quidem obscura: inter Ptolemaeum ac Tiberium minus ducenti quinquaginta anni fuerunt. unde non nulli falsum hunc phoenicem neque Arabum e terris credidere, nihilque usurpavisse ex his quae vetus memoria firmavit. confecto quippe annorum numero, ubi mors propinquet, suis in terris struere nidum eique vim genitalem adfundere ex qua fetum oriri; et primam adulto curam sepeliendi patris, neque id temere sed sublato murrae pondere temptatoque per longum iter, ubi par oneri, par meatui sit, subire patrium corpus inque Solis aram perferre atque adolere. haec incerta et fabulosis aucta: ceterum aspici aliquando in Aegypto eam volucrem non ambigitur. 11.11. Isdem consulibus ludi saeculares octingentesimo post Romam conditam, quarto et sexagesimo quam Augustus ediderat, spectati sunt. utriusque principis rationes praetermitto, satis narratas libris quibus res imperatoris Domitiani composui. nam is quoque edidit ludos saecularis iisque intentius adfui sacerdotio quindecimvirali praeditus ac tunc praetor; quod non iactantia refero sed quia collegio quindecimvirum antiquitus ea cura et magistratus potissimum exequebantur officia caerimoniarum. sedente Claudio circensibus ludis, cum pueri nobiles equis ludicrum Troiae inirent interque eos Britannicus imperatore genitus et L. Domitius adoptione mox in imperium et cognomentum Neronis adscitus, favor plebis acrior in Domitium loco praesagii acceptus est. vulgabaturque adfuisse infantiae eius dracones in modum custodum, fabulosa et externis miraculis adsimilata: nam ipse, haudquaquam sui detractor, unam omnino anguem in cubiculo visam narrare solitus est. 11.15. Rettulit deinde ad senatum super collegio haruspicum, ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per desidiam exolesceret: saepe adversis rei publicae temporibus accitos, quorum monitu redintegratas caerimonias et in posterum rectius habitas; primoresque Etruriae sponte aut patrum Romanorum impulsu retinuisse scientiam et in familias propagasse: quod nunc segnius fieri publica circa bonas artes socordia, et quia externae superstitiones valescant. et laeta quidem in praesens omnia, sed benignitati deum gratiam referendam, ne ritus sacrorum inter ambigua culti per prospera oblitterarentur. factum ex eo senatus consultum, viderent pontifices quae retinenda firmandaque haruspicum. 12.43. Multa eo anno prodigia evenere. insessum diris avibus Capitolium, crebris terrae motibus prorutae domus, ac dum latius metuitur, trepidatione vulgi invalidus quisque obtriti; frugum quoque egestas et orta ex eo fames in prodigium accipiebatur. nec occulti tantum questus, sed iura reddentem Claudium circumvasere clamoribus turbidis, pulsumque in extremam fori partem vi urgebant, donec militum globo infensos perrupit. quindecim dierum alimenta urbi, non amplius superfuisse constitit, magnaque deum benignitate et modestia hiemis rebus extremis subventum. at hercule olim Italia legionibus longinquas in provincias commeatus portabat, nec nunc infecunditate laboratur, sed Africam potius et Aegyptum exercemus, navibusque et casibus vita populi Romani permissa est. 13.58. Eodem anno Ruminalem arborem in comitio, quae octingentos et triginta ante annos Remi Romulique infantiam texerat, mortuis ramalibus et arescente trunco deminutam prodigii loco habitum est, donec in novos fetus revivesceret. | 3.55. When the Caesar's epistle had been read, the aediles were exempted from such a task; and spendthrift epicureanism, after being practised with extravagant prodigality throughout the century between the close of the Actian War and the struggle which placed Servius Galba on the throne, went gradually out of vogue. The causes of that change may well be investigated. Formerly aristocratic families of wealth or outstanding distinction were apt to be led to their downfall by a passion for magnificence. For it was still legitimate to court or be courted by the populace, by the provincials, by dependent princes; and the more handsome the fortune, the palace, the establishment of a man, the more imposing his reputation and his clientèle. After the merciless executions, when greatness of fame was death, the survivors turned to wiser paths. At the same time, the self-made men, repeatedly drafted into the senate from the municipalities and the colonies, and even from the provinces, introduced the plain-living habits of their own hearths; and although by good fortune or industry very many arrived at an old age of affluence, yet their prepossessions persisted to the end. But the main promoter of the stricter code was Vespasian, himself of the old school in his person and table. Thenceforward, deference to the sovereign and the love of emulating him proved more powerful than legal sanctions and deterrents. Or should we rather say there is a kind of cycle in all things â moral as well as seasonal revolutions? Nor, indeed, were all things better in the old time before us; but our own age too has produced much in the sphere of true nobility and much in that of art which posterity well may imitate. In any case, may the honourable competition of our present with our past long remain! 6.28. In the consulate of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long period of ages, the bird known as the phoenix visited Egypt, and supplied the learned of that country and of Greece with the material for long disquisitions on the miracle. I propose to state the points on which they coincide, together with the larger number that are dubious, yet not too absurd for notice. That the creature is sacred to the sun and distinguished from other birds by its head and the variegation of its plumage, is agreed by those who have depicted its form: as to its term of years, the tradition varies. The generally received number is five hundred; but there are some who assert that its visits fall at intervals of 1461 years, and that it was in the reigns, first of Sesosis, then of Amasis, and finally of Ptolemy (third of the Macedonian dynasty), that the three earlier phoenixes flew to the city called Heliopolis with a great escort of common birds amazed at the novelty of their appearance. But while antiquity is obscure, between Ptolemy and Tiberius there were less than two hundred and fifty years: whence the belief has been held that this was a spurious phoenix, not originating on the soil of Arabia, and following none of the practices affirmed by ancient tradition. For â so the tale is told â when its sum of years is complete and death is drawing on, it builds a nest in its own country and sheds on it a procreative influence, from which springs a young one, whose first care on reaching maturity is to bury his sire. Nor is that task performed at random, but, after raising a weight of myrrh and proving it by a far flight, so soon as he is a match for his burden and the course before him, he lifts up his father's corpse, conveys him to the Altar of the Sun, and consigns him to the flames. â The details are uncertain and heightened by fable; but that the bird occasionally appears in Egypt is unquestioned. 