|1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 16.16 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • offering, designation of, in Jewish festivals
Found in books: Feldman, Goldman and Dimant (2014), Scripture and Interpretation: Qumran Texts That Rework the Bible 192; Petropoulou (2012), Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200, 198
16.16 שָׁלוֹשׁ פְּעָמִים בַּשָּׁנָה יֵרָאֶה כָל־זְכוּרְךָ אֶת־פְּנֵי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בַּמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר יִבְחָר בְּחַג הַמַּצּוֹת וּבְחַג הַשָּׁבֻעוֹת וּבְחַג הַסֻּכּוֹת וְלֹא יֵרָאֶה אֶת־פְּנֵי יְהוָה רֵיקָם׃'' None
16.16 Three times in a year shall all thy males appear before the LORD thy God in the place which He shall choose; on the feast of unleavened bread, and on the feast of weeks, and on the feast of tabernacles; and they shall not appear before the LORD empty;'' None
|2. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 13.3, 29.38-29.43, 34.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • Festivals, Private • Festivals/Feasts • festivals and fasts • festivals, and Tamid Service
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 122; Feldman, Goldman and Dimant (2014), Scripture and Interpretation: Qumran Texts That Rework the Bible 62; Reif (2006), Problems with Prayers: Studies in the Textual History of Early Rabbinic Liturgy, 116; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 31, 32; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 200, 206
13.3 וַיֹּאמֶר מֹשֶׁה אֶל־הָעָם זָכוֹר אֶת־הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה אֲשֶׁר יְצָאתֶם מִמִּצְרַיִם מִבֵּית עֲבָדִים כִּי בְּחֹזֶק יָד הוֹצִיא יְהֹוָה אֶתְכֶם מִזֶּה וְלֹא יֵאָכֵל חָמֵץ׃
29.38 וְזֶה אֲשֶׁר תַּעֲשֶׂה עַל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ כְּבָשִׂים בְּנֵי־שָׁנָה שְׁנַיִם לַיּוֹם תָּמִיד׃ 29.39 אֶת־הַכֶּבֶשׂ הָאֶחָד תַּעֲשֶׂה בַבֹּקֶר וְאֵת הַכֶּבֶשׂ הַשֵּׁנִי תַּעֲשֶׂה בֵּין הָעַרְבָּיִם׃' '29.41 וְאֵת הַכֶּבֶשׂ הַשֵּׁנִי תַּעֲשֶׂה בֵּין הָעַרְבָּיִם כְּמִנְחַת הַבֹּקֶר וּכְנִסְכָּהּ תַּעֲשֶׂה־לָּהּ לְרֵיחַ נִיחֹחַ אִשֶּׁה לַיהוָה׃ 29.42 עֹלַת תָּמִיד לְדֹרֹתֵיכֶם פֶּתַח אֹהֶל־מוֹעֵד לִפְנֵי יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר אִוָּעֵד לָכֶם שָׁמָּה לְדַבֵּר אֵלֶיךָ שָׁם׃ 29.43 וְנֹעַדְתִּי שָׁמָּה לִבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְנִקְדַּשׁ בִּכְבֹדִי׃
34.15 פֶּן־תִּכְרֹת בְּרִית לְיוֹשֵׁב הָאָרֶץ וְזָנוּ אַחֲרֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶם וְזָבְחוּ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם וְקָרָא לְךָ וְאָכַלְתָּ מִזִּבְחוֹ׃'' None
13.3 And Moses said unto the people: ‘Remember this day, in which ye came out from Egypt, out of the house of bondage; for by strength of hand the LORD brought you out from this place; there shall no leavened bread be eaten.
29.38 Now this is that which thou shalt offer upon the altar: two lambs of the first year day by day continually. 29.39 The one lamb thou shalt offer in the morning; and the other lamb thou shalt offer at dusk. 29.40 And with the one lamb a tenth part of an ephah of fine flour mingled with the fourth part of a hin of beaten oil; and the fourth part of a hin of wine for a drink-offering. 29.41 And the other lamb thou shalt offer at dusk, and shalt do thereto according to the meal-offering of the morning, and according to the drink-offering thereof, for a sweet savour, an offering made by fire unto the LORD. 29.42 It shall be a continual burnt-offering throughout your generations at the door of the tent of meeting before the LORD, where I will meet with you, to speak there unto thee. 29.43 And there I will meet with the children of Israel; and the Tent shall be sanctified by My glory.
34.15 lest thou make a covet with the inhabitants of the land, and they go astray after their gods, and do sacrifice unto their gods, and they call thee, and thou eat of their sacrifice;'' None
|3. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 23.16, 23.40, 23.43 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival of Booths • Festival of Tabernacles • Impression of Dionysiac Festival • Shavuot (Pentecost, Festival of Weeks) • Weber, Max, Weeks, Festival of • enthronement festival, • festival • intermediate days (of festivals)
Found in books: Buster (2022), Remembering the Story of Israel Historical Summaries and Memory Formation in Second Temple Judaism. 193; Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 101; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 538; Neusner (2004), The Idea of History in Rabbinic Judaism, 293; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 311; Rubenstein(1995), The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods, 25, 28; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 378; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 48
23.16 עַד מִמָּחֳרַת הַשַּׁבָּת הַשְּׁבִיעִת תִּסְפְּרוּ חֲמִשִּׁים יוֹם וְהִקְרַבְתֶּם מִנְחָה חֲדָשָׁה לַיהוָה׃' 23.43 לְמַעַן יֵדְעוּ דֹרֹתֵיכֶם כִּי בַסֻּכּוֹת הוֹשַׁבְתִּי אֶת־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּהוֹצִיאִי אוֹתָם מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם אֲנִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃'' None
23.16 even unto the morrow after the seventh week shall ye number fifty days; and ye shall present a new meal-offering unto the LORD.
23.40 And ye shall take you on the first day the fruit of goodly trees, branches of palm-trees, and boughs of thick trees, and willows of the brook, and ye shall rejoice before the LORD your God seven days.
23.43 that your generations may know that I made the children of Israel to dwell in booths, when I brought them out of the land of Egypt: I am the LORD your God.' ' None
|4. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 28.1-28.8, 29.35 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Death, festival considerations • Festival of Tabernacles • festivals • festivals and fasts • festivals, and Tamid Service
Found in books: Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 100; Neusner (2001), The Theology of Halakha, 363; Neusner (2004), The Idea of History in Rabbinic Judaism, 293; Reif (2006), Problems with Prayers: Studies in the Textual History of Early Rabbinic Liturgy, 266; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 32
28.1 וַיְדַבֵּר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה לֵּאמֹר׃
28.1 עֹלַת שַׁבַּת בְּשַׁבַּתּוֹ עַל־עֹלַת הַתָּמִיד וְנִסְכָּהּ׃ 28.2 וּמִנְחָתָם סֹלֶת בְּלוּלָה בַשָּׁמֶן שְׁלֹשָׁה עֶשְׂרֹנִים לַפָּר וּשְׁנֵי עֶשְׂרֹנִים לָאַיִל תַּעֲשׂוּ׃ 28.2 צַו אֶת־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאָמַרְתָּ אֲלֵהֶם אֶת־קָרְבָּנִי לַחְמִי לְאִשַּׁי רֵיחַ נִיחֹחִי תִּשְׁמְרוּ לְהַקְרִיב לִי בְּמוֹעֲדוֹ׃ 28.3 וְאָמַרְתָּ לָהֶם זֶה הָאִשֶּׁה אֲשֶׁר תַּקְרִיבוּ לַיהוָה כְּבָשִׂים בְּנֵי־שָׁנָה תְמִימִם שְׁנַיִם לַיּוֹם עֹלָה תָמִיד׃ 28.3 שְׂעִיר עִזִּים אֶחָד לְכַפֵּר עֲלֵיכֶם׃ 28.4 אֶת־הַכֶּבֶשׂ אֶחָד תַּעֲשֶׂה בַבֹּקֶר וְאֵת הַכֶּבֶשׂ הַשֵּׁנִי תַּעֲשֶׂה בֵּין הָעַרְבָּיִם׃ 28.5 וַעֲשִׂירִית הָאֵיפָה סֹלֶת לְמִנְחָה בְּלוּלָה בְּשֶׁמֶן כָּתִית רְבִיעִת הַהִין׃ 28.6 עֹלַת תָּמִיד הָעֲשֻׂיָה בְּהַר סִינַי לְרֵיחַ נִיחֹחַ אִשֶּׁה לַיהוָה׃ 28.7 וְנִסְכּוֹ רְבִיעִת הַהִין לַכֶּבֶשׂ הָאֶחָד בַּקֹּדֶשׁ הַסֵּךְ נֶסֶךְ שֵׁכָר לַיהוָה׃ 28.8 וְאֵת הַכֶּבֶשׂ הַשֵּׁנִי תַּעֲשֶׂה בֵּין הָעַרְבָּיִם כְּמִנְחַת הַבֹּקֶר וּכְנִסְכּוֹ תַּעֲשֶׂה אִשֵּׁה רֵיחַ נִיחֹחַ לַיהוָה׃
29.35 בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁמִינִי עֲצֶרֶת תִּהְיֶה לָכֶם כָּל־מְלֶאכֶת עֲבֹדָה לֹא תַעֲשׂוּ׃'' None
28.1 And the LORD spoke unto Moses, saying: 28.2 Command the children of Israel, and say unto them: My food which is presented unto Me for offerings made by fire, of a sweet savour unto Me, shall ye observe to offer unto Me in its due season. 28.3 And thou shalt say unto them: This is the offering made by fire which ye shall bring unto the LORD: he-lambs of the first year without blemish, two day by day, for a continual burnt-offering. 28.4 The one lamb shalt thou offer in the morning, and the other lamb shalt thou offer at dusk; 28.5 and the tenth part of an ephah of fine flour for a meal-offering, mingled with the fourth part of a hin of beaten oil. 28.6 It is a continual burnt-offering, which was offered in mount Sinai, for a sweet savour, an offering made by fire unto the LORD. 28.7 And the drink-offering thereof shall be the fourth part of a hin for the one lamb; in the holy place shalt thou pour out a drink-offering of strong drink unto the LORD. 28.8 And the other lamb shalt thou present at dusk; as the meal-offering of the morning, and as the drink-offering thereof, thou shalt present it, an offering made by fire, of a sweet savour unto the LORD.
29.35 On the eighth day ye shall have a solemn assembly: ye shall do no manner of servile work;'' None
|5. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Martyrdom of Dasius disrupting festival to Saturn • festivals, and Tamid Service • intermediate days (of festivals)
Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 538; Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 59; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 22
|6. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • festivals, and Tamid Service • festivities
Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 174; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 249
|7. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 40.3, 54.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival of Tabernacles • Festus • festivals, non-Christian, in rabbinic literature • prayer, Festival
Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2018), Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud, 111; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 59; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 161; Neusner (2004), The Idea of History in Rabbinic Judaism, 293
40.3 וְיִעֲפוּ נְעָרִים וְיִגָעוּ וּבַחוּרִים כָּשׁוֹל יִכָּשֵׁלוּ׃
40.3 קוֹל קוֹרֵא בַּמִּדְבָּר פַּנּוּ דֶּרֶךְ יְהוָה יַשְּׁרוּ בָּעֲרָבָה מְסִלָּה לֵאלֹהֵינוּ׃
54.1 כִּי הֶהָרִים יָמוּשׁוּ וְהַגְּבָעוֹת תְּמוּטֶנָה וְחַסְדִּי מֵאִתֵּךְ לֹא־יָמוּשׁ וּבְרִית שְׁלוֹמִי לֹא תָמוּט אָמַר מְרַחֲמֵךְ יְהוָה׃54.1 רָנִּי עֲקָרָה לֹא יָלָדָה פִּצְחִי רִנָּה וְצַהֲלִי לֹא־חָלָה כִּי־רַבִּים בְּנֵי־שׁוֹמֵמָה מִבְּנֵי בְעוּלָה אָמַר יְהוָה׃ ' None
40.3 Hark! one calleth: ‘Clear ye in the wilderness the way of the LORD, make plain in the desert a highway for our God.
54.1 Sing, O barren, thou that didst not bear, Break forth into singing, and cry aloud, thou that didst not travail; For more are the children of the desolate Than the children of the married wife, saith the LORD.'' None
|8. Hesiod, Works And Days, 123, 126, 156-173, 336, 465-469, 504, 564-570, 582-596, 619-620, 650 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Athens, Dionysus and Dionysian festivals in • Dionysus, festivals associated with • Night Festival (Pergamum) • Prometheus, festival • Theopompus, and festivals • afterlife lots, bliss and festivities • agricultural cycle and festival cycle • cultic ritual practice, calendars and festivals • festival, • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Lenaia • festivals, Theopompus on • proper respect for gods, through festivals
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 100, 105, 108; Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 299, 539; Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 368; Edmonds (2004), Myths of the Underworld Journey: Plato, Aristophanes, and the ‘Orphic’ Gold Tablets, 86; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 153, 537, 541; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 34; Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 23, 154; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 197; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 300
123 ἐσθλοί, ἀλεξίκακοι, φύλακες θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων,126 πλουτοδόται· καὶ τοῦτο γέρας βασιλήιον ἔσχον—,
156 αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτο γένος κατὰ γαῖʼ ἐκάλυψεν, 157 αὖτις ἔτʼ ἄλλο τέταρτον ἐπὶ χθονὶ πουλυβοτείρῃ 158 Ζεὺς Κρονίδης ποίησε, δικαιότερον καὶ ἄρειον, 159 ἀνδρῶν ἡρώων θεῖον γένος, οἳ καλέονται 160 ἡμίθεοι, προτέρη γενεὴ κατʼ ἀπείρονα γαῖαν. 161 καὶ τοὺς μὲν πόλεμός τε κακὸς καὶ φύλοπις αἰνή, 162 τοὺς μὲν ὑφʼ ἑπταπύλῳ Θήβῃ, Καδμηίδι γαίῃ, 163 ὤλεσε μαρναμένους μήλων ἕνεκʼ Οἰδιπόδαο, 164 τοὺς δὲ καὶ ἐν νήεσσιν ὑπὲρ μέγα λαῖτμα θαλάσσης 165 ἐς Τροίην ἀγαγὼν Ἑλένης ἕνεκʼ ἠυκόμοιο. 166 ἔνθʼ ἤτοι τοὺς μὲν θανάτου τέλος ἀμφεκάλυψε, 167 τοῖς δὲ δίχʼ ἀνθρώπων βίοτον καὶ ἤθεʼ ὀπάσσας 168 Ζεὺς Κρονίδης κατένασσε πατὴρ ἐς πείρατα γαίης. 169 Πέμπτον δʼ αὖτις ἔτʼ ἄ λλο γένος θῆκʼ εὐρύοπα Ζεὺς 169 ἀνδρῶν, οἳ γεγάασιν ἐπὶ χθονὶ πουλυβοτείρῃ. 169 τοῖσι δʼ ὁμῶς ν εάτοις τιμὴ καὶ κῦδος ὀπηδεῖ. 169 τοῦ γὰρ δεσμὸ ν ἔλυσε πα τὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε θεῶν τε. 169 τηλοῦ ἀπʼ ἀθανάτων· τοῖσιν Κρόνος ἐμβασιλεύει. 170 καὶ τοὶ μὲν ναίουσιν ἀκηδέα θυμὸν ἔχοντες 171 ἐν μακάρων νήσοισι παρʼ Ὠκεανὸν βαθυδίνην, 172 ὄλβιοι ἥρωες, τοῖσιν μελιηδέα καρπὸν 173 τρὶς ἔτεος θάλλοντα φέρει ζείδωρος ἄρουρα.
336 κὰδ δύναμιν δʼ ἔρδειν ἱέρʼ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσιν
465 εὔχεσθαι δὲ Διὶ χθονίῳ Δημήτερί θʼ ἁγνῇ, 466 ἐκτελέα βρίθειν Δημήτερος ἱερὸν ἀκτήν, 467 ἀρχόμενος τὰ πρῶτʼ ἀρότου, ὅτʼ ἂν ἄκρον ἐχέτλης 468 χειρὶ λαβὼν ὅρπηκα βοῶν ἐπὶ νῶτον ἵκηαι 469 ἔνδρυον ἑλκόντων μεσάβων. ὁ δὲ τυτθὸς ὄπισθε
504 μῆνα δὲ Ληναιῶνα, κάκʼ ἤματα, βουδόρα πάντα,
564 εὖτʼ ἂν δʼ ἑξήκοντα μετὰ τροπὰς ἠελίοιο 565 χειμέριʼ ἐκτελέσῃ Ζεὺς ἤματα, δή ῥα τότʼ ἀστὴρ 566 Ἀρκτοῦρος προλιπὼν ἱερὸν ῥόον Ὠκεανοῖο 567 πρῶτον παμφαίνων ἐπιτέλλεται ἀκροκνέφαιος. 568 τὸν δὲ μέτʼ ὀρθογόη Πανδιονὶς ὦρτο χελιδὼν 569 ἐς φάος ἀνθρώποις, ἔαρος νέον ἱσταμένοιο. 570 τὴν φθάμενος οἴνας περταμνέμεν· ὣς γὰρ ἄμεινον.
582 ἦμος δὲ σκόλυμός τʼ ἀνθεῖ καὶ ἠχέτα τέττιξ 583 δενδρέῳ ἐφεζόμενος λιγυρὴν καταχεύετʼ ἀοιδὴν 584 πυκνὸν ὑπὸ πτερύγων, θέρεος καματώδεος ὥρῃ, 585 τῆμος πιόταταί τʼ αἶγες καὶ οἶνος ἄριστος, 586 μαχλόταται δὲ γυναῖκες, ἀφαυρότατοι δέ τοι ἄνδρες 587 εἰσίν, ἐπεὶ κεφαλὴν καὶ γούνατα Σείριος ἄζει, 588 αὐαλέος δέ τε χρὼς ὑπὸ καύματος· ἀλλὰ τότʼ ἤδη 589 εἴη πετραίη τε σκιὴ καὶ βίβλινος οἶνος, 590 μάζα τʼ ἀμολγαίη γάλα τʼ αἰγῶν σβεννυμενάων, 591 καὶ βοὸς ὑλοφάγοιο κρέας μή πω τετοκυίης 592 πρωτογόνων τʼ ἐρίφων· ἐπὶ δʼ αἴθοπα πινέμεν οἶνον, 593 ἐν σκιῇ ἑζόμενον, κεκορημένον ἦτορ ἐδωδῆς, 594 ἀντίον ἀκραέος Ζεφύρου τρέψαντα πρόσωπα, 595 κρήνης τʼ αἰενάου καὶ ἀπορρύτου, ἥτʼ ἀθόλωτος, 596 τρὶς ὕδατος προχέειν, τὸ δὲ τέτρατον ἱέμεν οἴνου.
619 εὖτʼ ἂν Πληιάδες σθένος ὄβριμον Ὠαρίωνος 620 φεύγουσαι πίπτωσιν ἐς ἠεροειδέα πόντον,
650 οὐ γάρ πώ ποτε νηί γʼ ἐπέπλων εὐρέα πόντον, ' None
123 In plenty, while in death they seemed subdued126 They lived, with countless flocks of sheep, at ease
156 It was self-slaughter – they descended to 157 Chill Hades’ mouldy house, without a name. 158 Yes, black death took them off, although they’d been 159 Impetuous, and they the sun’s bright flame 160 Would see no more, nor would this race be seen 161 Themselves, screened by the earth. Cronus’ son then 162 Fashioned upon the lavish land one more, 163 The fourth, more just and brave – of righteous men, 164 Called demigods. It was the race before 165 Our own upon the boundless earth. Foul war 166 And dreadful battles vanquished some of these, 167 While some in Cadmus’ Thebes, while looking for 168 The flocks of Oedipus, found death. The sea 169 Took others as they crossed to Troy fight 170 For fair-tressed Helen. They were screened as well 171 In death. Lord Zeus arranged it that they might 172 Live far from others. Thus they came to dwell, 173 Carefree, among the blessed isles, content
336 Should not be seized – god-sent, it’s better far.
465 In conflict in the furrows nor will break 466 The plough or leave the work undone. And now 467 A forty-year-old stalwart you should take 468 Who will, before he ventures out to plough, 469 Consume a quartered, eight-slice loaf, one who,
504 These steps, your fields of corn shall surely teem
564 The house, when in his cold and dreadful place 565 The Boneless gnaws his foot (the sun won’t show 566 Him pastures but rotate around the land 567 of black men and for all the Greeks is slow 568 To brighten). That’s the time the hornèd and 569 The unhorned beasts of the wood flee to the brush, 570 Teeth all a-chatter, with one thought in mind –
582 Be stoutly shod with ox-hide boots which you 583 Must line with felt. In winter have a care 584 To sew two young kids’ hides to the sinew 585 of an ox to keep the downpour from your back, 586 A knit cap for your head to keep your ear 587 From getting wet. It’s freezing at the crack 588 of dawn, which from the starry sky appear 589 When Boreas drops down: then is there spread 590 A fruitful mist upon the land which fall 591 Upon the blessed fields and which is fed 592 By endless rivers, raised on high by squalls. 593 Sometimes it rains at evening, then again, 594 When the thickly-compressed clouds are animated 595 By Thracian Boreas, it blows hard. Then 596 It is the time, having anticipated
619 One’s skin. Bring in your crops and don’t be slow. 620 Rise early to secure your food supply.
650 of your sharp-toothed dog; do not scant his meat ' None
|9. Homer, Iliad, 6.132-6.133, 6.300, 7.475-7.482, 15.254, 18.570, 24.171 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysus, festivals associated with • Festival • burial, state festival • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Panathenaia • insomnia, and festivities • trieteric festivals • yearly festivals
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 22, 23, 24; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 14, 102, 106, 126, 241; Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 171; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 157; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 636; Lyons (1997), Gender and Immortality: Heroines in Ancient Greek Myth and Cult, 49; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 297; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 22, 23, 24
6.132 ὅς ποτε μαινομένοιο Διωνύσοιο τιθήνας 6.133 σεῦε κατʼ ἠγάθεον Νυσήϊον· αἳ δʼ ἅμα πᾶσαι
6.300 τὴν γὰρ Τρῶες ἔθηκαν Ἀθηναίης ἱέρειαν.
7.475 ἄλλοι δʼ ἀνδραπόδεσσι· τίθεντο δὲ δαῖτα θάλειαν. 7.476 παννύχιοι μὲν ἔπειτα κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαιοὶ 7.477 δαίνυντο, Τρῶες δὲ κατὰ πτόλιν ἠδʼ ἐπίκουροι· 7.478 παννύχιος δέ σφιν κακὰ μήδετο μητίετα Ζεὺς 7.479 σμερδαλέα κτυπέων· τοὺς δὲ χλωρὸν δέος ᾕρει· 7.480 οἶνον δʼ ἐκ δεπάων χαμάδις χέον, οὐδέ τις ἔτλη 7.481 πρὶν πιέειν πρὶν λεῖψαι ὑπερμενέϊ Κρονίωνι. 7.482 κοιμήσαντʼ ἄρʼ ἔπειτα καὶ ὕπνου δῶρον ἕλοντο.
15.254 θάρσει νῦν· τοῖόν τοι ἀοσσητῆρα Κρονίων
18.570 ἱμερόεν κιθάριζε, λίνον δʼ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδε
24.171 θάρσει Δαρδανίδη Πρίαμε φρεσί, μὴ δέ τι τάρβει·'' None
6.132 Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus.
6.300 for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus:
7.475 and some for slaves; and they made them a rich feast. So the whole night through the long-haired Achaeans feasted, and the Trojans likewise in the city, and their allies; and all night long Zeus, the counsellor, devised them evil, thundering in terrible wise. Then pale fear gat hold of them, 7.480 and they let the wine flow from their cups upon the ground, neither durst any man drink until he had made a drink-offering to the son of Cronos, supreme in might. Then they laid them down, and took the gift of sleep.
15.254 on the breast with a stone, and made me cease from my furious might? Aye, and I deemed that on this day I should behold the dead and the house of Hades, when I had gasped forth my life. Then spake to him again the lord Apollo, that worketh afar:Be now of good cheer, so mighty a helper hath the son of Cronos
18.570 and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin,
24.171 oftly she uttered her voice, yet trembling gat hold of his himbs:Be of good courage, O Priam, son of Dardanus, and fear thou not at all. Not to forbode any evil to thee am I come hither, but with good intent. I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. '' None
|10. Homeric Hymns, To Aphrodite, 117 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • festival,
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 540; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 56
117 Nurtured me from a child, and that is why'' None
|11. Homeric Hymns, To Demeter, 120, 268, 272 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • festival • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • trieteric festivals • yearly festivals
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 241; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 23; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 56, 59
120 That garland-loving Aphrodite brings,268 Right there. He grew like an immortal, for
272 With ambrosia as though he were the kin ' None
|12. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Artemis (goddess), Laphria festival • afterlife lots, bliss and festivities • festivals • festivals, Laphria • festivals, Panathenaia • insomnia, and festivities • sacrifice (thysia), Laphria festival
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 26; Edmonds (2004), Myths of the Underworld Journey: Plato, Aristophanes, and the ‘Orphic’ Gold Tablets, 86; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14, 265; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 32; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 26; de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 187
|13. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Apollo, Festival of (Delian) • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • triennial festivals • trieteric festivals
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 240; Faulkner and Hodkinson (2015), Hymnic Narrative and the Narratology of Greek Hymns, 23; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 23; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 56
|14. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • festival, festivity, festive • triennial festivals • trieteric festivals
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 240; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 56
|15. None, None, nan (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, • festivals, in Aegina
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 533, 539, 540, 541, 552, 554, 558; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 81
|16. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 122-144, 146 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Diasia (festival) • Dipolieia (festival) • Mounichia (festival) aition for arkteia • festival • festival, festivity, festive • festivals, Artemis Brauronia • statue of goddess from, wet-nurse festival for Artemis in
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 47; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 525; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 123; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 239; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 175
122 κεδνὸς δὲ στρατόμαντις ἰδὼν δύο λήμασι δισσοὺς'123 Ἀτρεΐδας μαχίμους ἐδάη λαγοδαίτας 124 πομπούς τʼ ἀρχάς· 125 οὕτω δʼ εἶπε τερᾴζων· 126 χρόνῳ μὲν ἀγρεῖ 127
139 αἴλινον αἴλινον εἰπέ, τὸ δʼ εὖ νικάτω. Χορός 140 τόσον περ εὔφρων, καλά, ' None
122 The prudent army-prophet seeing two '123 The Atreidai, two their tempers, knew 123 Those feasting on the hare 124 The armament-conductors were; 125 And thus he spoke, explaining signs in view. 126
139 Ah, Linos, say — ah, Linos, song of wail! 139 But may the good prevail! ' None
|17. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, at Theban Herakleion • festivals,, elite competition in
Found in books: Eisenfeld (2022), Pindar and Greek Religion Theologies of Mortality in the Victory Odes, 57, 58; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 386
|18. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Panhellenism, festivals propagating • festival • festival culture • festivals,, averting natural catastrophes • festivals,, elite competition in
Found in books: Eisenfeld (2022), Pindar and Greek Religion Theologies of Mortality in the Victory Odes, 69, 247; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 130, 202, 386
|19. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals, of Heracles of Marathon • burial, Tetrapolis festival • festival • festival, as interpretative context for epinician • festival, in Olympian • xenia rituals, at public festivals
Found in books: Eisenfeld (2022), Pindar and Greek Religion Theologies of Mortality in the Victory Odes, 120, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 1152; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 189; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 204
|20. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals, of Heracles of Marathon • burial, Tetrapolis festival
Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 1152; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 204
|21. Euripides, Bacchae, 6, 66-67, 78-82, 84, 87, 99-115, 123-134, 140, 145, 150, 157, 221, 446, 579, 582, 592, 605, 618-621, 623, 629, 632, 704-708, 726, 751-754, 976, 998, 1020, 1031, 1043-1045, 1051-1053, 1057, 1124, 1137-1139, 1145 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Athens, Dionysus and Dionysian festivals in • Dionysia festivals, Rural D. • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • Dionysus, festivals associated with • Pythian festival • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Lenaia • religions, Roman, festivals • trieteric festivals
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 47, 126, 167, 172, 273; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 363; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 248; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 48, 49; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 27; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 112; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 301, 315
6 ὁρῶ δὲ μητρὸς μνῆμα τῆς κεραυνίας
6 Βρομίῳ πόνον ἡδὺν κάματόν τʼ εὐκάματον,
67 Βάκχιον εὐαζομένα.
78 τά τε ματρὸς μεγάλας ὄργια 79 Κυβέλας θεμιτεύων, 80 ἀνὰ θύρσον τε τινάσσων, 81 κισσῷ τε στεφανωθεὶς 82 Διόνυσον θεραπεύει.
84 Βρόμιον παῖδα θεὸν θεοῦ
87 εὐρυχόρους ἀγυιάς, τὸν Βρόμιον· Χορός
99 ἔτεκεν δʼ, ἁνίκα Μοῖραι 100 τέλεσαν, ταυρόκερων θεὸν'101 στεφάνωσέν τε δρακόντων 102 στεφάνοις, ἔνθεν ἄγραν θηροτρόφον 103 μαινάδες ἀμφιβάλλονται 104 πλοκάμοις. Χορός 105 ὦ Σεμέλας τροφοὶ Θῆβαι, word split in text 10
6 στεφανοῦσθε κισσῷ· 107 βρύετε βρύετε χλοήρει 108 μίλακι καλλικάρπῳ 109 καὶ καταβακχιοῦσθε δρυὸς 110 ἢ ἐλάτας κλάδοισι, 111 στικτῶν τʼ ἐνδυτὰ νεβρίδων 112 στέφετε λευκοτρίχων πλοκάμων 113 μαλλοῖς· ἀμφὶ δὲ νάρθηκας ὑβριστὰς 114 ὁσιοῦσθʼ· αὐτίκα γᾶ πᾶσα χορεύσει— 115 Βρόμιος ὅστις ἄγῃ θιάσουσ—
123 ἔνθα τρικόρυθες ἄντροις 124 βυρσότονον κύκλωμα τόδε 125 μοι Κορύβαντες ηὗρον· 12
6 βακχείᾳ δʼ ἀνὰ συντόνῳ 127 κέρασαν ἁδυβόᾳ Φρυγίων 128 αὐλῶν πνεύματι ματρός τε Ῥέας ἐς 129 χέρα θῆκαν, κτύπον εὐάσμασι Βακχᾶν· 130 παρὰ δὲ μαινόμενοι Σάτυροι 131 ματέρος ἐξανύσαντο θεᾶς, 132 ἐς δὲ χορεύματα 133 συνῆψαν τριετηρίδων, 134 αἷς χαίρει Διόνυσος. Χορός
140 ἐς ὄρεα Φρύγια, Λύδιʼ, ὁ δʼ ἔξαρχος Βρόμιος,
145 ὁ Βακχεὺς ἀνέχων
145 πυρσώδη φλόγα πεύκας
150 τρυφερόν τε πλόκαμον εἰς αἰθέρα ῥίπτων.
157 βαρυβρόμων ὑπὸ τυμπάνων,
221 πλήρεις δὲ θιάσοις ἐν μέσοισιν ἑστάναι 44
6 σκιρτῶσι Βρόμιον ἀνακαλούμεναι θεόν·
579 ἀνά μʼ ἐκάλεσεν Εὐίου; Διόνυσος
582 ἰὼ ἰὼ δέσποτα δέσποτα,
592 διάδρομα τάδε; Βρόμιος ὅδʼ ἀλαλάζεται word split in text
605 πρὸς πέδῳ πεπτώκατʼ; ᾔσθησθʼ, ὡς ἔοικε, Βακχίου
618 πρὸς φάτναις δὲ ταῦρον εὑρών, οὗ καθεῖρξʼ ἡμᾶς ἄγων,
619 τῷδε περὶ βρόχους ἔβαλλε γόνασι καὶ χηλαῖς ποδῶν,
620 θυμὸν ἐκπνέων, ἱδρῶτα σώματος στάζων ἄπο,
621 χείλεσιν διδοὺς ὀδόντας· πλησίον δʼ ἐγὼ παρὼν
623 ἀνετίναξʼ ἐλθὼν ὁ Βάκχος δῶμα καὶ μητρὸς τάφῳ
629 κᾆθʼ ὁ Βρόμιος, ὡς ἔμοιγε φαίνεται, δόξαν λέγω,
632 πρὸς δὲ τοῖσδʼ αὐτῷ τάδʼ ἄλλα Βάκχιος λυμαίνεται·
704 θύρσον δέ τις λαβοῦσʼ ἔπαισεν ἐς πέτραν, 705 ὅθεν δροσώδης ὕδατος ἐκπηδᾷ νοτίς· 70
6 ἄλλη δὲ νάρθηκʼ ἐς πέδον καθῆκε γῆς, 707 καὶ τῇδε κρήνην ἐξανῆκʼ οἴνου θεός· 708 ὅσαις δὲ λευκοῦ πώματος πόθος παρῆν, 72
6 Βρόμιον καλοῦσαι· πᾶν δὲ συνεβάκχευʼ ὄρος
751 Ὑσιάς τʼ Ἐρυθράς θʼ, αἳ Κιθαιρῶνος λέπας 752 νέρθεν κατῳκήκασιν, ὥστε πολέμιοι, 753 ἐπεσπεσοῦσαι πάντʼ ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω 754 διέφερον· ἥρπαζον μὲν ἐκ δόμων τέκνα· 97
6 καὶ Βρόμιος ἔσται. τἄλλα δʼ αὐτὸ σημανεῖ. Χορός
998 περὶ σὰ Βάκχιʼ, ὄργια ματρός τε σᾶς
1020 ἴθʼ, ὦ Βάκχε, θηραγρευτᾷ βακχᾶν
1031 ὦναξ Βρόμιε, θεὸς φαίνῃ μέγας. Ἄγγελος
1043 ἐπεὶ θεράπνας τῆσδε Θηβαίας χθονὸς 1044 λιπόντες ἐξέβημεν Ἀσωποῦ ῥοάς, 1045 λέπας Κιθαιρώνειον εἰσεβάλλομεν
1051 ἦν δʼ ἄγκος ἀμφίκρημνον, ὕδασι διάβροχον, 1052 πεύκαισι συσκιάζον, ἔνθα μαινάδες 1053 καθῆντʼ ἔχουσαι χεῖρας ἐν τερπνοῖς πόνοις.
1057 βακχεῖον ἀντέκλαζον ἀλλήλαις μέλος.
1124 ἐκ Βακχίου κατείχετʼ, οὐδʼ ἔπειθέ νιν.
1137 1138 πέτραις, τὸ δʼ ὕλης ἐν βαθυξύλῳ φόβῃ, 1139 οὐ ῥᾴδιον ζήτημα· κρᾶτα δʼ ἄθλιον, 1
145 τειχέων ἔσω τῶνδʼ, ἀνακαλοῦσα Βάκχιον ' None
6 I am here at the fountains of Dirke and the water of Ismenus. And I see the tomb of my thunder-stricken mother here near the palace, and the remts of her house, smouldering with the still living flame of Zeus’ fire, the everlasting insult of Hera against my mother.
6 having left sacred Tmolus, I am swift to perform for Bromius my sweet labor and toil easily borne, celebrating the god Bacchus Lit. shouting the ritual cry εὐοῖ . . Who is in the way? Who is in the way? Who? Let him get out of the way indoors, and let everyone keep his mouth pure E. R. Dodds takes this passage Let everyone come outside being sure to keep his mouth pure . He does not believe that there should be a full stop after the third τίς . ,
78 has his soul initiated into the Bacchic revels, dancing in inspired frenzy over the mountains with holy purifications, and who, revering the mysteries of great mother Kybele, 80 brandishing the thyrsos, garlanded with ivy, serves Dionysus.Go, Bacchae, go, Bacchae, escorting the god Bromius, child of a god,
87 from the Phrygian mountains to the broad streets of Hellas—Bromius, Choru
99 received him in a chamber fit for birth, and having covered him in his thigh shut him up with golden clasps, hidden from Hera.And he brought forth, when the Fate 100 had perfected him, the bull-horned god, and he crowned him with crowns of snakes, for which reason Maenads cloak their wild prey over their locks. Choru'101 had perfected him, the bull-horned god, and he crowned him with crowns of snakes, for which reason Maenads cloak their wild prey over their locks. Choru 105 O Thebes , nurse of Semele, crown yourself with ivy, flourish, flourish with the verdant yew bearing sweet fruit, and crown yourself in honor of Bacchus with branches of oak 110 or pine. Adorn your garments of spotted fawn-skin with fleeces of white sheep, and sport in holy games with insolent thyrsoi The thyrsos is a staff that is crowned with ivy and that is sacred to Dionysus and an emblem of his worship. . At once all the earth will dance— 115 whoever leads the sacred band is Bromius—to the mountain, to the mountain, where the crowd of women waits, goaded away from their weaving by Dionysus. Choru
123 O secret chamber of the Kouretes and you holy Cretan caves, parents to Zeus, where the Korybantes with triple helmet invented for me in their caves this circle, 125 covered with stretched hide; and in their excited revelry they mingled it with the sweet-voiced breath of Phrygian pipes and handed it over to mother Rhea, resounding with the sweet songs of the Bacchae; 130 nearby, raving Satyrs were fulfilling the rites of the mother goddess, and they joined it to the dances of the biennial festivals, in which Dionysus rejoices. Choru
140 Phrygian, the Lydian mountains, and the leader of the dance is Bromius, evoe! A ritual cry of delight. The plain flows with milk, it flows with wine, it flows with the nectar of bees.
145 The Bacchic one, raising the flaming torch of pine on his thyrsos, like the smoke of Syrian incense, darts about, arousing the wanderers with his racing and dancing, agitating them with his shouts,
150 casting his rich locks into the air. And among the Maenad cries his voice rings deep: This last phrase taken verbatim from Dodds, ad loc. Go, Bacchae, go, Bacchae, with the luxury of Tmolus that flows with gold,
157 ing of Dionysus, beneath the heavy beat of drums, celebrating in delight the god of delight with Phrygian shouts and cries,
221 this new deity Dionysus, whoever he is. I hear that mixing-bowls stand full in the midst of their assemblies, and that they each creep off different ways into secrecy to serve the beds of men, on the pretext that they are Maenads worshipping; 44
6 are set loose and gone, and are gamboling in the meadows, invoking Bromius as their god. of their own accord, the chains were loosed from their feet and keys opened the doors without human hand. This man has come to Thebe
579 Who is here, who? From what quarter did the voice of the Joyful one summon me? Dionysu
582 Io! Io! Master, master! Come now to our company, Bromius. Dionysu
592 Revere him.—We revere him!—Did you see these stone lintels on the pillars falling apart? Bromius cries out in victory indoors. Dionysu
605 o stricken with fear? You have, so it seems, felt Bacchus shaking the house of Pentheus. But get up and take courage, putting a stop to your trembling. Chorus Leader
618 In this too I mocked him, for, thinking to bind me, he neither touched nor handled me, but fed on hope. He found a bull by the stable where he took and shut me up, and threw shackles around its knees and hooves,
620 breathing out fury, dripping sweat from his body, gnashing his teeth in his lips. But I, being near, sitting quietly, looked on. Meanwhile, Bacchus came and shook the house and kindled a flame on his mother’s tomb. When Pentheus saw this, thinking that the house was burning,
629 he ran here and there, calling to the slaves to bring water, and every servant was at work, toiling in vain.Then he let this labor drop, as I had escaped, and snatching a dark sword rushed into the house. Then Bromius, so it seems to me—I speak my opinion—
632 created a phantom in the courtyard. Pentheus rushed at it headlong, stabbing at the shining air, as though slaughtering me. Besides this, Bacchus inflicted other damage on him: he knocked his house to the ground, and everything was shattered into pieces, while he saw my bitter chains. From fatigue,
704 wolf-pup, gave them white milk, as many as had abandoned their new-born infants and had their breasts still swollen. They put on garlands of ivy, and oak, and flowering yew. One took her thyrsos and struck it against a rock, 705 from which a dewy stream of water sprang forth. Another let her thyrsos strike the ground, and there the god sent forth a fountain of wine. All who desired the white drink scratched the earth with the tips of their fingers and obtained streams of milk; 72
6 calling on Iacchus, the son of Zeus, Bromius, with united voice. The whole mountain revelled along with them and the beasts, and nothing was unmoved by their running. Agave happened to be leaping near me, and I sprang forth, wanting to snatch her,
751 produce the bountiful Theban crop. And falling like soldiers upon Hysiae and Erythrae, towns situated below the rock of Kithairon, they turned everything upside down. They were snatching children from their homes; 97
6 to a great contest, and Bromius and I will be the victors. The rest the matter itself will show. Choru
998 Whoever with wicked mind and unjust rage regarding your rites, Bacchus, and those of your mother, comes with raving heart
1020 Go, Bacchus, with smiling face throw a deadly noose around the hunter of the Bacchae as he falls beneath the flock of Maenads. Second Messenger
1031 Lord Bacchus, truly you appear to be a great god. Messenger
1043 When we left the dwellings of the Theban land and crossed the streams of Asopus, 1045 we began to ascend the heights of Kithairon, Pentheus and I—for I was following my master—and the stranger who was our guide to the sight. First we sat in a grassy vale,
1051 keeping our feet and voices quiet, so that we might see them without being seen. There was a little valley surounded by precipices, irrigated with streams, shaded by pine trees, where the Maenads were sitting, their hands busy with delightful labors. Some of them were crowning again
1057 the worn thyrsos, making it leafy with ivy, while some, like colts freed from the painted yoke, were singing a Bacchic melody to one another. And the unhappy Pentheus said, not seeing the crowd of women: Stranger,
1124 Pity me, mother, and do not kill me, your child, for my sins. But she, foaming at the mouth and twisting her eyes all about, not thinking as she ought, was possessed by Bacchus, and he did not persuade her.
1137 from their tearings. The whole band, hands bloodied, were playing a game of catch with Pentheus’ flesh.His body lies in different places, part under the rugged rocks, part in the deep foliage of the woods, not easy to be sought. His miserable head, 1
145 on the ill-fated prey, calling Bacchus her fellow hunter, her accomplice in the chase, the glorious victor—in whose service she wins a triumph of tears.And as for me, I will depart out of the way of this calamity before Agave reaches the house. ' None
|22. Euripides, Ion, 457 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysos (Bacchus, god), Dionysia festivals • Thesmophoria festival, Thetis,shrine of • festivals, Artemis Brauronia • festivals, Panathenaia
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 184; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 136
457 κορυφᾶς Διός, ὦ μάκαιρα Νίκα,'' None
457 delivered as thou wert by Titan Prometheus from the forehead of Zeus. Come, O lady Victory, come to the Pythian shrine, winging thy way from the gilded chambers of Olympu'' None
|23. Hebrew Bible, Ezra, 3.1-3.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival of Booths • Festivals • festivals, and Tamid Service
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 229; Buster (2022), Remembering the Story of Israel Historical Summaries and Memory Formation in Second Temple Judaism. 193; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 34
3.1 וְיִסְּדוּ הַבֹּנִים אֶת־הֵיכַל יְהוָה וַיַּעֲמִידוּ הַכֹּהֲנִים מְלֻבָּשִׁים בַּחֲצֹצְרוֹת וְהַלְוִיִּם בְּנֵי־אָסָף בַּמְצִלְתַּיִם לְהַלֵּל אֶת־יְהוָה עַל־יְדֵי דָּוִיד מֶלֶךְ־יִשְׂרָאֵל׃
3.1 וַיִּגַּע הַחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל בֶּעָרִים וַיֵּאָסְפוּ הָעָם כְּאִישׁ אֶחָד אֶל־יְרוּשָׁלִָם׃ 3.2 וַיָּקָם יֵשׁוּעַ בֶּן־יוֹצָדָק וְאֶחָיו הַכֹּהֲנִים וּזְרֻבָּבֶל בֶּן־שְׁאַלְתִּיאֵל וְאֶחָיו וַיִּבְנוּ אֶת־מִזְבַּח אֱלֹהֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לְהַעֲלוֹת עָלָיו עֹלוֹת כַּכָּתוּב בְּתוֹרַת מֹשֶׁה אִישׁ־הָאֱלֹהִים׃ 3.3 וַיָּכִינוּ הַמִּזְבֵּחַ עַל־מְכוֹנֹתָיו כִּי בְּאֵימָה עֲלֵיהֶם מֵעַמֵּי הָאֲרָצוֹת ויעל וַיַּעֲלוּ עָלָיו עֹלוֹת לַיהוָה עֹלוֹת לַבֹּקֶר וְלָעָרֶב׃ 3.4 וַיַּעֲשׂוּ אֶת־חַג הַסֻּכּוֹת כַּכָּתוּב וְעֹלַת יוֹם בְּיוֹם בְּמִסְפָּר כְּמִשְׁפַּט דְּבַר־יוֹם בְּיוֹמוֹ׃ 3.5 וְאַחֲרֵיכֵן עֹלַת תָּמִיד וְלֶחֳדָשִׁים וּלְכָל־מוֹעֲדֵי יְהוָה הַמְקֻדָּשִׁים וּלְכֹל מִתְנַדֵּב נְדָבָה לַיהוָה׃ 3.6 מִיּוֹם אֶחָד לַחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי הֵחֵלּוּ לְהַעֲלוֹת עֹלוֹת לַיהוָה וְהֵיכַל יְהוָה לֹא יֻסָּד׃'' None
3.1 And when the seventh month was come, and the children of Israel were in the cities, the people gathered themselves together as one man to Jerusalem. 3.2 Then stood up Jeshua the son of Jozadak, and his brethren the priests, and Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, and his brethren, and builded the altar of the God of Israel, to offer burnt-offerings thereon, as it is written in the Law of Moses the man of God. 3.3 And they set the altar upon its bases; for fear was upon them because of the people of the countries, and they offered burnt-offerings thereon unto the LORD, even burnt-offerings morning and evening. 3.4 And they kept the feast of tabernacles, as it is written, and offered the daily burnt-offerings by number, according to the ordice, as the duty of every day required; 3.5 and afterward the continual burnt-offering, and the offerings of the new moons, and of all the appointed seasons of the LORD that were hallowed, and of every one that willingly offered a freewill-offering unto the LORD. 3.6 From the first day of the seventh month began they to offer burnt-offerings unto the LORD; but the foundation of the temple of the LORD was not yet laid.'' None
|24. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 8.8-8.10, 8.13-8.15, 8.18 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival of Booths • Festivals • Hanukkah, Holiday of, Festival of Lights • enthronement festival, • festival • festivals and fasts • shivata, shivatot, for festivals
Found in books: Balberg (2023), Fractured Tablets: Forgetfulness and Fallibility in Late Ancient Rabbinic Culture, 215; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 226; Buster (2022), Remembering the Story of Israel Historical Summaries and Memory Formation in Second Temple Judaism. 163, 191, 193; Lieber (2014), A Vocabulary of Desire: The Song of Songs in the Early Synagogue, 300; Reif (2006), Problems with Prayers: Studies in the Textual History of Early Rabbinic Liturgy, 266; Rubenstein(1995), The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods, 20; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 151
8.8 וַיִּקְרְאוּ בַסֵּפֶר בְּתוֹרַת הָאֱלֹהִים מְפֹרָשׁ וְשׂוֹם שֶׂכֶל וַיָּבִינוּ בַּמִּקְרָא׃ 8.9 וַיֹּאמֶר נְחֶמְיָה הוּא הַתִּרְשָׁתָא וְעֶזְרָא הַכֹּהֵן הַסֹּפֵר וְהַלְוִיִּם הַמְּבִינִים אֶת־הָעָם לְכָל־הָעָם הַיּוֹם קָדֹשׁ־הוּא לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אַל־תִּתְאַבְּלוּ וְאַל־תִּבְכּוּ כִּי בוֹכִים כָּל־הָעָם כְּשָׁמְעָם אֶת־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה׃
8.13 וּבַיּוֹם הַשֵּׁנִי נֶאֶסְפוּ רָאשֵׁי הָאָבוֹת לְכָל־הָעָם הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם אֶל־עֶזְרָא הַסֹּפֵר וּלְהַשְׂכִּיל אֶל־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה׃ 8.14 וַיִּמְצְאוּ כָּתוּב בַּתּוֹרָה אֲשֶׁר צִוָּה יְהוָה בְּיַד־מֹשֶׁה אֲשֶׁר יֵשְׁבוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל בַּסֻּכּוֹת בֶּחָג בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי׃ 8.15 וַאֲשֶׁר יַשְׁמִיעוּ וְיַעֲבִירוּ קוֹל בְּכָל־עָרֵיהֶם וּבִירוּשָׁלִַם לֵאמֹר צְאוּ הָהָר וְהָבִיאוּ עֲלֵי־זַיִת וַעֲלֵי־עֵץ שֶׁמֶן וַעֲלֵי הֲדַס וַעֲלֵי תְמָרִים וַעֲלֵי עֵץ עָבֹת לַעֲשֹׂת סֻכֹּת כַּכָּתוּב׃
8.18 וַיִּקְרָא בְּסֵפֶר תּוֹרַת הָאֱלֹהִים יוֹם בְּיוֹם מִן־הַיּוֹם הָרִאשׁוֹן עַד הַיּוֹם הָאַחֲרוֹן וַיַּעֲשׂוּ־חָג שִׁבְעַת יָמִים וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁמִינִי עֲצֶרֶת כַּמִּשְׁפָּט׃' ' None
8.8 And they read in the book, in the Law of God, distinctly; and they gave the sense, and caused them to understand the reading. 8.9 And Nehemiah, who was the Tirshatha, and Ezra the priest the scribe, and the Levites that taught the people, said unto all the people: ‘This day is holy unto the LORD your God; mourn not, nor weep.’ For all the people wept, when they heard the words of the Law.
8.13 And on the second day were gathered together the heads of fathers’houses of all the people, the priests, and the Levites, unto Ezra the scribe, even to give attention to the words of the Law. 8.14 And they found written in the Law, how that the LORD had commanded by Moses, that the children of Israel should dwell in booths in the feast of the seventh month; 8.15 and that they should publish and proclaim in all their cities, and in Jerusalem, saying: ‘Go forth unto the mount, and fetch olive branches, and branches of wild olive, and myrtle branches, and palm branches, and branches of thick trees, to make booths, as it is written.’
8.18 Also day by day, from the first day unto the last day, he read in the book of the Law of God. And they kept the feast seven days;' ' None
|25. Herodotus, Histories, 1.60-1.68, 1.146-1.148, 2.29, 2.38, 2.41-2.44, 2.46-2.65, 2.48.2, 2.81, 2.83, 2.86, 2.123, 2.145-2.146, 2.156, 2.170-2.171, 3.142, 5.22, 5.55, 5.62, 5.67, 5.71, 5.83, 5.91-5.93, 6.67, 6.75, 6.105-6.106, 7.132, 7.228, 8.65, 9.11, 9.65 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Apatouria, festival • Apaturia, festival • Athens, Dionysus and Dionysian festivals in • Chalcidian vases, Archaic festival for Arten of Eretria on • Daidala (festival) • Daidala festival, Plataea • Dionysiac festival • Eleusis, festival • Festival • Festivals • Festivals, Carneia of Sparta • Festivals, Eleutheria of Plataea • Festivals, Hyacinthia of Sparta • Festivals, Mounichia of Athens • Festivals, Olympic Games • Festivals, Panathenaia of Athens • Festivals, Panionia of Ionians • Festivals, Thesmophoria • Festivals, of Adrastus of Argos • Festivals, of Amun of Egypt • Festivals, of Artemis Agrotera of Athens • Festivals, of Artemis of Samos • Festivals, of Athena of Egypt • Festivals, of Athena of Libya • Festivals, of Damia and Auxesia of Aegina • Festivals, of Dionysus • Festivals, of Hera of Argos • Festivals, of Hera of Corinth • Festivals, of Isis of Egypt • Festivals, of Magna Mater of Cyzicus • Festivals, of Osiris of Egypt • Festivals, of war heroes at Sparta • Isaeum Campense, temple of Isis, and festivals • Neleis (festival) • Opet festival • Plataiai, festival of Zeus Eleutherios • Soteria (festival) • assembly and festivals • burial, state festival • character in suspended during festivals • council no sessions during festivals • festival • festival, • festival, Eleusinia, Athenian • festival, Panhellenic • festival, at Sikyon • festival, coming of age festivals • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Apatouria • festivals, Apaturia • festivals, Artemis Brauronia • festivals, Attic abundance of • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Panionia • festivals, abused by tyrants • festivals, in Aegina • festivals, in the archaic period • festivals, misbehaviour of tyrants during • festivals, promoted by tyrants • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί • festivals,, elite competition in • festivals,, ethnic • tyrants, misbehaviour of, during festivals
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 109, 128; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 113, 252, 253, 422, 423, 426; Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 315; Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 138, 142, 212; Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 300; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 264, 274, 495; Eisenfeld (2022), Pindar and Greek Religion Theologies of Mortality in the Victory Odes, 160; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 76, 81, 92, 102, 103, 162; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 58; Hallmannsecker (2022), Roman Ionia: Constructions of Cultural Identity in Western Asia Minor, 106; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 310, 636; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 151, 385, 387; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 168; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 92; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 64; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 176; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 120; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 15, 16, 18, 28, 64, 65, 76, 89, 96, 101, 112, 114, 120, 124, 144, 176, 177, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 188, 192, 193, 212; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 79; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 160; Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 93; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 41, 174, 183, 318; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 258, 354; Sweeney (2013), Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia, 160; Torok (2014), Herodotus In Nubia, 82; de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 186
1.60 μετὰ δὲ οὐ πολλὸν χρόνον τὠυτὸ φρονήσαντες οἵ τε τοῦ Μεγακλέος στασιῶται καὶ οἱ τοῦ Λυκούργου ἐξελαύνουσί μιν. οὕτω μὲν Πεισίστρατος ἔσχε τὸ πρῶτον Ἀθήνας, καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα οὔκω κάρτα ἐρριζωμένην ἔχων ἀπέβαλε. οἳ δὲ ἐξελάσαντες Πεισίστρατον αὖτις ἐκ νέης ἐπʼ ἀλλήλοισι ἐστασίασαν. περιελαυνόμενος δὲ τῇ στάσι ὁ Μεγακλέης ἐπεκηρυκεύετο Πεισιστράτῳ, εἰ βούλοιτό οἱ τὴν θυγατέρα ἔχειν γυναῖκα ἐπὶ τῇ τυραννίδι. ἐνδεξαμένου δὲ τὸν λόγον καὶ ὁμολογήσαντος ἐπὶ τούτοισι Πεισιστράτου, μηχανῶνται δὴ ἐπὶ τῇ κατόδῳ πρῆγμα εὐηθέστατον, ὡς ἐγὼ εὑρίσκω, μακρῷ, ἐπεί γε ἀπεκρίθη ἐκ παλαιτέρου τοῦ βαρβάρου ἔθνεος τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐὸν καὶ δεξιώτερον καὶ εὐηθείης ἠλιθίου ἀπηλλαγμένον μᾶλλον, εἰ καὶ τότε γε οὗτοι ἐν Ἀθηναίοισι τοῖσι πρώτοισι λεγομένοισι εἶναι Ἑλλήνων σοφίην μηχανῶνται τοιάδε. ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τῷ Παιανιέι ἦν γυνὴ τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Φύη, μέγαθος ἀπὸ τεσσέρων πηχέων ἀπολείπουσα τρεῖς δακτύλους καὶ ἄλλως εὐειδής· ταύτην τὴν γυναῖκα σκευάσαντες πανοπλίῃ, ἐς ἅρμα ἐσβιβάσαντες καὶ προδέξαντες σχῆμα οἷόν τι ἔμελλε εὐπρεπέστατον φανέεσθαι ἔχουσα, ἤλαυνον ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, προδρόμους κήρυκας προπέμψαντες· οἳ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἠγόρευον ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, λέγοντες τοιάδε· “ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, δέκεσθε ἀγαθῷ νόῳ Πεισίστρατον, τὸν αὐτὴ ἡ Ἀηθναίη τιμήσασα ἀνθρώπων μάλιστα κατάγει ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῆς ἀκρόπολιν.” οἳ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα διαφοιτέοντες ἔλεγον· αὐτίκα δὲ ἔς τε τοὺς δήμους φάτις ἀπίκετο ὡς Ἀθηναίη Πεισίστρατον κατάγει, καὶ οἱ ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ πειθόμενοι τὴν γυναῖκα εἶναι αὐτὴν τὴν θεὸν προσεύχοντό τε τὴν ἄνθρωπον καὶ ἐδέκοντο Πεισίστρατον. 1.61 ἀπολαβὼν δὲ τὴν τυραννίδα τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ ὁ Πεισίστρατος κατὰ τὴν ὁμολογίην τὴν πρὸς Μεγακλέα γενομένην γαμέει τοῦ Μεγακλέος τὴν θυγατέρα. οἷα δὲ παίδων τέ οἱ ὑπαρχόντων νεηνιέων καὶ λεγομένων ἐναγέων εἶναι τῶν Ἀλκμεωνιδέων, οὐ βουλόμενός οἱ γενέσθαι ἐκ τῆς νεογάμου γυναικὸς τέκνα ἐμίσγετό οἱ οὐ κατὰ νόμον. τὰ μέν νυν πρῶτα ἔκρυπτε ταῦτα ἡ γυνή, μετὰ δὲ εἴτε ἱστορεύσῃ εἴτε καὶ οὒ φράζει τῇ ἑωυτῆς μητρί, ἣ δὲ τῷ ἀνδρί. ὀργῇ δὲ ὡς εἶχε καταλλάσσετο τὴν ἔχθρην τοῖσι στασιώτῃσι. μαθὼν δὲ ὁ Πεισίστρατος τὰ ποιεύμενα ἐπʼ ἑωυτῷ ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐκ τῆς χώρης τὸ παράπαν, ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐς Ἐρέτριαν ἐβουλεύετο ἅμα τοῖσι παισί. Ἱππίεω δὲ γνώμῃ νικήσαντος ἀνακτᾶσθαι ὀπίσω τὴν τυραννίδα, ἐνθαῦτα ἤγειρον δωτίνας ἐκ τῶν πολίων αἵτινές σφι προαιδέοντό κού τι. πολλῶν δὲ μεγάλα παρασχόντων χρήματα, Θηβαῖοι ὑπερεβάλοντο τῇ δόσι τῶν χρημάτων. μετὰ δέ, οὐ πολλῷ λόγῳ εἰπεῖν, χρόνος διέφυ καὶ πάντα σφι ἐξήρτυτο ἐς τὴν κάτοδον· καὶ γὰρ Ἀργεῖοι μισθωτοὶ ἀπίκοντο ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, καὶ Νάξιός σφι ἀνὴρ ἀπιγμένος ἐθελοντής, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Λύγδαμις, προθυμίην πλείστην παρείχετο, κομίσας καὶ χρήματα καὶ ἄνδρας. 1.62 ἐξ Ἐρετρίης δὲ ὁρμηθέντες διὰ ἑνδεκάτου ἔτεος ἀπίκοντο ὀπίσω, καὶ πρῶτον τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἴσχουσι Μαραθῶνα. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ σφι στρατοπεδευομένοισι οἵ τε ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος στασιῶται ἀπίκοντο ἄλλοι τε ἐκ τῶν δήμων προσέρρεον, τοῖσι ἡ τυραννὶς πρὸ ἐλευθερίης ἦν ἀσπαστότερον. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ συνηλίζοντο, Ἀθηναίων δὲ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, ἕως μὲν Πεισίστρατος τὰ χρήματα ἤγειρε, καὶ μεταῦτις ὡς ἔσχε Μαραθῶνα, λόγον οὐδένα εἶχον· ἐπείτε δὲ ἐπύθοντο ἐκ τοῦ Μαραθῶνος αὐτὸν πορεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὸ ἄστυ, οὕτω δὴ βοηθέουσι ἐπʼ αὐτόν. καὶ οὗτοί τε πανστρατιῇ ἤισαν ἐπὶ τοὺς κατιόντας καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ Πεισίστρατον, ὡς ὁρμηθέντες ἐκ Μαραθῶνος ἤισαν ἐπὶ τὸ ἄστυ, ἐς τὠυτὸ συνιόντες ἀπικνέονται ἐπὶ Παλληνίδος Ἀθηναίης ἱρόν, καὶ ἀντία ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα. ἐνθαῦτα θείῃ πομπῇ χρεώμενος παρίσταται Πεισιστράτῳ Ἀμφίλυτος ὁ Ἀκαρνὰν χρησμολόγος ἀνήρ, ὅς οἱ προσιὼν χρᾷ ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ τόνῳ τάδε λέγων· ἔρριπται δʼ ὁ βόλος, τὸ δὲ δίκτυον ἐκπεπέτασται, θύννοι δʼ οἰμήσουσι σεληναίης διὰ νυκτός. 1.63 ὃ μὲν δή οἱ ἐνθεάζων χρᾷ τάδε, Πεισίστρατος δὲ συλλαβὼν τὸ χρηστήριον καὶ φὰς δέκεσθαι τὸ χρησθὲν ἐπῆγε τὴν στρατιήν. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος πρὸς ἄριστον τετραμμένοι ἦσαν δὴ τηνικαῦτα, καὶ μετὰ τὸ ἄριστον μετεξέτεροι αὐτῶν οἳ μὲν πρὸς κύβους οἳ δὲ πρὸς ὕπνον. οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Πεισίστρατον ἐσπεσόντες τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τρέπουσι. φευγόντων δὲ τούτων βουλὴν ἐνθαῦτα σοφωτάτην Πεισίστρατος ἐπιτεχνᾶται, ὅκως μήτε ἁλισθεῖεν ἔτι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι διεσκεδασμένοι τε εἶεν· ἀναβιβάσας τοὺς παῖδας ἐπὶ ἵππους προέπεμπε, οἳ δὲ καταλαμβάνοντες τοὺς φεύγοντας ἔλεγον τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτου, θαρσέειν τε κελεύοντες καὶ ἀπιέναι ἕκαστον ἐπὶ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ. 1.64 πειθομένων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, οὕτω δὴ Πεισίστρατος τὸ τρίτον σχὼν Ἀθήνας ἐρρίζωσε τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπικούροισί τε πολλοῖσι καὶ χρημάτων συνόδοισι, τῶν μὲν αὐτόθεν τῶν δὲ ἀπὸ Στρυμόνος ποταμοῦ συνιόντων, ὁμήρους τε τῶν παραμεινάντων Ἀθηναίων καὶ μὴ αὐτίκα φυγόντων παῖδας λαβὼν καὶ καταστήσας ἐς Νάξον ʽκαὶ γὰρ ταύτην ὁ Πεισίστρατος κατεστρέψατο πολέμῳ καὶ ἐπέτρεψε Λυγδάμἰ πρὸς τε ἔτι τούτοισι τὴν νῆσον Δῆλον καθήρας ἐκ τῶν λογίων καθήρας δὲ ὧδε· ἐπʼ ὅσον ἔποψις τοῦ ἱροῦ εἶχε, ἐκ τούτου τοῦ χώρου παντὸς ἐξορύξας τοὺς νεκροὺς μετεφόρεε ἐς ἄλλον χῶρον τῆς Δήλου. καὶ Πεισίστρατος μὲν ἐτυράννευε Ἀθηνέων, Ἀθηναίων δὲ οἳ μὲν ἐν τῇ μάχη ἐπεπτώκεσαν, οἳ δὲ αὐτῶν μετʼ Ἀλκμεωνιδέων ἔφευγον ἐκ τῆς οἰκηίης. 1.65 τοὺς μέν νυν Ἀθηναίους τοιαῦτα τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ἐπυνθάνετο ὁ Κροῖσος κατέχοντα, τοὺς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐκ κακῶν τε μεγάλων πεφευγότας καὶ ἐόντας ἤδη τῷ πολέμῳ κατυπερτέρους Τεγεητέων. ἐπὶ γὰρ Λέοντος βασιλεύοντος καὶ Ἡγησικλέος ἐν Σπάρτῃ τοὺς ἄλλους πολέμους εὐτυχέοντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς Τεγεήτας μούνους προσέπταιον. τὸ δὲ ἔτι πρότερον τούτων καί κακονομώτατοι ἦσαν σχεδὸν πάντων Ἑλλήνων κατά τε σφέας αὐτοὺς καὶ ξείνοισι ἀπρόσμικτοι· μετέβαλον δὲ ὧδε ἐς εὐνομίην. Λυκούργου τῶν Σπαρτιητέων δοκίμου ἀνδρὸς ἐλθόντος ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον, ὡς ἐσήιε ἐς τὸ μέγαρον, εὐθὺς ἡ Πυθίη λέγει τάδε. ἥκεις ὦ Λυκόοργε ἐμὸν ποτὶ πίονα νηόν Ζηνὶ φίλος καὶ πᾶσιν Ὀλύμπια δώματʼ ἔχουσι. δίζω ἤ σε θεὸν μαντεύσομαι ἢ ἄνθρωπον. ἀλλʼ ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον θεὸν ἔλπομαι, ὦ Λυκόοργε. οἳ μὲν δή τινες πρὸς τούτοισι λέγουσι καὶ φράσαι αὐτῷ τὴν Πυθίην τὸν νῦν κατεστεῶτα κόσμον Σπαρτιήτῃσι. ὡς δʼ αὐτοὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι, Λυκοῦργον ἐπιτροπεύσαντα Λεωβώτεω, ἀδελφιδέου μὲν ἑωυτοῦ βασιλεύοντος δὲ Σπαρτιητέων, ἐκ Κρήτης ἀγαγέσθαι ταῦτα. ὡς γὰρ ἐπετρόπευσε τάχιστα, μετέστησε τὰ νόμιμα πάντα, καὶ ἐφύλαξε ταῦτα μὴ παραβαίνειν· μετὰ δὲ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον ἔχοντα, ἐνωμοτίας καὶ τριηκάδας καὶ συσσίτια, πρός τε τούτοισι τοὺς ἐφόρους καὶ γέροντας ἔστησε Λυκοῦργος. 1.66 οὕτω μὲν μεταβαλόντες εὐνομήθησαν, τῷ δὲ Λυκούργῳ τελευτήσαντι ἱρὸν εἱσάμενοι σέβονται μεγάλως. οἷα δὲ ἐν τε χώρῃ ἀγαθῇ καὶ πλήθεϊ οὐκ ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν, ἀνά τε ἔδραμον αὐτίκα καὶ εὐθηνήθησαν, καὶ δή σφι οὐκέτι ἀπέχρα ἡσυχίην ἄγειν, ἀλλὰ καταφρονήσαντες Ἀρκάδων κρέσσονες εἶναι ἐχρηστηριάζοντο ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἐπὶ πάσῃ τῇ Ἀρκάδων χωρῇ. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι χρᾷ τάδε. Ἀρκαδίην μʼ αἰτεῖς· μέγα μʼ αἰτεῖς· οὐ τοι δώσω. πολλοὶ ἐν Ἀρκαδίῃ βαλανηφάγοι ἄνδρες ἔασιν, οἵ σʼ ἀποκωλύσουσιν. ἐγὼ δὲ τοι οὔτι μεγαίρω· δώσω τοί Τεγέην ποσσίκροτον ὀρχήσασθαι καὶ καλὸν πεδίον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι. ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἤκουσαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι,Ἀρκάδων μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἀπείχοντο, οἳ δὲ πέδας φερόμενοι ἐπὶ Τεγεήτας ἐστρατεύοντο, χρησμῷ κιβδήλῳ πίσυνοι, ὡς δὴ ἐξανδραποδιούμενοι τοὺς Τεγεήτας. ἑσσωθέντες δὲ τῇ συμβολῇ, ὅσοι αὐτῶν ἐζωγρήθησαν, πέδας τε ἔχοντες τὰς ἐφέροντο αὐτοὶ καὶ σχοίνῳ διαμετρησάμενοι τὸ πεδίον τὸ Τεγεητέων ἐργάζοντο. αἱ δὲ πέδαι αὗται ἐν τῇσι ἐδεδέατο ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦσαν σόαι ἐν Τεγέῃ περὶ τὸν νηὸν τῆς Ἀλέης Ἀθηναίης κρεμάμεναι. 1.67 κατὰ μὲν δὴ τὸν πρότερον πόλεμον συνεχέως αἰεὶ κακῶς ἀέθλεον πρὸς τοὺς Τεγεήτας, κατὰ δὲ τὸν κατὰ Κροῖσον χρόνον καὶ τὴν Ἀναξανδρίδεώ τε καὶ Ἀρίστωνος βασιληίην ἐν Λακεδαίμονι ἤδη οἱ Σπαρτιῆται κατυπέρτεροι τῷ πολέμῳ ἐγεγόνεσαν, τρόπῳ τοιῷδε γενόμενοι. ἐπειδὴ αἰεὶ τῷ πολέμῳ ἑσσοῦντο ὑπὸ Τεγεητέων, πέμψαντες θεοπρόπους ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπειρώτων τίνα ἂν θεῶν ἱλασάμενοι κατύπερθε τῷ πολέμῳ Τεγεητέων γενοίατο. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι ἔχρησε τὰ Ὀρέστεω τοῦ Ἀγαμέμνονος ὀστέα ἐπαγαγομένους. ὡς δὲ ἀνευρεῖν οὐκ οἷοί τε ἐγίνοντο τὴν θήκην τοῦ Ὀρέστεω ἔπεμπον αὖτις τὴν ἐς θεὸν ἐπειρησομένους τὸν χῶρον ἐν τῷ κέοιτο Ὀρέστης. εἰρωτῶσι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι θεοπρόποισι λέγει ἡ Πυθίη τάδε. ἔστι τις Ἀρκαδίης Τεγέη λευρῷ ἐνὶ χώρῳ, ἔνθʼ ἄνεμοι πνείουσι δύω κρατερῆς ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης, καὶ τύπος ἀντίτυπος, καὶ πῆμʼ ἐπὶ πήματι κεῖται. ἔνθʼ Ἀγαμεμνονίδην κατέχει φυσίζοος αἶα, τὸν σὺ κομισσάμενος Τεγέης ἐπιτάρροθος ἔσσῃ. ὡς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἀπεῖχον τῆς ἐξευρέσιος οὐδὲν ἔλασσον, πάντα διζήμενοι, ἐς οὗ δὴ Λίχης τῶν ἀγαθοεργῶν καλεομένων Σπαρτιητέων ἀνεῦρε, οἱ δὲ ἀγαθοεργοὶ εἰσὶ τῶν ἀστῶν, ἐξιόντες ἐκ τῶν ἱππέων αἰεὶ οἱ πρεσβύτατοι, πέντε ἔτεος ἑκάστου· τοὺς δεῖ τοῦτὸν τὸν ἐνιαυτόν, τὸν ἂν ἐξίωσι ἐκ τῶν ἱππέων, Σπαρτιητέων τῷ κοινῷ διαπεμπομένους μὴ ἐλινύειν ἄλλους ἄλλῃ. 1.68 τούτων ὦν τῶν ἀνδρῶν Λίχης ἀνεῦρε ἐν Τεγέῃ καὶ συντυχίῃ χρησάμενος καὶ σοφίῃ. ἐούσης γὰρ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐπιμιξίης πρὸς τοὺς Τεγεήτας, ἐλθὼν ἐς χαλκήιον ἐθηεῖτο σίδηρον ἐξελαυνόμενον, καὶ ἐν θώματι ἦν ὀρέων τὸ ποιεόμενον. μαθὼν, δέ μιν ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀποθωμάζοντα εἶπε παυσάμενος τοῦ ἔργου “ἦ κου ἄν, ὦ ξεῖνε Λάκων εἴ περ εἶδες τό περ ἐγώ, κάρτα ἂν ἐθώμαζες, ὅκου νῦν οὕτω τυγχάνεις θῶμα ποιεύμενος τὴν ἐργασίην τοῦ σιδήρου. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐν τῇδε θέλων τῇ αὐλῇ φρέαρ ποιήσασθαι, ὀρύσσων ἐπέτυχον σορῷ ἑπταπήχεϊ· ὑπὸ δὲ ἀπιστίης μὴ μὲν γενέσθαι μηδαμὰ μέζονας ἀνθρώπους τῶν νῦν ἄνοιξα αὐτὴν καὶ εἶδον τὸν νεκρὸν μήκεϊ ἴσον ἐόντα τῇ σορῷ· μετρήσας δὲ συνέχωσα ὀπίσω.” ὃ μὲν δή οἱ ἔλεγε τά περ ὀπώπεε, ὁ δὲ ἐννώσας τὰ λεγόμενα συνεβάλλετο τὸν Ὀρέστεα κατὰ τὸ θεοπρόπιον τοῦτον εἶναι, τῇδε συμβαλλόμενος· τοῦ χαλκέος δύο ὁρέων φύσας τοὺς ἀνέμους εὕρισκε ἐόντας, τὸν δὲ ἄκμονα καὶ τὴν σφῦραν τόν τε τύπον καὶ τὸν ἀντίτυπον, τὸν δὲ ἐξελαυνόμενον σίδηρον τὸ πῆμα ἐπὶ πήματι κείμενον, κατὰ τοιόνδε τι εἰκάζων, ὡς ἐπὶ κακῷ ἀνθρώπου σίδηρος ἀνεύρηται. συμβαλόμενος δὲ ταῦτα καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἐς Σπάρτην ἔφραζε Λακεδαιμονίοσσι πᾶν τὸ πρῆγμα. οἳ δὲ ἐκ λόγου πλαστοῦ ἐπενείκαντὲς οἱ αἰτίην ἐδίωξαν. ὁ δὲ ἀπικόμενος ἐς Τεγέην καὶ φράζων τὴν ἑωυτοῦ συμφορὴν πρὸς τὸν χαλκέα ἐμισθοῦτο παρʼ οὐκ ἐκδιδόντος τὴν αὐλήν· χρόνῳ δὲ ὡς ἀνέγνωσε, ἐνοικίσθη, ἀνορύξας δὲ τὸν τάφον καὶ τὰ ὀστέα συλλέξας οἴχετο φέρων ἐς Σπάρτην. καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου, ὅκως πειρῴατο ἀλλήλων, πολλῷ κατυπέρτεροι τῷ πολέμῳ ἐγίνοντο οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· ἤδη δέ σφι καὶ ἡ πολλὴ τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἦν κατεστραμμένη.
1.146 τούτων δὴ εἵνεκα καὶ οἱ Ἴωνες δυώδεκα πόλιας ἐποιήσαντο· ἐπεὶ ὥς γέ τι μᾶλλον οὗτοι Ἴωνες εἰσὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων ἢ κάλλιόν τι γεγόνασι, μωρίη πολλὴ λέγειν· τῶν Ἄβαντες μὲν ἐξ Εὐβοίες εἰσὶ οὐκ ἐλαχίστη μοῖρα, τοῖσι Ἰωνίης μέτα οὐδὲ τοῦ οὐνόματος οὐδέν, Μινύαι δὲ Ὀρχομένιοί σφι ἀναμεμίχαται καὶ Καδμεῖοι καὶ Δρύοπες καὶ Φωκέες ἀποδάσμιοι καὶ Μολοσσοὶ καὶ Ἀρκάδες Πελασγοὶ καὶ Δωριέες Ἐπιδαύριοι, ἄλλα τε ἔθνεα πολλὰ ἀναμεμίχαται· οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ πρυτανηίου τοῦ Ἀθηναίων ὁρμηθέντες καὶ νομίζοντες γενναιότατοι εἶναι Ἰώνων, οὗτοι δὲ οὐ γυναῖκας ἠγάγοντο ἐς τὴν ἀποικίην ἀλλὰ Καείρας ἔσχον, τῶν ἐφόνευσαν τοὺς γονέας. διὰ τοῦτὸν δὲ τὸν φόνον αἱ γυναῖκες αὗται νόμον θέμεναι σφίσι αὐτῇσι ὅρκους ἐπήλασαν καὶ παρέδοσαν τῇσι θυγατράσι, μή κοτε ὁμοσιτῆσαι τοῖσι ἀνδράσι μηδὲ οὐνόματι βῶσαι τὸν ἑωυτῆς ἄνδρα, τοῦδε εἵνεκα ὅτι ἐφόνευσαν σφέων τοὺς πατέρας καὶ ἄνδρας καὶ παῖδας καὶ ἔπειτα ταῦτα ποιήσαντες αὐτῇσι συνοίκεον. 1.147 ταῦτα δὲ ἦν γινόμενα ἐν Μιλήτῳ. βασιλέας δὲ ἐστήσαντο οἳ μὲν αὐτῶν Λυκίους ἀπὸ Γλαύκου τοῦ Ἱππολόχου γεγονότας, οἳ δὲ Καύκωνας Πυλίους ἀπὸ Κόδρου τοῦ Μελάνθου, οἳ δὲ καὶ συναμφοτέρους. ἀλλὰ γὰρ περιέχονται τοῦ οὐνόματος μᾶλλόν τι τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων, ἔστωσαν δὴ καὶ οἱ καθαρῶς γεγονότες Ἴωνες. εἰσὶ δὲ πάντες Ἴωνες ὅσοι ἀπʼ Ἀθηνέων γεγόνασι καὶ Ἀπατούρια ἄγουσι ὁρτήν. ἄγουσι δὲ πάντες πλὴν Ἐφεσίων καὶ Κολοφωνίων· οὗτοι γὰρ μοῦνοι Ἰώνων οὐκ ἄγουσι Ἀπατούρια, καὶ οὗτοι κατὰ φόνου τινὰ σκῆψιν. 1.148 τὸ δὲ Πανιώνιον ἐστὶ τῆς Μυκάλης χῶρος ἱρὸς πρὸς ἄρκτον τετραμμένος, κοινῇ ἐξαραιρημένος ὑπὸ Ἰώνων Ποσειδέωνι Ἑλικωνίῳ. ἡ δὲ Μυκάλη ἐστὶ τῆς ἠπείρου ἄκρη πρὸς ζέφυρον ἄνεμον κατήκουσα Σάμῳ καταντίον, ἐς τὴν συλλεγόμενοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων Ἴωνες ἄγεσκον ὁρτὴν τῇ ἔθεντο οὔνομα Πανιώνια. πεπόνθασι δὲ οὔτι μοῦναι αἱ Ἰώνων ὁρταὶ τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἑλλήνων πάντων ὁμοίως πᾶσαι ἐς τὠυτὸ γράμμα τελευτῶσι, κατά περ τῶν Περσέων τὰ οὐνόματα. 1
2.29 ἄλλου δὲ οὐδενὸς οὐδὲν ἐδυνάμην πυθέσθαι. ἀλλὰ τοσόνδε μὲν ἄλλο ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἐπυθόμην, μέχρι μὲν Ἐλεφαντίνης πόλιος αὐτόπτης ἐλθών, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου ἀκοῇ ἤδη ἱστορέων. ἀπὸ Ἐλεφαντίνης πόλιος ἄνω ἰόντι ἄναντες ἐστὶ χωρίον· ταύτῃ ὦν δεῖ τὸ πλοῖον διαδήσαντας ἀμφοτέρωθεν κατά περ βοῦν πορεύεσθαι· ἢν δὲ ἀπορραγῇ τὸ πλοῖον οἴχεται φερόμενον ὑπὸ ἰσχύος τοῦ ῥόου. τὸ δὲ χωρίον τοῦτο ἐστὶ ἐπʼ ἡμέρας τέσσερας πλόος, σκολιὸς δὲ ταύτῃ κατά περ ὁ Μαίανδρος ἐστὶ ὁ Νεῖλος· σχοῖνοι δὲ δυώδεκα εἰσὶ οὗτοι τοὺς δεῖ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διεκπλῶσαι. καὶ ἔπειτα ἀπίξεαι ἐς πεδίον λεῖον, ἐν τῷ νῆσον περιρρέει ὁ Νεῖλος· Ταχομψὼ οὔνομα αὐτῇ ἐστι. οἰκέουσι δὲ τὰ ἀπὸ Ἐλεφαντίνης ἄνω Αἰθίοπες ἤδη καὶ τῆς νήσου τὸ ἥμισυ, τὸ δὲ ἥμισυ Αἰγύπτιοι. ἔχεται δὲ τῆς νήσου λίμνην μεγάλη, τὴν πέριξ νομάδες Αἰθίοπες νέμονται· τὴν διεκπλώσας ἐς τοῦ Νείλου τὸ ῥέεθρον ἥξεις, τὸ ἐς τὴν λίμνην ταύτην ἐκδιδοῖ. καὶ ἔπειτα ἀποβὰς παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ὁδοιπορίην ποιήσεαι ἡμερέων τεσσεράκοντα· σκόπελοί τε γὰρ ἐν τῷ Νείλῳ ὀξέες ἀνέχουσι καὶ χοιράδες πολλαί εἰσι, διʼ ὧν οὐκ οἷά τε ἐστὶ πλέειν. διεξελθὼν δὲ ἐν τῇσι τεσσεράκοντα ἡμέρῃσι τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον, αὖτις ἐς ἕτερον πλοῖον ἐσβὰς δυώδεκα ἡμέρας πλεύσεαι, καὶ ἔπειτα ἥξεις ἐς πόλιν μεγάλην τῇ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Μερόη· λέγεται δὲ αὕτη ἡ πόλις εἶναι μητρόπολις τῶν ἄλλων Αἰθιόπων. οἱ δʼ ἐν ταύτῃ Δία θεῶν καὶ Διόνυσον μούνους σέβονται, τούτους τε μεγάλως τιμῶσι, καί σφι μαντήιον Διὸς κατέστηκε· στρατεύονται δὲ ἐπεάν σφεας ὁ θεὸς οὗτος κελεύῃ διὰ θεσπισμάτων, καὶ τῇ ἂν κελεύῃ, ἐκεῖσε.
2.38 τοὺς δὲ βοῦς τοὺς ἔρσενας τοῦ Ἐπάφου εἶναι νομίζουσι, καὶ τούτου εἵνεκα δοκιμάζουσι αὐτοὺς ὧδε· τρίχα ἢν καὶ μίαν ἴδηται ἐπεοῦσαν μέλαιναν, οὐ καθαρὸν εἶναι νομίζει. δίζηται δὲ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένος τῶν τις ἱρέων καὶ ὀρθοῦ ἑστεῶτος τοῦ κτήνεος καὶ ὑπτίου, καὶ τὴν γλῶσσαν ἐξειρύσας, εἰ καθαρὴ τῶν προκειμένων σημηίων, τὰ ἐγὼ ἐν ἄλλῳ λόγῳ ἐρέω· κατορᾷ δὲ καὶ τὰς τρίχας τῆς οὐρῆς εἰ κατὰ φύσιν ἔχει πεφυκυίας. ἢν δὲ τούτων πάντων ᾖ καθαρός, σημαίνεται βύβλῳ περὶ τὰ κέρεα εἱλίσσων καὶ ἔπειτα γῆν σημαντρίδα ἐπιπλάσας ἐπιβάλλει τὸν δακτύλιον, καὶ οὕτω ἀπάγουσι. ἀσήμαντον δὲ θύσαντι θάνατος ἡ ζημίη ἐπικέεται. δοκιμάζεται μέν νυν τὸ κτῆνος τρόπῳ τοιῷδε, θυσίη δέ σφι ἥδε κατέστηκε.
2.41 τοὺς μέν νυν καθαροὺς βοῦς τοὺς ἔρσενας καὶ τοὺς μόσχους οἱ πάντες Αἰγύπτιοι θύουσι, τὰς δὲ θηλέας οὔ σφι ἔξεστι θύειν, ἀλλὰ ἱραί εἰσι τῆς Ἴσιος· τὸ γὰρ τῆς Ἴσιος ἄγαλμα ἐὸν γυναικήιον βούκερων ἐστὶ κατά περ Ἕλληνες τὴν Ἰοῦν γράφουσι, καὶ τὰς βοῦς τὰς θηλέας Αἰγύπτιοι πάντες ὁμοίως σέβονται προβάτων πάντων μάλιστα μακρῷ. τῶν εἵνεκα οὔτε ἀνὴρ Αἰγύπτιος οὔτε γυνὴ ἄνδρα Ἕλληνα φιλήσειε ἂν τῷ στόματι, οὐδὲ μαχαίρῃ ἀνδρὸς Ἕλληνος χρήσεται οὐδὲ ὀβελοῖσι οὐδὲ λέβητι, οὐδὲ κρέως καθαροῦ βοὸς διατετμημένου Ἑλληνικῇ μαχαίρῃ γεύσεται. θάπτουσι δὲ τοὺς ἀποθνήσκοντας βοῦς τρόπον τόνδε· τὰς μὲν θηλέας ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἀπιεῖσι, τοὺς δὲ ἔρσενας κατορύσσουσι ἕκαστοι ἐν τοῖσι προαστείοισι, τὸ κέρας τὸ ἕτερον ἢ καὶ ἀμφότερα ὑπερέχοντα σημηίου εἵνεκεν· ἐπεὰν δὲ σαπῇ καὶ προσίῃ ὁ τεταγμένος χρόνος, ἀπικνέεται ἐς ἑκάστην πόλιν βᾶρις ἐκ τῆς Προσωπίτιδος καλευμένης νήσου. ἣ δʼ ἔστι μὲν ἐν τῷ Δέλτα, περίμετρον δὲ αὐτῆς εἰσὶ σχοῖνοι ἐννέα. ἐν ταύτῃ ὦ τῇ Προσωπίτιδι νήσῳ ἔνεισι μὲν καὶ ἄλλαι πόλιες συχναί, ἐκ τῆς δὲ αἱ βάριες παραγίνονται ἀναιρησόμεναι τὰ ὀστέα τῶν βοῶν, οὔνομα τῇ πόλι Ἀτάρβηχις, ἐν δʼ αὐτῇ Ἀφροδίτης ἱρὸν ἅγιον ἵδρυται. ἐκ ταύτης τῆς πόλιος πλανῶνται πολλοὶ ἄλλοι ἐς ἄλλας πόλις, ἀνορύξαντες δὲ τὰ ὀστέα ἀπάγουσι καὶ θάπτουσι ἐς ἕνα χῶρον πάντες. κατὰ ταὐτὰ δὲ τοῖσι βουσὶ καὶ τἆλλα κτήνεα θάπτουσι ἀποθνήσκοντα· καὶ γὰρ περὶ ταῦτα οὕτω σφι νενομοθέτηται· κτείνουσι γὰρ δὴ οὐδὲ ταῦτα. 2.42 ὅσοι μὲν δὴ Διὸς Θηβαιέος ἵδρυνται ἱρὸν ἤ νομοῦ τοῦ Θηβαίου εἰσί, οὗτοι μέν νυν πάντες ὀίων ἀπεχόμενοι αἶγας θύουσι. θεοὺς γὰρ δὴ οὐ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἅπαντες ὁμοίως Αἰγύπτιοι σέβονται, πλὴν Ἴσιός τε καὶ Ὀσίριος, τὸν δὴ Διόνυσον εἶναι λέγουσι· τούτους δὲ ὁμοίως ἅπαντες σέβονται. ὅσοι δὲ τοῦ Μένδητος ἔκτηνται ἱρὸν ἢ νομοῦ τοῦ Μενδησίου εἰσί, οὗτοι δὲ αἰγῶν ἀπεχόμενοι ὄις θύουσι. Θηβαῖοι μέν νυν καὶ ὅσοι διὰ τούτους ὀίων ἀπέχονται, διὰ τάδε λέγουσι τὸν νόμον τόνδε σφίσι τεθῆναι. Ἡρακλέα θελῆσαι πάντως ἰδέσθαι τὸν Δία, καὶ τὸν οὐκ ἐθέλειν ὀφθῆναι ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ· τέλος δέ, ἐπείτε λιπαρέειν τὸν Ἡρακλέα, τάδε τὸν Δία μηχανήσασθαι· κριὸν ἐκδείραντα προσχέσθαι τε τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποταμόντα τοῦ κριοῦ καὶ ἐνδύντα τὸ νάκος οὕτω οἱ ἑωυτὸν ἐπιδέξαι. ἀπὸ τούτου κριοπρόσωπον τοῦ Διὸς τὤγαλμα ποιεῦσι Αἰγύπτιοι, ἀπὸ δὲ Αἰγυπτίων Ἀμμώνιοι, ἐόντες Αἰγυπτίων τε καὶ Αἰθιόπων ἄποικοι καὶ φωνὴν μεταξὺ ἀμφοτέρων νομίζοντες. δοκέειν δέ μοι, καὶ τὸ οὔνομα Ἀμμώνιοι ἀπὸ τοῦδε σφίσι τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἐποιήσαντο· Ἀμοῦν γὰρ Αἰγύπτιοι καλέουσι τὸν Δία. τοὺς δὲ κριοὺς οὐ θύουσι Θηβαῖοι, ἀλλʼ εἰσί σφι ἱροὶ διὰ τοῦτο. μιῇ δὲ ἡμέρῃ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, ἐν ὁρτῇ τοῦ Διός, κριὸν ἕνα κατακόψαντες καὶ ἀποδείραντες κατὰ τὠυτὸ ἐνδύουσι τὤγαλμα τοῦ Διός, καὶ ἔπειτα ἄλλο ἄγαλμα Ἡρακλέος προσάγουσι πρὸς αὐτό. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες τύπτονται οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν ἅπαντες τὸν κριὸν καὶ ἔπειτα ἐν ἱρῇ θήκῃ θάπτουσι αὐτόν. 2.43 Ἡρακλέος δὲ πέρι τόνδε τὸν λόγον ἤκουσα, ὅτι εἴη τῶν δυώδεκα θεῶν· τοῦ ἑτέρου δὲ πέρι Ἡρακλέος, τὸν Ἕλληνες οἴδασι, οὐδαμῇ Αἰγύπτου ἐδυνάσθην ἀκοῦσαι. καὶ μὴν ὅτι γε οὐ παρʼ Ἑλλήνων ἔλαβον τὸ οὔνομα Αἰγύπτιοι τοῦ Ἡρακλέος, ἀλλὰ Ἕλληνες μᾶλλον παρʼ Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Ἑλλήνων οὗτοι οἱ θέμενοι τῷ Ἀμφιτρύωνος γόνῳ τοὔνομα Ἡρακλέα, πολλά μοι καὶ ἄλλα τεκμήρια ἐστὶ τοῦτο οὕτω ἔχειν, ἐν δὲ καὶ τόδε, ὅτι τε τοῦ Ἡρακλέος τούτου οἱ γονέες ἀμφότεροι ἦσαν Ἀμφιτρύων καὶ Ἀλκμήνη γεγονότες τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου, καὶ διότι Αἰγύπτιοι οὔτε Ποσειδέωνος οὔτε Διοσκούρων τὰ οὐνόματα φασὶ εἰδέναι, οὐδέ σφι θεοὶ οὗτοι ἐν τοῖσι ἄλλοισι θεοῖσι ἀποδεδέχαται. καὶ μὴν εἴ γε παρʼ Ἑλλήνων ἔλαβον οὔνομά τευ δαίμονος, τούτων οὐκ ἥκιστα ἀλλὰ μάλιστα ἔμελλον μνήμην ἕξειν, εἴ περ καὶ τότε ναυτιλίῃσι ἐχρέωντο καὶ ἦσαν Ἑλλήνων τινὲς ναυτίλοι, ὡς ἔλπομαί τε καὶ ἐμὴ γνώμη αἱρέει· ὥστε τούτων ἂν καὶ μᾶλλον τῶν θεῶν τὰ οὐνόματα ἐξεπιστέατο Αἰγύπτιοι ἢ τοῦ Ἡρακλέος. ἀλλά τις ἀρχαῖος ἐστὶ θεὸς Αἰγυπτίοισι Ἡρακλέης· ὡς δὲ αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, ἔτεα ἐστὶ ἑπτακισχίλια καὶ μύρια ἐς Ἄμασιν βασιλεύσαντα, ἐπείτε ἐκ τῶν ὀκτὼ θεῶν οἱ δυώδεκα θεοὶ ἐγένοντο τῶν Ἡρακλέα ἕνα νομίζουσι. 2.44 καὶ θέλων δὲ τούτων πέρι σαφές τι εἰδέναι ἐξ ὧν οἷόν τε ἦν, ἔπλευσα καὶ ἐς Τύρον τῆς Φοινίκης, πυνθανόμενος αὐτόθι εἶναι ἱρὸν Ἡρακλέος ἅγιον. καὶ εἶδον πλουσίως κατεσκευασμένον ἄλλοισί τε πολλοῖσι ἀναθήμασι, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ ἦσαν στῆλαι δύο, ἣ μὲν χρυσοῦ ἀπέφθου, ἣ δὲ σμαράγδου λίθου λάμποντος τὰς νύκτας μέγαθος. ἐς λόγους δὲ ἐλθὼν τοῖσι ἱρεῦσι τοῦ θεοῦ εἰρόμην ὁκόσος χρόνος εἴη ἐξ οὗ σφι τὸ ἱρὸν ἵδρυται. εὗρον δὲ οὐδὲ τούτους τοῖσι Ἕλλησι συμφερομένους· ἔφασαν γὰρ ἅμα Τύρῳ οἰκιζομένῃ καὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἱδρυθῆναι, εἶναι δὲ ἔτεα ἀπʼ οὗ Τύρον οἰκέουσι τριηκόσια καὶ δισχίλια. εἶδον δὲ ἐν τῇ Τύρῳ καὶ ἄλλο ἱρὸν Ἡρακλέος ἐπωνυμίην ἔχοντος Θασίου εἶναι· ἀπικόμην δὲ καὶ ἐς Θάσον, ἐν τῇ εὗρον ἱρὸν Ἡρακλέος ὑπὸ Φοινίκων ἱδρυμένον, οἳ κατʼ Εὐρώπης ζήτησιν ἐκπλώσαντες Θάσον ἔκτισαν· καὶ ταῦτα καὶ πέντε γενεῇσι ἀνδρῶν πρότερα ἐστὶ ἢ τὸν Ἀμφιτρύωνος Ἡρακλέα ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι γενέσθαι. τὰ μέν νυν ἱστορημένα δηλοῖ σαφέως παλαιὸν θεὸν Ἡρακλέα ἐόντα, καὶ δοκέουσι δέ μοι οὗτοι ὀρθότατα Ἑλλήνων ποιέειν, οἳ διξὰ Ἡράκλεια ἱδρυσάμενοι ἔκτηνται, καὶ τῷ μὲν ὡς ἀθανάτῳ Ὀλυμπίῳ δὲ ἐπωνυμίην θύουσι, τῷ δὲ ἑτέρῳ ὡς ἥρωι ἐναγίζουσι.