12.43. Many prodigies occurred during the year. Ominous birds took their seat on the Capitol; houses were overturned by repeated shocks of earthquake, and, as the panic spread, the weak were trampled underfoot in the trepidation of the crowd. A shortage of corn, again, and the famine which resulted, were construed as a supernatural warning. Nor were the complaints always whispered. Claudius, sitting in judgement, was surrounded by a wildly clamorous mob, and, driven into the farthest corner of the Forum, was there subjected to violent pressure, until, with the help of a body of troops, he forced a way through the hostile throng. It was established that the capital had provisions for fifteen days, no more; and the crisis was relieved only by the especial grace of the gods and the mildness of the winter. And yet, Heaven knows, in the past, Italy exported supplies for the legions into remote provinces; nor is sterility the trouble now, but we cultivate Africa and Egypt by preference, and the life of the Roman nation has been staked upon cargo-boats and accidents. 13.58. In the same year, the tree in the Comitium, known as the Ruminalis, which eight hundred and thirty years earlier had sheltered the infancy of Remus and Romulus, through the death of its boughs and the withering of its stem, reached a stage of decrepitude which was regarded as a portent, until it renewed its verdure in fresh shoots. |
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| 19. Tacitus, Agricola, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Davies (2004) 216 |
| 20. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 16.1-16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77 |
| 21. Suetonius, Nero, 34.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Pinheiro et al (2018) 85; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 292 |
| 22. Suetonius, Domitianus, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77 |
| 23. Suetonius, Augustus, 31.5, 33.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 292 |
| 24. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 9.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 166 |
25. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 44.6.3, 48.43.4, 54.29.8, 55.10.3, 58.27.1, 63.16, 72.31 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis •rome, ficus ruminalis •remus, and the ficus ruminalis Found in books: Davies (2004) 216; Pinheiro et al (2018) 85; Rutledge (2012) 77, 166, 289; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 230 | 44.6.3. When he showed himself pleased with these honours also, they accordingly voted that his golden chair and his crown set with precious gems and overlaid with gold should be carried into the theatres in the same manner as those of the gods, and that on the occasion of the games in the Circus his chariot should be brought in. 48.43.4. Now many events of a portentous nature had occurred even before this, such as the spouting of olive oil on the bank of the Tiber, and many also at this time. Thus the hut of Romulus was burned as a result of some ritual which the pontifices were performing in it; a statue of Virtus, which stood before one of the gates, fell upon its face, and certain persons, becoming inspired by the Mother of the Gods, declared that the goddess was angry with them. 54.29.8. The star called the comet hung for several days over the city and was finally dissolved into flashes resembling torches. Many buildings in the city were destroyed by fire, among them the hut of Romulus, which was set ablaze by crows which dropped upon it burning meat from some altar. 55.10.3. that the senate should take its votes there in regard to the granting of triumphs, and that the victors after celebrating them should dedicate to this Mars their sceptre and their crown; that such victors and all others who receive triumphal honours should have their statues in bronze erected in the Forum; 58.27.1. And if Egyptian affairs touch Roman interests at all, it may be mentioned that the phoenix was seen that year. All these events were thought to foreshadow the death of Tiberius. Thrasyllus, indeed, did die at this very time, and the emperor himself died in the following spring, in the consulship of Gnaeus Proculus and Pontius Nigrinus. |
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| 26. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 165 |
| 27. Gellius, Attic Nights, 9.11.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77 |
28. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.99 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Pinheiro et al (2018) 85 | 1.99. Neanthes of Cyzicus also says this, and adds that they were near relations. And Aristotle maintains that the Corinthian Periander was the sage; while Plato denies this.His apophthegm is: Practice makes perfect. He planned a canal across the Isthmus.A letter of his is extant:Periander to the Wise MenVery grateful am I to the Pythian Apollo that I found you gathered together; and my letters will also bring you to Corinth, where, as you know, I will give you a thoroughly popular reception. I learn that last year you met in Sardis at the Lydian court. Do not hesitate therefore to come to me, the ruler of Corinth. The Corinthians will be pleased to see you coming to the house of Periander.Periander to Procle |
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| 29. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Al. Sev., 25.9, 26.4, 26.8, 28.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77 |
| 30. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 6.230, 8.90 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77, 165, 215 |
| 31. Justinian, Digest, 48.9 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Shannon-Henderson (2019) 292 |
32. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.654 Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 166 | 8.654. to the Rutulian land, to find defence |
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| 33. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 1.21-1.26 Tagged with subjects: •rome, ficus ruminalis Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 77 |
| 34. Suetonius, Ann., 13.45.1, 13.58, 14.52.1 Tagged with subjects: •ficus ruminalis Found in books: Pinheiro et al (2018) 85 |