2.46 τὰς δὲ δὴ αἶγας καὶ τοὺς τράγους τῶνδε εἵνεκα οὐ θύουσι Αἰγυπτίων οἱ εἰρημένοι· τὸν Πᾶνα τῶν ὀκτὼ θεῶν λογίζονται εἶναι οἱ Μενδήσιοι, τοὺς δὲ ὀκτὼ θεοὺς τούτους προτέρους τῶν δυώδεκα θεῶν φασι γενέσθαι. γράφουσί τε δὴ καὶ γλύφουσι οἱ ζωγράφοι καὶ οἱ ἀγαλματοποιοὶ τοῦ Πανὸς τὤγαλμα κατά περ Ἕλληνες αἰγοπρόσωπον καὶ τραγοσκελέα, οὔτι τοιοῦτον νομίζοντες εἶναί μιν ἀλλὰ ὁμοῖον τοῖσι ἄλλοισι θεοῖσι· ὅτευ δὲ εἵνεκα τοιοῦτον γράφουσι αὐτόν, οὔ μοι ἥδιον ἐστὶ λέγειν. σέβονται δὲ πάντας τοὺς αἶγας οἱ Μενδήσιοι, καὶ μᾶλλον τοὺς ἔρσενας τῶν θηλέων, καὶ τούτων οἱ αἰπόλοι τιμὰς μέζονας ἔχουσι· ἐκ δὲ τούτων ἕνα μάλιστα, ὅστις ἐπεὰν ἀποθάνῃ, πένθος μέγα παντὶ τῷ Μενδησίῳ νομῷ τίθεται. καλέεται δὲ ὅ τε τράγος καὶ ὁ Πὰν Αἰγυπτιστὶ Μένδης. ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ νομῷ τούτῳ ἐπʼ ἐμεῦ τοῦτο τὸ τέρας· γυναικὶ τράγος ἐμίσγετο ἀναφανδόν. τοῦτο ἐς ἐπίδεξιν ἀνθρώπων ἀπίκετο. 2.47 ὗν δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι μιαρὸν ἥγηνται θηρίον εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἤν τις ψαύσῃ αὐτῶν παριὼν αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι ἱματίοισι ἀπʼ ὦν ἔβαψε ἑωυτὸν βὰς ἐς τὸν ποταμόν· τοῦτο δὲ οἱ συβῶται ἐόντες Αἰγύπτιοι ἐγγενέες ἐς ἱρὸν οὐδὲν τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἐσέρχονται μοῦνοι πάντων, οὐδέ σφι ἐκδίδοσθαι οὐδεὶς θυγατέρα ἐθέλει οὐδʼ ἄγεσθαι ἐξ αὐτῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐκδίδονταί τε οἱ συβῶται καὶ ἄγονται ἐξ ἀλλήλων. τοῖσι μέν νυν ἄλλοισι θεοῖσι θύειν ὗς οὐ δικαιοῦσι Αἰγύπτιοι, Σελήνῃ δὲ καὶ Διονύσῳ μούνοισι τοῦ αὐτοῦ χρόνου, τῇ αὐτῇ πανσελήνῳ, τοὺς ὗς θύσαντες πατέονται τῶν κρεῶν. διότι δὲ τοὺς ὗς ἐν μὲν τῇσι ἄλλῃσι ὁρτῇσι ἀπεστυγήκασι ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ θύουσι, ἔστι μὲν λόγος περὶ αὐτοῦ ὑπʼ Αἰγυπτίων λεγόμενος, ἐμοὶ μέντοι ἐπισταμένῳ οὐκ εὐπρεπέστερος ἐστὶ λέγεσθαι. θυσίη δὲ ἥδε τῶν ὑῶν τῇ Σελήνῃ ποιέεται· ἐπεὰν θύσῃ, τὴν οὐρὴν ἄκρην καὶ τὸν σπλῆνα καὶ τὸν ἐπίπλοον συνθεὶς ὁμοῦ κατʼ ὦν ἐκάλυψε πάσῃ τοῦ κτήνεος τῇ πιμελῇ τῇ περὶ τὴν νηδὺν γινομένῃ, καὶ ἔπειτα καταγίζει πυρί· τὰ δὲ ἄλλα κρέα σιτέονται ἐν τῇ πανσελήνῳ ἐν τῇ ἂν τὰ ἱρὰ θύσωσι, ἐν ἄλλῃ δὲ ἡμέρῃ οὐκ ἂν ἔτι γευσαίατο. οἱ δὲ πένητες αὐτῶν ὑπʼ ἀσθενείης βίου σταιτίνας πλάσαντες ὗς καὶ ὀπτήσαντες ταύτας θύουσι. 2.48 τῷ δὲ Διονύσῳ τῆς ὁρτῆς τῇ δορπίῃ χοῖρον πρὸ τῶν θυρέων σφάξας ἕκαστος διδοῖ ἀποφέρεσθαι τὸν χοῖρον αὐτῷ τῷ ἀποδομένῳ τῶν συβωτέων. τὴν δὲ ἄλλην ἀνάγουσι ὁρτὴν τῷ Διονύσῳ οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι πλὴν χορῶν κατὰ ταὐτὰ σχεδὸν πάντα Ἕλλησι· ἀντὶ δὲ φαλλῶν ἄλλα σφι ἐστὶ ἐξευρημένα, ὅσον τε πηχυαῖα ἀγάλματα νευρόσπαστα, τὰ περιφορέουσι κατὰ κώμας γυναῖκες, νεῦον τὸ αἰδοῖον, οὐ πολλῷ τεῳ ἔλασσον ἐὸν τοῦ ἄλλου σώματος· προηγέεται δὲ αὐλός, αἳ δὲ ἕπονται ἀείδουσαι τὸν Διόνυσον. διότι δὲ μέζον τε ἔχει τὸ αἰδοῖον καὶ κινέει μοῦνον τοῦ σώματος, ἔστι λόγος περὶ αὐτοῦ ἱρὸς λεγόμενος.' '2.49 ἤδη ὦν δοκέει μοι Μελάμπους ὁ Ἀμυθέωνος τῆς θυσίης ταύτης οὐκ εἶναι ἀδαὴς ἀλλʼ ἔμπειρος. Ἕλλησι γὰρ δὴ Μελάμπους ἐστὶ ὁ ἐξηγησάμενος τοῦ Διονύσου τό τε οὔνομα καὶ τὴν θυσίην καὶ τὴν πομπὴν τοῦ φαλλοῦ· ἀτρεκέως μὲν οὐ πάντα συλλαβὼν τὸν λόγον ἔφηνε, ἀλλʼ οἱ ἐπιγενόμενοι τούτῳ σοφισταὶ μεζόνως ἐξέφηναν· τὸν δʼ ὦν φαλλὸν τὸν τῷ Διονύσῳ πεμπόμενον Μελάμπους ἐστὶ ὁ κατηγησάμενος, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου μαθόντες ποιεῦσι τὰ ποιεῦσι Ἕλληνες. ἐγὼ μέν νυν φημὶ Μελάμποδα γενόμενον ἄνδρα σοφὸν μαντικήν τε ἑωυτῷ συστῆσαι καὶ πυθόμενον ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐσηγήσασθαι Ἕλλησι καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον, ὀλίγα αὐτῶν παραλλάξαντα. οὐ γὰρ δὴ συμπεσεῖν γε φήσω τά τε ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ποιεύμενα τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖσι Ἕλλησι· ὁμότροπα γὰρ ἂν ἦν τοῖσι Ἕλλησι καὶ οὐ νεωστὶ ἐσηγμένα. οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ φήσω ὅκως Αἰγύπτιοι παρʼ Ἑλλήνων ἔλαβον ἢ τοῦτο ἢ ἄλλο κού τι νόμαιον. πυθέσθαι δέ μοι δοκέει μάλιστα Μελάμπους τὰ περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον παρὰ Κάδμου τε τοῦ Τυρίου καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκ Φοινίκης ἀπικομένων ἐς τὴν νῦν Βοιωτίην καλεομένην χώρην. 2.50 σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ πάντων τὰ οὐνόματα τῶν θεῶν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἐλήλυθε ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. διότι μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν βαρβάρων ἥκει, πυνθανόμενος οὕτω εὑρίσκω ἐόν· δοκέω δʼ ὦν μάλιστα ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου ἀπῖχθαι. ὅτι γὰρ δὴ μὴ Ποσειδέωνος καὶ Διοσκούρων, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι ταῦτα εἴρηται, καὶ Ἥρης καὶ Ἱστίης καὶ Θέμιος καὶ Χαρίτων καὶ Νηρηίδων, τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν Αἰγυπτίοισι αἰεί κοτε τὰ οὐνόματα ἐστὶ ἐν τῇ χώρῃ. λέγω δὲ τὰ λέγουσι αὐτοὶ Αἰγύπτιοι. τῶν δὲ οὔ φασι θεῶν γινώσκειν τὰ οὐνόματα, οὗτοι δέ μοι δοκέουσι ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν ὀνομασθῆναι, πλὴν Ποσειδέωνος· τοῦτον δὲ τὸν θεὸν παρὰ Λιβύων ἐπύθοντο· οὐδαμοὶ γὰρ ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς Ποσειδέωνος οὔνομα ἔκτηνται εἰ μὴ Λίβυες καὶ τιμῶσι τὸν θεὸν τοῦτον αἰεί. νομίζουσι δʼ ὦν Αἰγύπτιοι οὐδʼ ἥρωσι οὐδέν. 2.51 ταῦτα μέν νυν καὶ ἄλλα πρὸς τούτοισι, τὰ ἐγὼ φράσω, Ἕλληνες ἀπʼ Αἰγυπτίων νενομίκασι· τοῦ δὲ Ἑρμέω τὰ ἀγάλματα ὀρθὰ ἔχειν τὰ αἰδοῖα ποιεῦντες οὐκ ἀπʼ Αἰγυπτίων μεμαθήκασι, ἀλλʼ ἀπὸ Πελασγῶν πρῶτοι μὲν Ἑλλήνων ἁπάντων Ἀθηναῖοι παραλαβόντες, παρὰ δὲ τούτων ὧλλοι. Ἀθηναίοισι γὰρ ἤδη τηνικαῦτα ἐς Ἕλληνας τελέουσι Πελασγοὶ σύνοικοι ἐγένοντο ἐν τῇ χώρῃ, ὅθεν περ καὶ Ἕλληνες ἤρξαντο νομισθῆναι. ὅστις δὲ τὰ Καβείρων ὄργια μεμύηται, τὰ Σαμοθρήικες ἐπιτελέουσι παραλαβόντες παρὰ Πελασγῶν, οὗτος ὡνὴρ οἶδε τὸ λέγω· τὴν γὰρ Σαμοθρηίκην οἴκεον πρότερον Πελασγοὶ οὗτοι οἵ περ Ἀθηναίοισι σύνοικοι ἐγένοντο, καὶ παρὰ τούτων Σαμοθρήικες τὰ ὄργια παραλαμβάνουσι. ὀρθὰ ὦν ἔχειν τὰ αἰδοῖα τἀγάλματα τοῦ Ἑρμέω Ἀθηναῖοι πρῶτοι Ἑλλήνων μαθόντες παρὰ Πελασγῶν ἐποιήσαντο· οἱ δὲ Πελασγοὶ ἱρόν τινα λόγον περὶ αὐτοῦ ἔλεξαν, τὰ ἐν τοῖσι ἐν Σαμοθρηίκῃ μυστηρίοισι δεδήλωται. 2.52 ἔθυον δὲ πάντα πρότερον οἱ Πελασγοὶ θεοῖσι ἐπευχόμενοι, ὡς ἐγὼ ἐν Δωδώνῃ οἶδα ἀκούσας, ἐπωνυμίην δὲ οὐδʼ οὔνομα ἐποιεῦντο οὐδενὶ αὐτῶν· οὐ γὰρ ἀκηκόεσάν κω. θεοὺς δὲ προσωνόμασαν σφέας ἀπὸ τοῦ τοιούτου, ὅτι κόσμῳ θέντες τὰ πάντα πρήγματα καὶ πάσας νομὰς εἶχον. ἔπειτα δὲ χρόνου πολλοῦ διεξελθόντος ἐπύθοντο ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἀπικόμενα τὰ οὐνόματα τῶν θεῶν τῶν ἄλλων, Διονύσου δὲ ὕστερον πολλῷ ἐπύθοντο. καὶ μετὰ χρόνον ἐχρηστηριάζοντο περὶ τῶν οὐνομάτων ἐν Δωδώνῃ· τὸ γὰρ δὴ μαντήιον τοῦτο νενόμισται ἀρχαιότατον τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι χρηστηρίων εἶναι, καὶ ἦν τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον μοῦνον. ἐπεὶ ὦν ἐχρηστηριάζοντο ἐν τῇ Δωδώνῃ οἱ Πελασγοὶ εἰ ἀνέλωνται τὰ οὐνόματα τὰ ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἥκοντα, ἀνεῖλε τὸ μαντήιον χρᾶσθαι. ἀπὸ μὲν δὴ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου ἔθυον τοῖσι οὐνόμασι τῶν θεῶν χρεώμενοι· παρὰ δὲ Πελασγῶν Ἕλληνες ἐξεδέξαντο ὕστερον. 2.53 ἔνθεν δὲ ἐγένοντο ἕκαστος τῶν θεῶν, εἴτε αἰεὶ ἦσαν πάντες, ὁκοῖοί τε τινὲς τὰ εἴδεα, οὐκ ἠπιστέατο μέχρι οὗ πρώην τε καὶ χθὲς ὡς εἰπεῖν λόγῳ. Ἡσίοδον γὰρ καὶ Ὅμηρον ἡλικίην τετρακοσίοισι ἔτεσι δοκέω μευ πρεσβυτέρους γενέσθαι καὶ οὐ πλέοσι· οὗτοι δὲ εἰσὶ οἱ ποιήσαντες θεογονίην Ἕλλησι καὶ τοῖσι θεοῖσι τὰς ἐπωνυμίας δόντες καὶ τιμάς τε καὶ τέχνας διελόντες καὶ εἴδεα αὐτῶν σημήναντες. οἱ δὲ πρότερον ποιηταὶ λεγόμενοι τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν γενέσθαι ὕστερον, ἔμοιγε δοκέειν, ἐγένοντο. τούτων τὰ μὲν πρῶτα αἱ Δωδωνίδες ἱρεῖαι λέγουσι, τὰ δὲ ὕστερα τὰ ἐς Ἡσίοδόν τε καὶ Ὅμηρον ἔχοντα ἐγὼ λέγω. 2.54 χρηστηρίων δὲ πέρι τοῦ τε ἐν Ἕλλησι καὶ τοῦ ἐν Λιβύῃ τόνδε Αἰγύπτιοι λόγον λέγουσι. ἔφασαν οἱ ἱρέες τοῦ Θηβαιέος Διὸς δύο γυναῖκας ἱρείας ἐκ Θηβέων ἐξαχθῆναι ὑπὸ Φοινίκων, καὶ τὴν μὲν αὐτέων πυθέσθαι ἐς Λιβύην πρηθεῖσαν τὴν δὲ ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας· ταύτας δὲ τὰς γυναῖκας εἶναι τὰς ἱδρυσαμένας τὰ μαντήια πρώτας ἐν τοῖσι εἰρημένοισι ἔθνεσι. εἰρομένου δέ μευ ὁκόθεν οὕτω ἀτρεκέως ἐπιστάμενοι λέγουσι, ἔφασαν πρὸς ταῦτα ζήτησιν μεγάλην ἀπὸ σφέων γενέσθαι τῶν γυναικῶν τουτέων, καὶ ἀνευρεῖν μὲν σφέας οὐ δυνατοὶ γενέσθαι, πυθέσθαι δὲ ὕστερον ταῦτα περὶ αὐτέων τά περ δὴ ἔλεγον. 2.55 ταῦτα μέν νυν τῶν ἐν Θήβῃσι ἱρέων ἤκουον, τάδε δὲ Δωδωναίων φασὶ αἱ προμάντιες· δύο πελειάδας μελαίνας ἐκ Θηβέων τῶν Αἰγυπτιέων ἀναπταμένας τὴν μὲν αὐτέων ἐς Λιβύην τὴν δὲ παρὰ σφέας ἀπικέσθαι, ἱζομένην δέ μιν ἐπὶ φηγὸν αὐδάξασθαι φωνῇ ἀνθρωπηίῃ ὡς χρεὸν εἴη μαντήιον αὐτόθι Διὸς γενέσθαι, καὶ αὐτοὺς ὑπολαβεῖν θεῖον εἶναι τὸ ἐπαγγελλόμενον αὐτοῖσι, καί σφεας ἐκ τούτου ποιῆσαι. τὴν δὲ ἐς τοὺς Λίβυας οἰχομένην πελειάδα λέγουσι Ἄμμωνος χρηστήριον κελεῦσαι τοὺς Λίβυας ποιέειν· ἔστι δὲ καὶ τοῦτο Διός. Δωδωναίων δὲ αἱ ἱρεῖαι, τῶν τῇ πρεσβυτάτῃ οὔνομα ἦν Προμένεια, τῇ δὲ μετὰ ταύτην Τιμαρέτη, τῇ δὲ νεωτάτῃ Νικάνδρη, ἔλεγον ταῦτα· συνωμολόγεον δέ σφι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Δωδωναῖοι οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱρόν. 2.56 ἐγὼ δʼ ἔχω περὶ αὐτῶν γνώμην τήνδε· εἰ ἀληθέως οἱ Φοίνικες ἐξήγαγον τὰς ἱρὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν μὲν αὐτέων ἐς Λιβύην τὴν δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἐλλάδα ἀπέδοντο, δοκέει ἐμοί ἡ γυνὴ αὕτη τῆς νῦν Ἑλλάδος, πρότερον δὲ Πελασγίης καλευμένης τῆς αὐτῆς ταύτης, πρηθῆναι ἐς Θεσπρωτούς, ἔπειτα δουλεύουσα αὐτόθι ἱδρύσασθαι ὑπὸ φηγῷ πεφυκυίῃ ἱρὸν Διός, ὥσπερ ἦν οἰκὸς ἀμφιπολεύουσαν ἐν Θήβῃσι ἱρὸν Διός, ἔνθα ἀπίκετο, ἐνθαῦτα μνήμην αὐτοῦ ἔχειν· ἐκ δὲ τούτου χρηστήριον κατηγήσατο, ἐπείτε συνέλαβε τὴν Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν· φάναι δέ οἱ ἀδελφεὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ πεπρῆσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν Φοινίκων ὑπʼ ὧν καὶ αὐτὴ ἐπρήθη. 2.57 πελειάδες δέ μοι δοκέουσι κληθῆναι πρὸς Δωδωναίων ἐπὶ τοῦδε αἱ γυναῖκες, διότι βάρβαροι ἦσαν, ἐδόκεον δέ σφι ὁμοίως ὄρνισι φθέγγεσθαι· μετὰ δὲ χρόνον τὴν πελειάδα ἀνθρωπηίῃ φωνῇ αὐδάξασθαι λέγουσι, ἐπείτε συνετά σφι ηὔδα ἡ γυνή· ἕως δὲ ἐβαρβάριζε, ὄρνιθος τρόπον ἐδόκεέ σφι φθέγγεσθαι, ἐπεὶ τέῳ ἂν τρόπῳ πελειάς γε ἀνθρωπηίῃ φωνῇ φθέγξαιτο; μέλαιναν δὲ λέγοντες εἶναι τὴν πελειάδα σημαίνουσι ὅτι Αἰγυπτίη ἡ γυνὴ ἦν. ἡ δὲ μαντηίη ἥ τε ἐν Θήβῃσι τῇσι Αἰγυπτίῃσι καὶ ἐν Δωδώνῃ παραπλήσιαι ἀλλήλῃσι τυγχάνουσι ἐοῦσαι. ἔστι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἱρῶν ἡ μαντικὴ ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου ἀπιγμένη. 2.58 πανηγύρις δὲ ἄρα καὶ πομπὰς καὶ προσαγωγὰς πρῶτοι ἀνθρώπων Αἰγύπτιοι εἰσὶ οἱ ποιησάμενοι, καὶ παρὰ τούτων Ἕλληνες μεμαθήκασι. τεκμήριον δέ μοι τούτου τόδε· αἱ μὲν γὰρ φαίνονται ἐκ πολλοῦ τευ χρόνου ποιεύμεναι, αἱ δὲ Ἑλληνικαὶ νεωστὶ ἐποιήθησαν. 2.59 πανηγυρίζουσι δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι οὐκ ἅπαξ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, πανηγύρις δὲ συχνάς, μάλιστα μὲν καὶ προθυμότατα ἐς Βούβαστιν πόλιν τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι, δεύτερα δὲ ἐς Βούσιριν πόλιν τῇ Ἴσι· ἐν ταύτῃ γὰρ δὴ τῇ πόλι ἐστὶ μέγιστον Ἴσιος ἱρόν, ἵδρυται δὲ ἡ πόλις αὕτη τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐν μέσῳ τῷ Δέλτα· Ἶσις δὲ ἐστὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν Δημήτηρ. τρίτα δὲ ἐς Σάιν πόλιν τῇ Ἀθηναίῃ πανηγυρίζουσι, τέταρτα δὲ ἐς Ἡλίου πόλιν τῷ Ἡλίω, πέμπτα δὲ ἐς Βουτοῦν πόλιν τῇ Λητοῖ, ἕκτα δὲ ἐς Πάπρημιν πόλιν τῷ Ἄρεϊ. 2.60 ἐς μέν νυν Βούβαστιν πόλιν ἐπεὰν κομίζωνται, ποιεῦσι τοιάδε. πλέουσί τε γὰρ δὴ ἅμα ἄνδρες γυναιξὶ καὶ πολλόν τι πλῆθος ἑκατέρων ἐν ἑκάστῃ βάρι· αἳ μὲν τινὲς τῶν γυναικῶν κρόταλα ἔχουσαι κροταλίζουσι, οἳ δὲ αὐλέουσι κατὰ πάντα τὸν πλόον, αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες καὶ ἄνδρες ἀείδουσι καὶ τὰς χεῖρας κροτέουσι. ἐπεὰν δὲ πλέοντες κατά τινα πόλιν ἄλλην γένωνται, ἐγχρίμψαντες τὴν βᾶριν τῇ γῇ ποιεῦσι τοιάδε· αἳ μὲν τινὲς τῶν γυναικῶν ποιεῦσι τά περ εἴρηκα, αἳ δὲ τωθάζουσι βοῶσαι τὰς ἐν τῇ πόλι ταύτῃ γυναῖκας, αἳ δὲ ὀρχέονται, αἳ δὲ ἀνασύρονται ἀνιστάμεναι. ταῦτα παρὰ πᾶσαν πόλιν παραποταμίην ποιεῦσι· ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀπίκωνται ἐς τὴν Βούβαστιν, ὁρτάζουσι μεγάλας ἀνάγοντες θυσίας, καὶ οἶνος ἀμπέλινος ἀναισιμοῦται πλέων ἐν τῇ ὁρτῇ ταύτῃ ἢ ἐν τῷ ἅπαντι ἐνιαυτῷ τῷ ἐπιλοίπῳ. συμφοιτῶσι δέ, ὅ τι ἀνὴρ καὶ γυνή ἐστι πλὴν παιδίων, καὶ ἐς ἑβδομήκοντα μυριάδας, ὡς οἱ ἐπιχώριοι λέγουσι. 2.61 ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ταύτῃ ποιέεται, ἐν δὲ Βουσίρι πόλι ὡς ἀνάγουσι τῇ Ἴσι τὴν ὁρτήν, εἴρηται προτερόν μοι· τύπτονται μὲν γὰρ δὴ μετὰ τὴν θυσίην πάντες καὶ πᾶσαι, μυριάδες κάρτα πολλαὶ ἀνθρώπων· τὸν δὲ τύπτονται, οὔ μοι ὅσιον ἐστὶ λέγειν. ὅσοι δὲ Καρῶν εἰσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οἰκέοντες, οὗτοι δὲ τοσούτῳ ἔτι πλέω ποιεῦσι τούτων ὅσῳ καὶ τὰ μέτωπα κόπτονται μαχαίρῃσι, καὶ τούτῳ εἰσὶ δῆλοι ὅτι εἰσὶ ξεῖνοι καὶ οὐκ Αἰγύπτιοι. 2.62 ἐς Σάιν δὲ πόλιν ἐπεὰν συλλεχθέωσι, τῆς θυσίης ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ λύχνα καίουσι πάντες πολλὰ ὑπαίθρια περὶ τὰ δώματα κύκλῳ· τὰ δὲ λύχνα ἐστὶ ἐμβάφια ἔμπλεα ἁλὸς καὶ ἐλαίου, ἐπιπολῆς δὲ ἔπεστι αὐτὸ τὸ ἐλλύχνιον, καὶ τοῦτο καίεται παννύχιον, καὶ τῇ ὁρτῇ οὔνομα κέεται λυχνοκαΐη. οἳ δʼ ἂν μὴ ἔλθωσι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἐς τὴν πανήγυριν ταύτην, φυλάσσοντες τὴν νύκτα τῆς θυσίης καίουσι καὶ αὐτοὶ πάντες τὰ λύχνα, καὶ οὕτω οὐκ ἐν Σάι μούνῃ καίεται ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀνὰ πᾶσαν Αἴγυπτον. ὅτευ δὲ εἵνεκα φῶς ἔλαχε καὶ τιμὴν ἡ νὺξ αὕτη, ἔστι ἱρὸς περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγος λεγόμενος. 2.63 ἐς δὲ Ἡλίου τε πόλιν καὶ Βουτοῦν θυσίας μούνας ἐπιτελέουσι φοιτέοντες. ἐν δὲ Παπρήμι θυσίας μὲν καὶ ἱρὰ κατά περ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ποιεῦσι· εὖτʼ ἂν δὲ γίνηται καταφερὴς ὁ ἥλιος, ὀλίγοι μὲν τινὲς τῶν ἱρέων περὶ τὤγαλμα πεπονέαται, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ αὐτῶν ξύλων κορύνας ἔχοντες ἑστᾶσι τοῦ ἱροῦ ἐν τῇ ἐσόδῳ, ἄλλοι τε εὐχωλὰς ἐπιτελέοντες πλεῦνες χιλίων ἀνδρῶν, ἕκαστοι ἔχοντες ξύλα καὶ οὗτοι, ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτερα ἁλέες ἑστᾶσι. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα ἐὸν ἐν νηῷ μικρῷ ξυλίνῳ κατακεχρυσωμένῳ προεκκομίζουσι τῇ προτεραίῃ ἐς ἄλλο οἴκημα ἱρόν. οἱ μὲν δὴ ὀλίγοι οἱ περὶ τὤγαλμα λελειμμένοι ἕλκουσι τετράκυκλον ἅμαξαν ἄγουσαν τὸν νηόν τε καὶ τὸ ἐν τῷ νηῷ ἐνεὸν ἄγαλμα, οἳ δὲ οὐκ ἐῶσι ἐν τοῖσι προπυλαίοισι ἑστεῶτες ἐσιέναι, οἱ δὲ εὐχωλιμαῖοι τιμωρέοντες τῷ θεῷ παίουσι αὐτοὺς ἀλεξομένους. ἐνθαῦτα μάχη ξύλοισι καρτερὴ γίνεται κεφαλάς τε συναράσσονται, καὶ ὡς ἐγὼ δοκέω πολλοὶ καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι ἐκ τῶν τρωμάτων· οὐ μέντοι οἵ γε Αἰγύπτιοι ἔφασαν ἀποθνήσκειν οὐδένα. τὴν δὲ πανήγυριν ταύτην ἐκ τοῦδε νομίσαι φασὶ οἱ ἐπιχώριοι· οἰκέειν ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τούτῳ τοῦ Ἄρεος τὴν μητέρα, καὶ τὸν Ἄρεα ἀπότροφον γενόμενον ἐλθεῖν ἐξανδρωμένον ἐθέλοντα τῇ μητρὶ συμμῖξαι, καὶ τοὺς προπόλους τῆς μητρός, οἷα οὐκ ὀπωπότας αὐτὸν πρότερον, οὐ περιορᾶν παριέναι ἀλλὰ ἀπερύκειν, τὸν δὲ ἐξ ἄλλης πόλιος ἀγαγόμενον ἀνθρώπους τούς τε προπόλους τρηχέως περισπεῖν καὶ ἐσελθεῖν παρὰ τὴν μητέρα. ἀπὸ τούτου τῷ Ἄρεϊ ταύτην τὴν πληγὴν ἐν τῇ ὁρτῇ νενομικέναι φασί. 2.64 καὶ τὸ μὴ μίσγεσθαι γυναιξὶ ἐν ἱροῖσι μηδὲ ἀλούτους ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἐς ἱρὰ ἐσιέναι οὗτοι εἰσὶ οἱ πρῶτοι θρησκεύσαντες. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι σχεδὸν πάντες ἄνθρωποι, πλὴν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Ἑλλήνων, μίσγονται ἐν ἱροῖσι καὶ ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἀνιστάμενοι ἄλουτοι ἐσέρχονται ἐς ἱρόν, νομίζοντες ἀνθρώπους εἶναι κατά περ τὰ ἄλλα κτήνεα· καὶ γὰρ τὰ ἄλλα κτήνεα ὁρᾶν καὶ ὀρνίθων γένεα ὀχευόμενα ἔν τε τοῖσι νηοῖσι τῶν θεῶν καὶ ἐν τοῖσι τεμένεσι· εἰ ὦν εἶναι τῷ θεῷ τοῦτο μὴ φίλον, οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲ τὰ κτήνεα ποιέειν. οὗτοι μέν νυν τοιαῦτα ἐπιλέγοντες ποιεῦσι ἔμοιγε οὐκ ἀρεστά· 2.65 Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ θρησκεύουσι περισσῶς τά τε ἄλλα περὶ τὰ ἱρὰ καὶ δὴ καὶ τάδε. ἐοῦσα ἡ Αἴγυπτος ὅμουρος τῇ Λιβύῃ οὐ μάλα θηριώδης ἐστί· τὰ δὲ ἐόντα σφι ἅπαντα ἱρὰ νενόμισται, καὶ τὰ μὲν σύντροφα αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι ἀνθρώποισι, τὰ δὲ οὔ. τῶν δὲ εἵνεκεν ἀνεῖται τὰ θηρία ἱρὰ εἰ λέγοιμι, καταβαίην ἂν τῷ λόγῳ ἐς τὰ θεῖα πρήγματα, τὰ ἐγὼ φεύγω μάλιστα ἀπηγέεσθαι· τὰ δὲ καὶ εἴρηκα αὐτῶν ἐπιψαύσας, ἀναγκαίῃ καταλαμβανόμενος εἶπον. νόμος δὲ ἐστὶ περὶ τῶν θηρίων ὧδε ἔχων· μελεδωνοὶ ἀποδεδέχαται τῆς τροφῆς χωρὶς ἑκάστων καὶ ἔρσενες καὶ θήλεαι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων, τῶν παῖς παρὰ πατρὸς ἐκδέκεται τὴν τιμήν. οἳ δὲ ἐν τῇσι πόλισι ἕκαστοι εὐχὰς τάσδε σφι ἀποτελέουσι· εὐχόμενοι τῷ θεῷ τοῦ ἂν ᾖ τὸ θηρίον, ξυρῶντες τῶν παιδίων ἢ πᾶσαν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἢ τὸ ἥμισυ ἢ τὸ τρίτον μέρος τῆς κεφαλῆς, ἱστᾶσι σταθμῷ πρὸς ἀργύριον τὰς τρίχας· τὸ δʼ ἂν ἑλκύσῃ, τοῦτο τῇ μελεδωνῷ τῶν θηρίων διδοῖ, ἣ δὲ ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ τάμνουσα ἰχθῦς παρέχει βορὴν τοῖσι θηρίοισι. τροφὴ μὲν δὴ αὐτοῖσι τοιαύτη ἀποδέδεκται· τὸ δʼ ἄν τις τῶν θηρίων τούτων ἀποκτείνῃ, ἢν μὲν ἑκών, θάνατος ἡ ζημίη, ἢν δὲ ἀέκων, ἀποτίνει ζημίην τὴν ἂν οἱ ἱρέες τάξωνται. ὃς δʼ ἂν ἶβιν ἢ ἴρηκα ἀποκτείνῃ, ἤν τε ἑκὼν ἤν τε ἀέκων, τεθνάναι ἀνάγκη.
2.81 ἐνδεδύκασι δὲ κιθῶνας λινέους περὶ τὰ σκέλεα θυσανωτούς, τοὺς καλέουσι καλασίρις· ἐπὶ τούτοισι δὲ εἰρίνεα εἵματα λευκὰ ἐπαναβληδὸν φορέουσι. οὐ μέντοι ἔς γε τὰ ἱρὰ ἐσφέρεται εἰρίνεα οὐδὲ συγκαταθάπτεταί σφι· οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον. ὁμολογέουσι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Ὀρφικοῖσι καλεομένοισι καὶ Βακχικοῖσι, ἐοῦσι δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ Πυθαγορείοισι· οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ὀργίων μετέχοντα ὅσιον ἐστὶ ἐν εἰρινέοισι εἵμασι θαφθῆναι. ἔστι δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν ἱρὸς λόγος λεγόμενος.
2.83 μαντικὴ δὲ αὐτοῖσι ὧδε διακέεται· ἀνθρώπων μὲν οὐδενὶ προσκέεται ἡ τέχνη, τῶν δὲ θεῶν μετεξετέροισι· καὶ γὰρ Ἡρακλέος μαντήιον αὐτόθι ἐστὶ καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ Ἀθηναίης καὶ Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ Ἄρεος καὶ Διός, καὶ τό γε μάλιστα ἐν τιμῇ ἄγονται πάντων τῶν μαντηίων, Λητοῦς ἐν Βουτοῖ πόλι ἐστί. οὐ μέντοι αἵ γε μαντηίαι σφι κατὰ τὠυτὸ ἑστᾶσι, ἀλλὰ διάφοροι εἰσί.
2.86 εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ τούτῳ κατέαται καὶ τέχνην ἔχουσι ταύτην. οὗτοι, ἐπεάν σφι κομισθῇ νεκρός, δεικνύουσι τοῖσι κομίσασι παραδείγματα νεκρῶν ξύλινα, τῇ γραφῇ μεμιμημένα , 1 καὶ τὴν μὲν σπουδαιοτάτην αὐτέων φασὶ εἶναι τοῦ οὐκ ὅσιον ποιεῦμαι τὸ οὔνομα ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ πρήγματι ὀνομάζειν, τὴν δὲ δευτέρην δεικνύουσι ὑποδεεστέρην τε ταύτης καὶ εὐτελεστέρην, τὴν δὲ τρίτην εὐτελεστάτην· φράσαντες δὲ πυνθάνονται παρʼ αὐτῶν κατὰ ἥντινα βούλονταί σφι σκευασθῆναι τὸν νεκρόν. οἳ μὲν δὴ ἐκποδὼν μισθῷ ὁμολογήσαντες ἀπαλλάσσονται, οἳ δὲ ὑπολειπόμενοι ἐν οἰκήμασι ὧδε τὰ σπουδαιότατα ταριχεύουσι. πρῶτα μὲν σκολιῷ σιδήρῳ διὰ τῶν μυξωτήρων ἐξάγουσι τὸν ἐγκέφαλον, τὰ μὲν αὐτοῦ οὕτω ἐξάγοντες, τὰ δὲ ἐγχέοντες φάρμακα· μετὰ δὲ λίθῳ Αἰθιοπικῷ ὀξέι παρασχίσαντες παρὰ τὴν λαπάρην ἐξ ὦν εἷλον τὴν κοιλίην πᾶσαν, ἐκκαθήραντες δὲ αὐτὴν καὶ διηθήσαντες οἴνῳ φοινικηίῳ αὖτις διηθέουσι θυμιήμασι τετριμμένοισι· ἔπειτα τὴν νηδὺν σμύρνης ἀκηράτου τετριμμένης καὶ κασίης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θυμιημάτων, πλὴν λιβανωτοῦ, πλήσαντες συρράπτουσι ὀπίσω. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες ταριχεύουσι λίτρῳ κρύψαντες ἡμέρας ἑβδομήκοντα· πλεῦνας δὲ τουτέων οὐκ ἔξεστι ταριχεύειν. ἐπεὰν δὲ παρέλθωσι αἱ ἑβδομήκοντα, λούσαντες τὸν νεκρὸν κατειλίσσουσι πᾶν αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα σινδόνος βυσσίνης τελαμῶσι κατατετμημένοισι, ὑποχρίοντες τῷ κόμμι, τῷ δὴ ἀντὶ κόλλης τὰ πολλὰ χρέωνται Αἰγύπτιοι. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ παραδεξάμενοί μιν οἱ προσήκοντες ποιεῦνται ξύλινον τύπον ἀνθρωποειδέα, ποιησάμενοι δὲ ἐσεργνῦσι τὸν νεκρόν, καὶ κατακληίσαντες οὕτω θησαυρίζουσι ἐν οἰκήματι θηκαίῳ, ἱστάντες ὀρθὸν πρὸς τοῖχον.
2.123 τοῖσι μέν νυν ὑπʼ Αἰγυπτίων λεγομένοισι χράσθω ὅτεῳ τὰ τοιαῦτα πιθανά ἐστι· ἐμοὶ δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν λόγον ὑπόκειται ὅτι τὰ λεγόμενα ὑπʼ ἑκάστων ἀκοῇ γράφω. ἀρχηγετέειν δὲ τῶν κάτω Αἰγύπτιοι λέγουσι Δήμητρα καὶ Διόνυσον. πρῶτοι δὲ καὶ τόνδε τὸν λόγον Αἰγύπτιοι εἰσὶ οἱ εἰπόντες, ὡς ἀνθρώπου ψυχὴ ἀθάνατος ἐστί, τοῦ σώματος δὲ καταφθίνοντος ἐς ἄλλο ζῷον αἰεὶ γινόμενον ἐσδύεται, ἐπεὰν δὲ πάντα περιέλθῃ τὰ χερσαῖα καὶ τὰ θαλάσσια καὶ τὰ πετεινά, αὖτις ἐς ἀνθρώπου σῶμα γινόμενον ἐσδύνει· τὴν περιήλυσιν δὲ αὐτῇ γίνεσθαι ἐν τρισχιλίοισι ἔτεσι. τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ εἰσὶ οἳ Ἑλλήνων ἐχρήσαντο, οἳ μὲν πρότερον οἳ δὲ ὕστερον, ὡς ἰδίῳ ἑωυτῶν ἐόντι· τῶν ἐγὼ εἰδὼς τὰ οὐνόματα οὐ γράφω.
2.145 ἐν Ἕλλησι μέν νυν νεώτατοι τῶν θεῶν νομίζονται εἶναι Ἡρακλέης τε καὶ Διόνυσος καὶ Πάν, παρʼ Αἰγυπτίοισι δὲ Πὰν μὲν ἀρχαιότατος καὶ τῶν ὀκτὼ τῶν πρώτων λεγομένων θεῶν, Ἡρακλέης δὲ τῶν δευτέρων τῶν δυώδεκα λεγομένων εἶναι, Διόνυσος δὲ τῶν τρίτων, οἳ ἐκ τῶν δυώδεκα θεῶν ἐγένοντο. Ἡρακλέι μὲν δὴ ὅσα αὐτοὶ Αἰγύπτιοι φασὶ εἶναι ἔτεα ἐς Ἄμασιν βασιλέα, δεδήλωταί μοι πρόσθε· Πανὶ δὲ ἔτι τούτων πλέονα λέγεται εἶναι, Διονύσῳ δʼ ἐλάχιστα τούτων, καὶ τούτῳ πεντακισχίλια καὶ μύρια λογίζονται εἶναι ἐς Ἄμασιν βασιλέα. καὶ ταῦτα Αἰγύπτιοι ἀτρεκέως φασὶ. ἐπίστασθαι, αἰεί τε λογιζόμενοι καὶ αἰεὶ ἀπογραφόμενοι τὰ ἔτεα. Διονύσῳ μέν νυν τῷ ἐκ Σεμέλης τῆς Κάδμου λεγομένῳ γενέσθαι κατὰ ἑξακόσια ἔτεα καὶ χίλια μάλιστα ἐστὶ ἐς ἐμέ, Ἡρακλέι δὲ τῷ Ἀλκμήνης κατὰ εἰνακόσια ἔτεα· Πανὶ δὲ τῷ ἐκ Πηνελόπης ʽἐκ ταύτης γὰρ καὶ Ἑρμέω λέγεται γενέσθαι ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων ὁ Πάν’ ἐλάσσω ἔτεα ἐστὶ τῶν Τρωικῶν, κατὰ ὀκτακόσια μάλιστα ἐς ἐμέ. 2.146 τούτων ὦν ἀμφοτέρων πάρεστι χρᾶσθαι τοῖσί τις πείσεται λεγομένοισι μᾶλλον· ἐμοὶ δʼ ὦν ἡ περὶ αὐτῶν γνώμη ἀποδέδεκται. εἰ μὲν γὰρ φανεροί τε ἐγένοντο καὶ κατεγήρασαν καὶ οὗτοι ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, κατά περ Ἡρακλέης ὁ ἐξ Ἀμφιτρύωνος γενόμενος, καὶ δὴ καὶ Διόνυσος ὁ ἐκ Σεμέλης καὶ Πὰν ὁ ἐκ Πηνελόπης γενόμενος, ἔφη ἄν τις καὶ τούτους ἄλλους ἄνδρας γενομένους ἔχειν τὰ ἐκείνων οὐνόματα τῶν προγεγονότων θεῶν. νῦν δὲ Διόνυσόν τε λέγουσι οἱ Ἕλληνες ὡς αὐτίκα γενόμενον ἐς τὸν μηρὸν ἐνερράψατο Ζεὺς καὶ ἤνεικε ἐς Νύσαν τὴν ὑπὲρ Αἰγύπτου ἐοῦσαν ἐν τῇ Αἰθιοπίῃ, καὶ Πανός γε πέρι οὐκ ἔχουσι εἰπεῖν ὅκῃ ἐτράπετο γενόμενος. δῆλά μοι γέγονε ὅτι ὕστερον ἐπύθοντο οἱ Ἕλληνες τούτων τὰ οὐνόματα ἢ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν· ἀπʼ οὗ δὲ ἐπύθοντο χρόνου, ἀπὸ τούτου γενεηλογέουσι αὐτῶν τὴν γένεσιν.
2.156 οὕτω μέν νυν ὁ νηὸς τῶν φανερῶν μοι τῶν περὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἱρὸν ἐστὶ θωμαστότατον, τῶν δὲ δευτέρων νῆσος ἡ Χέμμις καλευμένη· ἔστι μὲν ἐν λίμνῃ βαθέῃ καὶ πλατέῃ κειμένη παρὰ τὸ ἐν Βουτοῖ ἱρόν, λέγεται δὲ ὑπʼ Αἰγυπτίων εἶναι αὕτη ἡ νῆσος πλωτή. αὐτὸς μὲν ἔγωγε οὔτε πλέουσαν οὔτε κινηθεῖσαν εἶδον, τέθηπα δὲ ἀκούων εἰ νῆσος ἀληθέως ἐστὶ πλωτή. ἐν δὲ ὦν ταύτῃ νηός τε Ἀπόλλωνος μέγας ἔνι καὶ βωμοὶ τριφάσιοι ἐνιδρύαται, ἐμπεφύκασι δʼ ἐν αὐτῇ φοίνικες συχνοὶ καὶ ἄλλα δένδρεα καὶ καρποφόρα καὶ ἄφορα πολλά. λόγον δὲ τόνδε ἐπιλέγοντες οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι φασὶ εἶναι αὐτὴν πλωτήν, ὡς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ταύτῃ οὐκ ἐούσῃ πρότερον πλωτῇ Λητώ, ἐοῦσα τῶν ὀκτὼ θεῶν τῶν πρώτων γενομένων, οἰκέουσα δὲ ἐν Βουτοῖ πόλι, ἵνα δή οἱ τὸ χρηστήριον τοῦτο ἐστί, Ἀπόλλωνα παρʼ Ἴσιος παρακαταθήκην δεξαμένη διέσωσε κατακρύψασα ἐν τῇ νῦν πλωτῇ λεγομένῃ νήσῳ, ὅτε τὸ πᾶν διζήμενος ὁ Τυφῶν ἐπῆλθε, θέλων ἐξευρεῖν τοῦ Ὀσίριος τὸν παῖδα. Ἀπόλλωνα δὲ καὶ Ἄρτεμιν Διονύσου καὶ Ἴσιος λέγουσι εἶναι παῖδας, Λητοῦν δὲ τροφὸν αὐτοῖσι καὶ σώτειραν γενέσθαι. Αἰγυπτιστὶ δὲ Ἀπόλλων μὲν Ὦρος, Δημήτηρ δὲ Ἶσις, Ἄρτεμις δὲ Βούβαστις. ἐκ τούτου δὲ τοῦ λόγου καὶ οὐδενὸς ἄλλου Αἰσχύλος ὁ Εὐφορίωνος ἥρπασε τὸ ἐγὼ φράσω, μοῦνος δὴ ποιητέων τῶν προγενομένων· ἐποίησε γὰρ Ἄρτεμιν εἶναι θυγατέρα Δήμητρος. τὴν δὲ νῆσον διὰ τοῦτο γενέσθαι πλωτήν. ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω λέγουσι.
2.170 εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ αἱ ταφαὶ τοῦ οὐκ ὅσιον ποιεῦμαι ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ πρήγματι ἐξαγορεύειν τὸ οὔνομα ἐν Σάι, ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τῆς Ἀθηναίης, ὄπισθε τοῦ νηοῦ, παντὸς τοῦ τῆς Ἀθηναίης ἐχόμεναι τοίχου. καὶ ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ ὀβελοὶ ἑστᾶσι μεγάλοι λίθινοι, λίμνη τε ἐστὶ ἐχομένη λιθίνῃ κρηπῖδι κεκοσμημένη καὶ ἐργασμένη εὖ κύκλῳ καὶ μέγαθος, ὡς ἐμοὶ ἐδόκεε, ὅση περ ἡ ἐν Δήλῳ ἡ τροχοειδὴς καλεομένη. 2.171 ἐν δὲ τῇ λίμνῃ ταύτῃ τὰ δείκηλα τῶν παθέων αὐτοῦ νυκτὸς ποιεῦσι, τὰ καλέουσι μυστήρια Αἰγύπτιοι. περὶ μέν νυν τούτων εἰδότι μοι ἐπὶ πλέον ὡς ἕκαστα αὐτῶν ἔχει, εὔστομα κείσθω. καὶ τῆς Δήμητρος τελετῆς πέρι, τὴν οἱ Ἕλληνες θεσμοφόρια καλέουσι, καὶ ταύτης μοι πέρι εὔστομα κείσθω, πλὴν ὅσον αὐτῆς ὁσίη ἐστὶ λέγειν· αἱ Δαναοῦ θυγατέρες ἦσαν αἱ τὴν τελετὴν ταύτην ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἐξαγαγοῦσαι καὶ διδάξασαι τὰς Πελασγιώτιδας γυναῖκας· μετὰ δὲ ἐξαναστάσης πάσης Πελοποννήσου 1 ὑπὸ Δωριέων ἐξαπώλετο ἡ τελετή, οἱ δὲ ὑπολειφθέντες Πελοποννησίων καὶ οὐκ ἐξαναστάντες Ἀρκάδες διέσωζον αὐτὴν μοῦνοι.
3.142 τῆς δὲ Σάμου Μαιάνδριος ὁ Μαιανδρίου εἶχε τὸ κράτος, ἐπιτροπαίην παρὰ Πολυκράτεος λαβὼν τὴν ἀρχήν· τῷ δικαιοτάτῳ ἀνδρῶν βουλομένῳ γενέσθαι οὐκ ἐξεγένετο. ἐπειδὴ γάρ οἱ ἐξαγγέλθη ὁ Πολυκράτεος θάνατος, ἐποίεε τοιάδε· πρῶτα μὲν Διὸς ἐλευθερίου βωμὸν ἱδρύσατο καὶ τέμενος περὶ αὐτὸν οὔρισε τοῦτο τὸ νῦν ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ ἐστί· μετὰ δέ, ὥς οἱ ἐπεποίητο, ἐκκλησίην συναγείρας πάντων τῶν ἀστῶν ἔλεξε τάδε. “ἐμοί, ὡς ἴστε καὶ ὑμεῖς, σκῆπτρον καὶ δύναμις πᾶσα ἡ Πολυκράτεος ἐπιτέτραπται, καί μοι παρέχει νῦν ὑμέων ἄρχειν. ἐγὼ δὲ τὰ τῷ πέλας ἐπιπλήσσω, αὐτὸς κατὰ δύναμιν οὐ ποιήσω· οὔτε γάρ μοι Πολυκράτης ἤρεσκε δεσπόζων ἀνδρῶν ὁμοίων ἑωυτῷ οὔτε ἄλλος ὅστις τοιαῦτα ποιέει. Πολυκράτης μέν νυν ἐξέπλησε μοῖραν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ, ἐγὼ δὲ ἐς μέσον τὴν ἀρχὴν τιθεὶς ἰσονομίην ὑμῖν προαγορεύω. τοσάδε μέντοι δικαιῶ γέρεα ἐμεωυτῷ γενέσθαι, ἐκ μέν γε τῶν Πολυκράτεος χρημάτων ἐξαίρετα ἓξ τάλαντά μοι γενέσθαι, ἱρωσύνην δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι αἱρεῦμαι αὐτῷ τέ μοι καὶ τοῖσι ἀπʼ ἐμεῦ αἰεὶ γινομένοισι τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ ἐλευθερίου· τῷ αὐτός τε ἱρὸν ἱδρυσάμην καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίην ὑμῖν περιτίθημι.” ὃ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα τοῖσι Σαμίοισι ἐπαγγέλλετο· τῶν δέ τις ἐξαναστὰς εἶπε “ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ ἄξιος εἶς σύ γε ἡμέων ἄρχειν, γεγονώς τε κακῶς καὶ ἐὼν ὄλεθρος· ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ὅκως λόγον δώσεις τῶν μετεχείρισας χρημάτων.”
5.22 ὁ μέν νυν τῶν Περσέων τούτων θάνατος οὕτω καταλαμφθεὶς ἐσιγήθη. Ἕλληνας δὲ εἶναι τούτους τοὺς ἀπὸ Περδίκκεω γεγονότας, κατά περ αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, αὐτός τε οὕτω τυγχάνω ἐπιστάμενος καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐν τοῖσι ὄπισθε λόγοισι ἀποδέξω ὡς εἰσὶ Ἕλληνες, πρὸς δὲ καὶ οἱ τὸν ἐν Ὀλυμπίῃ διέποντες ἀγῶνα Ἑλληνοδίκαι οὕτω ἔγνωσαν εἶναι. Ἀλεξάνδρου γὰρ ἀεθλεύειν ἑλομένου καὶ καταβάντος ἐπʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο, οἱ ἀντιθευσόμενοι Ἑλλήνων ἐξεῖργόν μιν, φάμενοι οὐ βαρβάρων ἀγωνιστέων εἶναι τὸν ἀγῶνα ἀλλὰ Ἑλλήνων· Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ἐπειδὴ ἀπέδεξε ὡς εἴη Ἀργεῖος, ἐκρίθη τε εἶναι Ἕλλην καὶ ἀγωνιζόμενος στάδιον συνεξέπιπτε τῷ πρώτῳ.
5.55 ἀπελαυνόμενος δὲ ὁ Ἀρισταγόρης ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης ἤιε ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας γενομένας τυράννων ὧδε ἐλευθέρας. ἐπεὶ Ἵππαρχον τὸν Πεισιστράτου, Ἱππίεω δὲ τοῦ τυράννου ἀδελφεόν, ἰδόντα ὄψιν ἐνυπνίου τῷ ἑωυτοῦ πάθεϊ ἐναργεστάτην κτείνουσι Ἀριστογείτων καὶ Ἁρμόδιος, γένος ἐόντες τὰ ἀνέκαθεν Γεφυραῖοι, μετὰ ταῦτα ἐτυραννεύοντο Ἀθηναῖοι ἐπʼ ἔτεα τέσσερα οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸ τοῦ.
5.62 ἡ μὲν δὴ ὄψις τοῦ Ἱππάρχου ἐνυπνίου καὶ οἱ Γεφυραῖοι ὅθεν ἐγεγόνεσαν, τῶν ἦσαν οἱ Ἱππάρχου φονέες, ἀπήγηταί μοι· δεῖ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι ἀναλαβεῖν τὸν κατʼ ἀρχὰς ἤια λέξων λόγον, ὡς τυράννων ἐλευθερώθησαν Ἀθηναῖοι. Ἱππίεω τυραννεύοντος καὶ ἐμπικραινομένου Ἀθηναίοισι διὰ τὸν Ἱππάρχου θάνατον, Ἀλκμεωνίδαι γένος ἐόντες Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ φεύγοντες Πεισιστρατίδας, ἐπείτε σφι ἅμα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἀθηναίων φυγάσι πειρωμένοισι κατὰ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν οὐ προεχώρεε κάτοδος, ἀλλὰ προσέπταιον μεγάλως πειρώμενοι κατιέναι τε καὶ ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς Ἀθήνας, Λειψύδριον τὸ ὑπὲρ Παιονίης τειχίσαντες, ἐνθαῦτα οἱ Ἀλκμεωνίδαι πᾶν ἐπὶ τοῖσι Πεισιστρατίδῃσι μηχανώμενοι παρʼ Ἀμφικτυόνων τὸν νηὸν μισθοῦνται τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖσι, τὸν νῦν ἐόντα τότε δὲ οὔκω, τοῦτον ἐξοικοδομῆσαι. οἷα δὲ χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες καὶ ἐόντες ἄνδρες δόκιμοι ἀνέκαθεν ἔτι, τόν τε νηὸν ἐξεργάσαντο τοῦ παραδείγματος κάλλιον τά τε ἄλλα καὶ συγκειμένου σφι πωρίνου λίθου ποιέειν τὸν νηόν, Παρίου τὰ ἔμπροσθε αὐτοῦ ἐξεποίησαν.
5.67 ταῦτα δέ, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἐμιμέετο ὁ Κλεισθένης οὗτος τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μητροπάτορα Κλεισθένεα τὸν Σικυῶνος τύραννον. Κλεισθένης γὰρ Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας τοῦτο μὲν ῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀγωνίζεσθαι τῶν Ὁμηρείων ἐπέων εἵνεκα, ὅτι Ἀργεῖοί τε καὶ Ἄργος τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ὑμνέαται· τοῦτο δέ, ἡρώιον γὰρ ἦν καὶ ἔστι ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀγορῇ τῶν Σικυωνίων Ἀδρήστου τοῦ Ταλαοῦ, τοῦτον ἐπεθύμησε ὁ Κλεισθένης ἐόντα Ἀργεῖον ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐχρηστηριάζετο εἰ ἐκβάλοι τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ φᾶσα Ἄδρηστον μὲν εἶναι Σικυωνίων βασιλέα, κεῖνον δὲ λευστῆρα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ θεὸς τοῦτό γε οὐ παρεδίδου, ἀπελθὼν ὀπίσω ἐφρόντιζε μηχανὴν τῇ αὐτὸς ὁ Ἄδρηστος ἀπαλλάξεται. ὡς δέ οἱ ἐξευρῆσθαι ἐδόκεε, πέμψας ἐς Θήβας τὰς Βοιωτίας ἔφη θέλειν ἐπαγαγέσθαι Μελάνιππον τὸν Ἀστακοῦ· οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἔδοσαν. ἐπαγαγόμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν Μελάνιππον τέμενός οἱ ἀπέδεξε ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ πρυτανηίῳ καί μιν ἵδρυσε ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἰσχυροτάτῳ. ἐπηγάγετο δὲ τὸν Μελάνιππον ὁ Κλεισθένης ʽ καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο δεῖ ἀπηγήσασθαἰ ὡς ἔχθιστον ἐόντα Ἀδρήστῳ, ὃς τόν τε ἀδελφεόν οἱ Μηκιστέα ἀπεκτόνεε καὶ τὸν γαμβρὸν Τυδέα. ἐπείτε δέ οἱ τὸ τέμενος ἀπέδεξε, θυσίας τε καὶ ὁρτὰς Ἀδρήστου ἀπελόμενος ἔδωκε τῷ Μελανίππῳ. οἱ δὲ Σικυώνιοι ἐώθεσαν μεγαλωστὶ κάρτα τιμᾶν τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ γὰρ χώρη ἦν αὕτη Πολύβου, ὁ δὲ Ἄδρηστος ἦν Πολύβου θυγατριδέος, ἄπαις δὲ Πόλυβος τελευτῶν διδοῖ Ἀδρήστῳ τὴν ἀρχήν. τά τε δὴ ἄλλα οἱ Σικυώνιοι ἐτίμων τὸν Ἄδρηστον καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὰ πάθεα αὐτοῦ τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέραιρον, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον οὐ τιμῶντες, τὸν δὲ Ἄδρηστον. Κλεισθένης δὲ χοροὺς μὲν τῷ Διονύσῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην θυσίην Μελανίππῳ.
5.71 οἱ δʼ ἐναγέες Ἀθηναίων ὧδε ὠνομάσθησαν. ἦν Κύλων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀνὴρ Ὀλυμπιονίκης· οὗτος ἐπὶ τυραννίδι ἐκόμησε, προσποιησάμενος δὲ ἑταιρηίην τῶν ἡλικιωτέων καταλαβεῖν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπειρήθη, οὐ δυνάμενος δὲ ἐπικρατῆσαι ἱκέτης ἵζετο πρὸς τὸ ἄγαλμα. τούτους ἀνιστᾶσι μὲν οἱ πρυτάνιες τῶν ναυκράρων, οἵ περ ἔνεμον τότε τὰς Ἀθήνας, ὑπεγγύους πλὴν θανάτου· φονεῦσαι δὲ αὐτοὺς αἰτίη ἔχει Ἀλκμεωνίδας. ταῦτα πρὸ τῆς Πεισιστράτου ἡλικίης ἐγένετο.
5.83 τοῦτον δʼ ἔτι τὸν χρόνον καὶ πρὸ τοῦ Αἰγινῆται Ἐπιδαυρίων ἤκουον τά τε ἄλλα καὶ δίκας διαβαίνοντες ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον ἐδίδοσάν τε καὶ ἐλάμβανον παρʼ ἀλλήλων οἱ Αἰγινῆται· τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦδε νέας τε πηξάμενοι καὶ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ χρησάμενοι ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ τῶν Ἐπιδαυρίων. ἅτε δὲ ἐόντες διάφοροι ἐδηλέοντο αὐτούς, ὥστε θαλασσοκράτορες ἐόντες, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα ταῦτα τῆς τε Δαμίης καὶ τῆς Αὐξησίης ὑπαιρέονται αὐτῶν, καί σφεα ἐκόμισάν τε καὶ ἱδρύσαντο τῆς σφετέρης χώρης ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν, τῇ Οἴη μὲν ἐστὶ οὔνομα, στάδια δὲ μάλιστά κῃ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος ὡς εἴκοσι ἀπέχει. ἱδρυσάμενοι δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ θυσίῃσί τε σφέα καὶ χοροῖσι γυναικηίοισι κερτομίοισι ἱλάσκοντο, χορηγῶν ἀποδεικνυμένων ἑκατέρῃ τῶν δαιμόνων δέκα ἀνδρῶν· κακῶς δὲ ἠγόρευον οἱ χοροὶ ἄνδρα μὲν οὐδένα, τὰς δὲ ἐπιχωρίας γυναῖκας. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖσι Ἐπιδαυρίοισι αἱ αὐταὶ ἱροεργίαι· εἰσὶ δέ σφι καὶ ἄρρητοι ἱρουργίαι.
5.91 τότε δὲ ὡς ἀνέλαβον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς χρησμοὺς καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὥρων αὐξομένους καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἑτοίμους ἐόντας πείθεσθαι σφίσι, νόῳ λαβόντες ὡς ἐλεύθερον μὲν ἐὸν τὸ γένος τὸ Ἀττικὸν ἰσόρροπον ἂν τῷ ἑωυτῶν γίνοιτο, κατεχόμενον δὲ ὑπὸ τυραννίδος ἀσθενὲς καὶ πειθαρχέεσθαι ἕτοιμον· μαθόντες δὲ τούτων ἕκαστα μετεπέμποντο Ἱππίην τὸν Πεισιστράτου ἀπὸ Σιγείου τοῦ ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ ἐς ὃ καταφεύγουσι οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι. ἐπείτε δέ σφι Ἱππίης καλεόμενος ἧκε, μεταπεμψάμενοι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων ἀγγέλους ἔλεγόν σφι Σπαρτιῆται τάδε. “ἄνδρες σύμμαχοι, συγγινώσκομεν αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν οὐ ποιήσασι ὀρθῶς· ἐπαερθέντες γὰρ κιβδήλοισι μαντηίοισι ἄνδρας ξείνους ἐόντας ἡμῖν τὰ μάλιστα καὶ ἀναδεκομένους ὑποχειρίας παρέξειν τὰς Ἀθήνας, τούτους ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἐξηλάσαμεν, καὶ ἔπειτα ποιήσαντες ταῦτα δήμῳ ἀχαρίστῳ παρεδώκαμεν τὴν πόλιν· ὃς ἐπείτε διʼ ἡμέας ἐλευθερωθεὶς ἀνέκυψε, ἡμέας μὲν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἡμέων περιυβρίσας ἐξέβαλε, δόξαν δὲ φύσας αὐξάνεται, ὥστε ἐκμεμαθήκασι μάλιστα μὲν οἱ περίοικοι αὐτῶν Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Χαλκιδέες, τάχα δέ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἐκμαθήσεται ἁμαρτών. ἐπείτε δὲ ἐκεῖνα ποιήσαντες ἡμάρτομεν, νῦν πειρησόμεθα σφέας ἅμα ὑμῖν ἀπικόμενοι τίσασθαι· αὐτοῦ γὰρ τούτου εἵνεκεν τόνδε τε Ἱππίην μετεπεμψάμεθα καὶ ὑμέας ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων, ἵνα κοινῷ τε λόγῳ καὶ κοινῷ στόλῳ ἐσαγαγόντες αὐτὸν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀποδῶμεν τὰ καὶ ἀπειλόμεθα.” 5.92 Ἠετίωνι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ παῖς ηὐξάνετο, καί οἱ διαφυγόντι τοῦτον τὸν κίνδυνον ἀπὸ τῆς κυψέλης ἐπωνυμίην Κύψελος οὔνομα ἐτέθη. ἀνδρωθέντι δὲ καὶ μαντευομένῳ Κυψέλῳ ἐγένετο ἀμφιδέξιον χρηστήριον ἐν Δελφοῖσι, τῷ πίσυνος γενόμενος ἐπεχείρησέ τε καὶ ἔσχε Κόρινθον. ὁ δὲ χρησμὸς ὅδε ἦν. ὄλβιος οὗτος ἀνὴρ ὃς ἐμὸν δόμον ἐσκαταβαίνει, Κύψελος Ἠετίδης, βασιλεὺς κλειτοῖο Κορίνθου αὐτὸς καὶ παῖδες, παίδων γε μὲν οὐκέτι παῖδες. τὸ μὲν δὴ χρηστήριον τοῦτο ἦν, τυραννεύσας δὲ ὁ Κύψελος τοιοῦτος δή τις ἀνὴρ ἐγένετο· πολλοὺς μὲν Κορινθίων ἐδίωξε, πολλοὺς δὲ χρημάτων ἀπεστέρησε, πολλῷ δέ τι πλείστους τῆς ψυχῆς. 5.92 Κορινθίοισι γὰρ ἦν πόλιος κατάστασις τοιήδε· ἦν ὀλιγαρχίη, καὶ οὗτοι Βακχιάδαι καλεόμενοι ἔνεμον τὴν πόλιν, ἐδίδοσαν δὲ καὶ ἤγοντο ἐξ ἀλλήλων. Ἀμφίονι δὲ ἐόντι τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν γίνεται θυγάτηρ χωλή· οὔνομα δέ οἱ ἦν Λάβδα. ταύτην Βακχιαδέων γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἤθελε γῆμαι, ἴσχει Ἠετίων ὁ Ἐχεκράτεος, δήμου μὲν ἐὼν ἐκ Πέτρης, ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν Λαπίθης τε καὶ Καινείδης. ἐκ δέ οἱ ταύτης τῆς γυναικὸς οὐδʼ ἐξ ἄλλης παῖδες ἐγίνοντο. ἐστάλη ὦν ἐς Δελφοὺς περὶ γόνου. ἐσιόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἰθέως ἡ Πυθίη προσαγορεύει τοῖσιδε τοῖσι ἔπεσι. Ἠετίων, οὔτις σε τίει πολύτιτον ἐόντα. Λάβδα κύει, τέξει δʼ ὀλοοίτροχον· ἐν δὲ πεσεῖται ἀνδράσι μουνάρχοισι, δικαιώσει δὲ Κόρινθον. ταῦτα χρησθέντα τῷ Ἠετίωνι ἐξαγγέλλεταί κως τοῖσι Βακχιάδῃσι, τοῖσι τὸ μὲν πρότερον γενόμενον χρηστήριον ἐς Κόρινθον ἦν ἄσημον, φέρον τε ἐς τὠυτὸ καὶ τὸ τοῦ Ἠετίωνος καὶ λέγον ὧδε. αἰετὸς ἐν πέτρῃσι κύει, τέξει δὲ λέοντα καρτερὸν ὠμηστήν· πολλῶν δʼ ὑπὸ γούνατα λύσει. ταῦτά νυν εὖ φράζεσθε, Κορίνθιοι, οἳ περὶ καλήν Πειρήνην οἰκεῖτε καὶ ὀφρυόεντα Κόρινθον. 5.92 Περίανδρος δὲ συνιεὶς τὸ ποιηθὲν καὶ νόῳ ἴσχων ὥς οἱ ὑπετίθετο Θρασύβουλος τοὺς ὑπειρόχους τῶν ἀστῶν φονεύειν, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ πᾶσαν κακότητα ἐξέφαινε ἐς τοὺς πολιήτας. ὅσα γὰρ Κύψελος ἀπέλιπε κτείνων τε καὶ διώκων, Περίανδρος σφέα ἀπετέλεσε, μιῇ δὲ ἡμέρῃ ἀπέδυσε πάσας τὰς Κορινθίων γυναῖκας διὰ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ γυναῖκα Μέλισσαν. πέμψαντι γάρ οἱ ἐς Θεσπρωτοὺς ἐπʼ Ἀχέροντα ποταμὸν ἀγγέλους ἐπὶ τὸ νεκυομαντήιον παρακαταθήκης πέρι ξεινικῆς οὔτε σημανέειν ἔφη ἡ Μέλισσα ἐπιφανεῖσα οὔτε κατερέειν ἐν τῷ κέεται χώρῳ ἡ παρακαταθήκη· ῥιγοῦν τε γὰρ καὶ εἶναι γυμνή· τῶν γάρ οἱ συγκατέθαψε ἱματίων ὄφελος εἶναι οὐδὲν οὐ κατακαυθέντων· μαρτύριον δέ οἱ εἶναι ὡς ἀληθέα ταῦτα λέγει, ὅτι ἐπὶ ψυχρὸν τὸν ἰπνὸν Περίανδρος τοὺς ἄρτους ἐπέβαλε. ταῦτα δὲ ὡς ὀπίσω ἀπηγγέλθη τῷ Περιάνδρῳ, πιστὸν γάρ οἱ ἦν τὸ συμβόλαιον ὃς νεκρῷ ἐούσῃ Μελίσσῃ ἐμίγη, ἰθέως δὴ μετὰ τὴν ἀγγελίην κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο ἐς τὸ Ἥραιον ἐξιέναι πάσας τὰς Κορινθίων γυναῖκας. αἳ μὲν δὴ ὡς ἐς ὁρτὴν ἤισαν κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ χρεώμεναι, ὃ δʼ ὑποστήσας τοὺς δορυφόρους ἀπέδυσε σφέας πάσας ὁμοίως, τάς τε ἐλευθέρας καὶ τὰς ἀμφιπόλους, συμφορήσας δὲ ἐς ὄρυγμα Μελίσσῃ ἐπευχόμενος κατέκαιε. ταῦτα δέ οἱ ποιήσαντι καὶ τὸ δεύτερον πέμψαντι ἔφρασε τὸ εἴδωλον τὸ Μελίσσης ἐς τὸν κατέθηκε χῶρον τοῦ ξείνου τὴν παρακαταθήκην. τοιοῦτο μὲν ὑμῖν ἐστὶ ἡ τυραννίς, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ τοιούτων ἔργων. ἡμέας δὲ τοὺς Κορινθίους τότε αὐτίκα θῶμα μέγα εἶχε ὅτε ὑμέας εἴδομεν μεταπεμπομένους Ἱππίην, νῦν τε δὴ καὶ μεζόνως θωμάζομεν λέγοντας ταῦτα, ἐπιμαρτυρόμεθά τε ἐπικαλεόμενοι ὑμῖν θεοὺς τοὺς Ἑλληνίους μὴ κατιστάναι τυραννίδας ἐς τὰς πόλις. οὔκων παύσεσθε ἀλλὰ πειρήσεσθε παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον κατάγοντες Ἱππίην· ἴστε ὑμῖν Κορινθίους γε οὐ συναινέοντας.” 5.92 ἄρξαντος δὲ τούτου ἐπὶ τριήκοντα ἔτεα καὶ διαπλέξαντος τὸν βίον εὖ, διάδοχός οἱ τῆς τυραννίδος ὁ παῖς Περίανδρος γίνεται. ὁ τοίνυν Περίανδρος κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἦν ἠπιώτερος τοῦ πατρός, ἐπείτε δὲ ὡμίλησε διʼ ἀγγέλων Θρασυβούλῳ τῷ Μιλήτου τυράννῳ, πολλῷ ἔτι ἐγένετο Κυψέλου μιαιφονώτερος. πέμψας γὰρ παρὰ Θρασύβουλον κήρυκα ἐπυνθάνετο ὅντινα ἂν τρόπον ἀσφαλέστατον καταστησάμενος τῶν πρηγμάτων κάλλιστα τὴν πόλιν ἐπιτροπεύοι. Θρασύβουλος δὲ τὸν ἐλθόντα παρὰ τοῦ Περιάνδρου ἐξῆγε ἔξω τοῦ ἄστεος, ἐσβὰς δὲ ἐς ἄρουραν ἐσπαρμένην ἅμα τε διεξήιε τὸ λήιον ἐπειρωτῶν τε καὶ ἀναποδίζων τὸν κήρυκα κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ Κορίνθου ἄπιξιν, καὶ ἐκόλουε αἰεὶ ὅκως τινὰ ἴδοι τῶν ἀσταχύων ὑπερέχοντα, κολούων δὲ ἔρριπτε, ἐς ὃ τοῦ ληίου τὸ κάλλιστόν τε καὶ βαθύτατον διέφθειρε τρόπῳ τοιούτω· διεξελθὼν δὲ τὸ χωρίον καὶ ὑποθέμενος ἔπος οὐδὲν ἀποπέμπει τὸν κήρυκα. νοστήσαντος δὲ τοῦ κήρυκος ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον ἦν πρόθυμος πυνθάνεσθαι τὴν ὑποθήκην ὁ Περίανδρος· ὁ δὲ οὐδέν οἱ ἔφη Θρασύβουλον ὑποθέσθαι, θωμάζειν τε αὐτοῦ παρʼ οἷόν μιν ἄνδρα ἀποπέμψειε, ὡς παραπλῆγά τε καὶ τῶν ἑωυτοῦ σινάμωρον, ἀπηγεόμενος τά περ πρὸς Θρασυβούλου ὀπώπεε. 5.92 ἔδει δὲ ἐκ τοῦ Ἠετίωνος γόνου Κορίνθῳ κακὰ ἀναβλαστεῖν. ἡ Λάβδα γὰρ πάντα ταῦτα ἤκουε ἑστεῶσα πρὸς αὐτῇσι τῇσι θύρῃσι· δείσασα δὲ μή σφι μεταδόξῃ καὶ τὸ δεύτερον λαβόντες τὸ παιδίον ἀποκτείνωσι, φέρουσα κατακρύπτει ἐς τὸ ἀφραστότατόν οἱ ἐφαίνετο εἶναι, ἐς κυψέλην, ἐπισταμένη ὡς εἰ ὑποστρέψαντες ἐς ζήτησιν ἀπικνεοίατο πάντα ἐρευνήσειν μέλλοιεν· τὰ δὴ καὶ ἐγίνετο. ἐλθοῦσι δὲ καὶ διζημένοισι αὐτοῖσι ὡς οὐκ ἐφαίνετο, ἐδόκεε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι καὶ λέγειν πρὸς τοὺς ἀποπέμψαντας ὡς πάντα ποιήσειαν τὰ ἐκεῖνοι ἐνετείλαντο. οἳ μὲν δὴ ἀπελθόντες ἔλεγον ταῦτα. 5.92 οἳ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγον, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἐνεδέκετο τοὺς λόγους. οἱ μέν νυν ἄλλοι ἡσυχίην ἦγον, Κορίνθιος δὲ Σωκλέης ἔλεξε τάδε. 5.92 τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τοῖσι Βακχιάδῃσι πρότερον γενόμενον ἦν ἀτέκμαρτον· τότε δὲ τὸ Ἠετίωνι γενόμενον ὡς ἐπύθοντο, αὐτίκα καὶ τὸ πρότερον συνῆκαν ἐὸν συνῳδὸν τῷ Ἠετίωνος. συνέντες δὲ καὶ τοῦτο εἶχον ἐν ἡσυχίῃ, ἐθέλοντες τὸν μέλλοντα Ἠετίωνι γίνεσθαι γόνον διαφθεῖραι. ὡς δʼ ἔτεκε ἡ γυνὴ τάχιστα, πέμπουσι σφέων αὐτῶν δέκα ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐν τῷ κατοίκητο ὁ Ἠετίων ἀποκτενέοντας τὸ παιδίον. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ οὗτοι ἐς τὴν Πέτρην καὶ παρελθόντες ἐς τὴν αὐλὴν τὴν Ἠετίωνος αἴτεον τὸ παιδίον· ἡ δὲ Λάβδα εἰδυῖά τε οὐδὲν τῶν εἵνεκα ἐκεῖνοι ἀπικοίατο, καὶ δοκέουσα σφέας φιλοφροσύνης τοῦ πατρὸς εἵνεκα αἰτέειν, φέρουσα ἐνεχείρισε αὐτῶν ἑνί. τοῖσι δὲ ἄρα ἐβεβούλευτο κατʼ ὁδὸν τὸν πρῶτον αὐτῶν λαβόντα τὸ παιδίον προσουδίσαι. ἐπεὶ ὦν ἔδωκε φέρουσα ἡ Λάβδα, τὸν λαβόντα τῶν ἀνδρῶν θείῃ τύχῃ προσεγέλασε τὸ παιδίον, καὶ τὸν φρασθέντα τοῦτο οἶκτός τις ἴσχει ἀποκτεῖναι, κατοικτείρας δὲ παραδιδοῖ τῷ δευτέρῳ, ὁ δὲ τῷ τρίτῳ. οὕτω δὴ διεξῆλθε διὰ πάντων τῶν δέκα παραδιδόμενον, οὐδενὸς βουλομένου διεργάσασθαι. ἀποδόντες ὦν ὀπίσω τῇ τεκούσῃ τὸ παιδίον καὶ ἐξελθόντες ἔξω, ἑστεῶτες ἐπὶ τῶν θυρέων ἀλλήλων ἅπτοντο καταιτιώμενοι, καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ πρώτου λαβόντος, ὅτι οὐκ ἐποίησε κατὰ τὰ δεδογμένα, ἐς ὃ δή σφι χρόνου ἐγγινομένου ἔδοξε αὖτις παρελθόντας πάντας τοῦ φόνου μετίσχειν. 5.92 ‘ἦ δὴ ὅ τε οὐρανὸς ἔνερθε ἔσται τῆς γῆς καὶ ἡ γῆ μετέωρος ὑπὲρ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ ἄνθρωποι νομὸν ἐν θαλάσσῃ ἕξουσι καὶ ἰχθύες τὸν πρότερον ἄνθρωποι, ὅτε γε ὑμεῖς ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἰσοκρατίας καταλύοντες τυραννίδας ἐς τὰς πόλις κατάγειν παρασκευάζεσθε, τοῦ οὔτε ἀδικώτερον ἐστὶ οὐδὲν κατʼ ἀνθρώπους οὔτε μιαιφονώτερον. εἰ γὰρ δὴ τοῦτό γε δοκέει ὑμῖν εἶναι χρηστὸν ὥστε τυραννεύεσθαι τὰς πόλις, αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι τύραννον καταστησάμενοι παρὰ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι οὕτω καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι δίζησθε κατιστάναι· νῦν δὲ αὐτοὶ τυράννων ἄπειροι ἐόντες, καὶ φυλάσσοντες τοῦτο δεινότατα ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ μὴ γενέσθαι, παραχρᾶσθε ἐς τοὺς συμμάχους. εἰ δὲ αὐτοῦ ἔμπειροι ἔατε κατά περ ἡμεῖς, εἴχετε ἂν περὶ αὐτοῦ γνώμας ἀμείνονας συμβαλέσθαι ἤ περ νῦν. 5.93 Σωκλέης μὲν ἀπὸ Κορίνθου πρεσβεύων ἔλεξε τάδε, Ἱππίης δὲ αὐτὸν ἀμείβετο τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐπικαλέσας θεοὺς ἐκείνῳ, ἦ μὲν Κορινθίους μάλιστα πάντων ἐπιποθήσειν Πεισιστρατίδας, ὅταν σφι ἥκωσι ἡμέραι αἱ κύριαι ἀνιᾶσθαι ὑπʼ Ἀθηναίων. Ἱππίης μὲν τούτοισι ἀμείψατο οἷα τοὺς χρησμοὺς ἀτρεκέστατα ἀνδρῶν ἐξεπιστάμενος· οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τῶν συμμάχων τέως μὲν εἶχον ἐν ἡσυχίῃ σφέας αὐτούς, ἐπείτε δὲ Σωκλέος ἤκουσαν εἴπαντος ἐλευθέρως, ἅπας τις αὐτῶν φωνὴν ῥήξας αἱρέετο τοῦ Κορινθίου τὴν γνώμην, Λακεδαιμονίοισί τε ἐπεμαρτυρέοντο μὴ ποιέειν μηδὲν νεώτερον περὶ πόλιν Ἑλλάδα.
6.67 κατὰ μὲν δὴ Δημαρήτου τὴν κατάπαυσιν τῆς βασιληίης οὕτω ἐγένετο, ἔφυγε δὲ Δημάρητος ἐκ Σπάρτης ἐς Μήδους ἐκ τοιοῦδε ὀνείδεος. μετὰ τῆς βασιληίης τὴν κατάπαυσιν ὁ Δημάρητος ἦρχε αἱρεθεὶς ἀρχήν. ἦσαν μὲν δὴ γυμνοπαιδίαι, θεωμένου δὲ τοῦ Δημαρήτου ὁ Λευτυχίδης γεγονὼς ἤδη βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς ἀντʼ ἐκείνου, πέμψας τὸν θεράποντα ἐπὶ γέλωτί τε καὶ λάσθῃ εἰρώτα τὸν Δημάρητον ὁκοῖόν τι εἴη τὸ ἄρχειν μετὰ τὸ βασιλεύειν. ὁ δὲ ἀλγήσας τῷ ἐπειρωτήματι εἶπε φὰς αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμφοτέρων ἤδη πεπειρῆσθαι, κεῖνον δὲ οὔ, τὴν μέντοι ἐπειρώτησιν ταύτην ἄρξειν Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἢ μυρίης κακότητος ἢ μυρίης εὐδαιμονίης. ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας καὶ κατακαλυψάμενος ἤιε ἐκ τοῦ θεήτρου ἐς τὰ ἑωυτοῦ οἰκία, αὐτίκα δὲ παρασκευασάμενος ἔθυε τῷ Διὶ βοῦν, θύσας δὲ τὴν μητέρα ἐκάλεσε.
6.75 μαθόντες δὲ Κλεομένεα Λακεδαιμόνιοι ταῦτα πρήσσοντα, κατῆγον αὐτὸν δείσαντες ἐπὶ τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι ἐς Σπάρτην τοῖσι καὶ πρότερον ἦρχε. κατελθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα ὑπέλαβε μανίη νοῦσος, ἐόντα καὶ πρότερον ὑπομαργότερον· ὅκως γὰρ τεῷ ἐντύχοι Σπαρτιητέων, ἐνέχραυε ἐς τὸ πρόσωπον τὸ σκῆπτρον. ποιέοντα δὲ αὐτὸν ταῦτα καὶ παραφρονήσαντα ἔδησαν οἱ προσήκοντες ἐν ξύλω· ὁ δὲ δεθεὶς τὸν φύλακον μουνωθέντα ἰδὼν τῶν ἄλλων αἰτέει μάχαιραν· οὐ βουλομένου δὲ τὰ πρῶτα τοῦ φυλάκου διδόναι ἀπείλεε τά μιν αὖτις ποιήσει, ἐς ὁ δείσας τὰς ἀπειλὰς ὁ φύλακος ʽἦν γὰρ τῶν τις εἱλωτέων’ διδοῖ οἱ μάχαιραν. Κλεομένης δὲ παραλαβὼν τὸν σίδηρον ἄρχετο ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἑωυτὸν λωβώμενος· ἐπιτάμνων γὰρ κατὰ μῆκος τὰς σάρκας προέβαινε ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἐς τοὺς μηρούς, ἐκ δὲ τῶν μηρῶν ἔς τε τὰ ἰσχία καὶ τὰς λαπάρας, ἐς ὃ ἐς τὴν γαστέρα ἀπίκετο, καὶ ταύτην καταχορδεύων ἀπέθανε τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ, ὡς μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσι Ἐλλήνων, ὅτι τὴν Πυθίην ἀνέγνωσε τὰ περὶ Δημαρήτου λέγειν γενόμενα, ὡς δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι μοῦνοι λέγουσι, διότι ἐς Ἐλευσῖνα ἐσβαλὼν ἔκειρε τὸ τέμενος τῶν θεῶν, ὡς δὲ Ἀργεῖοι, ὅτι ἐξ ἱροῦ αὐτῶν τοῦ Ἄργου Ἀργείων τοὺς καταφυγόντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης καταγινέων κατέκοπτε καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄλσος ἐν ἀλογίῃ ἔχων ἐνέπρησε.
6.105 καὶ πρῶτα μὲν ἐόντες ἔτι ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀποπέμπουσι ἐς Σπάρτην κήρυκα Φειδιππίδην Ἀθηναῖον μὲν ἄνδρα, ἄλλως δὲ ἡμεροδρόμην τε καὶ τοῦτο μελετῶντα· τῷ δή, ὡς αὐτός τε ἔλεγε Φειδιππίδης καὶ Ἀθηναίοισι ἀπήγγελλε, περὶ τὸ Παρθένιον ὄρος τὸ ὑπὲρ Τεγέης ὁ Πὰν περιπίπτει· βώσαντα δὲ τὸ οὔνομα τοῦ Φειδιππίδεω τὸν Πᾶνα Ἀθηναίοισι κελεῦσαι ἀπαγγεῖλαι, διʼ ὅ τι ἑωυτοῦ οὐδεμίαν ἐπιμελείην ποιεῦνται ἐόντος εὐνόου Ἀθηναίοισι καὶ πολλαχῇ γενομένου σφι ἤδη χρησίμου, τὰ δʼ ἔτι καὶ ἐσομένου. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι, καταστάντων σφι εὖ ἤδη τῶν πρηγμάτων, πιστεύσαντες εἶναι ἀληθέα ἱδρύσαντο ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλι Πανὸς ἱρόν, καὶ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἀγγελίης θυσίῃσι ἐπετείοισι καὶ λαμπάδι ἱλάσκονται. 6.106 τότε δὲ πεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ὁ Φειδιππίδης οὗτος, ὅτε πέρ οἱ ἔφη καὶ τὸν Πᾶνα φανῆναι, δευτεραῖος ἐκ τοῦ Ἀθηναίων ἄστεος ἦν ἐν Σπάρτῃ, ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔλεγε “ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, Ἀθηναῖοι ὑμέων δέονται σφίσι βοηθῆσαι καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν πόλιν ἀρχαιοτάτην ἐν τοῖσι Ἕλλησι δουλοσύνῃ περιπεσοῦσαν πρὸς ἀνδρῶν βαρβάρων· καὶ γὰρ νῦν Ἐρέτριά τε ἠνδραπόδισται καὶ πόλι λογίμῳ ἡ Ἑλλὰς γέγονε ἀσθενεστέρη.” ὃ μὲν δή σφι τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἀπήγγελλε, τοῖσι δὲ ἕαδε μὲν βοηθέειν Ἀθηναίοισι, ἀδύνατα δέ σφι ἦν τὸ παραυτίκα ποιέειν ταῦτα, οὐ βουλομένοισι λύειν τὸν νόμον· ἦν γὰρ ἱσταμένου τοῦ μηνὸς εἰνάτη, εἰνάτῃ δὲ οὐκ ἐξελεύσεσθαι ἔφασαν μὴ οὐ πλήρεος ἐόντος τοῦ κύκλου.
7.132 τῶν δὲ δόντων ταῦτα ἐγένοντο οἵδε, Θεσσαλοὶ Δόλοπες Ἐνιῆνες Περραιβοὶ Λοκροὶ Μάγνητες Μηλιέες Ἀχαιοὶ οἱ Φθιῶται καὶ Θηβαῖοι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Βοιωτοὶ πλὴν Θεσπιέων τε καὶ Πλαταιέων. ἐπὶ τούτοισι οἱ Ἕλληνες ἔταμον ὅρκιον οἱ τῷ βαρβάρῳ πόλεμον ἀειράμενοι· τὸ δὲ ὅρκιον ὧδε εἶχε, ὅσοι τῷ Πέρσῃ ἔδοσαν σφέας αὐτοὺς Ἕλληνες ἐόντες μὴ ἀναγκασθέντες, καταστάντων σφι εὖ τῶν πρηγμάτων, τούτους δεκατεῦσαι τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖσι θεῷ. τὸ μὲν δὴ ὅρκιον ὧδε εἶχε τοῖσι Ἕλλησι.
7.228 θαφθεῖσι δέ σφι αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ τῇ περ ἔπεσον, καὶ τοῖσι πρότερον τελευτήσασι ἢ ὑπὸ Λεωνίδεω ἀποπεμφθέντας οἴχεσθαι, ἐπιγέγραπται γράμματα λέγοντα τάδε. μυριάσιν ποτὲ τῇδε τριηκοσίαις ἐμάχοντο ἐκ Πελοποννάσου χιλιάδες τέτορες. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ τοῖσι πᾶσι ἐπιγέγραπται, τοῖσι δὲ Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἰδίῃ. ὦ ξεῖνʼ, ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις ὅτι τῇδε κείμεθα τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι. Λακεδαιμονίοισι μὲν δὴ τοῦτο, τῷ δὲ μάντι τόδε. μνῆμα τόδε κλεινοῖο Μεγιστία, ὅν ποτε Μῆδοι Σπερχειὸν ποταμὸν κτεῖναν ἀμειψάμενοι, μάντιος, ὃς τότε κῆρας ἐπερχομένας σάφα εἰδώς οὐκ ἔτλη Σπάρτης ἡγεμόνα προλιπεῖν. ἐπιγράμμασι μέν νυν καὶ στήλῃσι, ἔξω ἢ τὸ τοῦ μάντιος ἐπίγραμμα, Ἀμφικτύονες εἰσὶ σφέας οἱ ἐπικοσμήσαντες· τὸ δὲ τοῦ μάντιος Μεγιστίεω Σιμωνίδης ὁ Λεωπρέπεος ἐστὶ κατὰ ξεινίην ὁ ἐπιγράψας.
8.65 ἔφη δὲ Δίκαιος ὁ Θεοκύδεος, ἀνὴρ Ἀθηναῖος φυγάς τε καὶ παρὰ Μήδοισι λόγιμος γενόμενος τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, ἐπείτε ἐκείρετο ἡ Ἀττικὴ χώρη ὑπὸ τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ Ξέρξεω ἐοῦσα ἔρημος Ἀθηναίων, τυχεῖν τότε ἐὼν ἅμα Δημαρήτῳ τῷ Λακεδαιμονίῳ ἐν τῷ Θριασίῳ πεδίῳ, ἰδεῖν δὲ κονιορτὸν χωρέοντα ἀπʼ Ἐλευσῖνος ὡς ἀνδρῶν μάλιστά κῃ τρισμυρίων, ἀποθωμάζειν τε σφέας τὸν κονιορτὸν ὅτεων κοτὲ εἴη ἀνθρώπων, καὶ πρόκατε φωνῆς ἀκούειν, καί οἱ φαίνεσθαι τὴν φωνὴν εἶναι τὸν μυστικὸν ἴακχον. εἶναι δʼ ἀδαήμονα τῶν ἱρῶν τῶν ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι γινομένων τὸν Δημάρητον, εἰρέσθαί τε αὐτὸν ὅ τι τὸ φθεγγόμενον εἴη τοῦτο. αὐτὸς δὲ εἰπεῖν “Δημάρητε, οὐκ ἔστι ὅκως οὐ μέγα τι σίνος ἔσται τῇ βασιλέος στρατιῇ· τάδε γὰρ ἀρίδηλα, ἐρήμου ἐούσης τῆς Ἀττικῆς, ὅτι θεῖον τὸ φθεγγόμενον, ἀπʼ Ἐλευσῖνος ἰὸν ἐς τιμωρίην Ἀθηναίοισί τε καὶ τοῖσι συμμάχοισι. καὶ ἢν μέν γε κατασκήψῃ ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον, κίνδυνος αὐτῷ τε βασιλέι καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ τῇ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ ἔσται, ἢν δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς νέας τράπηται τὰς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι, τὸν ναυτικὸν στρατὸν κινδυνεύσει βασιλεὺς ἀποβαλεῖν. τὴν δὲ ὁρτὴν ταύτην ἄγουσι Ἀθηναῖοι ἀνὰ πάντα ἔτεα τῇ Μητρὶ καὶ τῇ Κούρῃ, καὶ αὐτῶν τε ὁ βουλόμενος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων μυεῖται· καὶ τὴν φωνὴν τῆς ἀκούεις ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ὁρτῇ ἰακχάζουσι.” πρὸς ταῦτα εἰπεῖν Δημάρητον “σίγα τε καὶ μηδενὶ ἄλλῳ τὸν λόγον τοῦτον εἴπῃς· ἢν γάρ τοι ἐς βασιλέα ἀνενειχθῇ τὰ ἔπεα ταῦτα, ἀποβαλέεις τὴν κεφαλήν, καὶ σε οὔτε ἐγὼ δυνήσομαι ῥύσασθαι οὔτʼ ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲ εἶς. ἀλλʼ ἔχʼ ἥσυχος, περὶ δὲ στρατιῆς τῆσδε θεοῖσι μελήσει.” τὸν μὲν δὴ ταῦτα παραινέειν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ κονιορτοῦ καὶ τῆς φωνῆς γενέσθαι νέφος καὶ μεταρσιωθὲν φέρεσθαι ἐπὶ Σαλαμῖνος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων. οὕτω δὴ αὐτοὺς μαθεῖν ὅτι τὸ ναυτικὸν τὸ Ξέρξεω ἀπολέεσθαι μέλλοι. ταῦτα μὲν Δίκαιος ὁ Θεοκύδεος ἔλεγε, Δημαρήτου τε καὶ ἄλλων μαρτύρων καταπτόμενος.
9.11 οἳ μὲν δὴ σὺν Παυσανίῃ ἐξεληλύθεσαν ἔξω Σπάρτης· οἱ δὲ ἄγγελοι, ὡς ἡμέρη ἐγεγόνεε, οὐδὲν εἰδότες περὶ τῆς ἐξόδου ἐπῆλθον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ἐν νόῳ δὴ ἔχοντες ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ἕκαστος· ἐπελθόντες δὲ ἔλεγον τάδε. “ὑμεῖς μὲν, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι αὐτοῦ τῇδε μένοντες Ὑακίνθιά τε ἄγετε καὶ παίζετε, καταπροδόντες τοὺς συμμάχους· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ὡς ἀδικεόμενοι ὑπὸ ὑμέων χήτεΐ τε συμμάχων καταλύσονται τῷ Πέρσῃ οὕτω ὅκως ἄν δύνωνται· καταλυσάμενοι δέ, δῆλα γὰρ ὅτι σύμμαχοι βασιλέος γινόμεθα, συστρατευσόμεθα ἐπʼ ἣν ἂν ἐκεῖνοι ἐξηγέωνται. ὑμεῖς δὲ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν μαθήσεσθε ὁκοῖον ἄν τι ὑμῖν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐκβαίνῃ.” ταῦτα λεγόντων τῶν ἀγγέλων, οἱ ἔφοροι εἶπαν ἐπʼ ὅρκου καὶ δὴ δοκέειν εἶναι ἐν Ὀρεσθείῳ στείχοντας ἐπὶ τοὺς ξείνους. ξείνους γὰρ ἐκάλεον τοὺς βαρβάρους. οἳ δὲ ὡς οὐκ εἰδότες ἐπειρώτων τὸ λεγόμενον, ἐπειρόμενοι δὲ ἐξέμαθον πᾶν τὸ ἐόν, ὥστε ἐν θώματι γενόμενοι ἐπορεύοντο τὴν ταχίστην διώκοντες· σὺν δέ σφι τῶν περιοίκων Λακεδαιμονίων λογάδες πεντακισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ἐποίεον.
9.65 ἐν δὲ Πλαταιῇσι οἱ Πέρσαι ὡς ἐτράποντο ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἔφευγον οὐδένα κόσμον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ἑωυτῶν καὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος τὸ ξύλινον τὸ ἐποιήσαντο ἐν μοίρῃ τῇ Θηβαΐδι. θῶμα δέ μοι ὅκως παρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος τὸ ἄλσος μαχομένων οὐδὲ εἷς ἐφάνη τῶν Περσέων οὔτε ἐσελθὼν ἐς τὸ τέμενος οὔτε ἐναποθανών, περί τε τὸ ἱρὸν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐν τῷ βεβήλῳ ἔπεσον. δοκέω δέ, εἴ τι περὶ τῶν θείων πρηγμάτων δοκέειν δεῖ, ἡ θεὸς αὐτή σφεας οὐκ ἐδέκετο ἐμπρήσαντας τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ἀνάκτορον.'' None
1.60 But after a short time the partisans of Megacles and of Lycurgus made common cause and drove him out. In this way Pisistratus first got Athens and, as he had a sovereignty that was not yet firmly rooted, lost it. Presently his enemies who together had driven him out began to feud once more. ,Then Megacles, harassed by factional strife, sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daughter to marry and the sovereign power besides. ,When this offer was accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring Pisistratus back which, to my mind, was so exceptionally foolish that it is strange (since from old times the Hellenic stock has always been distinguished from foreign by its greater cleverness and its freedom from silly foolishness) that these men should devise such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the subtlest of the Greeks. ,There was in the Paeanian deme a woman called Phya, three fingers short of six feet, four inches in height, and otherwise, too, well-formed. This woman they equipped in full armor and put in a chariot, giving her all the paraphernalia to make the most impressive spectacle, and so drove into the city; heralds ran before them, and when they came into town proclaimed as they were instructed: ,“Athenians, give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honors above all men and is bringing back to her own acropolis.” So the heralds went about proclaiming this; and immediately the report spread in the demes that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, and the townsfolk, believing that the woman was the goddess herself, worshipped this human creature and welcomed Pisistratus. ' "1.61 Having got back his sovereignty in the manner which I have described, Pisistratus married Megacles' daughter according to his agreement with Megacles. But as he already had young sons, and as the Alcmeonid family were said to be under a curse, he had no wish that his newly-wedded wife bear him children, and therefore had unusual intercourse with her. ,At first the woman hid the fact: presently she told her mother (whether interrogated or not, I do not know) and the mother told her husband. Megacles was very angry to be dishonored by Pisistratus; and in his anger he patched up his quarrel with the other faction. Pisistratus, learning what was going on, went alone away from the country altogether, and came to Eretria where he deliberated with his sons. ,The opinion of Hippias prevailing, that they should recover the sovereignty, they set out collecting contributions from all the cities that owed them anything. Many of these gave great amounts, the Thebans more than any, ,and in course of time, not to make a long story, everything was ready for their return: for they brought Argive mercenaries from the Peloponnese, and there joined them on his own initiative a man of Naxos called Lygdamis, who was most keen in their cause and brought them money and men. " '1.62 So after ten years they set out from Eretria and returned home. The first place in Attica which they took and held was Marathon: and while encamped there they were joined by their partisans from the city, and by others who flocked to them from the country—demesmen who loved the rule of one more than freedom. These, then, assembled; ,but the Athenians in the city, who while Pisistratus was collecting money and afterwards when he had taken Marathon took no notice of it, did now, and when they learned that he was marching from Marathon against Athens, they set out to attack him. ,They came out with all their force to meet the returning exiles. Pisistratus\' men encountered the enemy when they had reached the temple of Pallenian Athena in their march from Marathon towards the city, and encamped face to face with them. ,There (by the providence of heaven) Pisistratus met Amphilytus the Acarian, a diviner, who came to him and prophesied as follows in hexameter verses:
1.63 So Amphilytus spoke, being inspired; Pisistratus understood him and, saying that he accepted the prophecy, led his army against the enemy. The Athenians of the city had by this time had breakfast, and after breakfast some were dicing and some were sleeping: they were attacked by Pisistratus' men and put to flight. ,So they fled, and Pisistratus devised a very subtle plan to keep them scattered and prevent them assembling again: he had his sons mount and ride forward: they overtook the fugitives and spoke to them as they were instructed by Pisistratus, telling them to take heart and each to depart to his home. " '1.64 The Athenians did, and by this means Pisistratus gained Athens for the third time, rooting his sovereignty in a strong guard and revenue collected both from Athens and from the district of the river Strymon, and he took hostage the sons of the Athenians who remained and did not leave the city at once, and placed these in Naxos . ,(He had conquered Naxos too and put Lygdamis in charge.) And besides this, he purified the island of Delos as a result of oracles, and this is how he did it: he removed all the dead that were buried in ground within sight of the temple and conveyed them to another part of Delos . ,So Pisistratus was sovereign of Athens : and as for the Athenians, some had fallen in the battle, and some, with the Alcmeonids, were exiles from their native land. 1.65 So Croesus learned that at that time such problems were oppressing the Athenians, but that the Lacedaemonians had escaped from the great evils and had mastered the Tegeans in war. In the kingship of Leon and Hegesicles at Sparta, the Lacedaemonians were successful in all their other wars but met disaster only against the Tegeans. ,Before this they had been the worst-governed of nearly all the Hellenes and had had no dealings with strangers, but they changed to good government in this way: Lycurgus, a man of reputation among the Spartans, went to the oracle at Delphi . As soon as he entered the hall, the priestess said in hexameter: ,
1.66 Thus they changed their bad laws to good ones, and when Lycurgus died they built him a temple and now worship him greatly. Since they had good land and many men, they immediately flourished and prospered. They were not content to live in peace, but, confident that they were stronger than the Arcadians, asked the oracle at Delphi about gaining all the Arcadian land. ,She replied in hexameter:
1.67 In the previous war the Lacedaemonians continually fought unsuccessfully against the Tegeans, but in the time of Croesus and the kingship of Anaxandrides and Ariston in Lacedaemon the Spartans had gained the upper hand. This is how: ,when they kept being defeated by the Tegeans, they sent ambassadors to Delphi to ask which god they should propitiate to prevail against the Tegeans in war. The Pythia responded that they should bring back the bones of Orestes, son of Agamemnon. ,When they were unable to discover Orestes\' tomb, they sent once more to the god to ask where he was buried. The Pythia responded in hexameter to the messengers: ,
1.68 It was Lichas, one of these men, who found the tomb in Tegea by a combination of luck and skill. At that time there was free access to Tegea, so he went into a blacksmith's shop and watched iron being forged, standing there in amazement at what he saw done. ,The smith perceived that he was amazed, so he stopped what he was doing and said, “My Laconian guest, if you had seen what I saw, then you would really be amazed, since you marvel so at ironworking. ,I wanted to dig a well in the courtyard here, and in my digging I hit upon a coffin twelve feet long. I could not believe that there had ever been men taller than now, so I opened it and saw that the corpse was just as long as the coffin. I measured it and then reburied it.” So the smith told what he had seen, and Lichas thought about what was said and reckoned that this was Orestes, according to the oracle. ,In the smith's two bellows he found the winds, hammer and anvil were blow upon blow, and the forging of iron was woe upon woe, since he figured that iron was discovered as an evil for the human race. ,After reasoning this out, he went back to Sparta and told the Lacedaemonians everything. They made a pretence of bringing a charge against him and banishing him. Coming to Tegea, he explained his misfortune to the smith and tried to rent the courtyard, but the smith did not want to lease it. ,Finally he persuaded him and set up residence there. He dug up the grave and collected the bones, then hurried off to Sparta with them. Ever since then the Spartans were far superior to the Tegeans whenever they met each other in battle. By the time of Croesus' inquiry, the Spartans had subdued most of the Peloponnese . " 1.146 For this reason, and for no other, the Ionians too made twelve cities; for it would be foolishness to say that these are more truly Ionian or better born than the other Ionians; since not the least part of them are Abantes from Euboea, who are not Ionians even in name, and there are mingled with them Minyans of Orchomenus, Cadmeans, Dryopians, Phocian renegades from their nation, Molossians, Pelasgian Arcadians, Dorians of Epidaurus, and many other tribes; ,and as for those who came from the very town-hall of Athens and think they are the best born of the Ionians, these did not bring wives with them to their settlements, but married Carian women whose parents they had put to death. ,For this slaughter, these women made a custom and bound themselves by oath (and enjoined it on their daughters) that no one would sit at table with her husband or call him by his name, because the men had married them after slaying their fathers and husbands and sons. This happened at Miletus . 1.147 And as kings, some of them chose Lycian descendants of Glaucus son of Hippolochus, and some Caucones of Pylus, descendants of Codrus son of Melanthus, and some both. Yet since they set more store by the name than the rest of the Ionians, let it be granted that those of pure birth are Ionians; ,and all are Ionians who are of Athenian descent and keep the feast 1.148 The Panionion is a sacred ground in Mykale, facing north; it was set apart for Poseidon of Helicon by the joint will of the Ionians. Mykale is a western promontory of the mainland opposite Samos ; the Ionians used to assemble there from their cities and keep the festival to which they gave the name of
2.29 I was unable to learn anything from anyone else, but this much further I did learn by the most extensive investigation that I could make, going as far as the city of Elephantine to look myself, and beyond that by question and hearsay. ,Beyond Elephantine, as one travels inland, the land rises. Here one must pass with the boat roped on both sides as men harness an ox; and if the rope breaks, the boat will be carried away by the strength of the current. ,This part of the river is a four days' journey by boat, and the Nile here is twisty just as the Maeander ; a distance of twelve schoeni must be passed in the foregoing manner. After that, you come to a level plain, where there is an island in the Nile, called Takhompso. ,The country above Elephantine now begins to be inhabited by Ethiopians: half the people of the island are Ethiopians, and half Egyptians. Near the island is a great lake, on whose shores live nomadic Ethiopians. After crossing this, you come to the stream of the Nile, which empties into this lake. ,Then you disembark and journey along the river bank for forty days; for there are sharp projecting rocks in the Nile and many reefs, through which no boat can pass. ,Having traversed this part in forty days as I have said, you take boat again and so travel for twelve days until you come to a great city called Meroe, which is said to be the capital of all Ethiopia . ,The people of the place worship no other gods but Zeus and Dionysus; these they greatly honor, and they have a place of divination sacred to Zeus; they send out armies whenever and wherever this god through his oracle commands them. " 2.38 They believe that bulls belong to Epaphus, and for this reason scrutinize them as follows; if they see even one black hair on them, the bull is considered impure. ,One of the priests, appointed to the task, examines the beast, making it stand and lie, and drawing out its tongue, to determine whether it is clean of the stated signs which I shall indicate hereafter. He looks also to the hairs of the tail, to see if they grow naturally. ,If it is clean in all these respects, the priest marks it by wrapping papyrus around the horns, then smears it with sealing-earth and stamps it with his ring; and after this they lead the bull away. But the penalty is death for sacrificing a bull that the priest has not marked. Such is the manner of approving the beast; I will now describe how it is sacrificed.' "
2.41 All Egyptians sacrifice unblemished bulls and bull-calves; they may not sacrifice cows: these are sacred to Isis. ,For the images of Isis are in woman's form, horned like a cow, exactly as the Greeks picture Io, and cows are held by far the most sacred of all beasts of the herd by all Egyptians alike. ,For this reason, no Egyptian man or woman will kiss a Greek man, or use a knife, or a spit, or a cauldron belonging to a Greek, or taste the flesh of an unblemished bull that has been cut up with a Greek knife. ,Cattle that die are dealt with in the following way. Cows are cast into the river, bulls are buried by each city in its suburbs, with one or both horns uncovered for a sign; then, when the carcass is decomposed, and the time appointed is at hand, a boat comes to each city from the island called Prosopitis, ,an island in the Delta, nine schoeni in circumference. There are many other towns on Prosopitis; the one from which the boats come to gather the bones of the bulls is called Atarbekhis; a temple of Aphrodite stands in it of great sanctity. ,From this town many go out, some to one town and some to another, to dig up the bones, which they then carry away and all bury in one place. As they bury the cattle, so do they all other beasts at death. Such is their ordice respecting these also; for they, too, may not be killed. " "2.42 All that have a temple of Zeus of Thebes or are of the Theban district sacrifice goats, but will not touch sheep. ,For no gods are worshipped by all Egyptians in common except Isis and Osiris, who they say is Dionysus; these are worshipped by all alike. Those who have a temple of Mendes or are of the Mendesian district sacrifice sheep, but will not touch goats. ,The Thebans, and those who by the Theban example will not touch sheep, give the following reason for their ordice: they say that Heracles wanted very much to see Zeus and that Zeus did not want to be seen by him, but that finally, when Heracles prayed, Zeus contrived ,to show himself displaying the head and wearing the fleece of a ram which he had flayed and beheaded. It is from this that the Egyptian images of Zeus have a ram's head; and in this, the Egyptians are imitated by the Ammonians, who are colonists from Egypt and Ethiopia and speak a language compounded of the tongues of both countries. ,It was from this, I think, that the Ammonians got their name, too; for the Egyptians call Zeus “Amon”. The Thebans, then, consider rams sacred for this reason, and do not sacrifice them. ,But one day a year, at the festival of Zeus, they cut in pieces and flay a single ram and put the fleece on the image of Zeus, as in the story; then they bring an image of Heracles near it. Having done this, all that are at the temple mourn for the ram, and then bury it in a sacred coffin. " '2.43 Concerning Heracles, I heard it said that he was one of the twelve gods. But nowhere in Egypt could I hear anything about the other Heracles, whom the Greeks know. ,I have indeed a lot of other evidence that the name of Heracles did not come from Hellas to Egypt, but from Egypt to Hellas (and in Hellas to those Greeks who gave the name Heracles to the son of Amphitryon), besides this: that Amphitryon and Alcmene, the parents of this Heracles, were both Egyptian by descent ; and that the Egyptians deny knowing the names Poseidon and the Dioscuri, nor are these gods reckoned among the gods of Egypt . ,Yet if they got the name of any deity from the Greeks, of these not least but in particular would they preserve a recollection, if indeed they were already making sea voyages and some Greeks, too, were seafaring men, as I expect and judge; so that the names of these gods would have been even better known to the Egyptians than the name of Heracles. ,But Heracles is a very ancient god in Egypt ; as the Egyptians themselves say, the change of the eight gods to the twelve, one of whom they acknowledge Heracles to be, was made seventeen thousand years before the reign of Amasis. 2.44 Moreover, wishing to get clear information about this matter where it was possible so to do, I took ship for Tyre in Phoenicia, where I had learned by inquiry that there was a holy temple of Heracles. ,There I saw it, richly equipped with many other offerings, besides two pillars, one of refined gold, one of emerald: a great pillar that shone at night; and in conversation with the priests, I asked how long it was since their temple was built. ,I found that their account did not tally with the belief of the Greeks, either; for they said that the temple of the god was founded when Tyre first became a city, and that was two thousand three hundred years ago. At Tyre I saw yet another temple of the so-called Thasian Heracles. ,Then I went to Thasos, too, where I found a temple of Heracles built by the Phoenicians, who made a settlement there when they voyaged in search of Europe ; now they did so as much as five generations before the birth of Heracles the son of Amphitryon in Hellas . ,Therefore, what I have discovered by inquiry plainly shows that Heracles is an ancient god. And furthermore, those Greeks, I think, are most in the right, who have established and practise two worships of Heracles, sacrificing to one Heracles as to an immortal, and calling him the Olympian, but to the other bringing offerings as to a dead hero.
2.46 This is why the Egyptians of whom I have spoken sacrifice no goats, male or female: the Mendesians reckon Pan among the eight gods who, they say, were before the twelve gods. ,Now in their painting and sculpture, the image of Pan is made with the head and the legs of a goat, as among the Greeks; not that he is thought to be in fact such, or unlike other gods; but why they represent him so, I have no wish to say. ,The Mendesians consider all goats sacred, the male even more than the female, and goatherds are held in special estimation: one he-goat is most sacred of all; when he dies, it is ordained that there should be great mourning in all the Mendesian district. ,In the Egyptian language Mendes is the name both for the he-goat and for Pan. In my lifetime a strange thing occurred in this district: a he-goat had intercourse openly with a woman. This came to be publicly known. 2.47 Swine are held by the Egyptians to be unclean beasts. In the first place, if an Egyptian touches a hog in passing, he goes to the river and dips himself in it, clothed as he is; and in the second place, swineherds, though native born Egyptians, are alone of all men forbidden to enter any Egyptian temple; nor will any give a swineherd his daughter in marriage, nor take a wife from their women; but swineherds intermarry among themselves. ,Nor do the Egyptians think it right to sacrifice swine to any god except the Moon and Dionysus; to these, they sacrifice their swine at the same time, in the same season of full moon; then they eat the meat. The Egyptians have an explanation of why they sacrifice swine at this festival, yet abominate them at others; I know it, but it is not fitting that I relate it. ,But this is how they sacrifice swine to the Moon: the sacrificer lays the end of the tail and the spleen and the caul together and covers them up with all the fat that he finds around the belly, then consigns it all to the fire; as for the rest of the flesh, they eat it at the time of full moon when they sacrifice the victim; but they will not taste it on any other day. Poor men, with but slender means, mold swine out of dough, which they then take and sacrifice.
2.48.2 The rest of the festival of Dionysus is observed by the Egyptians much as it is by the Greeks, except for the dances; but in place of the phallus, they have invented the use of puppets two feet high moved by strings, the male member nodding and nearly as big as the rest of the body, which are carried about the villages by women; a flute-player goes ahead, the women follow behind singing of Dionysus. 2.48 To Dionysus, on the evening of his festival, everyone offers a piglet which he kills before his door and then gives to the swineherd who has sold it, for him to take away. ,The rest of the festival of Dionysus is observed by the Egyptians much as it is by the Greeks, except for the dances; but in place of the phallus, they have invented the use of puppets two feet high moved by strings, the male member nodding and nearly as big as the rest of the body, which are carried about the villages by women; a flute-player goes ahead, the women follow behind singing of Dionysus. ,Why the male member is so large and is the only part of the body that moves, there is a sacred legend that explains. 2.49 Now then, it seems to me that Melampus son of Amytheon was not ignorant of but was familiar with this sacrifice. For Melampus was the one who taught the Greeks the name of Dionysus and the way of sacrificing to him and the phallic procession; he did not exactly unveil the subject taking all its details into consideration, for the teachers who came after him made a fuller revelation; but it was from him that the Greeks learned to bear the phallus along in honor of Dionysus, and they got their present practice from his teaching. ,I say, then, that Melampus acquired the prophetic art, being a discerning man, and that, besides many other things which he learned from Egypt, he also taught the Greeks things concerning Dionysus, altering few of them; for I will not say that what is done in Egypt in connection with the god and what is done among the Greeks originated independently: for they would then be of an Hellenic character and not recently introduced. ,Nor again will I say that the Egyptians took either this or any other custom from the Greeks. But I believe that Melampus learned the worship of Dionysus chiefly from Cadmus of Tyre and those who came with Cadmus from Phoenicia to the land now called Boeotia . 2.50 In fact, the names of nearly all the gods came to Hellas from Egypt . For I am convinced by inquiry that they have come from foreign parts, and I believe that they came chiefly from Egypt . ,Except the names of Poseidon and the Dioscuri, as I have already said, and Hera, and Hestia, and Themis, and the Graces, and the Nereids, the names of all the gods have always existed in Egypt . I only say what the Egyptians themselves say. The gods whose names they say they do not know were, as I think, named by the Pelasgians, except Poseidon, the knowledge of whom they learned from the Libyans. ,Alone of all nations the Libyans have had among them the name of Poseidon from the beginning, and they have always honored this god. The Egyptians, however, are not accustomed to pay any honors to heroes. 2.51 These customs, then, and others besides, which I shall indicate, were taken by the Greeks from the Egyptians. It was not so with the ithyphallic images of Hermes; the production of these came from the Pelasgians, from whom the Athenians were the first Greeks to take it, and then handed it on to others. ,For the Athenians were then already counted as Greeks when the Pelasgians came to live in the land with them and thereby began to be considered as Greeks. Whoever has been initiated into the rites of the Cabeiri, which the Samothracians learned from the Pelasgians and now practice, understands what my meaning is. ,Samothrace was formerly inhabited by those Pelasgians who came to live among the Athenians, and it is from them that the Samothracians take their rites. ,The Athenians, then, were the first Greeks to make ithyphallic images of Hermes, and they did this because the Pelasgians taught them. The Pelasgians told a certain sacred tale about this, which is set forth in the Samothracian mysteries. 2.52 Formerly, in all their sacrifices, the Pelasgians called upon gods without giving name or appellation to any (I know this, because I was told at Dodona ); for as yet they had not heard of such. They called them gods from the fact that, besides setting everything in order, they maintained all the dispositions. ,Then, after a long while, first they learned the names of the rest of the gods, which came to them from Egypt, and, much later, the name of Dionysus; and presently they asked the oracle at Dodona about the names; for this place of divination, held to be the most ancient in Hellas, was at that time the only one. ,When the Pelasgians, then, asked at Dodona whether they should adopt the names that had come from foreign parts, the oracle told them to use the names. From that time onwards they used the names of the gods in their sacrifices; and the Greeks received these later from the Pelasgians. 2.53 But whence each of the gods came to be, or whether all had always been, and how they appeared in form, they did not know until yesterday or the day before, so to speak; ,for I suppose Hesiod and Homer flourished not more than four hundred years earlier than I; and these are the ones who taught the Greeks the descent of the gods, and gave the gods their names, and determined their spheres and functions, and described their outward forms. ,But the poets who are said to have been earlier than these men were, in my opinion, later. The earlier part of all this is what the priestesses of Dodona tell; the later, that which concerns Hesiod and Homer, is what I myself say. 2.54 But about the oracles in Hellas, and that one which is in Libya, the Egyptians give the following account. The priests of Zeus of Thebes told me that two priestesses had been carried away from Thebes by Phoenicians; one, they said they had heard was taken away and sold in Libya, the other in Hellas ; these women, they said, were the first founders of places of divination in the aforesaid countries. ,When I asked them how it was that they could speak with such certain knowledge, they said in reply that their people had sought diligently for these women, and had never been able to find them, but had learned later the story which they were telling me. 2.55 That, then, I heard from the Theban priests; and what follows, the prophetesses of Dodona say: that two black doves had come flying from Thebes in Egypt, one to Libya and one to Dodona ; ,the latter settled on an oak tree, and there uttered human speech, declaring that a place of divination from Zeus must be made there; the people of Dodona understood that the message was divine, and therefore established the oracular shrine. ,The dove which came to Libya told the Libyans (they say) to make an oracle of Ammon; this also is sacred to Zeus. Such was the story told by the Dodonaean priestesses, the eldest of whom was Promeneia and the next Timarete and the youngest Nicandra; and the rest of the servants of the temple at Dodona similarly held it true. 2.56 But my own belief about it is this. If the Phoenicians did in fact carry away the sacred women and sell one in Libya and one in Hellas, then, in my opinion, the place where this woman was sold in what is now Hellas, but was formerly called Pelasgia, was Thesprotia ; ,and then, being a slave there, she established a shrine of Zeus under an oak that was growing there; for it was reasonable that, as she had been a handmaid of the temple of Zeus at Thebes , she would remember that temple in the land to which she had come. ,After this, as soon as she understood the Greek language, she taught divination; and she said that her sister had been sold in Libya by the same Phoenicians who sold her. 2.57 I expect that these women were called “doves” by the people of Dodona because they spoke a strange language, and the people thought it like the cries of birds; ,then the woman spoke what they could understand, and that is why they say that the dove uttered human speech; as long as she spoke in a foreign tongue, they thought her voice was like the voice of a bird. For how could a dove utter the speech of men? The tale that the dove was black signifies that the woman was Egyptian . ,The fashions of divination at Thebes of Egypt and at Dodona are like one another; moreover, the practice of divining from the sacrificed victim has also come from Egypt . 2.58 It would seem, too, that the Egyptians were the first people to establish solemn assemblies, and processions, and services; the Greeks learned all that from them. I consider this proved, because the Egyptian ceremonies are manifestly very ancient, and the Greek are of recent origin. 2.59 The Egyptians hold solemn assemblies not once a year, but often. The principal one of these and the most enthusiastically celebrated is that in honor of Artemis at the town of Bubastis , and the next is that in honor of Isis at Busiris. ,This town is in the middle of the Egyptian Delta, and there is in it a very great temple of Isis, who is Demeter in the Greek language. ,The third greatest festival is at Saïs in honor of Athena; the fourth is the festival of the sun at Heliopolis, the fifth of Leto at Buto, and the sixth of Ares at Papremis. 2.60 When the people are on their way to Bubastis, they go by river, a great number in every boat, men and women together. Some of the women make a noise with rattles, others play flutes all the way, while the rest of the women, and the men, sing and clap their hands. ,As they travel by river to Bubastis, whenever they come near any other town they bring their boat near the bank; then some of the women do as I have said, while some shout mockery of the women of the town; others dance, and others stand up and lift their skirts. They do this whenever they come alongside any riverside town. ,But when they have reached Bubastis, they make a festival with great sacrifices, and more wine is drunk at this feast than in the whole year besides. It is customary for men and women (but not children) to assemble there to the number of seven hundred thousand, as the people of the place say. 2.61 This is what they do there; I have already described how they keep the feast of Isis at Busiris. There, after the sacrifice, all the men and women lament, in countless numbers; but it is not pious for me to say who it is for whom they lament. ,Carians who live in Egypt do even more than this, inasmuch as they cut their foreheads with knives; and by this they show that they are foreigners and not Egyptians. 2.62 When they assemble at Saïs on the night of the sacrifice, they keep lamps burning outside around their houses. These lamps are saucers full of salt and oil on which the wick floats, and they burn all night. This is called the Feast of Lamps. ,Egyptians who do not come to this are mindful on the night of sacrifice to keep their own lamps burning, and so they are alight not only at Saïs but throughout Egypt . A sacred tale is told showing why this night is lit up thus and honored. 2.63 When the people go to Heliopolis and Buto, they offer sacrifice only. At Papremis sacrifice is offered and rites performed just as elsewhere; but when the sun is setting, a few of the priests hover about the image, while most of them go and stand in the entrance to the temple with clubs of wood in their hands; others, more than a thousand men fulfilling vows, who also carry wooden clubs, stand in a mass opposite. ,The image of the god, in a little gilded wooden shrine, they carry away on the day before this to another sacred building. The few who are left with the image draw a four-wheeled wagon conveying the shrine and the image that is in the shrine; the others stand in the space before the doors and do not let them enter, while the vow-keepers, taking the side of the god, strike them, who defend themselves. ,A fierce fight with clubs breaks out there, and they are hit on their heads, and many, I expect, even die from their wounds; although the Egyptians said that nobody dies. ,The natives say that they made this assembly a custom from the following incident: the mother of Ares lived in this temple; Ares had been raised apart from her and came, when he grew up, wishing to visit his mother; but as her attendants kept him out and would not let him pass, never having seen him before, Ares brought men from another town, manhandled the attendants, and went in to his mother. From this, they say, this hitting for Ares became a custom in the festival. 2.64 Furthermore, it was the Egyptians who first made it a matter of religious observance not to have intercourse with women in temples or to enter a temple after such intercourse without washing. Nearly all other peoples are less careful in this matter than are the Egyptians and Greeks, and consider a man to be like any other animal; ,for beasts and birds (they say) are seen to mate both in the temples and in the sacred precincts; now were this displeasing to the god, the beasts would not do so. This is the reason given by others for practices which I, for my part, dislike; ' "2.65 but the Egyptians in this and in all other matters are exceedingly strict against desecration of their temples. ,Although Egypt has Libya on its borders, it is not a country of many animals. All of them are held sacred; some of these are part of men's households and some not; but if I were to say why they are left alone as sacred, I should end up talking of matters of divinity, which I am especially averse to treating; I have never touched upon such except where necessity has compelled me. ,But I will indicate how it is customary to deal with the animals. Men and women are appointed guardians to provide nourishment for each kind respectively; a son inherits this office from his father. ,Townsfolk in each place, when they pay their vows, pray to the god to whom the animal is dedicated, shaving all or one half or one third of their children's heads, and weighing the hair in a balance against a sum of silver; then the weight in silver of the hair is given to the female guardian of the creatures, who buys fish with it and feeds them. ,Thus, food is provided for them. Whoever kills one of these creatures intentionally is punished with death; if he kills accidentally, he pays whatever penalty the priests appoint. Whoever kills an ibis or a hawk, intentionally or not, must die for it. " 2.81 They wear linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs, called “calasiris,” and loose white woolen mantles over these. But nothing woolen is brought into temples, or buried with them: that is impious. ,They agree in this with practices called Orphic and Bacchic, but in fact Egyptian and Pythagorean: for it is impious, too, for one partaking of these rites to be buried in woolen wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this.
2.83 As to the art of divination among them, it belongs to no man, but to some of the gods; there are in their country oracles of Heracles, Apollo, Athena, Artemis, Ares, and Zeus, and of Leto (the most honored of all) in the town of Buto . Nevertheless, they have several ways of divination, not just one.
2.86 There are men whose sole business this is and who have this special craft. ,When a dead body is brought to them, they show those who brought it wooden models of corpses, painted likenesses; the most perfect way of embalming belongs, they say, to One whose name it would be impious for me to mention in treating such a matter; the second way, which they show, is less perfect than the first, and cheaper; and the third is the least costly of all. Having shown these, they ask those who brought the body in which way they desire to have it prepared. ,Having agreed on a price, the bearers go away, and the workmen, left alone in their place, embalm the body. If they do this in the most perfect way, they first draw out part of the brain through the nostrils with an iron hook, and inject certain drugs into the rest. ,Then, making a cut near the flank with a sharp knife of Ethiopian stone, they take out all the intestines, and clean the belly, rinsing it with palm wine and bruised spices; ,they sew it up again after filling the belly with pure ground myrrh and casia and any other spices, except frankincense. After doing this, they conceal the body for seventy days, embalmed in saltpetre; no longer time is allowed for the embalming; ,and when the seventy days have passed, they wash the body and wrap the whole of it in bandages of fine linen cloth, anointed with gum, which the Egyptians mostly use instead of glue; ,then they give the dead man back to his friends. These make a hollow wooden figure like a man, in which they enclose the corpse, shut it up, and keep it safe in a coffin-chamber, placed erect against a wall.
2.123 These Egyptian stories are for the benefit of whoever believes such tales: my rule in this history is that I record what is said by all as I have heard it. The Egyptians say that Demeter and Dionysus are the rulers of the lower world. ,The Egyptians were the first who maintained the following doctrine, too, that the human soul is immortal, and at the death of the body enters into some other living thing then coming to birth; and after passing through all creatures of land, sea, and air, it enters once more into a human body at birth, a cycle which it completes in three thousand years. ,There are Greeks who have used this doctrine, some earlier and some later, as if it were their own; I know their names, but do not record them.
2.145 Among the Greeks, Heracles, Dionysus, and Pan are held to be the youngest of the gods. But in Egypt, Pan is the most ancient of these and is one of the eight gods who are said to be the earliest of all; Heracles belongs to the second dynasty (that of the so-called twelve gods); and Dionysus to the third, which came after the twelve. ,How many years there were between Heracles and the reign of Amasis, I have already shown; Pan is said to be earlier still; the years between Dionysus and Amasis are the fewest, and they are reckoned by the Egyptians at fifteen thousand. ,The Egyptians claim to be sure of all this, since they have reckoned the years and chronicled them in writing. ,Now the Dionysus who was called the son of Semele, daughter of Cadmus, was about sixteen hundred years before my time, and Heracles son of Alcmene about nine hundred years; and Pan the son of Penelope (for according to the Greeks Penelope and Hermes were the parents of Pan) was about eight hundred years before me, and thus of a later date than the Trojan war. 2.146 With regard to these two, Pan and Dionysus, one may follow whatever story one thinks most credible; but I give my own opinion concerning them here. Had Dionysus son of Semele and Pan son of Penelope appeared in Hellas and lived there to old age, like Heracles the son of Amphitryon, it might have been said that they too (like Heracles) were but men, named after the older Pan and Dionysus, the gods of antiquity; ,but as it is, the Greek story has it that no sooner was Dionysus born than Zeus sewed him up in his thigh and carried him away to Nysa in Ethiopia beyond Egypt ; and as for Pan, the Greeks do not know what became of him after his birth. It is therefore plain to me that the Greeks learned the names of these two gods later than the names of all the others, and trace the birth of both to the time when they gained the knowledge.
2.156 Thus, then, the shrine is the most marvellous of all the things that I saw in this temple; but of things of second rank, the most wondrous is the island called Khemmis . ,This lies in a deep and wide lake near the temple at Buto, and the Egyptians say that it floats. I never saw it float, or move at all, and I thought it a marvellous tale, that an island should truly float. ,However that may be, there is a great shrine of Apollo on it, and three altars stand there; many palm trees grow on the island, and other trees too, some yielding fruit and some not. ,This is the story that the Egyptians tell to explain why the island moves: that on this island that did not move before, Leto, one of the eight gods who first came to be, who was living at Buto where this oracle of hers is, taking charge of Apollo from Isis, hid him for safety in this island which is now said to float, when Typhon came hunting through the world, keen to find the son of Osiris. ,Apollo and Artemis were (they say) children of Dionysus and Isis, and Leto was made their nurse and preserver; in Egyptian, Apollo is Horus, Demeter Isis, Artemis Bubastis. ,It was from this legend and no other that Aeschylus son of Euphorion took a notion which is in no poet before him: that Artemis was the daughter of Demeter. For this reason the island was made to float. So they say.
2.170 There is also at Saïs the burial-place of one whose name I think it impious to mention in speaking of such a matter; it is in the temple of Athena, behind and close to the length of the wall of the shrine. ,Moreover, great stone obelisks stand in the precinct; and there is a lake nearby, adorned with a stone margin and made in a complete circle; it is, as it seemed to me, the size of the lake at Delos which they call the Round Pond. ' "2.171 On this lake they enact by night the story of the god's sufferings, a rite which the Egyptians call the Mysteries. I could say more about this, for I know the truth, but let me preserve a discreet silence. ,Let me preserve a discreet silence, too, concerning that rite of Demeter which the Greeks call
3.142 Now Samos was ruled by Maeandrius, son of Maeandrius, who had authority delegated by Polycrates. He wanted to be the justest of men, but that was impossible. ,For when he learned of Polycrates' death, first he set up an altar to Zeus the Liberator and marked out around it that sacred enclosure which is still to be seen in the suburb of the city; when this had been done, he called an assembly of all the citizens, and addressed them thus: ,“To me, as you know, have come Polycrates' scepter and all of his power, and it is in my power now to rule you. But I, so far as it lies in me, shall not do myself what I blame in my neighbor. I always disliked it that Polycrates or any other man should lord it over men like himself. Polycrates has fulfilled his destiny, and inviting you to share his power I proclaim equality. ,Only I claim for my own privilege that six talents of Polycrates' wealth be set apart for my use, and that I and my descendants keep the priesthood of Zeus the Liberator, whose temple I have founded, and now I give you freedom.” ,Such was Maeandrius' promise to the Samians. But one of them arose and answered: “But you are not even fit to rule us, low-born and vermin, but you had better give an account of the monies that you have handled.” " 5.22 Now that these descendants of Perdiccas are Greeks, as they themselves say, I myself chance to know and will prove it in the later part of my history. Furthermore, the Hellenodicae who manage the contest at Olympia determined that it is so, ,for when Alexander chose to contend and entered the lists for that purpose, the Greeks who were to run against him wanted to bar him from the race, saying that the contest should be for Greeks and not for foreigners. Alexander, however, proving himself to be an Argive, was judged to be a Greek. He accordingly competed in the furlong race and tied step for first place. This, then, is approximately what happened.
5.55 When he was forced to leave Sparta, Aristagoras went to Athens, which had been freed from its ruling tyrants in the manner that I will show. First Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus and brother of the tyrant Hippias, had been slain by Aristogiton and Harmodius, men of Gephyraean descent. This was in fact an evil of which he had received a premonition in a dream. After this the Athenians were subject for four years to a tyranny not less but even more absolute than before. ' "
5.62 I have told both of the vision of Hipparchus' dream and of the first origin of the Gephyreans, to whom the slayers of Hipparchus belonged. Now I must go further and return to the story which I began to tell, namely how the Athenians were freed from their tyrants. ,Hippias, their tyrant, was growing ever more bitter in enmity against the Athenians because of Hipparchus' death, and the Alcmeonidae, a family of Athenian stock banished by the sons of Pisistratus, attempted with the rest of the exiled Athenians to make their way back by force and free Athens. They were not successful in their return and suffered instead a great reverse. After fortifying Lipsydrium north of Paeonia, they, in their desire to use all devices against the sons of Pisistratus, hired themselves to the Amphictyons for the building of the temple at Delphi which exists now but was not there yet then. ,Since they were wealthy and like their fathers men of reputation, they made the temple more beautiful than the model showed. In particular, whereas they had agreed to build the temple of tufa, they made its front of Parian marble. " "
5.67 In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. ,He went then to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he should cast Adrastus out, but the priestess said in response: “Adrastus is king of Sicyon, and you but a stone thrower.” When the god would not permit him to do as he wished in this matter, he returned home and attempted to devise some plan which might rid him of Adrastus. When he thought he had found one, he sent to Boeotian Thebes saying that he would gladly bring Melanippus son of Astacus into his country, and the Thebans handed him over. ,When Cleisthenes had brought him in, he consecrated a sanctuary for him in the government house itself, where he was established in the greatest possible security. Now the reason why Cleisthenes brought in Melanippus, a thing which I must relate, was that Melanippus was Adrastus' deadliest enemy, for Adrastus had slain his brother Mecisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus. ,Having then designated the precinct for him, Cleisthenes took away all Adrastus' sacrifices and festivals and gave them to Melanippus. The Sicyonians had been accustomed to pay very great honor to Adrastus because the country had once belonged to Polybus, his maternal grandfather, who died without an heir and bequeathed the kingship to him. ,Besides other honors paid to Adrastus by the Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with tragic choruses in honor not of Dionysus but of Adrastus. Cleisthenes, however, gave the choruses back to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to Melanippus. " "
5.71 How the Accursed at Athens had received their name, I will now relate. There was an Athenian named Cylon, who had been a winner at Olympia. This man put on the air of one who aimed at tyranny, and gathering a company of men of like age, he attempted to seize the citadel. When he could not win it, he took sanctuary by the goddess' statue. ,He and his men were then removed from their position by the presidents of the naval boards, the rulers of Athens at that time. Although they were subject to any penalty save death, they were slain, and their death was attributed to the Alcmaeonidae. All this took place before the time of Pisistratus." 5.83 Now at this time, as before it, the Aeginetans were in all matters still subject to the Epidaurians and even crossed to Epidaurus for the hearing of their own private lawsuits. From this time, however, they began to build ships, and stubbornly revolted from the Epidaurians. ,In the course of this struggle, they did the Epidaurians much damage and stole their images of Damia and Auxesia. These they took away and set them up in the middle of their own country at a place called Oea, about twenty furlongs distant from their city. ,Having set them up in this place they sought their favor with sacrifices and female choruses in the satirical and abusive mode. Ten men were appointed providers of a chorus for each of the deities, and the choruses aimed their raillery not at any men but at the women of the country. The Epidaurians too had the same rites, and they have certain secret rites as well. ' "
5.91 Now the Lacedaemonians, when they regained the oracles and saw the Athenians increasing in power and in no way inclined to obey them, realized that if the Athenians remained free, they would be equal in power with themselves, but that if they were held down under tyranny, they would be weak and ready to serve a master. Perceiving all this, they sent to bring Pisistratus' son Hippias from Sigeum on the Hellespont, the Pisistratidae's place of refuge. ,When Hippias arrived, the Spartans sent for envoys from the rest of their allies and spoke to them as follows: “Sirs, our allies, we do acknowledge that we have acted wrongly, for, led astray by lying divinations, we drove from their native land men who were our close friends and promised to make Athens subject to us. Then we handed that city over to a thankless people which had no sooner lifted up its head in the freedom which we gave it, than it insolently cast out us and our king. Now it has bred such a spirit of pride and is growing so much in power, that its neighbors in Boeotia and Chalcis have really noticed it, and others too will soon recognize their error. ,Since we erred in doing what we did, we will now attempt with your aid to avenge ourselves on them. It is on this account and no other that we have sent for Hippias, whom you see, and have brought you from your cities, namely that uniting our counsels and our power, we may bring him to Athens and restore that which we took away.” " '5.92 These were the words of the Lacedaemonians, but their words were ill-received by the greater part of their allies. The rest then keeping silence, Socles, a Corinthian, said, ,“In truth heaven will be beneath the earth and the earth aloft above the heaven, and men will dwell in the sea and fishes where men dwelt before, now that you, Lacedaemonians, are destroying the rule of equals and making ready to bring back tyranny into the cities, tyranny, a thing more unrighteous and bloodthirsty than anything else on this earth. ,If indeed it seems to you to be a good thing that the cities be ruled by tyrants, set up a tyrant among yourselves first and then seek to set up such for the rest. As it is, however, you, who have never made trial of tyrants and take the greatest precautions that none will arise at Sparta, deal wrongfully with your allies. If you had such experience of that thing as we have, you would be more prudent advisers concerning it than you are now.” ,The Corinthian state was ordered in such manner as I will show.There was an oligarchy, and this group of men, called the Bacchiadae, held sway in the city, marrying and giving in marriage among themselves. Now Amphion, one of these men, had a crippled daughter, whose name was Labda. Since none of the Bacchiadae would marry her, she was wedded to Eetion son of Echecrates, of the township of Petra, a Lapith by lineage and of the posterity of Caeneus. ,When no sons were born to him by this wife or any other, he set out to Delphi to enquire concerning the matter of acquiring offspring. As soon as he entered, the Pythian priestess spoke these verses to him:
5.93 These were the words of Socles, the envoy from Corinth, and Hippias answered, calling the same gods as Socles had invoked to witness, that the Corinthians would be the first to wish the Pisistratidae back, when the time appointed should come for them to be vexed by the Athenians. ,Hippias made this answer, inasmuch as he had more exact knowledge of the oracles than any man, but the rest of the allies, who had till now kept silence, spoke out when they heard the free speech of Socles and sided with the opinion of the Corinthians, entreating the Lacedaemonians not to harm a Greek city. ' "
6.67 So it was concerning Demaratus' loss of the kingship, and from Sparta he went into exile among the Medes because of the following reproach: after he was deposed from the kingship, he was elected to office. ,When it was the time of the 6.75 When the Lacedaemonians learned that Cleomenes was doing this, they took fright and brought him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms as before. Cleomenes had already been not entirely in his right mind, and on his return from exile a mad sickness fell upon him: any Spartan that he happened to meet he would hit in the face with his staff. ,For doing this, and because he was out of his mind, his relatives bound him in the stocks. When he was in the stocks and saw that his guard was left alone, he demanded a dagger; the guard at first refused to give it, but Cleomenes threatened what he would do to him when he was freed, until the guard, who was a helot, was frightened by the threats and gave him the dagger. ,Cleomenes took the weapon and set about slashing himself from his shins upwards; from the shin to the thigh he cut his flesh lengthways, then from the thigh to the hip and the sides, until he reached the belly, and cut it into strips; thus he died, as most of the Greeks say, because he persuaded the Pythian priestess to tell the tale of Demaratus. The Athenians alone say it was because he invaded Eleusis and laid waste the precinct of the gods. The Argives say it was because when Argives had taken refuge after the battle in their temple of Argus he brought them out and cut them down, then paid no heed to the sacred grove and set it on fire. ' "
6.105 While still in the city, the generals first sent to Sparta the herald Philippides, an Athenian and a long-distance runner who made that his calling. As Philippides himself said when he brought the message to the Athenians, when he was in the Parthenian mountain above Tegea he encountered Pan. ,Pan called out Philippides' name and bade him ask the Athenians why they paid him no attention, though he was of goodwill to the Athenians, had often been of service to them, and would be in the future. ,The Athenians believed that these things were true, and when they became prosperous they established a sacred precinct of Pan beneath the Acropolis. Ever since that message they propitiate him with annual sacrifices and a torch-race. " "6.106 This Philippides was in Sparta on the day after leaving the city of Athens, that time when he was sent by the generals and said that Pan had appeared to him. He came to the magistrates and said, ,“Lacedaemonians, the Athenians ask you to come to their aid and not allow the most ancient city among the Hellenes to fall into slavery at the hands of the foreigners. Even now Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas has become weaker by an important city.” ,He told them what he had been ordered to say, and they resolved to send help to the Athenians, but they could not do this immediately, for they were unwilling to break the law. It was the ninth day of the rising month, and they said that on the ninth they could not go out to war until the moon's circle was full." 7.132 Among those who paid that tribute were the Thessalians, Dolopes, Enienes, Perrhaebians, Locrians, Magnesians, Melians, Achaeans of Phthia, Thebans, and all the Boeotians except the men of Thespiae and Plataea. ,Against all of these the Greeks who declared war with the foreigner entered into a sworn agreement, which was this: that if they should be victorious, they would dedicate to the god of Delphi the possessions of all Greeks who had of free will surrendered themselves to the Persians. Such was the agreement sworn by the Greeks.
7.228 There is an inscription written over these men, who were buried where they fell, and over those who died before the others went away, dismissed by Leonidas. It reads as follows:
8.65 Dicaeus son of Theocydes, an Athenian exile who had become important among the Medes, said that at the time when the land of Attica was being laid waste by Xerxes' army and there were no Athenians in the country, he was with Demaratus the Lacedaemonian on the Thriasian plain and saw advancing from Eleusis a cloud of dust as if raised by the feet of about thirty thousand men. They marvelled at what men might be raising such a cloud of dust and immediately heard a cry. The cry seemed to be the “Iacchus” of the mysteries, ,and when Demaratus, ignorant of the rites of Eleusis, asked him what was making this sound, Dicaeus said, “Demaratus, there is no way that some great disaster will not befall the king's army. Since Attica is deserted, it is obvious that this voice is divine and comes from Eleusis to help the Athenians and their allies. ,If it descends upon the Peloponnese, the king himself and his army on the mainland will be endangered. If, however, it turns towards the ships at Salamis, the king will be in danger of losing his fleet. ,Every year the Athenians observe this festival for the Mother and the Maiden, and any Athenian or other Hellene who wishes is initiated. The voice which you hear is the ‘Iacchus’ they cry at this festival.” To this Demaratus replied, “Keep silent and tell this to no one else. ,If these words of yours are reported to the king, you will lose your head, and neither I nor any other man will be able to save you, so be silent. The gods will see to the army.” ,Thus he advised, and after the dust and the cry came a cloud, which rose aloft and floated away towards Salamis to the camp of the Hellenes. In this way they understood that Xerxes' fleet was going to be destroyed. Dicaeus son of Theocydes used to say this, appealing to Demaratus and others as witnesses. " "
9.11 So Pausanias' army had marched away from Sparta; but as soon as it was day, the envoys came before the ephors, having no knowledge of the expedition, and being minded themselves too to depart each one to his own place. When they arrived, “You Lacedaemonians,” they said, “remain where you are, observing your 9.65 At Plataea, however, the Persians, routed by the Lacedaemonians, fled in disorder to their own camp and inside the wooden walls which they had made in the territory of Thebes. ,It is indeed a marvel that although the battle was right by the grove of Demeter, there was no sign that any Persian had been killed in the precinct or entered into it; most of them fell near the temple in unconsecrated ground. I think—if it is necessary to judge the ways of the gods—that the goddess herself denied them entry, since they had burnt her temple, the shrine at Eleusis. '' None
|26. Plato, Alcibiades Ii, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysus, festivals of • Epicurus, and festivals • festivals • festivals, Attic abundance of • festivals, Epicurus on • festivals, and education • festivals, established by divination • festivals, honouring the gods • festivals, in Athens • sacrifices, and festivals
Found in books: Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 49, 61, 95, 177; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 379
|148e χρὴ μηχανῇ τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἀποτροπὴν εὑρεῖν, βουλευομένοις αὐτοῖς δοκεῖν κράτιστον εἶναι πέμψαντας πρὸς Ἄμμωνα ἐκεῖνον ἐπερωτᾶν· ἔτι δὲ πρὸς τούτοις τάδε, καὶ ἀνθʼ ὅτου ποτὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις οἱ θεοὶ μᾶλλον νίκην διδόασιν ἢ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, οἳ πλείστας, φάναι, μὲν θυσίας καὶ καλλίστας τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἄγομεν, ἀναθήμασί τε κεκοσμήκαμεν τὰ ἱερὰ αὐτῶν ὡς οὐδένες ἄλλοι, πομπάς τε πολυτελεστάτας καὶ σεμνοτάτας ἐδωρούμεθα τοῖς θεοῖς ἀνʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος, καὶ'' None||148e took counsel together and decided that the best thing they could do was to send and inquire of Ammon ; and moreover, to ask also for what reason the gods granted victory to the Spartans rather than to themselves: for we —such was the message— offer up to them more and finer sacrifices than any of the Greeks, and have adorned their temples with votive emblems as no other people have done, and presented to the gods the costliest and stateliest processions year by year, and spent more money thus than'' None|
|27. Plato, Euthyphro, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, on festivals • Artemis (goddess), Laphria festival • Demetrieia (festival), Kataibates • Demetrieia (festival), Rhodes, siege of • Demetrieia (festival), removal of honours for • festival, Panathenaea • festivals, Laphria • festivals, established by divination • festivals, honouring the gods • festivals, of Magnesia • festivals, officials of • sacrifice (thysia), Laphria festival
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 136; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 17; Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 56, 104, 108, 170, 177
|14b ΣΩ. ἦ πολύ μοι διὰ βραχυτέρων, ὦ Εὐθύφρων, εἰ ἐβούλου, εἶπες ἂν τὸ κεφάλαιον ὧν ἠρώτων· ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐ'14c ΕΥΘ. ἔγωγε. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν τὸ θύειν δωρεῖσθαί ἐστι τοῖς θεοῖς, τὸ δʼ εὔχεσθαι αἰτεῖν τοὺς θεούς; ΕΥΘ. καὶ μάλα, ὦ Σώκρατες.' '' None||4c Naxos, he was working there on our land. Now he got drunk, got angry with one of our house slaves, and butchered him. So my father bound him hand and foot, threw him into a ditch, and sent a man here to Athens to ask the religious adviser what he ought 14b Socrates. You might, if you wished, Euthyphro, have answered much more briefly the chief part of my question. But it is plain that you do not care to instruct me.' 14c Euthyphro. Yes. Socrates. And sacrificing is making gifts to the god ' None|
|28. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Epicurus, and festivals • festivals • festivals, Epicurus on • festivals, and education • festivals, honouring the gods • festivals, of Apollo (Delos)
Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 152; Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 95
|472a ἀλήθειαν· ἐνίοτε γὰρ ἂν καὶ καταψευδομαρτυρηθείη τις ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ δοκούντων εἶναί τι. καὶ νῦν περὶ ὧν σὺ λέγεις ὀλίγου σοι πάντες συμφήσουσιν ταὐτὰ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ ξένοι, ἐὰν βούλῃ κατʼ ἐμοῦ μάρτυρας παρασχέσθαι ὡς οὐκ ἀληθῆ λέγω· μαρτυρήσουσί σοι, ἐὰν μὲν βούλῃ, Νικίας ὁ Νικηράτου καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ μετʼ αὐτοῦ, ὧν οἱ τρίποδες οἱ ἐφεξῆς ἑστῶτές εἰσιν ἐν τῷ Διονυσίῳ, ἐὰν δὲ βούλῃ, Ἀριστοκράτης'' None||472a for getting at the truth; since occasionally a man may actually be crushed by the number and reputation of the false witnesses brought against him. And so now you will find almost everybody, Athenians and foreigners, in agreement with you on the points you state, if you like to bring forward witnesses against the truth of what I say: if you like, there is Nicias, son of Niceratus, with his brothers, whose tripods are standing in a row in the Dionysium; or else Aristocrates, son of Scellias, whose goodly offering again is well known at Delphi ;'' None|
|29. Plato, Menexenus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia festivals, Great or City D. • dramatic festivals, discursive parameters
Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 179; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 291
|239b καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ, οἰόμενοι δεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ Ἕλλησιν ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων μάχεσθαι καὶ βαρβάροις ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων. Εὐμόλπου μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἀμαζόνων ἐπιστρατευσάντων ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ τῶν ἔτι προτέρων ὡς ἠμύναντο, καὶ ὡς ἤμυναν Ἀργείοις πρὸς Καδμείους καὶ Ἡρακλείδαις πρὸς Ἀργείους, ὅ τε χρόνος βραχὺς ἀξίως διηγήσασθαι, ποιηταί τε αὐτῶν ἤδη καλῶς τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐν μουσικῇ ὑμνήσαντες εἰς πάντας μεμηνύκασιν· ἐὰν οὖν ἡμεῖς'' None||239b deeming it their duty to fight in the cause of freedom alike with Greeks on behalf of Greeks and with barbarians on behalf of the whole of Greece . The story of how they repulsed Eumolpus and the Amazons, and still earlier invaders, when they marched upon our country, and how they defended the Argives against the Cadmeians and the Heracleidae against the Argives, is a story which our time is too short to relate as it deserves, and already their valor has been adequately celebrated in song by poets who have made it known throughout the world;'' None|
|30. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, on festivals • Dionysus, festivals of • Pythagoras and Pythagoreans, on athletic festivals • festivals • festivals, Pythagoras on • festivals, and Bendis • festivals, and Zeus • festivals, in Athens • festivals, of Magnesia • theoria, festival attendance
Found in books: Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 86; Ward (2021), Searching for the Divine in Plato and Aristotle: Philosophical Theoria and Traditional Practice, 54
|58a ΦΑΙΔ. οὐδὲ τὰ περὶ τῆς δίκης ἄρα ἐπύθεσθε ὃν τρόπον ἐγένετο; γ ΕΧ. ναί, ταῦτα μὲν ἡμῖν ἤγγειλέ τις, καὶ ἐθαυμάζομέν γε ὅτι πάλαι γενομένης αὐτῆς πολλῷ ὕστερον φαίνεται ἀποθανών. τί οὖν ἦν τοῦτο, ὦ Φαίδων ; ΦΑΙΔ. τύχη τις αὐτῷ, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, συνέβη: ἔτυχεν γὰρ τῇ προτεραίᾳ τῆς δίκης ἡ πρύμνα ἐστεμμένη τοῦ πλοίου ὃ εἰς Δῆλον Ἀθηναῖοι πέμπουσιν. ΕΧ. τοῦτο δὲ δὴ τί ἐστιν; ΦΑΙΔ. τοῦτ’ ἔστι τὸ πλοῖον, ὥς φασιν Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐν ᾧ Θησεύς ποτε εἰς Κρήτην τοὺς δὶς ἑπτὰ ἐκείνους ᾤχετο'' None||58a Phaedo. Did you not even hear about the trial and how it was conducted? Echecrates. Yes, some one told us about that, and we wondered that although it took place a long time ago, he was put to death much later. Now why was that, Phaedo? Phaedo. It was a matter of chance, Echecrates. It happened that the stern of the ship which the Athenians send to Delos was crowned on the day before the trial. Echecrates. What ship is this? Phaedo. This is the ship, as the Athenians say, in which Theseus once went to Crete with the fourteen'' None|
|31. Plato, Statesman, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • festivals, of Magnesia • festivals, officials of • festivals, prizes for victorious competitors • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί
Found in books: Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 104; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 79, 270
|290e ἄρχειν, ἀλλʼ ἐὰν ἄρα καὶ τύχῃ πρότερον ἐξ ἄλλου γένους βιασάμενος, ὕστερον ἀναγκαῖον εἰς τοῦτο εἰστελεῖσθαι αὐτὸν τὸ γένος· ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πολλαχοῦ ταῖς μεγίσταις ἀρχαῖς τὰ μέγιστα τῶν περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα θύματα εὕροι τις ἂν προσταττόμενα θύειν. καὶ δὴ καὶ παρʼ ὑμῖν οὐχ ἥκιστα δῆλον ὃ λέγω· τῷ γὰρ λαχόντι βασιλεῖ φασιν τῇδε τὰ σεμνότατα καὶ μάλιστα πάτρια τῶν ἀρχαίων θυσιῶν ἀποδεδόσθαι. ΝΕ. ΣΩ. καὶ πάνυ γε.'' None||290e and if he happens to have forced his way to the throne from some other class, he must enroll himself in the class of priests afterwards; and among the Greeks, too, you would find that in many states the performance of the greatest public sacrifices is a duty imposed upon the highest officials. Yes, among you Athenians this is very plain, for they say the holiest and most national of the ancient sacrifices are performed by the man whom the lot has chosen to be the King. Y. Soc. Yes, certainly.'' None|
|32. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • festivals, of Dionysus
Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 180; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 29
|223c καὶ καταδαρθεῖν πάνυ πολύ, ἅτε μακρῶν τῶν νυκτῶν οὐσῶν, ἐξεγρέσθαι δὲ πρὸς ἡμέραν ἤδη ἀλεκτρυόνων ᾀδόντων, ἐξεγρόμενος δὲ ἰδεῖν τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους καθεύδοντας καὶ οἰχομένους, Ἀγάθωνα δὲ καὶ Ἀριστοφάνη καὶ Σωκράτη ἔτι μόνους ἐγρηγορέναι καὶ πίνειν ἐκ φιάλης μεγάλης ἐπὶ δεξιά. τὸν οὖν Σωκράτη αὐτοῖς διαλέγεσθαι· καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὁ'' None||223c while he himself fell asleep, and slumbered a great while, for the nights were long. He awoke towards dawn, as the cocks were crowing; and immediately he saw that all the company were either sleeping or gone, except Agathon, Aristophanes, and Socrates, who alone remained awake and were drinking out of a large vessel, from left to right; and Socrates was arguing with them. As to most of the talk, Aristodemus had no recollection,'' None|
|33. Sophocles, Antigone, 1115-1152 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • festival, festivity, festive
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 8, 243, 273; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 112
1115 God of many names, glory of the Cadmeian bride and offspring of loud-thundering Zeus, you who watch over far-famed Italy and reign'1116 God of many names, glory of the Cadmeian bride and offspring of loud-thundering Zeus, you who watch over far-famed Italy and reign 1120 in the valleys of Eleusinian Deo where all find welcome! O Bacchus, denizen of Thebes , the mother-city of your Bacchants, dweller by the wet stream of Ismenus on the soil 1125 of the sowing of the savage dragon’s teeth! 1126 The smoky glare of torches sees you above the cliffs of the twin peaks, where the Corycian nymphs move inspired by your godhead, 1130 and Castalia’s stream sees you, too. The ivy-mantled slopes of Nysa ’s hills and the shore green with many-clustered vines send you, when accompanied by the cries of your divine words, 1135 you visit the avenues of Thebes . 1137 Thebes of all cities you hold foremost in honor, together with your lightning-struck mother. 1140 And now when the whole city is held subject to a violent plague, come, we ask, with purifying feet over steep Parnassus , 1145 or over the groaning straits! 1146 O Leader of the chorus of the stars whose breath is fire, overseer of the chants in the night, son begotten of Zeus, 1150 appear, my king, with your attendant Thyiads, who in night-long frenzy dance and sing you as Iacchus the Giver! ' None
|34. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.113, 1.126.6, 2.38.1, 2.71.2, 3.104, 3.104.1-3.104.2, 4.92, 4.99, 6.56 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, on festivals • Democritus, on festivals • Dionysos (Bacchus, god), Dionysia festivals • Dionysus, festivals of • Festival • Festivals, and Boiotian regional identity • Festivals, of Artemis Agrotera of Athens • Plataiai, festival of Zeus Eleutherios • Skambonidai festivals mentioned in decree of • dramatic festivals, discursive parameters • eudaimonia, and festivals • festivals • festivals, Attic abundance of • festivals, Attic confined to Athens • festivals, Attic confined to demes • festivals, Democritus on • festivals, Dionysia • festivals, Ephesia • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, and Apollo • festivals, and Muses • festivals, and charis • festivals, and education • festivals, and eudaimonia • festivals, annual • festivals, established by divination • festivals, funding of • festivals, honouring the gods • festivals, of Magnesia • festivals, promoted by tyrants • festivals, propitiating a deity • festivals,, elite competition in • married women at festivals at Panathenaea • married women at festivals parthenoi at festivals • sacrifices, and festivals • theoria, festival attendance
Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 194; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 180; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 102, 162; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 181; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 387; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 220; Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 80, 83, 84; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 47; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 74, 258, 379; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 212; Sweeney (2013), Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia, 177; Ward (2021), Searching for the Divine in Plato and Aristotle: Philosophical Theoria and Traditional Practice, 2; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 128, 167
1.126.6 εἰ δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ἢ ἄλλοθί που ἡ μεγίστη ἑορτὴ εἴρητο, οὔτε ἐκεῖνος ἔτι κατενόησε τό τε μαντεῖον οὐκ ἐδήλου ʽἔστι γὰρ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις Διάσια ἃ καλεῖται Διὸς ἑορτὴ Μειλιχίου μεγίστη ἔξω τῆς πόλεως, ἐν ᾗ πανδημεὶ θύουσι πολλὰ οὐχ ἱερεῖα, ἀλλ’ <ἁγνὰ> θύματα ἐπιχώριἀ, δοκῶν δὲ ὀρθῶς γιγνώσκειν ἐπεχείρησε τῷ ἔργῳ.
2.38.1 ‘καὶ μὴν καὶ τῶν πόνων πλείστας ἀναπαύλας τῇ γνώμῃ ἐπορισάμεθα, ἀγῶσι μέν γε καὶ θυσίαις διετησίοις νομίζοντες, ἰδίαις δὲ κατασκευαῖς εὐπρεπέσιν, ὧν καθ’ ἡμέραν ἡ τέρψις τὸ λυπηρὸν ἐκπλήσσει.
2.71.2 ‘Ἀρχίδαμε καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖτε οὐδ’ ἄξια οὔτε ὑμῶν οὔτε πατέρων ὧν ἐστέ, ἐς γῆν τὴν Πλαταιῶν στρατεύοντες. Παυσανίας γὰρ ὁ Κλεομβρότου Λακεδαιμόνιος ἐλευθερώσας τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἀπὸ τῶν Μήδων μετὰ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐθελησάντων ξυνάρασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον τῆς μάχης ἣ παρ’ ἡμῖν ἐγένετο, θύσας ἐν τῇ Πλαταιῶν ἀγορᾷ ἱερὰ Διὶ ἐλευθερίῳ καὶ ξυγκαλέσας πάντας τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀπεδίδου Πλαταιεῦσι γῆν καὶ πόλιν τὴν σφετέραν ἔχοντας αὐτονόμους οἰκεῖν, στρατεῦσαί τε μηδένα ποτὲ ἀδίκως ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς μηδ’ ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ: εἰ δὲ μή, ἀμύνειν τοὺς παρόντας ξυμμάχους κατὰ δύναμιν.
3.104.1 τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ Δῆλον ἐκάθηραν Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ χρησμὸν δή τινα. ἐκάθηρε μὲν γὰρ καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ τύραννος πρότερον αὐτήν, οὐχ ἅπασαν, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐφεωρᾶτο τῆς νήσου: τότε δὲ πᾶσα ἐκαθάρθη τοιῷδε τρόπῳ.
3.104.2 θῆκαι ὅσαι ἦσαν τῶν τεθνεώτων ἐν Δήλῳ, πάσας ἀνεῖλον, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν προεῖπον μήτε ἐναποθνῄσκειν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ μήτε ἐντίκτειν, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὴν Ῥήνειαν διακομίζεσθαι. ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Ῥήνεια τῆς Δήλου οὕτως ὀλίγον ὥστε Πολυκράτης ὁ Σαμίων τύραννος ἰσχύσας τινὰ χρόνον ναυτικῷ καὶ τῶν τε ἄλλων νήσων ἄρξας καὶ τὴν Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ ἁλύσει δήσας πρὸς τὴν Δῆλον. καὶ τὴν πεντετηρίδα τότε πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν κάθαρσιν ἐποίησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ Δήλια.' ' None
1.126.6 Whether the grand festival that was meant was in Attica or elsewhere was a question which he never thought of, and which the oracle did not offer to solve. For the Athenians also have a festival which is called the grand festival of Zeus Meilichios or Gracious, viz. the Diasia. It is celebrated outside the city, and the whole people sacrifice not real victims but a number of bloodless offerings peculiar to the country. However, fancying he had chosen the right time, he made the attempt.
2.38.1 Further, we provide plenty of means for the mind to refresh itself from business. We celebrate games and sacrifices all the year round, and the elegance of our private establishments forms a daily source of pleasure and helps to banish the spleen;
2.71.2 ‘Archidamus and Lacedaemonians, in invading the Plataean territory, you do what is wrong in itself, and worthy neither of yourselves nor of the fathers who begot you. Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus, your countryman, after freeing Hellas from the Medes with the help of those Hellenes who were willing to undertake the risk of the battle fought near our city, offered sacrifice to Zeus the Liberator in the market-place of Plataea, and calling all the allies together restored to the Plataeans their city and territory, and declared it independent and inviolate against aggression or conquest. Should any such be attempted, the allies present were to help according to their power.
3.104.1 The same winter the Athenians purified Delos, in compliance, it appears, with a certain oracle. It had been purified before by Pisistratus the tyrant; not indeed the whole island, but as much of it as could be seen from the temple. All of it was, however, now purified in the following way.
3.104.2 All the sepulchres of those that had died in Delos were taken up, and for the future it was commanded that no one should be allowed either to die or to give birth to a child in the island; but that they should be carried over to Rhenea, which is so near to Delos that Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, having added Rhenea to his other island conquests during his period of naval ascendancy, dedicated it to the Delian Apollo by binding it to Delos with a chain. The Athenians, after the purification, celebrated, for the first time, the quinquennial festival of the Delian games. ' ' None
|35. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 3.2.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals, Mounichia of Athens • Festivals, of Artemis Agrotera of Athens • festival,
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 625; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 29, 30, 127
3.2.12 καὶ εὐξάμενοι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὁπόσους κατακάνοιεν τῶν πολεμίων τοσαύτας χιμαίρας καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ, ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον ἱκανὰς εὑρεῖν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν πεντακοσίας θύειν, καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἀποθύουσιν.'' None
3.2.12 And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough; According to Herodotus ( Hdt. 6.117 ) the Persian dead numbered 6,400. so they resolved to offer five hundred every year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. '' None
|36. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4.12, 2.4.20 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristophanes, Athens and festivals in • festivals • festivals and social roles • festivals, Apatouria • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, Plynteria • sacrifice by individuals during public festivals • women, participation in festivals
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 169, 264; Meinel (2015), Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy, 176; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 163, 373
1.4.12 And when he found that the temper of the Athenians was kindly, that they had chosen him general, and that his friends were urging him by personal messages to return, he sailed in to Piraeus, arriving on the day when the city was celebrating the Plynteria When the clothing of the ancient wooden statue of Athena Polias was removed and washed ( πλύνειν ). and the statue of Athena was veiled from sight,—a circumstance which some people imagined was of ill omen, both for him and for the state; for on that day no Athenian would venture to engage in any serious business.
2.4.20 And Cleocritus, the herald of the initiated, i.e. in the Eleusinian mysteries. a man with a very fine voice, obtained silence and said: Fellow citizens, why do you drive us out of the city? why do you wish to kill us? For we never did you any harm, but we have shared with you in the most solemn rites and sacrifices and the most splendid festivals, we have been companions in the dance and schoolmates and comrades in arms, and we have braved many dangers with you both by land and by sea in defense of the 404 B.C. common safety and freedom of us both.'' None
|37. Xenophon, On Household Management, 2.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysus, festivals of • festivals, Roman • festivals, for Antiochus III • sacrifices, and festivals
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 260; Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 61
2.5 How can that be? exclaimed Critobulus. Because, in the first place, explained Socrates , I notice that you are bound to offer many large sacrifices; else, I fancy, you would get into trouble with gods and men alike. Secondly, it is your duty to entertain many strangers, on a generous scale too. Thirdly, you have to give dinners and play the benefactor to the citizens, or you lose your following.'' None
|38. Xenophon, Symposium, 8.40 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Panathenaic festival • festival, festivity, festive
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 113; Edmunds (2021), Greek Myth, 83
8.40 You may regard it as certain, therefore, that our city would be quick to entrust itself to your hands, if you so desire. For you possess the highest qualifications for such a trust: you are of aristocratic birth, of Erechtheus’ line, Callias’s family belonged to the priestly clan of the Ceryces, who traced their lineage back to Ceryx, son of Hermes and Aglaurus. The latter, however, was not a descendant of Erechtheus, but one of his nurses. a priest serving the gods who under the leadership of Iacchus took the field against the barbarian; Herodotus (VIII, 65) and Plutarch ( Life of Themistocles, XV) report the tradition that while the Greek fleet was at anchor near Salamis just before the critical sea-fight, great elation was caused at sight of a big cloud of dust (or, in the later version, a brilliant light) off toward Eleusis , and a wonderful sound as of the Eleusinian festival with its cries to Iacchus, followed by a cloud that drifted directly toward the fleet. and in our day you outshine your predecessors in the splendour of your priestly office in the festival; In addition to being one of the priestly Ceryces, Callias was an hereditary torch-bearer in the Eleusinian festival. and you possess a person more goodly to the eye than any other in the city and one at the same time able to withstand effort and hardship.'' None
|39. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Theopompus, and festivals • festivals, Theopompus on • proper respect for gods, through festivals • sacrifice by individuals during public festivals
Found in books: Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 154; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 163
|40. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristophanes festivals in • cavalry at festivals • festival • festival, Dionysia
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 134; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 262, 317
|41. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysus, festivals • choruses, festivals • competitions, festival • festivals, Greek • festivals, and liturgies • festivals, contests/competitions • festivals, in the archaic period • festivals, promoted by tyrants • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 230, 241; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 80, 82; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 78, 79
|42. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Adonia (festival) • Anthesteria (festival) • Aristophanes festivals in • Athenians, at the festivals • Brauronia (festival) • Cronia (festival) • Diasia (festival) • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • Dipolieia (festival) • Panathenaea (festival) • Theseia (festival) • Thesmophoria (festival) • audience, at the festivals • burial, state festival • dramatic festivals, Great Dionysia • dramatic festivals, Lenaea • dramatic festivals, performances of old plays • festival • festival, festivity, festive • festivals, Anthesteria • festivals, Panathenaea • festivals, of Dionysus • foreigners, at the festivals • judges, of the Dionysian festival • tetralogy, in the Dionysian festival
Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 26; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 108, 273, 375; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 145; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 310; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 181, 182, 650; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 22; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 293, 316
|43. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Adonia (festival) • Anthesteria (festival) • Aristophanes, festivals • Athenians, at the festivals • Brauronia (festival) • Cronia (festival) • Diasia (festival) • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • Dionysus, festivals • Dipolieia (festival) • Panathenaea (festival) • Theseia (festival) • Thesmophoria (festival) • audience, at the festivals • choruses, festivals • festival • festivals, Greek • festivals, Panathenaea • festivals, of Dionysus • foreigners, at the festivals • married women at festivals at Panathenaea • married women at festivals parthenoi at festivals • tetralogy, in the Dionysian festival
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 242; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 181, 182; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 22; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 258
|44. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Adonia (festival) • Anthesteria (festival) • Brauronia (festival) • Cronia (festival) • Diasia (festival) • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • Dipolieia (festival) • Panathenaea (festival) • Theseia (festival) • Thesmophoria (festival) • festival • married women at festivals at Panathenaea • married women at festivals parthenoi at festivals
Found in books: Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 22; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 258
|45. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ares Gynaecothoenas (festival) • Dionysos (Bacchus, god), Dionysia festivals • festivals, Adonia • festivals, Ares Gynaecothoenas • festivals, Dionysia • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, Thesmophoria • women festivals of • women, basket bearers at festivals (kanephorai) • women, participation in festivals • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi festivals of
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 16; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 252; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 283, 286
|46. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • festivals, Antheia • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί
Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 16, 17; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 78
|47. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Adonia (festival) • Anthesteria (festival) • Aristophanes festivals in • Aristophanes, Athens and festivals in • Aristotle, on festivals • Brauronia (festival) • Cronia (festival) • Diasia (festival) • Diisoteria (festival) • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • Dipolieia (festival) • Epicurus, and festivals • Panathenaea (festival) • Theseia (festival) • Thesmophoria (festival) • eudaimonia, and festivals • festival • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Artemis Brauronia • festivals, Epicurus on • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, and Bendis • festivals, and eudaimonia • festivals, established by divination • festivals, honouring the gods • festivals, in Athens • festivals, propitiating a deity • propitiousness of gods, through festivals • sacrifice by individuals during public festivals • women, basket bearers at festivals (kanephorai)
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 381; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 33, 167; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 22, 123, 125; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 16; Meinel (2015), Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy, 175, 176; Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 85; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 42, 148
|48. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Adonia (festival) • Anthesteria (festival) • Brauronia (festival) • Cronia (festival) • Diasia (festival) • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • Dipolieia (festival) • Panathenaea (festival) • Theseia (festival) • Thesmophoria (festival) • festival • festivals • gene, role in festivals Pythaides • women festivals of • women private festivals of • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi festivals of • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi private festivals of
Found in books: Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 22; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 87, 284; Steiner (2001), Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought, 165; de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 186
|49. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Diasia (festival) • Dipolieia (festival) • festival • festival, festivity, festive
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 379; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 123
|50. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Lenaia comic festival • afterlife lots, bliss and festivities • festival • festival, Dionysia • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Thesmophoria • trieteric festivals
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 134; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 111, 112, 372; Edmonds (2004), Myths of the Underworld Journey: Plato, Aristophanes, and the ‘Orphic’ Gold Tablets, 133, 140, 141, 237; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 242, 560; de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 187
|51. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia, Great and Rural (festivals) • festival, festivity, festive
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 47, 273, 381; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 112
|52. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • competitions, festival • festivals, contests/competitions • judges, of the Dionysian festival
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 230; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 653
|53. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristophanes festivals in • Mounichia (festival) • festival, festivity, festive • festivals, Artemis Brauronia
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 273; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 188, 189; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 242, 293
|54. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Thorikos, calendar festivals in • burial, Tetrapolis festival • festivals • festivals, Apatouria • festivals, Attic common to Athens and demes • festivals, Attic confined to demes • festivals, Thesmophoria • theoria to festivals • women festivals of • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi festivals of
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 242, 531; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 1153; Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 267, 268, 269; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 44, 75, 274, 276
|55. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, of Leukophryena • festivals
Found in books: Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 23; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 185
|56. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival, paraphernalia • festival, of Adonis
Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 37; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 227
|57. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, on festivals • Dionysos (Bacchus, god), Dionysia festivals • burial, Tetrapolis festival • festival, • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Apatouria • festivals, Asklepeia • festivals, Dionysia • festivals, Lenaia • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, Thargelia • festivals, administration of • festivals, civic • festivals, prizes for victorious competitors • festivals, promoted by tyrants • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί • married women at festivals at Panathenaea • married women at festivals parthenoi at festivals • theoria, festival attendance
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 103, 113; Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 624; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 267, 530; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 102, 162; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 1151; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 691; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 22; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 36, 79, 90, 270; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 258; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 145; Ward (2021), Searching for the Divine in Plato and Aristotle: Philosophical Theoria and Traditional Practice, 3
|58. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysus, festivals of • festivals, and Apollo • festivals, and charis • festivals, established by divination • festivals, funding of • festivals, of Magnesia • festivals, officials of • festivals, prizes for victorious competitors • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί
Found in books: Mikalson (2010), Greek Popular Religion in Greek Philosophy, 1, 104, 107, 246; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 39, 80
|59. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ares Gynaecothoenas (festival) • festivals, Ares Gynaecothoenas • festivals, Attic activities at • women festivals of • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi festivals of
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 16; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 182, 283
|60. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • insomnia, and festivities
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 26; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 26
|61. Anon., Jubilees, 1.1, 1.14, 2.21, 6.17-6.38, 15.33-15.34, 22.6-22.9, 22.16, 22.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival of Unleavened Bread • Festival, • Festivals • Friday (fast/festival day) • Jewish people, the, festivals • Monday (fast/festival day) • Religious Ceremonies (Processions, Festivals, Rituals) • Weber, Max, Weeks, Festival of • Wednesday (fast/festival day) • festivals • festivals and fasts • festivals, Jewish
Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022), Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity, 35, 39; Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 173, 177; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 302; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 152; Feldman, Goldman and Dimant (2014), Scripture and Interpretation: Qumran Texts That Rework the Bible 62; Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 71; Gera (2014), Judith, 266; Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 101, 102, 103, 104; Reif (2006), Problems with Prayers: Studies in the Textual History of Early Rabbinic Liturgy, 167; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 266
1.1 THIS is the history of the division of the days of the law and of the testimony, of the events of the years, of their (year) weeks, of their jubilees throughout all the years of the world, as the Lord spake to Moses on Mount Sinai when he went up to receive the tables of the law and of the commandment, according to the voice of God as He said unto him, "Go up to the top of the Mount."r) And it came to pass in the first year of the A.M. (A.M. = Anno Mundi) exodus of the children of Israel out of Egypt, in the third month, on the sixteenth day of the month, that God spake to Moses, saying:
1.14 and My sabbaths, and My holy place which I have hallowed for Myself in their midst, and My tabernacle, and My sanctuary, which I have hallowed for Myself in the midst of the land, that I should set My name upon it, and that it should dwell (there).
2.21 And the sun rose above them to prosper (them), and above everything that was on the earth, everything that shoots out of the earth, and all fruit-bearing trees, and all flesh.
6.17 And this testimony is written concerning you that you should observe it continually, so that you should not eat on any day any blood of beasts or birds or cattle during all the days of the earth, 6.18 and the man who eateth the blood of beast or of cattle or of birds during all the days of the earth, he and his seed shall be rooted out of the land. 6.19 And do thou command the children of Israel to eat no blood, so that their names and their seed may be before the Lord our God continually. 6.20 And for this law there is no limit of days, for it is for ever. They shall observe it throughout their generations, so that they may continue supplicating on your behalf with blood before the altar; 6.21 every day and at the time of morning and evening they shall seek forgiveness on your behalf perpetually before the Lord that they may keep it and not be rooted out. 6.22 And He gave to Noah and his sons a sign that there should not again be a flood on the earth. 6.23 He set His bow in the cloud for a sign of the eternal covet that there should not again be a flood on the earth to destroy it all the days of the earth. 6.24 For this reason it is ordained and written on the heavenly tables, that they should celebrate the feast of weeks in this month once a year, to renew the covet every year. 6.25 And this whole festival was celebrated in heaven from the day of creation till the days of Noah-twenty-six jubilees and five weeks of years:...' "6.26 and Noah and his sons observed it for seven jubilees and one week of years, till the day of Noah's death, and from the day of Noah's death his sons did away with (it) until the days of Abraham, and they ate blood." '6.27 But Abraham observed it, and Isaac and Jacob and his children observed it up to thy days, 6.28 and in thy days the children of Israel forgot it until ye celebrated it anew on this mountain. 6.29 And do thou command the children of Israel to observe this festival in all their generations for a commandment unto them: 6.30 one day in the year in this month they shall celebrate the festival. 6.31 For it is the feast of weeks and the feast of first-fruits: 6.32 this feast is twofold and of a double nature: according to what is written and engraven concerning it celebrate it. 6.33 For I have written in the book of the first law, in that which I have written for thee, that thou shouldst celebrate it in its season, one day in the year, 6.34 and I explained to thee its sacrifices that the children of Israel should remember and should celebrate it throughout their generations in this month, one day in every year. 6.35 And on the new moon of the first month, and on the new moon of the fourth month, and on the new moon of the seventh month, and on the new moon of the tenth month are the days of remembrance, and the days of the seasons in the four divisions of the year. 6.36 These are written and ordained as a testimony for ever. 6.37 And Noah ordained them for himself as feasts for the generations for ever, so that they have become thereby a memorial unto him. 6.38 And on the new moon of the first month he was bidden to make for himself an ark, and on that (day) the earth became dry and he opened (the ark) and saw the earth.
15.33 For Ishmael and his sons and his brothers and Esau, the Lord did not cause to approach Him, and he chose them not because they are the children of Abraham, because He knew them, but He chose Israel to be His people. 15.34 And He sanctified it, and gathered it from amongst all the children of men ;
22.6 and Rebecca made new cakes from the new grain, and gave them to Jacob, her son, to take them to Abraham, his father, from the first-fruits of the land, that he might eat and bless the Creator of all things before he died. 22.7 And Isaac, too, sent by the hand of Jacob to Abraham a best thank-offering, that he might eat and drink. 22.8 And he ate and drank, and blessed the Most High God, Who hath created heaven and earth, Who hath made all the fat things of the earth, And given them to the children of men That they might eat and drink and bless their Creator. 22.9 "And now I give thanks unto Thee, my God, because Thou hast caused me to see this day:
22.16 May nations serve thee, And all the nations bow themselves before thy seed.
22.20 And may He strengthen thee, And bless thee. And mayest thou inherit the whole earth,rAnd may He renew His covet with thee, That thou mayest be to Him a nation for His inheritance for all the ages,'' None
|62. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival • festivals • festivals, Carmentalia
Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 142; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 120
2.62 Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres\' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. '' None
|63. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 1.5-1.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Incubation (ancient Near Eastern), during festivals • festivals
Found in books: Gera (2014), Judith, 267; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 53
1.5 וַיְמַן לָהֶם הַמֶּלֶךְ דְּבַר־יוֹם בְּיוֹמוֹ מִפַּת־בַּג הַמֶּלֶךְ וּמִיֵּין מִשְׁתָּיו וּלְגַדְּלָם שָׁנִים שָׁלוֹשׁ וּמִקְצָתָם יַעַמְדוּ לִפְנֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ׃ 1.6 וַיְהִי בָהֶם מִבְּנֵי יְהוּדָה דָּנִיֵּאל חֲנַנְיָה מִישָׁאֵל וַעֲזַרְיָה׃ 1.7 וַיָּשֶׂם לָהֶם שַׂר הַסָּרִיסִים שֵׁמוֹת וַיָּשֶׂם לְדָנִיֵּאל בֵּלְטְשַׁאצַּר וְלַחֲנַנְיָה שַׁדְרַךְ וּלְמִישָׁאֵל מֵישַׁךְ וְלַעֲזַרְיָה עֲבֵד נְגוֹ׃ 1.8 וַיָּשֶׂם דָּנִיֵּאל עַל־לִבּוֹ אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יִתְגָּאַל בְּפַתְבַּג הַמֶּלֶךְ וּבְיֵין מִשְׁתָּיו וַיְבַקֵּשׁ מִשַּׂר הַסָּרִיסִים אֲשֶׁר לֹא יִתְגָּאָל׃ 1.9 וַיִּתֵּן הָאֱלֹהִים אֶת־דָּנִיֵּאל לְחֶסֶד וּלְרַחֲמִים לִפְנֵי שַׂר הַסָּרִיסִים׃' '1.11 וַיֹּאמֶר דָּנִיֵּאל אֶל־הַמֶּלְצַר אֲשֶׁר מִנָּה שַׂר הַסָּרִיסִים עַל־דָּנִיֵּאל חֲנַנְיָה מִישָׁאֵל וַעֲזַרְיָה׃ 1.12 נַס־נָא אֶת־עֲבָדֶיךָ יָמִים עֲשָׂרָה וְיִתְּנוּ־לָנוּ מִן־הַזֵּרֹעִים וְנֹאכְלָה וּמַיִם וְנִשְׁתֶּה׃ 1.13 וְיֵרָאוּ לְפָנֶיךָ מַרְאֵינוּ וּמַרְאֵה הַיְלָדִים הָאֹכְלִים אֵת פַּתְבַּג הַמֶּלֶךְ וְכַאֲשֶׁר תִּרְאֵה עֲשֵׂה עִם־עֲבָדֶיךָ׃'' None
1.5 And the king appointed for them a daily portion of the king’s food, and of the wine which he drank, and that they should be nourished three years; that at the end thereof they might stand before the king. 1.6 Now among these were, of the children of Judah, Daniel, Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah. 1.7 And the chief of the officers gave names unto them: unto Daniel he gave the name of Belteshazzar; and to Haiah, of Shadrach; and to Mishael, of Meshach; and to Azariah, of Abed-nego. 1.8 But Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not defile himself with the king’s food, nor with the wine which he drank; therefore he requested of the chief of the officers that he might not defile himself. 1.9 And God granted Daniel mercy and compassion in the sight of the chief of the officers. 1.10 And the chief of the officers said unto Daniel: ‘I fear my lord the king, who hath appointed your food and your drink; for why should he see your faces sad in comparison with the youths that are of your own age? so would ye endanger my head with the king.’ 1.11 Then said Daniel to the steward, whom the chief of the officers had appointed over Daniel, Haiah, Mishael, and Azariah: 1.12 ’Try thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days; and let them give us pulse to eat, and water to drink. 1.13 Then let our counteces be looked upon before thee, and the countece of the youths that eat of the king’s food; and as thou seest, deal with thy servants.’'' None
|64. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 6.30, 6.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Jewish people, the, festivals • choruses, and Jewish festivals • festival • festival, festivity, festive • festivals, Jewish
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 456; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 289; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 311
6.32 They ceased their chanting of dirges and took up the song of their fathers, praising God, their Savior and worker of wonders. Putting an end to all mourning and wailing, they formed choruses as a sign of peaceful joy.' ' None
|65. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 1.1-1.9, 1.18, 1.27, 1.29, 2.9, 2.16, 2.18, 6.7, 10.1-10.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • Hannukah (Festival of Lights) • Hanukkah, Holiday of, Festival of Lights • Impression of Dionysiac Festival • Jewish people, the, festivals • festival • festivals, Jewish • prayer, Festival
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 6, 223, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 295; Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 164, 165, 166; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 241, 242, 243, 255; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 143, 150, 378
1.1 The Jewish brethren in Jerusalem and those in the land of Judea, To their Jewish brethren in Egypt, Greeting, and good peace.'" "1.2 May God do good to you, and may he remember his covet with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, his faithful servants.'" '1.3 May he give you all a heart to worship him and to do his will with a strong heart and a willing spirit."' "1.4 May he open your heart to his law and his commandments, and may he bring peace.'" "1.5 May he hear your prayers and be reconciled to you, and may he not forsake you in time of evil.'" '1.6 We are now praying for you here."' "1.7 In the reign of Demetrius, in the one hundred and sixty-ninth year, we Jews wrote to you, in the critical distress which came upon us in those years after Jason and his company revolted from the holy land and the kingdom'" "1.8 and burned the gate and shed innocent blood. We besought the Lord and we were heard, and we offered sacrifice and cereal offering, and we lighted the lamps and we set out the loaves.'" "1.9 And now see that you keep the feast of booths in the month of Chislev, in the one hundred and eighty-eighth year.'" "
1.18 Since on the twenty-fifth day of Chislev we shall celebrate the purification of the temple, we thought it necessary to notify you, in order that you also may celebrate the feast of booths and the feast of the fire given when Nehemiah, who built the temple and the altar, offered sacrifices.'" "
1.27 Gather together our scattered people, set free those who are slaves among the Gentiles, look upon those who are rejected and despised, and let the Gentiles know that thou art our God.'" "
1.29 Plant thy people in thy holy place, as Moses said.'" 2.9 It was also made clear that being possessed of wisdom Solomon offered sacrifice for the dedication and completion of the temple."' "
2.16 Since, therefore, we are about to celebrate the purification, we write to you. Will you therefore please keep the days?'" "
2.18 as he promised through the law. For we have hope in God that he will soon have mercy upon us and will gather us from everywhere under heaven into his holy place, for he has rescued us from great evils and has purified the place.'" "
6.7 On the monthly celebration of the king's birthday, the Jews were taken, under bitter constraint, to partake of the sacrifices; and when the feast of Dionysus came, they were compelled to walk in the procession in honor of Dionysus, wearing wreaths of ivy.'" "
10.1 Now Maccabeus and his followers, the Lord leading them on, recovered the temple and the city;'" "10.2 and they tore down the altars which had been built in the public square by the foreigners, and also destroyed the sacred precincts.'" "10.3 They purified the sanctuary, and made another altar of sacrifice; then, striking fire out of flint, they offered sacrifices, after a lapse of two years, and they burned incense and lighted lamps and set out the bread of the Presence.'" "10.4 And when they had done this, they fell prostrate and besought the Lord that they might never again fall into such misfortunes, but that, if they should ever sin, they might be disciplined by him with forbearance and not be handed over to blasphemous and barbarous nations.'" "10.5 It happened that on the same day on which the sanctuary had been profaned by the foreigners, the purification of the sanctuary took place, that is, on the twenty-fifth day of the same month, which was Chislev.'" "10.6 And they celebrated it for eight days with rejoicing, in the manner of the feast of booths, remembering how not long before, during the feast of booths, they had been wandering in the mountains and caves like wild animals.'" "10.7 Therefore bearing ivy-wreathed wands and beautiful branches and also fronds of palm, they offered hymns of thanksgiving to him who had given success to the purifying of his own holy place.'" '10.8 They decreed by public ordice and vote that the whole nation of the Jews should observe these days every year."'" None
|66. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 50.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • festivals, and Tamid Service
Found in books: Beyerle and Goff (2022), Notions of Time in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, 170; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 20
50.16 Then the sons of Aaron shouted,they sounded the trumpets of hammered work,they made a great noise to be heard for remembrance before the Most High.'' None
|67. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, annual/multiannual, names • festivals • festivals, Feriae stultorum, Festival of Fools
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 34, 148; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 53, 54
|68. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Friday (fast/festival day) • Monday (fast/festival day) • Wednesday (fast/festival day) • festivals, timing of
Found in books: Shemesh (2009), Halakhah in the Making: The Development of Jewish Law from Qumran to the Rabbis. 18; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 527
|69. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 16.55.1, 17.16.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and theatre festivals • Olympia (festival, at Macedon) • Zeus and the Muses, festival of • festivals with tragic performances (other than Dionysia), Olympia, at Dion • festivals, Zeus Hypsistos
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 160; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 32; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 152
16.55.1 \xa0After the capture of Olynthus, he celebrated the Olympian festival to the gods in commemoration of his victory, and offered magnificent sacrifices; and he organized a great festive assembly at which he held splendid competitions and thereafter invited many of the visiting strangers to his banquets.
17.16.3 \xa0He then proceeded to show them where their advantage lay and by appeals aroused their enthusiasm for the contests which lay ahead. He made lavish sacrifices to the gods at Dium in Macedonia and held the dramatic contests in honour of Zeus and the Muses which ArchelaÃ¼s, one of his predecessors, had instituted.'' None
|70. Ovid, Fasti, 1.129, 1.289, 1.437-1.440, 1.527-1.528, 1.530, 1.535-1.536, 1.581, 1.629-1.630, 1.637, 1.640-1.644, 2.335, 2.535-2.541, 2.669, 2.671-2.672, 2.679-2.684, 3.143, 3.291-3.292, 4.95, 4.139-4.150, 4.923-4.930, 4.949, 5.183, 5.195-5.196, 5.226, 5.231, 5.279-5.294, 5.307, 5.318-5.331, 5.343-5.344, 5.346-5.360, 5.377-5.378, 5.573-5.576, 6.249, 6.251-6.256, 6.319-6.345, 6.613-6.614 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Anna Perenna (festival of) • Festivals • Festus, Fides, temple of • Religious Ceremonies (Processions, Festivals, Rituals) • Veneralia, Festival of • festival, annual/multiannual, names • festivals • festivals (Roman) • festivals, Caristia • festivals, Carmentalia • festivals, Feralia • festivals, Floralia • festivals, Lupercalia • festivals, Parentalia • festivals, Robigalia • festivals, Salian festival • festivals, Terminalia • festivals, Vestalia • festivals, ludi saeculares • festivals, ludi victoriae Caesaris • festivals, of Ara Pacis Augustae ('4 July) • festivals, of Augustus’ appointment as Pontifex maximus • festivals, of Concordia on the Forum • ludi (public festivals) • non-elites, in fors fortuna festival • private festival • religions, Roman, festivals
Found in books: Bierl (2017), Time and Space in Ancient Myth, Religion and Culture, 299, 304, 305, 319; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 163; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 12; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 126; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 1, 18, 19, 38, 41, 42, 62, 78, 81, 93, 120, 133, 156, 192, 194, 197, 207, 208, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 224; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 197, 212; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 33, 34, 55; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 74, 75, 98, 104; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 4, 123
1.437 at deus obscena nimium quoque parte paratus 1.438 omnibus ad lunae lumina risus erat. 1.439 morte dedit poenas auctor clamoris, et haec est 1.440 Hellespontiaco victima grata deo.
1.527 iam pius Aeneas sacra et, sacra altera, patrem 1.528 adferet: Iliacos accipe, Vesta, deos!
1.530 et fient ipso sacra colente deo,
1.535 utque ego perpetuis olim sacrabor in aris, 1.536 sic Augusta novum Iulia numen erit.’
1.581 constituitque sibi, quae Maxima dicitur, aram,
1.629 scortea non illi fas est inferre sacello, 1.630 ne violent puros exanimata focos.
1.640 nunc te sacratae constituere manus. 1.641 Furius antiquam populi superator Etrusci 1.642 voverat et voti solverat ille fidem, 1.643 causa, quod a patribus sumptis secesserat armis 1.644 volgus, et ipsa suas Roma timebat opes.
2.335 intrat, et huc illuc temerarius errat adulter
2.535 parva petunt manes, pietas pro divite grata est 2.536 munere: non avidos Styx habet ima deos, 2.537 tegula porrectis satis est velata coronis 2.538 et sparsae fruges parcaque mica salis 2.539 inque mero mollita Ceres violaeque solutae: 2.540 haec habeat media testa relicta via. 2.541 nec maiora veto, sed et his placabilis umbra est
2.671 nunc quoque, se supra ne quid nisi sidera cernat, 2.672 exiguum templi tecta foramen habent.
2.679 est via, quae populum Laurentes ducit in agros, 2.680 quondam Dardanio regna petita duci: 2.681 illa lanigeri pecoris tibi, Termine, fibris 2.682 sacra videt fieri sextus ab urbe lapis, 2.683 gentibus est aliis tellus data limite certo: 2.684 Romanae spatium est urbis et orbis idem. 24. G REGIF — N
3.291 sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi 3.292 tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli.
4.139 vos quoque sub viridi myrto iubet ipsa lavari: 4.140 causaque, cur iubeat (discite!), certa subest 4.141 litore siccabat rorantes nuda capillos: 4.142 viderunt satyri, turba proterva, deam. 4.143 sensit et opposita texit sua corpora myrto: 4.144 tuta fuit facto vosque referre iubet. 4.145 discite nunc, quare Fortunae tura Virili 4.146 detis eo, calida qui locus umet aqua. 4.147 accipit ille locus posito velamine cunctas 4.148 et vitium nudi corporis omne videt; 4.149 ut tegat hoc celetque viros, Fortuna Virilis 4.150 praestat et hoc parvo ture rogata facit,
4.923 nec teneras segetes, sed durum amplectere ferrum, 4.924 quodque potest alios perdere, perde prior. 4.925 utilius gladios et tela nocentia carpes: 4.926 nil opus est illis, otia mundus agit. 4.927 sarcula nunc durusque bidens et vomer aduncus, 4.928 ruris opes, niteant; inquinet arma situs, 4.929 conatusque aliquis vagina ducere ferrum 4.930 adstrictum longa sentiat esse mora.
4.949 aufer Vesta diem! cognati Vesta recepta est
5.195 ‘Chloris eram, quae Flora vocor: corrupta Latino 5.196 nominis est nostri littera Graeca sono.
5.226 infelix, quod non alter et alter eras.
5.279 ‘cetera luxuriae nondum instrumenta vigebant, 5.280 aut pecus aut latam dives habebat humum; 5.281 hinc etiam locuples, hinc ipsa pecunia dicta est. 5.282 sed iam de vetito quisque parabat opes: 5.283 venerat in morem populi depascere saltus, 5.284 idque diu licuit, poenaque nulla fuit. 5.285 vindice servabat nullo sua publica volgus; 5.286 iamque in privato pascere inertis erat. 5.287 plebis ad aediles perducta licentia talis 5.288 Publicios: animus defuit ante viris. 5.289 rem populus recipit, multam subiere nocentes: 5.290 vindicibus laudi publica cura fuit. 5.291 multa data est ex parte mihi, magnoque favore 5.292 victores ludos instituere novos. 5.293 parte locant clivum, qui tunc erat ardua rupes: 5.294 utile nunc iter est, Publiciumque vocant.’
5.307 respice Tantaliden: eadem dea vela tenebat;
5.318 filaque punicei languida facta croci, 5.319 saepe mihi Zephyrus ‘dotes corrumpere noli 5.320 ipsa tuas’ dixit: dos mihi vilis erat. 5.321 florebant oleae; venti nocuere protervi: 5.322 florebant segetes; grandine laesa seges: 5.323 in spe vitis erat; caelum nigrescit ab Austris, 5.324 et subita frondes decutiuntur aqua. 5.325 nec volui fieri nec sum crudelis in ira, 5.326 cura repellendi sed mihi nulla fuit. 5.327 convenere patres et, si bene floreat annus, 5.328 numinibus nostris annua festa vovent. annuimus 5.329 voto. consul cum consule ludos 5.330 Postumio Laenas persoluere mihi.’ 5.331 quaerere conabar, quare lascivia maior
5.343 donec eras mixtus nullis, Acheloe, racemis, 5.344 gratia sumendae non erat ulla rosae.
5.346 ex Ariadneo sidere nosse potes, 5.347 scaena levis decet hanc: non est, mihi credite, non est 5.348 illa coturnatas inter habenda deas. 5.349 turba quidem cur hos celebret meretricia ludos, 5.350 non ex difficili causa petita subest. 5.351 non est de tetricis, non est de magna professis, 5.352 volt sua plebeio sacra patere choro, 5.353 et monet aetatis specie, dum floreat, uti; 5.354 contemni spinam, cum cecidere rosae. 5.355 cur tamen, ut dantur vestes Cerialibus albae, 5.356 sic haec est cultu versicolore decens? 5.357 an quia maturis albescit messis aristis, 5.358 et color et species floribus omnis inest? 5.359 annuit, et motis flores cecidere capillis, 5.360 accidere in mensas ut rosa missa solet,
5.377 floreat ut toto carmen Nasonis in aevo, 5.378 sparge, precor, donis pectora nostra tuis. 3. CC lvd — in — cm
5.573 ‘si mihi bellandi pater est Vestaeque sacerdos 5.574 auctor, et ulcisci numen utrumque paro: 5.575 Mars, ades et satia scelerato sanguine ferrum, 5.576 stetque favor causa pro meliore tuus.
6.249 Vesta, fave! tibi nunc operata resolvimus ora,
6.251 in prece totus eram: caelestia numina sensi, 6.252 laetaque purpurea luce refulsit humus, 6.253 non equidem vidi (valeant mendacia vatum) 6.254 te, dea, nec fueras aspicienda viro; 6.255 sed quae nescieram, quorumque errore tenebar, 6.256 cognita sunt nullo praecipiente mihi.
6.319 praeteream referamne tuum, rubicunde Priape, 6.320 dedecus? est multi fabula parva loci. 6.321 turrigera frontem Cybele redimita corona 6.322 convocat aeternos ad sua festa deos. 6.323 convocat et satyros et, rustica numina, nymphas; 6.324 Silenus, quamvis nemo vocarat, adest. 6.325 nec licet et longum est epulas narrare deorum: 6.326 in multo nox est pervigilata mero. 6.327 hi temere errabant in opacae vallibus Idae, 6.328 pars iacet et molli gramine membra levat, 6.329 hi ludunt, hos somnus habet, pars brachia nectit 6.330 et viridem celeri ter pede pulsat humum. 6.331 Vesta iacet placidamque capit secura quietem, 6.332 sicut erat, positum caespite fulta caput, 6.333 at ruber hortorum custos nymphasque deasque 6.334 captat et errantes fertque refertque pedes. 6.335 aspicit et Vestam: dubium, nymphamne putant 6.336 an scient Vestam, scisse sed ipse negat. 6.337 spem capit obscenam furtimque accedere temptat 6.338 et fert suspensos corde micante gradus. 6.339 forte senex, quo vectus erat, Silenus asellum 6.340 liquerat ad ripas lene sotis aquae. 6.341 ibat, ut inciperet, longi deus Hellesponti, 6.342 intempestivo cum rudit ille sono. 6.343 territa voce gravi surgit dea; convolat omnis 6.344 turba, per infestas effugit ille manus.
6.613 signum erat in solio residens sub imagine Tulli; 6.614 dicitur hoc oculis opposuisse manum,' ' None
1.437 But the over-expectant god with his rigid member, 1.438 Was laughed at by them all, in the moonlight. 1.439 The creator of that ruckus paid with his life, 1.440 And he’s the sacrifice dear to the Hellespontine god.
1.527 Sacred father here: Vesta, receive the gods of Troy! 1.528 In time the same hand will guard the world and you,
1.530 The safety of the country will lie with Augustus’ house:
1.535 So Livia shall be a new divinity, Julia Augusta.’ 1.536 When she had brought her tale to our own times,
1.581 Where that part of the city takes its name from an ox.
1.629 Lest the pure hearths are defiled by sacrifice. 1.630 If you love ancient ritual, listen to the prayers,
1.640 Camillus, conqueror of the Etruscan people, 1.641 Vowed your ancient temple and kept his vow. 1.642 His reason was that the commoners had armed themselves, 1.643 Seceding from the nobles, and Rome feared their power. 1.644 This latest reason was a better one: revered Leader, Germany
2.335 Entering, as a reckless lover, he roamed around,
2.535 Their shades ask little, piety they prefer to costly 2.536 offerings: no greedy deities haunt the Stygian depths. 2.537 A tile wreathed round with garlands offered is enough, 2.538 A scattering of meal, and a few grains of salt, 2.539 And bread soaked in wine, and loose violets: 2.540 Set them on a brick left in the middle of the path. 2.541 Not that I veto larger gifts, but these please the shades:
2.671 Even now there’s a small hole in the temple roof, 2.672 So he can see nothing above him but stars.
2.679 There’s a track that takes people to the Laurentine fields, 2.680 The kingdom once sought by Aeneas, the Trojan leader: 2.681 The sixth milestone from the City, there, bears witne 2.682 To the sacrifice of a sheep’s entrails to you, Terminus. 2.683 The lands of other races have fixed boundaries: 2.684 The extent of the City of Rome and the world is one.
3.291 Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t 3.292 Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’
4.139 She commands you too to bathe, under the green myrtle, 4.140 And there’s a particular reason for her command (learn, now!). 4.141 Naked, on the shore, she was drying her dripping hair: 4.142 The Satyrs, that wanton crowd, spied the goddess. 4.143 She sensed it, and hid her body with a screen of myrtle: 4.144 Doing so, she was safe: she commands that you do so too. 4.145 Learn now why you offer incense to Fortuna Virilis, 4.146 In that place that steams with heated water. 4.147 All women remove their clothes on entering, 4.148 And every blemish on their bodies is seen: 4.149 Virile Fortune undertakes to hide those from the men, 4.150 And she does this at the behest of a little incense.
4.923 Destroy whatever can destroy others first. 4.924 Better to gnaw at swords and harmful spears: 4.925 They’re not needed: the world’s at peace. 4.926 Let the rural wealth gleam now, rakes, sturdy hoes, 4.927 And curved ploughshare: let rust stain weapons: 4.928 And whoever tries to draw his sword from its sheath, 4.929 Let him feel it wedded there by long disuse. 4.930 Don’t you hurt the corn, and may the farmer’
4.949 At her kinsman’s threshold: so the Senators justly decreed.
5.195 So I spoke. So the goddess responded to my question, 5.196 (While she spoke, her lips breathed out vernal roses):
5.226 And a lament remains written on its petals.
5.279 ‘Goddess’, I replied: ‘What’s the origin of the games?’ 5.280 I’d barely ended when she answered me: 5.281 ‘Rich men owned cattle or tracts of land, 5.282 Other means of wealth were then unknown, 5.283 So the words ‘rich’ (locuples) from ‘landed’ (locus plenus), 5.284 And ‘money’ (pecunia) from ‘a flock’ (pecus), but already 5.285 Some had unlawful wealth: by custom, for ages, 5.286 Public lands were grazed, without penalty. 5.287 Folk had no one to defend the common rights: 5.288 Till at last it was foolish to use private grazing. 5.289 This licence was pointed out to the Publicii, 5.290 The plebeian aediles: earlier, men lacked confidence. 5.291 The case was tried before the people: the guilty fined: 5.292 And the champions praised for their public spirit. 5.293 A large part of the fine fell to me: and the victor 5.294 Instituted new games to loud applause. Part was allocated
5.307 Remember Meleager, burnt up by distant flames:
5.318 The countryside, cared nothing for fruitful gardens: 5.319 The lilies drooped: you could see the violets fade, 5.320 And the petals of the purple crocus languished. 5.321 often Zephyr said: ‘Don’t destroy your dowry.’ 5.322 But my dowry was worth nothing to me. 5.323 The olives were in blossom: wanton winds hurt them: 5.324 The wheat was ripening: hail blasted the crops: 5.325 The vines were promising: skies darkened from the south, 5.326 And the leaves were brought down by sudden rain. 5.327 I didn’t wish it so: I’m not cruel in my anger, 5.328 But I neglected to drive away these ills. 5.329 The Senate convened, and voted my godhead 5.330 An annual festival, if the year proved fruitful. 5.331 I accepted their vow. The consuls Laena
5.343 Nothing serious for those with garlanded brow, 5.344 No running water’s drunk, when crowned with flowers:
5.346 No one as yet cared to pluck the rose. 5.347 Bacchus loves flowers: you can see he delight 5.348 In a crown, from Ariadne’s chaplet of stars. 5.349 The comic stage suits her: she’s never: believe me, 5.350 Never been counted among the tragic goddesses. 5.351 The reason the crowd of whores celebrate these game 5.352 Is not a difficult one for us to discover. 5.353 The goddess isn’t gloomy, she’s not high-flown, 5.354 She wants her rites to be open to the common man, 5.355 And warns us to use life’s beauty while it’s in bloom: 5.356 The thorn is spurned when the rose has fallen. 5.357 Why is it, when white robes are handed out for Ceres, 5.358 Flora’s neatly dressed in a host of colours? 5.359 Is it because the harvest’s ripe when the ears whiten, 5.360 But flowers are of every colour and splendour?
5.377 All was ended: and she vanished into thin air: yet 5.378 Her fragrance lingered: you’d have known it was a goddess.
5.573 Loyal troops standing here, conspirators over there, 5.574 He stretched his hand out, and spoke these words: 5.575 ‘If the death of my ‘father’ Julius, priest of Vesta, 5.576 Gives due cause for this war, if I avenge for both,
6.249 Vesta, favour me! I’ll open my lips now in your service,
6.251 I was rapt in prayer: I felt the heavenly deity, 6.252 And the happy earth shone with radiant light. 6.253 Not that I saw you, goddess (away with poets’ lies!) 6.254 Nor were you to be looked on by any man: 6.255 But I knew what I’d not known, and the error 6.256 I’d held to were corrected without instruction.
6.319 Red-faced Priapus shall I tell of your shame or pass by? 6.320 It’s a brief tale but it’s a merry one. 6.321 Cybele, whose head is crowned with towers, 6.322 Called the eternal gods to her feast. 6.323 She invited the satyrs too, and those rural divinities, 6.324 The nymphs, and Silenus came, though no one asked him. 6.325 It’s forbidden, and would take too long, to describe the banquet 6.326 of the gods: the whole night was spent drinking deep. 6.327 Some wandered aimlessly in Ida’s shadowy vales, 6.328 Some lay, and stretched their limbs, on the soft grass. 6.329 Some played, some slept, others linked arm 6.330 And beat swift feet threefold on the grassy earth. 6.331 Vesta lay carelessly, enjoying a peaceful rest, 6.332 Her head reclining, resting on the turf. 6.333 But the red-faced keeper of gardens chased the nymph 6.334 And goddesses, and his roving feet turned to and fro. 6.335 He saw Vesta too: it’s doubtful whether he thought her 6.336 A nymph, or knew her as Vesta: he himself denied he knew. 6.337 He had wanton hopes, and tried to approach her in secret, 6.338 And walked on tiptoe, with a pounding heart. 6.339 Old Silenus had chanced to leave the mule 6.340 He rode by the banks of a flowing stream. 6.341 The god of the long Hellespont was about to start, 6.342 When the mule let out an untimely bray. 6.343 Frightened by the raucous noise, the goddess leapt up: 6.344 The whole troop gathered, and Priapus fled through their hands.
6.613 Yet she still dared to visit her father’s temple, 6.614 His monument: what I tell is strange but true.' ' None
|71. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 2.148 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Meals, festive • festivals, Greek, in Philo
Found in books: Alikin (2009), The Earliest History of the Christian Gathering, 212; Petropoulou (2012), Animal Sacrifice in Ancient Greek Religion, Judaism, and Christianity, 100 BC to AD 200, 183
2.148 And each house is at that time invested with the character and dignity of a temple, the victim being sacrificed so as to make a suitable feast for the man who has provided it and of those who are collected to share in the feast, being all duly purified with holy ablutions. And those who are to share in the feast come together not as they do to other entertainments, to gratify their bellies with wine and meat, but to fulfil their hereditary custom with prayer and songs of praise. '' None
|72. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 36-37, 80, 84 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysus, festivals • Jewish people, the, festivals • Meals, festive • Therapeutae,festival of seven sevens (Feast of Fifty) • festivals • festivals, Jewish • festivals, Lagynophoria
Found in books: Alikin (2009), The Earliest History of the Christian Gathering, 47, 212; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 297; Gera (2014), Judith, 265; Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 59
36 And they, looking upon the seventh day as one of perfect holiness and a most complete festival, have thought it worthy of a most especial honour, and on it, after taking due care of their soul, they tend their bodies also, giving them, just as they do to their cattle, a complete rest from their continual labours; '37 and they eat nothing of a costly character, but plain bread and a seasoning of salt, which the more luxurious of them to further season with hyssop; and their drink is water from the spring; for they oppose those feelings which nature has made mistresses of the human race, namely, hunger and thirst, giving them nothing to flatter or humour them, but only such useful things as it is not possible to exist without. On this account they eat only so far as not to be hungry, and they drink just enough to escape from thirst, avoiding all satiety, as an enemy of and a plotter against both soul and body.
80 and then some one rising up sings a hymn which has been made in honour of God, either such as he has composed himself, or some ancient one of some old poet, for they have left behind them many poems and songs in trimetre iambics, and in psalms of thanksgiving and in hymns, and songs at the time of libation, and at the altar, and in regular order, and in choruses, admirably measured out in various and well diversified strophes. And after him then others also arise in their ranks, in becoming order, while every one else listens in decent silence, except when it is proper for them to take up the burden of the song, and to join in at the end; for then they all, both men and women, join in the hymn.
84 Then they sing hymns which have been composed in honour of God in many metres and tunes, at one time all singing together, and at another moving their hands and dancing in corresponding harmony, and uttering in an inspired manner songs of thanksgiving, and at another time regular odes, and performing all necessary strophes and antistrophes. ' None
|73. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.41-2.42 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals/Feasts • Jewish people, the, festivals • Philo Judaeus, on festivals • beaches, as site of Jewish festivals • festivals, Jewish • translation, of LXX, in history, commemorative festival of
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 300; Honigman (2003), The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas, 135; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 324, 451
2.41 On which account, even to this very day, there is every year a solemn assembly held and a festival celebrated in the island of Pharos, to which not only the Jews but a great number of persons of other nations sail across, reverencing the place in which the first light of interpretation shone forth, and thanking God for that ancient piece of beneficence which was always young and fresh. ' "2.42 And after the prayers and the giving of thanks some of them pitched their tents on the shore, and some of them lay down without any tents in the open air on the sand of the shore, and feasted with their relations and friends, thinking the shore at that time a more beautiful abode than the furniture of the king's palace. "' None
|74. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Judaea, and theatres/festivals • Kaisareia (festival) • Sebasta (festival) at Naples • festivals, ludi saeculares
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 125; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 186
|75. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia festivals, Great or City D. • festivals • religions, Roman, festivals
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 84; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 121
|76. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus, Fides, temple of • Ludi Romani (festival) • festivals • festivals, of Concordia on the Capitoline
Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 36; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 154; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 98; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 7
|77. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Arbor intrat (festival) • festivals • religions, Roman, festivals
Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008), Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras, 167, 285; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 248
|78. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Eisiteria (festival) • Leucophryeneia (festival) • festival • trieteric festivals
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 242; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 185
|79. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals and rites • Festivals and rites, Parilia • festivals • festivals, Floralia • religions, Roman, festivals
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 213; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 84; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 120, 182, 198, 199
|80. Anon., Didache, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Friday (fast/festival day) • meal, festive
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 50; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 522
12 But let every one that comes in the name of the Lord be received, and afterward you shall prove and know him; for you shall have understanding right and left. If he who comes is a wayfarer, assist him as far as you are able; but he shall not remain with you, except for two or three days, if need be. But if he wills to abide with you, being an artisan, let him work and eat; 2 Thessalonians 3:10 but if he has no trade, according to your understanding see to it that, as a Christian, he shall not live with you idle. But if he wills not to do, he is a Christ-monger. Watch that you keep aloof from such. '' None
|81. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 3.4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, festivity, festive • festivals, Lenaia
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 15; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 363
3.4.3 Σεμέλης δὲ Ζεὺς ἐρασθεὶς Ἥρας κρύφα συνευνάζεται. ἡ δὲ ἐξαπατηθεῖσα ὑπὸ Ἥρας, κατανεύσαντος αὐτῇ Διὸς πᾶν τὸ αἰτηθὲν ποιήσειν, αἰτεῖται τοιοῦτον αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν οἷος ἦλθε μνηστευόμενος Ἥραν. Ζεὺς δὲ μὴ δυνάμενος ἀνανεῦσαι παραγίνεται εἰς τὸν θάλαμον αὐτῆς ἐφʼ ἅρματος ἀστραπαῖς ὁμοῦ καὶ βρονταῖς, καὶ κεραυνὸν ἵησιν. Σεμέλης δὲ διὰ τὸν φόβον ἐκλιπούσης, ἑξαμηνιαῖον τὸ βρέφος ἐξαμβλωθὲν ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἁρπάσας ἐνέρραψε τῷ μηρῷ. ἀποθανούσης δὲ Σεμέλης, αἱ λοιπαὶ Κάδμου θυγατέρες διήνεγκαν λόγον, συνηυνῆσθαι θνητῷ τινι Σεμέλην καὶ καταψεύσασθαι Διός, καὶ ὅτι 1 -- διὰ τοῦτο ἐκεραυνώθη. κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τὸν καθήκοντα Διόνυσον γεννᾷ Ζεὺς λύσας τὰ ῥάμματα, καὶ δίδωσιν Ἑρμῇ. ὁ δὲ κομίζει πρὸς Ἰνὼ καὶ Ἀθάμαντα καὶ πείθει τρέφειν ὡς κόρην. ἀγανακτήσασα δὲ Ἥρα μανίαν αὐτοῖς ἐνέβαλε, καὶ Ἀθάμας μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτερον παῖδα Λέαρχον ὡς ἔλαφον θηρεύσας ἀπέκτεινεν, Ἰνὼ δὲ τὸν Μελικέρτην εἰς πεπυρωμένον λέβητα ῥίψασα, εἶτα βαστάσασα μετὰ νεκροῦ τοῦ παιδὸς ἥλατο κατὰ βυθοῦ. 1 -- καὶ Λευκοθέα μὲν αὐτὴν καλεῖται, Παλαίμων δὲ ὁ παῖς, οὕτως ὀνομασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν πλεόντων· τοῖς χειμαζομένοις γὰρ βοηθοῦσιν. ἐτέθη δὲ ἐπὶ Μελικέρτῃ ὁ 2 -- ἀγὼν τῶν Ἰσθμίων, Σισύφου θέντος. Διόνυσον δὲ Ζεὺς εἰς ἔριφον ἀλλάξας τὸν Ἥρας θυμὸν ἔκλεψε, καὶ λαβὼν αὐτὸν Ἑρμῆς πρὸς νύμφας ἐκόμισεν ἐν Νύσῃ κατοικούσας τῆς Ἀσίας, ἃς ὕστερον Ζεὺς καταστερίσας ὠνόμασεν Ὑάδας.'' None
3.4.3 But Zeus loved Semele and bedded with her unknown to Hera. Now Zeus had agreed to do for her whatever she asked, and deceived by Hera she asked that he would come to her as he came when he was wooing Hera. Unable to refuse, Zeus came to her bridal chamber in a chariot, with lightnings and thunderings, and launched a thunderbolt. But Semele expired of fright, and Zeus, snatching the sixth-month abortive child from the fire, sewed it in his thigh. On the death of Semele the other daughters of Cadmus spread a report that Semele had bedded with a mortal man, and had falsely accused Zeus, and that therefore she had been blasted by thunder. But at the proper time Zeus undid the stitches and gave birth to Dionysus, and entrusted him to Hermes. And he conveyed him to Ino and Athamas, and persuaded them to rear him as a girl. But Hera indigtly drove them mad, and Athamas hunted his elder son Learchus as a deer and killed him, and Ino threw Melicertes into a boiling cauldron, then carrying it with the dead child she sprang into the deep. And she herself is called Leucothea, and the boy is called Palaemon, such being the names they get from sailors; for they succour storm-tossed mariners. And the Isthmian games were instituted by Sisyphus in honor of Melicertes. But Zeus eluded the wrath of Hera by turning Dionysus into a kid, and Hermes took him and brought him to the nymphs who dwelt at Nysa in Asia, whom Zeus afterwards changed into stars and named them the Hyades.'' None
|82. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and theatre festivals • Olympia (festival, at Macedon) • Zeus and the Muses, festival of • festivals with tragic performances (other than Dionysia), Olympia, at Dion
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 32; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 152
2.2 \xa0It is true that sometimes, because of their youth and enthusiasm, they spoil the sport by barking and starting the game too soon, but sometimes too they bring down the game themselves by bounding ahead. This, in fact, happened to Alexander at the very beginning, so that they say he brought about the battle and victory of Chaeronea when his father shrank from taking the risk. Now it was on this occasion, when they were at Dium in Pieria on their way home from the campaign and were sacrificing to the Muses and celebrating the Olympic festival, which is said to be an ancient institution in that country, <'' None
|83. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 20.162, 20.197 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus • Festus, Porcius
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 121, 124; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 546, 573
20.197 Πέμπει δὲ Καῖσαρ ̓Αλβῖνον εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἔπαρχον Φήστου τὴν τελευτὴν πυθόμενος. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀφείλετο μὲν τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον τὴν ἱερωσύνην, τῷ δὲ ̓Ανάνου παιδὶ καὶ αὐτῷ ̓Ανάνῳ λεγομένῳ τὴν διαδοχὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔδωκεν.' ' None
20.197 1. And now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Aus, who was also himself called Aus.' ' None
|84. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.254-2.257, 2.260, 2.263, 2.365 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus • Festus, Porcius • saeculum festival • taxes, Roman, reduction at festivals
Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 102; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 123; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 392; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 573
2.254 Καθαρθείσης δὲ τῆς χώρας ἕτερον εἶδος λῃστῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπεφύετο, οἱ καλούμενοι σικάριοι, μεθ' ἡμέραν καὶ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει φονεύοντες ἀνθρώπους," '2.255 μάλιστα δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς μισγόμενοι τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς ἐσθῆσιν ὑποκρύπτοντες μικρὰ ξιφίδια, τούτοις ἔνυττον τοὺς διαφόρους, ἔπειτα πεσόντων μέρος ἐγίνοντο τῶν ἐπαγανακτούντων οἱ πεφονευκότες, διὸ καὶ παντάπασιν ὑπὸ ἀξιοπιστίας ἦσαν ἀνεύρετοι.' "2.256 πρῶτος μὲν οὖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ̓Ιωνάθης ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀποσφάττεται, μετὰ δ' αὐτὸν καθ' ἡμέραν ἀνῃροῦντο πολλοί: καὶ τῶν συμφορῶν ὁ φόβος ἦν χαλεπώτερος, ἑκάστου καθάπερ ἐν πολέμῳ καθ' ὥραν τὸν θάνατον προσδεχομένου." '2.257 προεσκοποῦντο δὲ πόρρωθεν τοὺς διαφόρους, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς φίλοις προσιοῦσιν πίστις ἦν, ἐν μέσαις δὲ ταῖς ὑπονοίαις καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἀνῃροῦντο: τοσοῦτον τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων τὸ τάχος ἦν καὶ τοῦ λαθεῖν ἡ τέχνη.' "
2.263 φθάνει δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν ὁρμὴν Φῆλιξ ὑπαντήσας μετὰ τῶν ̔Ρωμαϊκῶν ὁπλιτῶν, καὶ πᾶς ὁ δῆμος συνεφήψατο τῆς ἀμύνης, ὥστε συμβολῆς γενομένης τὸν μὲν Αἰγύπτιον φυγεῖν μετ' ὀλίγων, διαφθαρῆναι δὲ καὶ ζωγρηθῆναι πλείστους τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος σκεδασθὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστον διαλαθεῖν." "
2.365 πόσῳ μᾶλλον ̔́Ελλησιν, οἳ τῶν ὑφ' ἡλίῳ πάντων προύχοντες εὐγενείᾳ καὶ τοσαύτην νεμόμενοι χώραν ἓξ ̔Ρωμαίων ὑπείκουσιν ῥάβδοις, τοσαύταις δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνες οἱ δικαιότερον ὑμῶν ὀφείλοντες ἐλευθερίας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι." " None
2.254 3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the daytime, and in the midst of the city; 2.255 this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. 2.256 The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; 2.257 and while everybody expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance.
2.263 But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves.
2.365 Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have.' ' None
|85. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.53-2.55 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Jewish people, the, festivals • choruses, and Jewish festivals • festival • festivals, Jewish
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 289; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 258
2.53 τεστις αυτεμ δευς ιυστιτιαε ειυς μανιφεστυς αππαρυιτ; ναμ φψσξον πτολομαευς ξυμ αδυερσυμ εχερξιτυμ θυιδεμ ονιαε πυγναρε πραεσυμερετ, ομνες υερο ιυδαεος ιν ξιυιτατε ποσιτος ξυμ φιλιις ετ υχοριβυς ξαπιενς νυδος ατθυε υινξτος ελεπηαντις συβιεξισσετ, υτ αβ εις ξονξυλξατι δεφιξερεντ, ετ αδ ηοξ ετιαμ βεστιας ιπσας δεβριασσετ, ιν ξοντραριυμ θυαε πραεπαραυερατ ευενερυντ. 2.54 ελεπηαντι ενιμ ρελινθυεντες σιβι απποσιτος ιυδαεος ιμπετυ φαξτο συπερ αμιξος ειυς μυλτος εχ ιπσις ιντερεμερυντ. ετ ποστ ηαεξ πτολομαευς θυιδεμ ασπεξτυμ τερριβιλεμ ξοντεμπλατυς εστ προηιβεντεμ σε, υτ ιλλις νοξερετ 2.55 ηομινιβυς, ξονξυβινα υερο συα ξαρισσιμα, θυαμ αλιι θυιδεμ ιτηαξαμ, αλιι υερο ηιρενεν δενομιναντ, συππλιξαντε νε τανταμ ιμπιετατεμ περαγερετ, ει ξονξεσσιτ ετ εχ ηις θυαε ιαμ εγερατ υελ αξτυρυς ερατ παενιτεντιαμ εγιτ. υνδε ρεξτε ηανξ διεμ ιυδαει αλεχανδρια ξονστιτυτι εο θυοδ απερτε α δεο σαλυτεμ προμερυερυντ ξελεβραρε νοσξυντυρ.'' None
2.53 Accordingly, God gave a remarkable attestation to his righteous procedure; for when Ptolemy Physco had the presumption to fight against Onias’s army, and had caught all the Jews that were in the city Alexandria, with their children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when he had made those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved contrary to his preparations; 2.54 for these elephants left the Jews who were exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physco’s friends, and slew a great number of them; nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost, which prohibited his hurting those men; 2.55 his very concubine, whom he loved so well (some call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making supplication to him, that he would not perpetrate so great a wickedness. So he complied with her request, and repented of what he either had already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the Alexandrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from God. '' None
|86. Mishnah, Berachot, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Friday (fast/festival day) • Monday (fast/festival day) • Wednesday (fast/festival day) • prayer, Festival
Found in books: Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 166; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 527
4.3 רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל אוֹמֵר, בְּכָל יוֹם מִתְפַּלֵּל אָדָם שְׁמֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה. רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אוֹמֵר, מֵעֵין שְׁמֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה. רַבִּי עֲקִיבָא אוֹמֵר, אִם שְׁגוּרָה תְפִלָּתוֹ בְּפִיו, יִתְפַּלֵּל שְׁמֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה. וְאִם לָאו, מֵעֵין שְׁמֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה:'' None
4.3 Rabban Gamaliel says: every day a man should pray the eighteen blessings. Rabbi Joshua says: an abstract of the eighteen. Rabbi Akiva says: if he knows it fluently he prays the eighteen, and if not an abstract of the eighteen.'' None
|87. Mishnah, Middot, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Shavuot (Pentecost, Festival of Weeks) • Sunday (festival day) • festivals
Found in books: Rosen-Zvi (2012), The Mishnaic Sotah Ritual: Temple, Gender and Midrash, 84; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 49
5.4 שֶׁבַּדָּרוֹם, לִשְׁכַּת הָעֵץ, לִשְׁכַּת הַגּוֹלָה, לִשְׁכַּת הַגָּזִית. לִשְׁכַּת הָעֵץ, אָמַר רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן יַעֲקֹב, שָׁכַחְתִּי מֶה הָיְתָה מְשַׁמֶּשֶׁת. אַבָּא שָׁאוּל אוֹמֵר, לִשְׁכַּת כֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל, וְהִיא הָיְתָה אֲחוֹרֵי שְׁתֵּיהֶן, וְגַג שְׁלָשְׁתָּן שָׁוֶה. לִשְׁכַּת הַגּוֹלָה, שָׁם הָיָה בוֹר קָבוּעַ, וְהַגַּלְגַּל נָתוּן עָלָיו, וּמִשָּׁם מַסְפִּיקִים מַיִם לְכָל הָעֲזָרָה. לִשְׁכַּת הַגָּזִית, שָׁם הָיְתָה סַנְהֶדְרִי גְדוֹלָה שֶׁל יִשְׂרָאֵל יוֹשֶׁבֶת וְדָנָה אֶת הַכְּהֻנָּה, וְכֹהֵן שֶׁנִּמְצָא בוֹ פְסוּל, לוֹבֵשׁ שְׁחוֹרִים וּמִתְעַטֵּף שְׁחוֹרִים, וְיוֹצֵא וְהוֹלֵךְ לוֹ. וְשֶׁלֹּא נִמְצָא בוֹ פְסוּל, לוֹבֵשׁ לְבָנִים וּמִתְעַטֵּף לְבָנִים, נִכְנָס וּמְשַׁמֵּשׁ עִם אֶחָיו הַכֹּהֲנִים. וְיוֹם טוֹב הָיוּ עוֹשִׂים, שֶׁלֹּא נִמְצָא פְסוּל בְּזַרְעוֹ שֶׁל אַהֲרֹן הַכֹּהֵן, וְכָךְ הָיוּ אוֹמְרִים, בָּרוּךְ הַמָּקוֹם בָּרוּךְ הוּא, שֶׁלֹּא נִמְצָא פְסוּל בְּזַרְעוֹ שֶׁל אַהֲרֹן. וּבָרוּךְ הוּא, שֶׁבָּחַר בְּאַהֲרֹן וּבְבָנָיו לַעֲמֹד לְשָׁרֵת לִפְנֵי ה' בְּבֵית קָדְשֵׁי הַקֳּדָשִׁים:"" None
5.4 On the south were the wood chamber, the chamber of the exile and the chamber of hewn stones. The wood chamber: Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob says: I forget what it was used for. Abba Shaul says: It was the chamber of the high priest, and it was behind the two of them, and one roof covered all three. In the chamber of the exile there was a fixed cistern, with a wheel over it, and from there water was provided for all of the courtyard. In the chamber of hewn stone the great Sanhedrin of Israel used to sit and judge the priesthood. A priest in whom was found a disqualification used to put on black garments and wrap himself in black and go away. One in whom no disqualification was found used to put on white garments and wrap himself in white and go in and serve along with his brother priests. They used to make a feast because no blemish had been found in the seed of Aaron the priest, and they used to say: Blessed is the Omnipresent, blessed is He, for no blemish has been found in the seed of Aaron. Blessed is He who chose Aaron and his sons to stand to minister before the Lord in the Holy of Holies.'' None
|88. Mishnah, Sotah, 7.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus • intermediate days (of festivals)
Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 538; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 546
7.8 פָּרָשַׁת הַמֶּלֶךְ כֵּיצַד. מוֹצָאֵי יוֹם טוֹב הָרִאשׁוֹן שֶׁל חָג, בַּשְּׁמִינִי בְּמוֹצָאֵי שְׁבִיעִית, עוֹשִׂין לוֹ בִימָה שֶׁל עֵץ בָּעֲזָרָה, וְהוּא יוֹשֵׁב עָלֶיהָ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים לא) מִקֵּץ שֶׁבַע שָׁנִים בְּמֹעֵד וְגוֹ'. חַזַּן הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹטֵל סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה וְנוֹתְנָהּ לְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת, וְרֹאשׁ הַכְּנֶסֶת נוֹתְנָהּ לַסְּגָן, וְהַסְּגָן נוֹתְנָהּ לְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל, וְכֹהֵן גָּדוֹל נוֹתְנָהּ לַמֶּלֶךְ, וְהַמֶּלֶךְ עוֹמֵד וּמְקַבֵּל וְקוֹרֵא יוֹשֵׁב. אַגְרִיפָּס הַמֶּלֶךְ עָמַד וְקִבֵּל וְקָרָא עוֹמֵד, וְשִׁבְּחוּהוּ חֲכָמִים. וּכְשֶׁהִגִּיעַ (שם יז) לְלֹא תוּכַל לָתֵת עָלֶיךָ אִישׁ נָכְרִי, זָלְגוּ עֵינָיו דְּמָעוֹת. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אַל תִּתְיָרֵא אַגְרִיפָּס, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה, אָחִינוּ אָתָּה. וְקוֹרֵא מִתְּחִלַּת אֵלֶּה הַדְּבָרִים (דברים א׳:א׳) עַד שְׁמַע, וּשְׁמַע (שם ו), וְהָיָה אִם שָׁמֹעַ (שם יא), עַשֵּׂר תְּעַשֵּׂר (שם יד), כִּי תְכַלֶּה לַעְשֵׂר (שם כו), וּפָרָשַׁת הַמֶּלֶךְ (שם יז), וּבְרָכוֹת וּקְלָלוֹת (שם כח), עַד שֶׁגּוֹמֵר כָּל הַפָּרָשָׁה. בְּרָכוֹת שֶׁכֹּהֵן גָּדוֹל מְבָרֵךְ אוֹתָן, הַמֶּלֶךְ מְבָרֵךְ אוֹתָן, אֶלָּא שֶׁנּוֹתֵן שֶׁל רְגָלִים תַּחַת מְחִילַת הֶעָוֹן:"" None
7.8 How was the procedure in connection with the portion read by the king?At the conclusion of the first day of the festival (Sukkot) in the eighth year, at the end of the seventh year, they erect a wooden platform in the Temple court, and he sits upon it, as it is said, “At the end of seven years, in the set time” etc (Deuteronomy 31:10). The synagogue attendant takes a Torah scroll and hands it to the head of the synagogue, the head of the synagogue hands it to the deputy and he hands it to the high priest, and the high priest hands it to the king and the king stands and receives it, but reads it while sitting. King Agrippa stood and received it and read standing, and the sages praised him. When he reached, “You shall not place a foreigner over you” (ibid 17:15) his eyes ran with tears. They said to him, “Fear not, Agrippas, you are our brother, you are our brother!” The king reads from the beginning of “These are the words” (ibid 1:1) until the Shema ((ibid 6:4-9), and the Shema, and “It will come to pass if you hear” (ibid 11:13-21 the second part of the Shema), and “You shall surely tithe” (ibid 14:22-29), and “When you have finished tithing” (ibid 26:12-15) and the portion of the king (ibid 17:14-20) and the blessings and curses (ibid, until he finishes all the section. The blessings that the high priest recites, the king recites, except that he substitutes one for the festivals instead of one for the pardon of sin.'' None
|89. Mishnah, Sukkah, 5.4-5.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Friday (fast/festival day) • festival • festivals, and Tamid Service
Found in books: Balberg (2023), Fractured Tablets: Forgetfulness and Fallibility in Late Ancient Rabbinic Culture, 65; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 365; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 20
5.4 חֲסִידִים וְאַנְשֵׁי מַעֲשֶׂה הָיוּ מְרַקְּדִים לִפְנֵיהֶם בַּאֲבוּקוֹת שֶׁל אוֹר שֶׁבִּידֵיהֶן, וְאוֹמְרִים לִפְנֵיהֶן דִּבְרֵי שִׁירוֹת וְתִשְׁבָּחוֹת. וְהַלְוִיִּם בְּכִנּוֹרוֹת וּבִנְבָלִים וּבִמְצִלְתַּיִם וּבַחֲצוֹצְרוֹת וּבִכְלֵי שִׁיר בְּלֹא מִסְפָּר, עַל חֲמֵשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה מַעֲלוֹת הַיּוֹרְדוֹת מֵעֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל לְעֶזְרַת נָשִׁים, כְּנֶגֶד חֲמִשָּׁה עָשָׂר שִׁיר הַמַּעֲלוֹת שֶׁבַּתְּהִלִּים, שֶׁעֲלֵיהֶן לְוִיִּים עוֹמְדִין בִּכְלֵי שִׁיר וְאוֹמְרִים שִׁירָה. וְעָמְדוּ שְׁנֵי כֹהֲנִים בַּשַּׁעַר הָעֶלְיוֹן שֶׁיּוֹרֵד מֵעֶזְרַת יִשְׂרָאֵל לְעֶזְרַת נָשִׁים, וּשְׁתֵּי חֲצוֹצְרוֹת בִּידֵיהֶן. קָרָא הַגֶּבֶר, תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. הִגִּיעוּ לְמַעְלָה עֲשִׂירִית, תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. הִגִּיעוּ לָעֲזָרָה, תָּקְעוּ וְהֵרִיעוּ וְתָקָעוּ. הָיוּ תוֹקְעִין וְהוֹלְכִין, עַד שֶׁמַּגִּיעִין לַשַּׁעַר הַיּוֹצֵא מִזְרָח. הִגִּיעוּ לַשַּׁעַר הַיּוֹצֵא מִמִּזְרָח, הָפְכוּ פְנֵיהֶן לַמַּעֲרָב, וְאָמְרוּ, אֲבוֹתֵינוּ שֶׁהָיוּ בַמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה אֲחוֹרֵיהֶם אֶל הֵיכַל ה' וּפְנֵיהֶם קֵדְמָה, וְהֵמָּה מִשְׁתַּחֲוִים קֵדְמָה לַשָּׁמֶשׁ, וְאָנוּ לְיָהּ עֵינֵינוּ. רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אוֹמֵר, הָיוּ שׁוֹנִין וְאוֹמְרִין, אָנוּ לְיָהּ, וּלְיָהּ עֵינֵינוּ:" '5.5 אֵין פּוֹחֲתִין מֵעֶשְׂרִים וְאַחַת תְּקִיעוֹת בַּמִּקְדָּשׁ, וְאֵין מוֹסִיפִין עַל אַרְבָּעִים וּשְׁמֹנֶה. בְּכָל יוֹם הָיוּ שָׁם עֶשְׂרִים וְאַחַת תְּקִיעוֹת בַּמִּקְדָּשׁ, שָׁלשׁ לִפְתִיחַת שְׁעָרִים, וְתֵשַׁע לְתָמִיד שֶׁל שַׁחַר, וְתֵשַׁע לְתָמִיד שֶׁל בֵּין הָעַרְבָּיִם. וּבַמּוּסָפִין הָיוּ מוֹסִיפִין עוֹד תֵּשַׁע. וּבְעֶרֶב שַׁבָּת הָיוּ מוֹסִיפִין עוֹד שֵׁשׁ, שָׁלשׁ לְהַבְטִיל הָעָם מִמְּלָאכָה, וְשָׁלשׁ לְהַבְדִּיל בֵּין קֹדֶשׁ לְחֹל. עֶרֶב שַׁבָּת שֶׁבְּתוֹךְ הֶחָג הָיוּ שָׁם אַרְבָּעִים וּשְׁמֹנֶה, שָׁלשׁ לִפְתִיחַת שְׁעָרִים, שָׁלשׁ לַשַּׁעַר הָעֶלְיוֹן, וְשָׁלשׁ לַשַּׁעַר הַתַּחְתּוֹן, וְשָׁלשׁ לְמִלּוּי הַמַּיִם, וְשָׁלשׁ עַל גַּבֵּי מִזְבֵּחַ, תֵּשַׁע לְתָמִיד שֶׁל שַׁחַר, וְתֵשַׁע לְתָמִיד שֶׁל בֵּין הָעַרְבַּיִם, וְתֵשַׁע לַמּוּסָפִין, שָׁלשׁ לְהַבְטִיל אֶת הָעָם מִן הַמְּלָאכָה, וְשָׁלשׁ לְהַבְדִּיל בֵּין קֹדֶשׁ לְחֹל:'" None
5.4 Men of piety and good deeds used to dance before them with lighted torches in their hands, and they would sing songs and praises. And Levites with innumerable harps, lyres, cymbals and trumpets and other musical instruments stood upon the fifteen steps leading down from the Court of the Israelites to the Court of the Women, corresponding to the fifteen songs of ascents in the Psalms, and it was on these steps that the Levites stood with their musical instruments and sang their songs. Two priests stood by the upper gate which leads down from the Court of the Israelites to the Court of the Women, with two trumpets in their hands. When the cock crowed they sounded a teki'ah drawn-out blast, a teru'ah staccato note and again a teki'ah. When they reached the tenth step they sounded a teki'ah, a teru'ah and again a teki'ah. When they reached the Court of the Women they sounded a teki'ah, a teru'ah and again a teki'ah. They would sound their trumpets and proceed until they reached the gate which leads out to the east. When they reached the gate which leads out to the east, they turned their faces from east to west and said, “Our fathers who were in this place ‘their backs were toward the Temple of the Lord, and their faces toward the east, and they worshipped the sun toward the east’, but as for us, our eyes are turned to the Lord.” Rabbi Judah said: they used to repeat the last words and say “We are the Lord’s and our eyes are turned to the Lord.”" '5.5 They never have less than twenty-one blasts in the Temple, and never more than forty-eight. Every day there were twenty-one blasts in the Temple, three at the opening of the gates, nine at the morning tamid sacrifice, and nine at the evening tamid sacrifice. At the musafim (additional sacrifices) they would add another nine. And on the eve of Shabbat they would add another six, three as a sign to the people to stop working and three to mark a distinction between the holy and the profane. On the eve of Shabbat in the intermediate days of the Sukkoth festival, there were therefore forty-eight blasts: three at the opening of the gates, three at the upper gate, three at the lower gate, three at the water-drawing, three at the altar, nine at the daily morning sacrifice, nine at the daily evening sacrifice, nine at the additional sacrifices, three as a sign to the people to cease from work, and three to mark a distinction between the holy and the profane.'" None
|90. Mishnah, Shekalim, 2.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival of Weeks • festivals, and Tamid Service
Found in books: Balberg (2017), Blood for Thought: The Reinvention of Sacrifice in Early Rabbinic Literature, 149; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 20
2.5 מוֹתַר שְׁקָלִים, חֻלִּין. מוֹתַר עֲשִׂירִית הָאֵפָה, מוֹתַר קִנֵּי זָבִין, קִנֵּי זָבוֹת, קִנֵּי יוֹלְדוֹת, וְחַטָאוֹת וַאֲשָׁמוֹת, מוֹתְרֵיהֶן נְדָבָה. זֶה הַכְּלָל, כָּל שֶׁהוּא בָּא לְשֵׁם חַטָאת וּלְשֵׁם אַשְׁמָה, מוֹתָרָן נְדָבָה. מוֹתַר עוֹלָה, לָעוֹלָה. מוֹתַר מִנְחָה, לַמִּנְחָה. מוֹתַר שְׁלָמִים, לַשְּׁלָמִים. מוֹתַר פֶּסַח, לַשְּׁלָמִים. מוֹתַר נְזִירִים, לַנְּזִירִים. מוֹתַר נָזִיר, לַנְּדָבָה. מוֹתַר עֲנִיִּים, לָעֲנִיִּים. מוֹתַר עָנִי, לְאוֹתוֹ עָנִי. מוֹתַר שְׁבוּיִים, לַשְּׁבוּיִים. מוֹתַר שָׁבוּי, לְאוֹתוֹ שָׁבוּי. מוֹתַר הַמֵּתִים, לַמֵּתִים. מוֹתַר הַמֵּת, לְיוֹרְשָׁיו. רַבִּי מֵאִיר אוֹמֵר, מוֹתַר הַמֵּת, יְהֵא מֻנָּח עַד שֶׁיָּבֹא אֵלִיָּהוּ. רַבִּי נָתָן אוֹמֵר, מוֹתַר הַמֵּת בּוֹנִין לוֹ נֶפֶשׁ עַל קִבְרוֹ:'' None
2.5 The surplus of money set aside for shekels is non-sacred property. The surplus of money set aside for the tenth of the ephah, and the surplus of money set aside for bird-offerings of zavim, for bird-offerings of zavot, for bird-offerings of women after childbirth, and sin-offerings and guilt-offerings, their surplus is used to purchase freewill-offerings. This is the general rule: all money set aside for a sin-offering or for a guilt-offering, the surplus is used to purchase freewill-offerings. The surplus of money set aside for a burnt-offering must be used for a burnt-offering. The surplus of money set aside for a meal-offering must be used for a meal-offering. The surplus of money set aside for a peace-offering must be used for a peace-offering. The surplus of money set aside for a pesach must be used for a wellbeing offering. The surplus of money set aside for the offerings of nazirites must be used for the offerings of other nazirites. The surplus of money set aside for the offerings of a particular nazirite is used to purchase freewill-offerings. The surplus of money raised for the poor must be used for other poor. The surplus of money raised for a particular poor person must be given to that poor person. The surplus of money raised for the ransom of captives must be used for the ransom of other captives. The surplus of money raised for the ransom of a particular captive must be given to that captive. The surplus of the money raised for the burial of the dead must be used for the burial of other dead. The surplus of the money raised for the burial of a particular dead person must be given to his heirs. Rabbi Meir says: the surplus of money raised for the burial of a particular dead person must be laid aside until Elijah comes. Rabbi Natan says: the surplus of money raised for the burial of a particular dead person must be used for building a monument for him over his grave.'' None
|91. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 11.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Artemis, goddess and cult, Artemisia festival • Meals, festive
Found in books: Alikin (2009), The Earliest History of the Christian Gathering, 58; Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 277, 278
11.21 ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν, καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ, ὃς δὲ μεθύει.'' None
11.21 For in your eatingeach one takes his own supper before others. One is hungry, and anotheris drunken.'' None
|92. New Testament, Acts, 2.1, 7.53, 10, 21, 21.28, 21.34, 21.38, 22.3, 22.30, 23.6, 23.29, 24.14, 24.24, 25.8, 25.12, 25.13-26.32, 25.16, 26.2, 26.3, 26.4, 26.5, 26.6, 26.7, 26.8, 26.9, 26.10, 26.11, 26.12, 26.13, 26.14, 26.15, 26.16, 26.17, 26.18, 26.19, 26.20, 26.21, 26.22, 26.23, 26.24, 26.25, 26.26, 26.27, 26.29, 28.17, 28.18, 28.25, 28.26, 28.27, 28.28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival of Unleavened Bread • Festus • Festus, Porcius • Porcius Festus • Weber, Max, Weeks, Festival of • festivals, pagan • saeculum festival
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 209; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 102; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 123; Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 71; Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 101; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 22; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 359, 360; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 217, 222, 223; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 603; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 111; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 547, 550, 551, 552, 570, 573, 584; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 39, 125
2.1 Καὶ ἐν τῷ συνπληροῦσθαι τὴν ἡμέραν τῆς πεντηκοστῆς ἦσαν πάντες ὁμοῦ ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό,
7.53 οἵτινες ἐλάβετε τὸν νόμον εἰς διαταγὰς ἀγγέλων, καὶ οὐκ ἐφυλάξατε.'
21.28 κράζοντες Ἄνδρες Ἰσραηλεῖται, βοηθεῖτε· οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὁ κατὰ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ τόπου τούτου πάντας πανταχῇ διδάσκων, ἔτι τε καὶ Ἕλληνας εἰσήγαγεν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ κεκοίνωκεν τὸν ἅγιον τόπον τοῦτον.
21.34 ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλο τι ἐπεφώνουν ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ· μὴ δυναμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ γνῶναι τὸ ἀσφαλὲς διὰ τὸν θόρυβον ἐκέλευσεν ἄγεσθαι αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν.
21.38 γινώσκεις; οὐκ ἄρα σὺ εἶ ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ὁ πρὸ τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀναστατώσας καὶ ἐξαγαγὼν εἰς τὴν ἔρημον τοὺς τετρακισχιλίους ἄνδρας τῶν σικαρίων;
22.3 Ἐγώ εἰμι ἀνὴρ Ἰουδαῖος, γεγεννημένος ἐν Ταρσῷ τῆς Κιλικίας, ἀνατεθραμμένος δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ παρὰ τοὺς πόδας Γαμαλιήλ, πεπαιδευμένος κατὰ ἀκρίβειαν τοῦ πατρῴου νόμου, ζηλωτὴς ὑπάρχων τοῦ θεοῦ καθὼς πάντες ὑμεῖς ἐστὲ σήμερον,
22.30 Τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον βουλόμενος γνῶναι τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τὸ τί κατηγορεῖται ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔλυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἐκέλευσεν συνελθεῖν τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ πᾶν τὸ συνέδριον, καὶ καταγαγὼν τὸν Παῦλον ἔστησεν εἰς αὐτούς.
23.6 Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Παῦλος ὅτι τὸ ἓν μέρος ἐστὶν Σαδδουκαίων τὸ δὲ ἕτερον Φαρισαίων ἔκραζεν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ Φαρισαῖός εἰμι, υἱὸς Φαρισαίων· περὶ ἐλπίδος καὶ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν κρίνομαι.
23.29 ὃν εὗρον ἐγκαλούμενον περὶ ζητημάτων τοῦ νόμου αὐτῶν, μηδὲν δὲ ἄξιον θανάτου ἢ δεσμῶν ἔχοντα ἔγκλημα.
24.14 ὁμολογῶ δὲ τοῦτό σοι ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν λέγουσιν αἵρεσιν οὕτως λατρεύω τῷ πατρῴῳ θεῷ, πιστεύων πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ τοῖς ἐν τοῖς προφήταις γεγραμμένοις,
24.24 Μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας τινὰς παραγενόμενος ὁ Φῆλιξ σὺν Δρουσίλλῃ τῇ ἰδίᾳ γυναικὶ οὔσῃ Ἰουδαίᾳ μετεπέμψατο τὸν Παῦλον καὶ ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν πίστεως.
25.8 τοῦ Παύλου ἀπολογουμένου ὅτι Οὔτε εἰς τὸν νόμον τῶν Ἰουδαίων οὔτε εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν οὔτε εἰς Καίσαρά τι ἥμαρτον.
25.12 τότε ὁ Φῆστος συνλαλήσας μετὰ τοῦ συμβουλίου ἀπεκρίθη Καίσαρα ἐπικέκλησαι, ἐπὶ Καίσαρα πορεύσῃ.
25.16 πρὸς οὓς ἀπεκρίθην ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος Ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον πρὶν ἢ ὁ κατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόρους τόπον τε ἀπολογίας λάβοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος.
26.2 Περὶ πάντων ὧν ἐγκαλοῦμαι ὑπὸ Ἰουδαίων, βασιλεῦ Ἀγρίππα, ἥγημαι ἐμαυτὸν μακάριον ἐπὶ σοῦ μέλλων σήμερον ἀπολογεῖσθαι,
26.3 μάλιστα γνώστην ὄντα σε πάντων τῶν κατὰ Ἰουδαίους ἐθῶν τε καὶ ζητημάτων· διὸ δέομαι μακροθύμως ἀκοῦσαί μου.
26.4 Τὴν μὲν οὖν βίωσίν μου ἐκ νεότητος τὴν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς γενομένην ἐν τῷ ἔθνει μου ἔν τε Ἰεροσολύμοις ἴσασι πάντες Ἰουδαῖοι,
26.5 προγινώσκοντές με ἄνωθεν, ἐὰν θέλωσι μαρτυρεῖν, ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ἀκριβεστάτην αἵρεσιν τῆς ἡμετέρας θρησκείας ἔζησα Φαρισαῖος.
26.6 καὶ νῦν ἐπʼ ἐλπίδι τῆς εἰς τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν ἐπαγγελίας γενομένης ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἕστηκα κρινόμενος,
26.7 εἰς ἣν τὸ δωδεκάφυλον ἡμῶν ἐν ἐκτενείᾳ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν λατρεῦον ἐλπίζει καταντῆσαι· περὶ ἧς ἐλπίδος ἐγκαλοῦμαι ὑπὸ Ἰουδαίων, βασιλεῦ·
26.8 τί ἄπιστον κρίνεται παρʼ ὑμῖν εἰ ὁ θεὸς νεκροὺς ἐγείρει;
26.9 Ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν ἔδοξα ἐμαυτῷ πρὸς τὸ ὄνομα Ἰησοῦ τοῦ Ναζωραίου δεῖν πολλὰ ἐναντία πρᾶξαι· 26.
10 ὃ καὶ ἐποίησα ἐν Ἰεροσολύμοις, καὶ πολλούς τε τῶν ἁγίων ἐγὼ ἐν φυλακαῖς κατέκλεισα τὴν παρὰ τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἐξουσίαν λαβών, ἀναιρουμένων τε αὐτῶν κατήνεγκα ψῆφον,
26.11 καὶ κατὰ πάσας τὰς συναγωγὰς πολλάκις τιμωρῶν αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκαζον βλασφημεῖν, περισσῶς τε ἐμμαινόμενος αὐτοῖς ἐδίωκον ἕως καὶ εἰς τὰς ἔξω πόλεις.
26.12 Ἐν οἷς πορευόμενος εἰς τὴν Δαμασκὸν μετʼ ἐξουσίας καὶ ἐπιτροπῆς τῆς τῶν ἀρχιερέων
26.13 ἡμέρας μέσης κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν εἶδον, βασιλεῦ, οὐρανόθεν ὑπὲρ τὴν λαμπρότητα τοῦ ἡλίου περιλάμψαν με φῶς καὶ τοὺς σὺν ἐμοὶ πορευομένους·
26.14 πάντων τε καταπεσόντων ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν γῆν ἤκουσα φωνὴν λέγουσαν πρός με τῇ Ἐβραΐδι διαλέκτῳ Σαούλ Σαούλ, τί με διώκεις; σκληρόν σοι πρὸς κέντρα λακτίζειν.
26.15 ἐγὼ δὲ εἶπα Τίς εἶ, κύριε; ὁ δὲ κύριος εἶπεν Ἐγώ εἰμι Ἰησοῦς ὃν σὺ διώκεις·
26.16 ἀλλὰ ἀνάστηθι καὶ στῆθι ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας σου· εἰς τοῦτο γὰρ ὤφθην σοι, προχειρίσασθαί σε ὑπηρέτην καὶ μάρτυρα ὧν τε εἶδές με ὧν τε ὀφθήσομαί σοι,
26.17 ἐξαιρούμενός σε ἐκ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐθνῶν, εἰς οὓς ἐγὼ ἀποστέλλω σε ἀνοῖξαι ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτῶν,
26.18 τοῦ ἐπιστρέψαι ἀπὸ σκότους εἰς φῶς καὶ τῆς ἐξουσίας τοῦ Σατανᾶ ἐπὶ τὸν θεόν, τοῦ λαβεῖν αὐτοὺς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν καὶ κλῆρον ἐν τοῖς ἡγιασμένοις πίστει τῇ εἰς ἐμέ.
26.19 Ὅθεν, βασιλεῦ Ἀγρίππα, οὐκ ἐγενόμην ἀπειθὴς τῇ οὐρανίῳ ὀπτασίᾳ,
26.20 ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐν Δαμασκῷ πρῶτόν τε καὶ Ἰεροσολύμοις, πᾶσάν τε τὴν χώραν τῆς Ἰουδαίας, καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἀπήγγελλον μετανοεῖν καὶ ἐπιστρέφειν ἐπὶ τὸν θεόν, ἄξια τῆς μετανοίας ἔργα πράσσοντας. 26.
21 ἕνεκα τούτων με Ἰουδαῖοι συλλαβόμενοι ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἐπειρῶντο διαχειρίσασθαι.
26.22 ἐπικουρίας οὖν τυχὼν τῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ἄχρι τῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης ἕστηκα μαρτυρόμενος μικρῷ τε καὶ μεγάλῳ, οὐδὲν ἐκτὸς λέγων ὧν τε οἱ προφῆται ἐλάλησαν μελλόντων γίνεσθαι καὶ Μωυσῆς,
26.23 εἰ παθητὸς ὁ χριστός, εἰ πρῶτος ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν φῶς μέλλει καταγγέλλειν τῷ τε λαῷ καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν.
26.24 Ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ ἀπολογουμένου ὁ Φῆστος μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ φησίν Μαίνῃ, Παῦλε· τὰ πολλά σε γράμματα εἰς μανίαν περιτρέπει.
26.25 ὁ δὲ Παῦλος Οὐ μαίνομαι, φησίν, κράτιστε Φῆστε, ἀλλὰ ἀληθείας καὶ σωφροσύνης ῥήματα ἀποφθέγγομαι.
26.27 πιστεύεις, βασιλεῦ Ἀγρίππα, τοῖς προφήταις; οἶδα ὅτι πιστεύεις.
28.17 Ἐγένετο δὲ μετὰ ἡμέρας τρεῖς συνκαλέσασθαι αὐτὸν τοὺς ὄντας τῶν Ἰουδαίων πρώτους· συνελθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἔλεγεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ἐγώ, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, οὐδὲν ἐναντίον ποιήσας τῷ λαῷ ἢ τοῖς ἔθεσι τοῖς πατρῴοις δέσμιος ἐξ Ἰεροσολύμων παρεδόθην εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῶν Ῥωμαίων,
28.18 οἵτινες ἀνακρίναντές με ἐβούλοντο ἀπολῦσαι διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν αἰτίαν θανάτου ὑπάρχειν ἐν ἐμοί·
28.25 ἀσύμφωνοι δὲ ὄντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀπελύοντο, εἰπόντος τοῦ Παύλου ῥῆμα ἓν ὅτι Καλῶς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἐλάλησεν διὰ Ἠσαίου τοῦ προφήτου πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας ὑμῶν
28.28 γνωστὸν οὖν ὑμῖν ἔστω ὅτι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἀπεστάλη τοῦτο τὸ σωτήριον τοῦ θεοῦ· αὐτοὶ καὶ ἀκούσονται. ' None
2.1 Now when the day of Pentecost had come, they were all with one accord in one place.
7.53 You received the law as it was ordained by angels, and didn\'t keep it!"'
21.28 crying out, "Men of Israel, help! This is the man who teaches all men everywhere against the people, and the law, and this place. Moreover, he also brought Greeks into the temple, and has defiled this holy place!"' "
21.34 Some shouted one thing, and some another, among the crowd. When he couldn't find out the truth because of the noise, he commanded him to be brought into the barracks. "
21.38 Aren\'t you then the Egyptian, who before these days stirred up to sedition and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the Assassins?"
22.3 "I am indeed a Jew, born in Tarsus of Cilicia, but brought up in this city at the feet of Gamaliel, instructed according to the strict manner of the law of our fathers, being zealous for God, even as you all are this day.
22.30 But on the next day, desiring to know the truth about why he was accused by the Jews, he freed him from the bonds, and commanded the chief priests and all the council to come together, and brought Paul down and set him before them.
23.6 But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, "Men and brothers, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees. Concerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am being judged!"
23.29 I found him to be accused about questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds.
24.14 But this I confess to you, that after the Way, which they call a sect, so I serve the God of our fathers, believing all things which are according to the law, and which are written in the prophets;
24.24 But after some days, Felix came with Drusilla, his wife, who was a Jewess, and sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ Jesus.
25.8 while he said in his defense, "Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have I sinned at all."
25.12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, "You have appealed to Caesar. To Caesar you will go."
25.16 To whom I answered that it is not the custom of the Romans to give up any man to destruction, before the accused have met the accusers face to face, and have had opportunity to make his defense concerning the matter laid against him.
26.2 "I think myself happy, King Agrippa, that I am to make my defense before you this day concerning all the things whereof I am accused by the Jews,
26.3 especially because you are expert in all customs and questions which are among the Jews. Therefore I beg you to hear me patiently.
26.4 "Indeed, all the Jews know my way of life from my youth up, which was from the beginning among my own nation and at Jerusalem;
26.5 having known me from the first, if they are willing to testify, that after the strictest sect of our religion I lived a Pharisee.
26.6 Now I stand here to be judged for the hope of the promise made by God to our fathers,
26.7 which our twelve tribes, earnestly serving night and day, hope to attain. Concerning this hope I am accused by the Jews, King Agrippa!
26.8 Why is it judged incredible with you, if God does raise the dead?
26.9 "I myself most assuredly thought that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth. 26.
10 This I also did in Jerusalem. I both shut up many of the saints in prisons, having received authority from the chief priests, and when they were put to death I gave my vote against them.
26.11 Punishing them often in all the synagogues, I tried to make them blaspheme. Being exceedingly enraged against them, I persecuted them even to foreign cities.
26.12 "Whereupon as I journeyed to Damascus with the authority and commission from the chief priests,
26.13 at noon, O King, I saw on the way a light from the sky, brighter than the sun, shining around me and those who traveled with me. ' "
26.14 When we had all fallen to the earth, I heard a voice saying to me in the Hebrew language, 'Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me? It is hard for you to kick against the goads.' " 26.15 "I said, \'Who are you, Lord?\' "He said, \'I am Jesus, whom you persecute.
26.16 But arise, and stand on your feet, for to this end have I appeared to you, to appoint you a servant and a witness both of the things which you have seen, and of the things which I will reveal to you;
26.17 delivering you from the people, and from the Gentiles, to whom I send you, ' "
26.18 to open their eyes, that they may turn from darkness to light and from the power of Satan to God, that they may receive remission of sins and an inheritance among those who are sanctified by faith in me.' " 26.19 "Therefore, King Agrippa, I was not disobedient to the heavenly vision,
26.20 but declared first to them of Damascus, at Jerusalem, and throughout all the country of Judea, and also to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God, doing works worthy of repentance. 26.
21 For this reason the Jews seized me in the temple, and tried to kill me.
26.22 Having therefore obtained the help that is from God, I stand to this day testifying both to small and great, saying nothing but what the prophets and Moses did say should come,
26.23 how the Christ must suffer, and how he first by the resurrection of the dead should proclaim light both to these people and to the Gentiles."
26.24 As he thus made his defense, Festus said with a loud voice, "Paul, you are crazy! Your great learning is driving you insane!"
26.25 But he said, "I am not crazy, most excellent Festus, but boldly declare words of truth and reasonableness.
26.27 King Agrippa, do you believe the prophets? I know that you believe."
28.17 It happened that after three days Paul called together those who were the leaders of the Jews. When they had come together, he said to them, "I, brothers, though I had done nothing against the people, or the customs of our fathers, still was delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Romans,
28.18 who, when they had examined me, desired to set me free, because there was no cause of death in me.
28.25 When they didn\'t agree among themselves, they departed after Paul had spoken one word, "The Holy Spirit spoke well through Isaiah, the prophet, to our fathers, ' "
28.26 saying, 'Go to this people, and say, In hearing, you will hear, And will in no way understand. In seeing, you will see, And will in no way perceive. " "
28.27 For this people's heart has grown callous. Their ears are dull of hearing. Their eyes they have closed. Lest they should see with their eyes, Hear with their ears, Understand with their heart, And would turn again, And I would heal them.' " 28.28 "Be it known therefore to you, that the salvation of God is sent to the Gentiles. They will also hear." ' None
|93. New Testament, Apocalypse, 4.11, 11.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Enthronement Festival • festivals • festivals, Christian
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 509; Mathews (2013), Riches, Poverty, and the Faithful: Perspectives on Wealth in the Second Temple Period and the Apocalypse of John, 157; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 136
11.17 λέγοντες Εὐχαριστοῦμέν σοι, κύριε, ὁ θεός, ὁ παντοκράτωρ, ὁ ὢν καὶ ὁ ἦν, ὅτι εἴληφες τὴν δύναμίν σου τὴν μεγάλην καὶ ἐβασίλευσας·'' None
4.11 "Worthy are you, our Lord and our God, the Holy One, to receive the glory, the honor, and the power, for you created all things, and because of your desire they existed, and were created!"
11.17 saying: "We give you thanks, Lord God, the Almighty, the one who is and who was; because you have taken your great power, and reigned.'' None
|94. New Testament, Ephesians, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Artemis, goddess and cult, Daitis festival • festivals, non-Christian, in early Christian literature
Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2018), Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud, 51; Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 321
5.5 τοῦτο γὰρ ἴστε γινώσκοντες ὅτι πᾶς πόρνος ἢ ἀκάθαρτος ἢ πλεονέκτης, ὅ ἐστιν εἰδωλολάτρης, οὐκ ἔχει κληρονομίαν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ χριστοῦ καὶ θεοῦ.'' None
5.5 Know this for sure, that no sexually immoral person, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, who is an idolater, has any inheritance in the Kingdom of Christ and God. '' None
|95. New Testament, John, 12.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Impression of Dionysiac Festival • Meals, festive
Found in books: Alikin (2009), The Earliest History of the Christian Gathering, 47; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 378
12.13 ἔλαβον τὰ βαΐα τῶν φοινίκων καὶ ἐξῆλθον εἰς ὑπάντησιν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἐκραύγαζον Ὡσαννά, εὐλογημένος ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀνόματι Κυρίου, καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῦ Ἰσραήλ.'' None
12.13 they took the branches of the palm trees, and went out to meet him, and cried out, "Hosanna! Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord, the King of Israel!"'' None
|96. New Testament, Luke, 4.14-4.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus • Porcius Festus
Found in books: Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 90; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 361
4.14 Καὶ ὑπέστρεψεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ δυνάμει τοῦ πνεύματος εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν. καὶ φήμη ἐξῆλθεν καθʼ ὅλης τῆς περιχώρου περὶ αὐτοῦ. 4.15 καὶ αὐτὸς ἐδίδασκεν ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς αὐτῶν, δοξαζόμενος ὑπὸ πάντων.'' None
4.14 Jesus returned in the power of the Spirit to Galilee, and news about him spread through all the surrounding area. 4.15 He taught in their synagogues, being glorified by all. '' None
|97. New Testament, Mark, 15.42 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival • festivals
Found in books: Balberg (2023), Fractured Tablets: Forgetfulness and Fallibility in Late Ancient Rabbinic Culture, 71; Gera (2014), Judith, 266
15.42 Καὶ ἤδη ὀψίας γενομένης, ἐπεὶ ἦν παρασκευή, ὅ ἐστιν προσάββατον,'' None
15.42 When evening had now come, because it was the Preparation Day, that is, the day before the Sabbath, '' None
|98. New Testament, Matthew, 12.14, 15.2, 15.7, 23.17, 23.23-23.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festus • Friday (fast/festival day) • Monday (fast/festival day) • Wednesday (fast/festival day) • festival • festivals, non-Christian, in early Christian literature • festivals, non-Christian, in rabbinic literature
Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2018), Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud, 46, 48; Grabbe (2010), Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus, 52; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 293, 526, 551
12.14 Ἐξελθόντες δὲ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι συμβούλιον ἔλαβον κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν.
15.2 Διὰ τί οἱ μαθηταί σου παραβαίνουσιν τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων; οὐ γὰρ νίπτονται τὰς χεῖρας ὅταν ἄρτον ἐσθίωσιν.
15.7 ὑποκριταί, καλῶς ἐπροφήτευσεν περὶ ὑμῶν Ἠσαίας λέγων
23.17 μωροὶ καὶ τυφλοί, τίς γὰρ μείζων ἐστίν, ὁ χρυσὸς ἢ ὁ ναὸς ὁ ἁγιάσας τὸν χρυσόν;
23.23 Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι ἀποδεκατοῦτε τὸ ἡδύοσμον καὶ τὸ ἄνηθον καὶ τὸ κύμινον, καὶ ἀφήκατε τὰ βαρύτερα τοῦ νόμου, τὴν κρίσιν καὶ τὸ ἔλεος καὶ τὴν πίστιν· ταῦτα δὲ ἔδει ποιῆσαι κἀκεῖνα μὴ ἀφεῖναι. 23.24 ὁδηγοὶ τυφλοί, διυλίζοντες τὸν κώνωπα τὴν δὲ κάμηλον καταπίνοντες. 23.25 Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι καθαρίζετε τὸ ἔξωθεν τοῦ ποτηρίου καὶ τῆς παροψίδος, ἔσωθεν δὲ γέμουσιν ἐξ ἁρπαγῆς καὶ ἀκρασίας. 23.26 Φαρισαῖε τυφλέ, καθάρισον πρῶτον τὸ ἔντος τοῦ ποτηρίου καὶ τῆς παροψίδος, ἵνα γένηται καὶ τὸ ἐκτὸς αὐτοῦ καθαρόν. 23.27 Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι παρομοιάζετε τάφοις κεκονιαμένοις, οἵτινες ἔξωθεν μὲν φαίνονται ὡραῖοι ἔσωθεν δὲ γέμουσιν ὀστέων νεκρῶν καὶ πάσης ἀκαθαρσίας· 23.28 οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς ἔξωθεν μὲν φαίνεσθε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις δίκαιοι, ἔσωθεν δέ ἐστε μεστοὶ ὑποκρίσεως καὶ ἀνομίας.' ' None
12.14 But the Pharisees went out, and conspired against him, how they might destroy him.
15.2 "Why do your disciples disobey the tradition of the elders? For they don\'t wash their hands when they eat bread."
15.7 You hypocrites! Well did Isaiah prophesy of you, saying,
23.17 You blind fools! For which is greater, the gold, or the temple that sanctifies the gold?
23.23 "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you tithe mint, dill, and cumin, and have left undone the weightier matters of the law: justice, mercy, and faith. But you ought to have done these, and not to have left the other undone. 23.24 You blind guides, who strain out a gnat, and swallow a camel! 23.25 "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you clean the outside of the cup and of the platter, but within they are full of extortion and unrighteousness. 23.26 You blind Pharisee, first clean the inside of the cup and of the platter, that the outside of it may become clean also. 23.27 "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you are like whitened tombs, which outwardly appear beautiful, but inwardly are full of dead men\'s bones, and of all uncleanness. 23.28 Even so you also outwardly appear righteous to men, but inwardly you are full of hypocrisy and iniquity. ' ' None
|99. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 34.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, Plynteria, Athenian • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, Plynteria • women, participation in festivals
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 138; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 169
34.1 οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Ἀλκιβιάδου λαμπρῶς εὐημεροῦντος ὑπέθραττεν ἐνίους ὅμως ὁ τῆς καθόδου καιρός. ᾗ γὰρ ἡμέρᾳ κατέπλευσεν, ἐδρᾶτο τὰ Πλυντήρια τῇ θεῷ. δρῶσι δὲ τὰ ὄργια Πραξιεργίδαι Θαργηλιῶνος ἕκτῃ φθίνοντος ἀπόρρητα, τόν τε κόσμον καθελόντες καὶ τὸ ἕδος κατακαλύψαντες. ὅθεν ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα τῶν ἀποφράδων τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτην ἄπρακτον Ἀθηναῖοι νομίζουσιν.'' None
34.1 But while Alcibiades was thus prospering brilliantly, some were nevertheless disturbed at the particular season of his return. For he had put into harbor on the very day when the Plynteria of the goddess Athena were being celebrated. The Praxiergidae celebrate these rites on the twenty-fifth day of Thargelion in strict secrecy, removing the robes of the goddess and covering up her image. Wherefore the Athenians regard this day as the unluckiest of all days for business of any sort. '' None
|100. Plutarch, Aristides, 21.3-21.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Eleutheria (Plataean festival) • Festival • Festivals, Eleutheria of Plataea • Festivals, of Artemis Agrotera of Athens
Found in books: Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 106, 220; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 372; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 223
21.3 ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ τῶν Πλαταιέων ὁ ἄρχων, ᾧ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον οὔτε σιδήρου θιγεῖν ἔξεστιν οὔθʼ ἑτέραν ἐσθῆτα πλὴν λευκῆς ἀναλαβεῖν, τότε χιτῶνα φοινικοῦν ἐνδεδυκὼς ἀράμενός τε ὑδρίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ γραμματοφυλακίου ξιφήρης ἐπὶ τοὺς τάφους προάγει διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως. 21.4 εἶτα λαβὼν ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης αὐτὸς ἀπολούει τε τὰς στήλας καὶ μύρῳ χρίει, καὶ τὸν ταῦρον εἰς τὴν πυρὰν σφάξας καὶ κατευξάμενος Διῒ καὶ Ἑρμῇ χθονίῳ παρακαλεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀποθανόντας ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ τὴν αἱμοκουρίαν. ἔπειτα κρατῆρα κεράσας οἴνου καὶ χεάμενος ἐπιλέγει· προπίνω τοῖς ἀνδράσι τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποθανοῦσι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαφυλάττουσιν οἱ Πλαταεῖς.'' None
21.3 21.4 '' None
|101. Plutarch, Cimon, 8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, and Athenian dramatic festivals • Dionysia festivals, Great or City D. • judges, of the Dionysian festival • tetralogy, in the Dionysian festival
Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 342, 343
8.7 ἔθεντο δʼ εἰς μνήμην αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν τῶν τραγῳδῶν κρίσιν ὀνομαστὴν γενομένην. πρώτην γὰρ διδασκαλίαν τοῦ Σοφοκλέους ἔτι νέου καθέντος, Ἀψεφίων ὁ ἄρχων, φιλονεικίας οὔσης καὶ παρατάξεως τῶν θεατῶν, κριτὰς μὲν οὐκ ἐκλήρωσε τοῦ ἀγῶνος, ὡς δὲ Κίμων μετὰ τῶν συστρατήγων προελθὼν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐποιήσατο τῷ θεῷ τὰς νενομισμένας σπονδάς, οὐκ ἀφῆκεν αὐτοὺς ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὁρκώσας ἠνάγκασε καθίσαι καὶ κρῖναι δέκα ὄντας, ἀπὸ φυλῆς μιᾶς ἕκαστον.'' None
8.7 '' None
|102. Plutarch, Demetrius, 10.4, 30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, and Athenian dramatic festivals • Demetrieia (festival) • Demetrieia (festival), Soter, in Athens • Demetrieia (festival), removal of honours for • Dionysia festivals, Great or City D. • Festival • Romaia festival • Sylleia festival • festival, civic • festivals • women festivals of • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi festivals of
Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 87, 88; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 173, 174, 177; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 343; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 274; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 276; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 340
10.4 ἐνυφαίνεσθαι δὲ τῷ πέπλῳ μετὰ τῶν θεῶν αὐτοὺς ἐψηφίσαντο· καὶ τὸν τόπον ὅπου πρῶτον ἀπέβη τοῦ ἅρματος, καθιερώσαντες καὶ βωμὸν ἐπιθέντες Δημητρίου Καταιβάτου προσηγόρευσαν· ταῖς δὲ φυλαῖς δύο προσέθεσαν, Δημητριάδα καὶ Ἀντιγονίδα, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν τῶν πεντακοσίων πρότερον ἑξακοσίων ἐποίησαν, ἅτε δὴ φυλῆς ἑκάστης πεντήκοντα βουλευτὰς παρεχομένης.
30.5 διόπερ οἱ νοῦν ἔχοντες οὐκ εἰς ἀνδριάντας οὐδὲ γραφὰς οὐδὲ ἀποθεώσεις, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰς τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὰς πράξεις τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἀποβλέποντες ἢ πιστεύουσιν, ὡς τιμαῖς, ἢ ἀπιστοῦσιν, ὡς ἀνάγκαις· ὡς οἵ γε δῆμοι πολλάκις ἐν αὐταῖς μάλιστα ταῖς τιμαῖς μισοῦσι τοὺς ἀμέτρως καὶ ὑπερόγκως καὶ παρʼ ἀκόντων λαμβάνοντας.' ' None
30.5 ' ' None
|103. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Demetrieia (festival) • Demetrieia (festival), Soter, in Athens • Demetrieia (festival), removal of honours for • women festivals of • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi festivals of
Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 177; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 274
30.5 τούτῳ μὲν ὀλίγον ὕστερον ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμος ἀξίαν ἀποδιδοὺς τιμήν εἰκόνα τε χαλκῆν ἀνέστησε καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἐψηφίσατο τῶν ἀπὸ γένους ἐν Πρυτανείῳ σίτησιν ἔχειν. καὶ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα τὸ θρυλούμενον ἐπεγράφη τῇ βάσει τοῦ ἀνδριάντος· εἴπερ ἴσην ῥώμην γνώμῃ, Δημόσθενες, εἶχες, οὔποτʼ ἂν Ἑλλήνων ἦρξεν Ἄρης Μακεδών. οἱ γὰρ αὐτὸν τὸν Δημοσθένην τοῦτο ποιῆσαι λέγοντες ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ, μέλλοντα τὸ φάρμακον προσφέρεσθαι, κομιδῇ φλυαροῦσι.'' None
30.5 '' None
|104. Suetonius, Domitianus, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Sebasta (festival) at Naples • festival, annual/multiannual, names
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 100; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 53
4.4 \xa0He also established a quinquennial contest in honour of Jupiter Capitolinus of a threefold character, comprising music, riding, and gymnastics, and with considerably more prizes than are awarded nowadays. For there were competitions in prose declamation both in Greek and in Latin; and in addition to those of the lyre-players, between choruses of such players and in the lyre alone, without singing; while in the stadium there were races even between maidens. He presided at the competitions in half-boots, clad in a purple toga in the Greek fashion, and wearing upon his head a golden crown with figures of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, while by his side sat the priest of Jupiter and the college of the Flaviales, similarly dressed, except that their crowns bore his image as well. He celebrated the Quinquatria too every year in honour of Minerva at his Alban villa, and established for her a college of priests, from which men were chosen by lot to act as officers and give splendid shows of wild beasts and stage plays, besides holding contests in oratory and poetry.'' None
|105. Tacitus, Annals, 2.83.1-2.83.2, 3.62, 3.64.3, 4.55-4.56, 13.14.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals, Hekatesia, Hekatesia-Romaia • Festivals, Kleidos agoge • Festus, Porcius • First Mithridatic War, festivals in the aftermath of • festivals • festivals, Fornacalia • festivals, Quirinalia • festivals, Salian festival • festivals, Vinalia Priora • festivals, ludi saeculares
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 120; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 195, 247; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 123, 161, 286, 315; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240; Williamson (2021), Urban Rituals in Sacred Landscapes in Hellenistic Asia Minor, 251, 316, 338
|2.83 Honores ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio validus reperti decretique: ut nomen eius Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae statuerentur; ludos circensis eburna effigies praeiret neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gentis Iuliae crearetur. arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Syriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse. sepulchrum Antiochiae ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae quo in loco vitam finierat. statuarum locorumve in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit. cum censeretur clipeus auro et magni- tudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si veteres inter scriptores haberetur. equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus Iuliis imaginem eius sequerentur. pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteravit.3.62 Proximi hos Magnetes L. Scipionis et L. Sullae constitutis nitebantur, quorum ille Antiocho, hic Mithridate pulsis fidem atque virtutem Magnetum decoravere, uti Dianae Leucophrynae perfugium inviolabile foret. Aphrodisienses posthac et Stratonicenses dictatoris Caesaris ob vetusta in partis merita et recens divi Augusti decretum adtulere, laudati quod Parthorum inruptionem nihil mutata in populum Romanum constantia pertulissent. sed Aphrodisiensium civitas Veneris, Stratonicensium Iovis et Triviae religionem tuebantur. altius Hierocaesarienses exposuere, Persicam apud se Dianam, delubrum rege Cyro dicatum; et memorabantur Perpennae, Isaurici multaque alia imperatorum nomina qui non modo templo sed duobus milibus passuum eandem sanctitatem tribuerant. exim Cy- prii tribus de delubris, quorum vetustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Ae+rias, post filius eius Amathus Veneri Amathusiae et Iovi Salaminio Teucer, Telamonis patris ira profugus, posuissent. |
4.55 Sed Caesar quo famam averteret adesse frequens senatui legatosque Asiae ambigentis quanam in civitate templum statueretur pluris per dies audivit. undecim urbes certabant, pari ambitione, viribus diversae. neque multum distantia inter se memorabant de vetustate generis, studio in populum Romanum per bella Persi et Aristonici aliorumque regum. verum Hypaepeni Trallianique Laodicenis ac Magnetibus simul tramissi ut parum validi; ne Ilienses quidem, cum parentem urbis Romae Troiam referrent, nisi antiquitatis gloria pollebant. paulum addubitatum quod Halicarnasii mille et ducentos per annos nullo motu terrae nutavisse sedes suas vivoque in saxo fundamenta templi adseveraverant. Pergamenos (eo ipso nitebantur) aede Augusto ibi sita satis adeptos creditum. Ephesii Milesiique, hi Apollinis, illi Dianae caerimonia occupavisse civitates visi. ita Sardianos inter Zmyrnaeosque deliberatum. Sardiani decretum Etruriae recitavere ut consanguinei: nam Tyrrhenum Lydumque Atye rege genitos ob multitudinem divisisse gentem; Lydum patriis in terris resedisse, Tyrrheno datum novas ut conderet sedes; et ducum e nominibus indita vocabula illis per Asiam, his in Italia; auctamque adhuc Lydorum opulentiam missis in Graeciam populis cui mox a Pelope nomen. simul litteras imperatorum et icta nobiscum foedera bello Macedonum ubertatemque fluminum suorum, temperiem caeli ac ditis circum terras memorabant.' "4.56 At Zmyrnaei repetita vetustate, seu Tantalus Iove ortus illos, sive Theseus divina et ipse stirpe, sive una Amazonum condidisset, transcendere ad ea, quis maxime fidebant, in populum Romanum officiis, missa navali copia non modo externa ad bella sed quae in Italia tolerabantur; seque primos templum urbis Romae statuisse, M. Porcio consule, magnis quidem iam populi Romani rebus, nondum tamen ad summum elatis, stante adhuc Punica urbe et validis per Asiam regibus. simul L. Sullam testem adferebant, gravissimo in discrimine exercitus ob asperitatem hiemis et penuriam vestis, cum id Zmyrnam in contionem nuntiatum foret, omnis qui adstabant detraxisse corpori tegmina nostrisque legionibus misisse. ita rogati sententiam patres Zmyrnaeos praetulere. censuitque Vibius Marsus ut M'. Lepido, cui ea provincia obvenerat, super numerum legaretur qui templi curam susciperet. et quia Lepidus ipse deligere per modestiam abnuebat, Valerius Naso e praetoriis sorte missus est." ' ' None
|2.83 \xa0Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a\xa0funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the soâ\x80\x91called "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. <2.83.1 \xa0Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a\xa0funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the soâ\x80\x91called "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. |
3.62 \xa0The Magnesians, who followed, rested their case on the rulings of Lucius Scipio and Lucius Sulla, who, after their defeats of Antiochus and Mithridates respectively, had honoured the loyalty and courage of Magnesia by making the shrine of Leucophryne Diana an inviolable refuge. Next, Aphrodisias and Stratonicea adduced a decree of the dictator Julius in return for their early services to his cause, together with a modern rescript of the deified Augustus, who praised the unchanging fidelity to the Roman nation with which they had sustained the Parthian inroad. Aphrodisias, however, was championing the cult of Venus; Stratonicea, that of Jove and Diana of the Crossways. The statement of Hierocaesarea went deeper into the past: the community owned a Persian Diana with a temple dedicated in the reign of Cyrus; and there were references to Perpenna, Isauricus, and many other commanders who had allowed the same sanctity not only to the temple but to the neighbourhood for two miles round. The Cypriotes followed with an appeal for three shrines â\x80\x94 the oldest erected by their founder AÃ«rias to the Paphian Venus; the second by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; and a\xa0third by Teucer, exiled by the anger of his father Telamon, to Jove of Salamis. <
3.64.3 \xa0About the same time, a serious illness of Julia Augusta made it necessary for the emperor to hasten his return to the capital, the harmony between mother and son being still genuine, or their hatred concealed: for a little earlier, Julia, in dedicating an effigy to the deified Augustus not far from the theatre of Marcellus, had placed Tiberius\' name after her own in the inscription; and it was believed that, taking the act as a derogation from the imperial dignity, he had locked it in his breast with grave and veiled displeasure. Now, however, the senate gave orders for a solemn intercession and the celebration of the Great Games â\x80\x94 the latter to be exhibited by the pontiffs, the augurs, and the Fifteen, assisted by the Seven and by the Augustal fraternities. Lucius Apronius had moved that the Fetials should also preside at the Games. The Caesar opposed, drawing a distinction between the prerogatives of the various priesthoods, adducing precedents, and pointing out that "the Fetials had never had that degree of dignity, while the Augustals had only been admitted among the others because theirs was a special priesthood of the house for which the intercession was being offered." <
4.55 \xa0To divert criticism, the Caesar attended the senate with frequency, and for several days listened to the deputies from Asia debating which of their communities was to erect his temple. Eleven cities competed, with equal ambition but disparate resources. With no great variety each pleaded national antiquity, and zeal for the Roman cause in the wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings. But Hypaepa and Tralles, together with Laodicea and Magnesia, were passed over as inadequate to the task: even Ilium, though it appealed to Troy as the parent of Rome, had no significance apart from the glory of its past. Some little hesitation was caused by the statement of the Halicarnassians that for twelve hundred years no tremors of earthquake had disturbed their town, and the temple foundations would rest on the living rock. The Pergamenes were refuted by their main argument: they had already a sanctuary of Augustus, and the distinction was thought ample. The state-worship in Ephesus and Miletus was considered to be already centred on the cults of Diana and Apollo respectively: the deliberations turned, therefore, on Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians read a decree of their "kindred country" of Etruria. "Owing to its numbers," they explained, "Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, had divided the nation. Lydus had remained in the territory of his fathers, Tyrrhenus had been allotted the task of creating a new settlement; and the Asiatic and Italian branches of the people had received distinctive titles from the names of the two leaders; while a further advance in the Lydian power had come with the despatch of colonists to the peninsula which afterwards took its name from Pelops." At the same time, they recalled the letters from Roman commanders, the treaties concluded with us in the Macedonian war, their ample rivers, tempered climate, and the richness of the surrounding country. < 4.56 \xa0The deputies from Smyrna, on the other hand, after retracing the antiquity of their town â\x80\x94 whether founded by Tantalus, the seed of Jove; by Theseus, also of celestial stock; or by one of the Amazons â\x80\x94 passed on to the arguments in which they rested most confidence: their good offices towards the Roman people, to whom they had sent their naval force to aid not merely in foreign wars but in those with which we had to cope in Italy, while they had also been the first to erect a temple to the City of Rome, at a period (the consulate of Marcus Porcius) when the Roman fortunes stood high indeed, but had not yet mounted to their zenith, as the Punic capital was yet standing and the kings were still powerful in Asia. At the same time, Sulla was called to witness that "with his army in a most critical position through the inclement winter and scarcity of clothing, the news had only to be announced at a public meeting in Smyrna, and the whole of the bystanders stripped the garments from their bodies and sent them to our legions." The Fathers accordingly, when their opinion was taken, gave Smyrna the preference. Vibius Marsus proposed that a supernumerary legate, to take responsibility for the temple, should be assigned to Manius Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia had fallen; and since Lepidus modestly declined to make the selection himself, Valerius Naso was chosen by lot among the ex-praetors and sent out.
13.14.2 \xa0Persons were not lacking to report her words with a more sinister turn; and Nero, exasperated against the supporters of this female arrogance, removed Pallas from the charge to which he had been appointed by Claudius, and in which he exercised virtual control over the monarchy. The tale went that, as he left the palace with an army of attendants, the prince remarked not unhappily that Pallas was on the way to swear himself out of office. He had, in fact, stipulated that there should be no retrospective inquiry into any of his actions, and that his accounts with the state should be taken as balanced. At once, Agrippina rushed headlong into a policy of terror and of threats, and the imperial ears were not spared the solemn reminder that "Britannicus was now of age â\x80\x94 Britannicus, the genuine and deserving stock to succeed to his father\'s power, which an interloping heir by adoption now exercised in virtue of the iniquities of his mother. She had no objection to the whole dark history of that unhappy house being published to the world, her own marriage first of all, and her own resort to poison: one sole act of foresight lay to the credit of Heaven and herself â\x80\x94 her stepson lived. She would go with him to the camp. There, let the daughter of Germanicus be heard on the one side; on the other, the cripple Burrus and the exile Seneca, claiming, forsooth, by right of a maimed hand and a professorial tongue the regency of the human race!" As she spoke, she raised a threatening arm, and, heaping him with reproaches, invoked the deified Claudius, the shades of the dead Silani, and all the crimes committed to no effect. < ' None
|106. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • Judaea, and theatres/festivals • Pythia (festival), at Delos • Roman era, festivals • Sebasta (festival) at Naples • festivals, Roman • insomnia, and festivities • periodos (festival circuit)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 22, 24, 25, 26; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 259; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 118; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 63; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 22, 24, 25, 26
|107. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • festival, festivity, festive • insomnia, and festivities
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 8; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 23; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26
|108. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festival • Roman era, festivals • festivals, Compitalia • festivals, Lupercalia • festivals, Roman • festivals, for Augustus • festivals, ludi saeculares • festivals, ludi victoriae Caesaris
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 257, 258; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 19, 156, 186, 189; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 127
|109. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • festivals, celebration of Tiridates’s reception and coronation in Rome
Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 338; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 130
|110. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Friday (fast/festival day) • Monday (fast/festival day) • Wednesday (fast/festival day) • festivals and fasts • prayer, Festival
Found in books: Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 166; Reif (2006), Problems with Prayers: Studies in the Textual History of Early Rabbinic Liturgy, 159, 167, 292; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 266
|111. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and theatre festivals • Dionysia festivals, Great or City D. • festivals with tragic performances (other than Dionysia), Olympia, at Dion
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 33; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 153
|112. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Veneralia, Festival of • markets, fairs, and festivals
Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 149; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 26
|113. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals and rites • Festivals and rites, Nonae Caprotinae • festivals, Poplifugia
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 139; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 255
|114. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Salamis festival of unknown god on • Salamis, unknown festival • festivals dissolution of normal time at? • historical events, as aitia for festivals • unknown festival for Kykhreus (?)
Found in books: Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 251; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 377
|115. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Mounichion (month), festivals of • Pyanopsion (month name), festivals of • Theseus as aition for festivals • festival, • festivals, Anthesteria • festivals, administration of • women festivals of • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi festivals of
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 55; Lyons (1997), Gender and Immortality: Heroines in Ancient Greek Myth and Cult, 114; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 90; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 208
|116. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 3.22, 4.22, 11.8-11.13, 11.15, 11.17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Agatha, St., festival of • Festival-days, in Rome • Hathor, in solar barque, festivals of • Hecatesia (festival) in Lagina, in Lagina • Hecatesia (festival) in Lagina, in Phrygia • Isis, Navigium Isidis (festival) • Libanius, ekphrasis of a festival • Panathenaic Festival • ekphrasis, of a festival • festival (festivals), Festival of Risus (Risus Festival) • festival oration • festival, Olympic (original) • festival, descriptions of • festivals • festivals, ekphrasis of, by Libanius • oration, festival
Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 127, 143, 156; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 189; Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 210, 339; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 136; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 25; Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 281; Steiner (2001), Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought, 107
11.8 Behold, then more and more there appeared the parades and processions. The people were attired in regal manner and singing joyfully. One was girded about the middle like a man of arms. Another was bare and spare, and had a cloak and high shoes like a hunter! Another was attired in a robe of silk and socks of gold, having his hair laid out and dressed like a woman! There was another who wore leg harnesses and bore a shield, a helmet, and a spear like a martial soldier. After him marched one attired in purple, with vergers before him like a magistrate! After him followed one with a cloak, a staff, a pair of sandals, and a gray beard, signifying that he was a philosopher. After him came one with a line, betokening a fowler. Another came with hooks, declaring him a fisherman. I saw there a meek and tame bear which, dressed like a matron, was carried on a stool. An ape, with a bonnet on his head and covered with a Phrygian garment, resembled a shepherd, and bore a cup of gold in his hand. There was an ass, which had wings glued to his back and followed an old man: you would judge the one to be Pegasus, and the other Bellerophon. 11.9 Amongst the pleasures and popular delights which wandered hither and thither, you might see the procession of the goddess triumphantly marching forward. The women, attired in white vestments and rejoicing because they wore garlands and flowers upon their heads, bedspread the road with herbs which they bare in their aprons. This marked the path this regal and devout procession would pass. Others carried mirrors on their backs to testify obeisance to the goddess who came after. Other bore combs of ivory and declared by the gesture and motions of their arms that they were ordained and ready to dress the goddess. Others dropped balm and other precious ointments as they went. Then came a great number of men as well as women with candles, torches, and other lights, doing honor to the celestial goddess. After that sounded the musical harmony of instruments. Then came a fair company of youths, appareled in white vestments, singing both meter and verse a comely song which some studious poet had made in honor of the Muses. In the meantime there arrived the blowers of trumpets, who were dedicated to the god Serapis. Before them were officers who prepared room for the goddess to pass. 11.11 By and by, after the goddess, there followed gods on foot. There was Anubis, the messenger of the gods infernal and celestial, with his face sometimes black, sometimes faire, lifting up the head of a dog and bearing in his left hand his verge, and in his right hand the branches of a palm tree. After whom followed a cow with an upright gait, representing the figure of the great goddess. He who guided her marched on with much gravity. Another carried the secrets of their religion closed in a coffer. There was one who bore on his stomach a figure of his god, not formed like any beast, bird, savage thing or humane shape, but made by a new invention. This signified that such a religion could not be discovered or revealed to any person. There was a vessel wrought with a round bottom, having on the one side pictures figured in the manner of the Egyptians, and on the other side was an ear on which stood the serpent Aspis, holding out his scaly neck. 11.12 Finally came he who was appointed to my good fortune, according to the promise of the goddess. For the great priest, who bore the restoration of my human shape by the command of the goddess, approached ever closer bearing in his left hand the rattle, and in the other a garland of roses to give me. This was to deliver me from cruel fortune, which was always my enemy after I had suffered so much calamity and pain and had endured so many perils. I did not approach hastily, though I was seized by sudden joy, lest I disturb the quiet procession by my eagerness. But going softly through the press of the people (which gave way to me on every side) I went up to the priest. 11.13 The priest, having been advised the night before, stood still and holding out his hand, and thrust out the garland of roses into my mouth. I (trembling) devoured it with a great eagerness. And as soon as I had eaten them, I found that the promise made to me had not been in vain. For my deformed face changed, and first the rugged hair of my body fell off, my thick skin grew soft and tender, the hooves of my feet changed into toes, my hands returned again, my neck grew short, my head and mouth became round, my long ears were made little, my great and stony teeth grew more like the teeth of men, and my tail, which had burdened me most, disappeared. Then the people began to marvel. The religious honored the goddess for so evident a miracle. They wondered at the visions which they saw in the night, and the ease of my restoration, whereby they rendered testimony of so great a benefit that I had received from the goddess.
11.15 “O my friend Lucius, after the enduring so many labors and escaping so many tempests of fortune, you have at length come to the port and haven of rest and mercy. Your noble linage, your dignity, your education, or any thing else did not avail you. But you have endured so many servile pleasures due to the folly of youth. Thusly you have had an unpleasant reward for your excessive curiosity. But however the blindness of Fortune has tormented you in various dangers, so it is now that, unbeknownst to her, you have come to this present felicity. Let Fortune go and fume with fury in another place. Let her find some other matter on which to execute her cruelty. Fortune has no power against those who serve and honor our goddess. What good did it do her that you endured thieves, savage beasts, great servitude, dangerous waits, long journeys, and fear of death every day? Know that now you are safe and under the protection of her who, by her clear light, brightens the other gods. Wherefore rejoice and take a countece appropriate to your white garment. Follow the parade of this devout and honorable procession so that those who do not worship the goddess may see and acknowledge their error. Behold Lucius, you are delivered from so great miseries by the providence of the goddess Isis. Rejoice therefore and triumph in the victory over fortune. And so that you may live more safe and sure, make yourself one of this holy order. Dedicate your mind to our religion and take upon yourself the voluntary yoke of ministry. And when you begin to serve and honor the goddess, then you shall feel the fruit of your liberty.”
11.17 When we had come to the temple, the great priest and those who were assigned to carry the divine images (but especially those who had long been worshippers of the religion) went into the secret chamber of the goddess where they placed the images in order. This done, one of the company, who was a scribe or interpreter of letters, in the manner of a preacher stood up on a chair before the holy college and began to read out of a book. He began pronounce benedictions upon the great emperor, the senate, the knights, and generally to all the Roman people, and to all who are under the jurisdiction of Rome. These words following signified the end of their divine service and that it was lawful for every man to depart. Whereupon all the people gave a great shout and, filled with much joy, bore all kind of herbs and garlands of flowers home to their houses, kissing and embracing the steps where the goddess had passed. However, I could not do as the rest did, for my mind would not allow me to depart one foot away. This was how eager I was to behold the beauty of the goddess, remembering the great misery I had endured.' ' None
|117. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 51.20.7, 63.8.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • Neronia (festival) • festivals • festivals, Panionia
Found in books: Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 106; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 99; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 416; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 130
51.20.7 \xa0He commanded that the Romans resident in these cities should pay honour to these two divinities; but he permitted the aliens, whom he styled Hellenes, to consecrate precincts to himself, the Asians to have theirs in Pergamum and the Bithynians theirs in Nicomedia. This practice, beginning under him, has been continued under other emperors, not only in the case of the Hellenic nations but also in that of all the others, in so far as they are subject to the Romans.' ' None
|118. Lucian, The Syrian Goddess, 49 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Artemis (goddess), Laphria festival • festivals • festivals, Laphria • sacrifice (thysia), Laphria festival
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 15; Elsner (2007), Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text, 18
49 The greatest of the festivals that they celebrate is that held in the opening of spring; some call this the Pyre, others the Lamp. On this occasion the sacrifice is performed in this way. They cut down tall trees and set them up in the court; then they bring goats and sheep and cattle and hang them living to the trees; they add to these birds and garments and gold and silver work. After all is finished, they carry the gods around the trees and set fire under; in a moment all is in a blaze. To this solemn rite a great multitude flocks from Syria and all the regions around. Each brings his own god and the statues which each has of his own gods.'' None
|119. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4, 1.15.3, 1.21.1, 1.22.8, 1.28.2, 1.28.4, 1.32.4-1.32.5, 1.36.1, 1.38.2, 1.38.6, 1.40.2-1.40.3, 2.17.4, 2.31.5, 2.35.5-2.35.8, 2.37.2, 2.37.5, 3.20.3, 3.22.12, 4.1.6-4.1.7, 4.31.8, 5.16.5-5.16.7, 6.26.1, 7.18.9-7.18.13, 9.3.1, 9.22.1, 9.34.1, 9.39.5, 10.4.3, 10.32.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Artemis (goddess), Laphria festival • Artemis, goddess and cult, Artemisia festival • Basileia, festival • Charilla festival • Daidala (festival) • Daidala festival, Plataea • Demetrieia (festival), in drinking rituals • Dionysos, festivals • Dionysus, festivals associated with • Festival • Festivals, Mounichia of Athens • Festivals, Panathenaia of Athens • Festivals, Thesmophoria • Festivals, of Artemis Agrotera of Athens • Festivals, of Heracles of Marathon • Herois (festival) • Neleis (festival) • Pamboiotia, festival • Partheneia (festival), προστατοῦσα • Pythia (festival), at Delos • Salamis, unknown festival • Seleuceia (festival) • Soteria (festival) • Tanagra, festival of Hermes at • Thyia (festival) • burial, Tetrapolis festival • ennaeteric festivals • epinikia, in civic festivals • festival • festival, • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Andania • festivals, Artemis Brauronia • festivals, Daidala • festivals, Laphria • festivals, Oreibasia • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, Thesmophoria • festivals, civic • festivals, in Delphi • festivals, prizes for victorious competitors • festivals,, ethnic • judges, of the Dionysian festival • periodos (festival circuit) • sacrifice (thysia), Laphria festival • soteria (festival), in Akraiphia • soteria (festival), in Delphi • soteria (festival), in Megalopolis • soteria (festival), in Priene • trieteric festivals • unknown festival for Kykhreus (?) • women, basket bearers at festivals (kanephorai)
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 8, 104, 111, 167, 168, 292; Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 539; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 119; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14, 34, 44, 167, 242, 496; Elsner (2007), Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text, 18, 19; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 71, 229; Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 251; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 703, 1153; Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 287; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 11, 19, 51, 56, 57, 145; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 76; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 151; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 159; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 143, 166, 168; Lyons (1997), Gender and Immortality: Heroines in Ancient Greek Myth and Cult, 116, 118, 121; Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 155; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 28, 30, 124, 127, 192, 204; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 39; Pirenne-Delforge and Pironti (2022), The Hera of Zeus: Intimate Enemy, Ultimate Spouse, 184; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 41, 174, 316, 328; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 114; de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 4
1.4.4 οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον ἔσωζον, οἱ δὲ Γαλάται Πυλῶν τε ἐντὸς ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολίσματα ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ποιησάμενοι Δελφοὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ θεοῦ διαρπάσαι μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν. καί σφισιν αὐτοί τε Δελφοὶ καὶ Φωκέων ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ τὰς πόλεις περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν οἰκοῦντες, ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ δύναμις Αἰτωλῶν· τὸ γὰρ Αἰτωλικὸν προεῖχεν ἀκμῇ νεότητος τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα κεραυνοί τε ἐφέροντο ἐς τοὺς Γαλάτας καὶ ἀπορραγεῖσαι πέτραι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, δείματά τε ἄνδρες ἐφίσταντο ὁπλῖται τοῖς βαρβάροις· τούτων τοὺς μὲν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν, Ὑπέροχον καὶ Ἀμάδοκον, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Πύρρον εἶναι τὸν Ἀχιλλέως· ἐναγίζουσι δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης Δελφοὶ τῆς συμμαχίας Πύρρῳ, πρότερον ἔχοντες ἅτε ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ.
1.15.3 τελευταῖον δὲ τῆς γραφῆς εἰσιν οἱ μαχεσάμενοι Μαραθῶνι· Βοιωτῶν δὲ οἱ Πλάταιαν ἔχοντες καὶ ὅσον ἦν Ἀττικὸν ἴασιν ἐς χεῖρας τοῖς βαρβάροις. καὶ ταύτῃ μέν ἐστιν ἴσα τὰ παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἐς τὸ ἔργον· τὸ δὲ ἔσω τῆς μάχης φεύγοντές εἰσιν οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ ἐς τὸ ἕλος ὠθοῦντες ἀλλήλους, ἔσχαται δὲ τῆς γραφῆς νῆές τε αἱ Φοίνισσαι καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων τοὺς ἐσπίπτοντας ἐς ταύτας φονεύοντες οἱ Ἕλληνες. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Μαραθὼν γεγραμμένος ἐστὶν ἥρως, ἀφʼ οὗ τὸ πεδίον ὠνόμασται, καὶ Θησεὺς ἀνιόντι ἐκ γῆς εἰκασμένος Ἀθηνᾶ τε καὶ Ἡρακλῆς· Μαραθωνίοις γάρ, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσιν, Ἡρακλῆς ἐνομίσθη θεὸς πρώτοις. τῶν μαχομένων δὲ δῆλοι μάλιστά εἰσιν ἐν τῇ γραφῇ Καλλίμαχός τε, ὃς Ἀθηναίοις πολεμαρχεῖν ᾕρητο, καὶ Μιλτιάδης τῶν στρατηγούντων, ἥρως τε Ἔχετλος καλούμενος, οὗ καὶ ὕστερον ποιήσομαι μνήμην.
1.21.1 εἰσὶ δὲ Ἀθηναίοις εἰκόνες ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ τραγῳδίας καὶ κωμῳδίας ποιητῶν, αἱ πολλαὶ τῶν ἀφανεστέρων· ὅτι μὴ γὰρ Μένανδρος, οὐδεὶς ἦν ποιητὴς κωμῳδίας τῶν ἐς δόξαν ἡκόντων. τραγῳδίας δὲ κεῖνται τῶν φανερῶν Εὐριπίδης καὶ Σοφοκλῆς. λέγεται δὲ Σοφοκλέους τελευτήσαντος ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν Λακεδαιμονίους, καὶ σφῶν τὸν ἡγούμενον ἰδεῖν ἐπιστάντα οἱ Διόνυσον κελεύειν τιμαῖς, ὅσαι καθεστήκασιν ἐπὶ τοῖς τεθνεῶσι, τὴν Σειρῆνα τὴν νέαν τιμᾶν· καί οἱ τὸ ὄναρ ἐς Σοφοκλέα καὶ τὴν Σοφοκλέους ποίησιν ἐφαίνετο ἔχειν, εἰώθασι δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι ποιημάτων καὶ λόγων τὸ ἐπαγωγὸν Σειρῆνι εἰκάζειν.
1.22.8 κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἔσοδον αὐτὴν ἤδη τὴν ἐς ἀκρόπολιν Ἑρμῆν ὃν Προπύλαιον ὀνομάζουσι καὶ Χάριτας Σωκράτην ποιῆσαι τὸν Σωφρονίσκου λέγουσιν, ᾧ σοφῷ γενέσθαι μάλιστα ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶν ἡ Πυθία μάρτυς, ὃ μηδὲ Ἀνάχαρσιν ἐθέλοντα ὅμως καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀφικόμενον προσεῖπεν.
1.28.2 χωρὶς δὲ ἢ ὅσα κατέλεξα δύο μὲν Ἀθηναίοις εἰσὶ δεκάται πολεμήσασιν, ἄγαλμα Ἀθηνᾶς χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Μήδων τῶν ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἀποβάντων τέχνη Φειδίου —καί οἱ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀσπίδος μάχην Λαπιθῶν πρὸς Κενταύρους καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἐπειργασμένα λέγουσι τορεῦσαι Μῦν, τῷ δὲ Μυῒ ταῦτά τε καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων Παρράσιον καταγράψαι τὸν Εὐήνορος· ταύτης τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἡ τοῦ δόρατος αἰχμὴ καὶ ὁ λόφος τοῦ κράνους ἀπὸ Σουνίου προσπλέουσίν ἐστιν ἤδη σύνοπτα—, καὶ ἅρμα κεῖται χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Βοιωτῶν δεκάτη καὶ Χαλκιδέων τῶν ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ. δύο δὲ ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἀναθήματα, Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου καὶ τῶν ἔργων τῶν Φειδίου θέας μάλιστα ἄξιον Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα ἀπὸ τῶν ἀναθέντων καλουμένης Λημνίας.
1.28.4 καταβᾶσι δὲ οὐκ ἐς τὴν κάτω πόλιν ἀλλʼ ὅσον ὑπὸ τὰ προπύλαια πηγή τε ὕδατός ἐστι καὶ πλησίον Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερὸν ἐν σπηλαίῳ· Κρεούσῃ δὲ θυγατρὶ Ἐρεχθέως Ἀπόλλωνα ἐνταῦθα συγγενέσθαι νομίζουσι. ὡς πεμφθείη Φιλιππίδης ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἄγγελος ἀποβεβηκότων Μήδων ἐς τὴν γῆν, ἐπανήκων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ὑπερβαλέσθαι φαίη τὴν ἔξοδον, εἶναι γὰρ δὴ νόμον αὐτοῖς μὴ πρότερον μαχουμένους ἐξιέναι πρὶν ἢ πλήρη τὸν κύκλον τῆς σελήνης γενέσθαι· τὸν δὲ Πᾶνα ὁ Φιλιππίδης ἔλεγε περὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐντυχόντα οἱ τὸ Παρθένιον φάναι τε ὡς εὔνους Ἀθηναίοις εἴη καὶ ὅτι ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἥξει συμμαχήσων. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ἀγγελίᾳ τετίμηται·
1.32.4 καὶ ἀνδρός ἐστιν ἰδίᾳ μνῆμα Μιλτιάδου τοῦ Κίμωνος, συμβάσης ὕστερόν οἱ τῆς τελευτῆς Πάρου τε ἁμαρτόντι καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ἐς κρίσιν Ἀθηναίοις καταστάντι. ἐνταῦθα ἀνὰ πᾶσαν νύκτα καὶ ἵππων χρεμετιζόντων καὶ ἀνδρῶν μαχομένων ἔστιν αἰσθέσθαι· καταστῆναι δὲ ἐς ἐναργῆ θέαν ἐπίτηδες μὲν οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτῳ συνήνεγκεν, ἀνηκόῳ δὲ ὄντι καὶ ἄλλως συμβὰν οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ τῶν δαιμόνων ὀργή. σέβονται δὲ οἱ Μαραθώνιοι τούτους τε οἳ παρὰ τὴν μάχην ἀπέθανον ἥρωας ὀνομάζοντες καὶ Μαραθῶνα ἀφʼ οὗ τῷ δήμῳ τὸ ὄνομά ἐστι καὶ Ἡρακλέα, φάμενοι πρώτοις Ἑλλήνων σφίσιν Ἡρακλέα θεὸν νομισθῆναι. 1.32.5 συνέβη δὲ ὡς λέγουσιν ἄνδρα ἐν τῇ μάχῃ παρεῖναι τὸ εἶδος καὶ τὴν σκευὴν ἄγροικον· οὗτος τῶν βαρβάρων πολλοὺς καταφονεύσας ἀρότρῳ μετὰ τὸ ἔργον ἦν ἀφανής· ἐρομένοις δὲ Ἀθηναίοις ἄλλο μὲν ὁ θεὸς ἐς αὐτὸν ἔχρησεν οὐδέν, τιμᾶν δὲ Ἐχετλαῖον ἐκέλευσεν ἥρωα. πεποίηται δὲ καὶ τρόπαιον λίθου λευκοῦ. τοὺς δὲ Μήδους Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν θάψαι λέγουσιν ὡς πάντως ὅσιον ἀνθρώπου νεκρὸν γῇ κρύψαι, τάφον δὲ οὐδένα εὑρεῖν ἐδυνάμην· οὔτε γὰρ χῶμα οὔτε ἄλλο σημεῖον ἦν ἰδεῖν, ἐς ὄρυγμα δὲ φέροντες σφᾶς ὡς τύχοιεν ἐσέβαλον.
1.36.1 ἐν Σαλαμῖνι δὲ—ἐπάνειμι γὰρ ἐς τὸν προκείμενον λόγον—τοῦτο μὲν Ἀρτέμιδός ἐστιν ἱερόν, τοῦτο δὲ τρόπαιον ἕστηκεν ἀπὸ τῆς νίκης ἣν Θεμιστοκλῆς ὁ Νεοκλέους αἴτιος ἐγένετο γενέσθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησι· καὶ Κυχρέως ἐστὶν ἱερόν. ναυμαχούντων δὲ Ἀθηναίων πρὸς Μήδους δράκοντα ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶ λέγεται φανῆναι· τοῦτον ὁ θεὸς ἔχρησεν Ἀθηναίοις Κυχρέα εἶναι τὸν ἥρωα.
1.38.2 Κρόκων, ἔνθα καὶ νῦν ἔτι βασίλεια καλεῖται Κρόκωνος. τοῦτον Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν Κρόκωνα Κελεοῦ θυγατρί συνοικῆσαι Σαισάρᾳ λέγουσι· λέγουσι δὲ οὐ πάντες, ἀλλʼ ὅσοι τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Σκαμβωνιδῶν εἰσιν· ἐγὼ δὲ Κρόκωνος μὲν ἀνευρεῖν τάφον οὐχ οἷός τε ἐγενόμην, τὸ δὲ Εὐμόλπου μνῆμα κατὰ ταὐτὰ Ἐλευσινίοις ἀπέφαινον καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι. τοῦτον τὸν Εὔμολπον ἀφικέσθαι λέγουσιν ἐκ Θρᾴκης Ποσειδῶνος παῖδα ὄντα καὶ Χιόνης· τὴν δὲ Χιόνην Βορέου θυγατέρα τοῦ ἀνέμου καὶ Ὠρειθυίας φασὶν εἶναι. Ὁμήρῳ δὲ ἐς μὲν τὸ γένος ἐστὶν οὐδὲν αὐτοῦ πεποιημένον, ἐπονομάζει δὲ ἀγήνορα ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσι τὸν Εὔμολπον.
1.38.6 Ἐλευσινίοις δὲ ἔστι μὲν Τριπτολέμου ναός, ἔστι δὲ Προπυλαίας Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ Ποσειδῶνος Πατρός, φρέαρ τε καλούμενον Καλλίχορον, ἔνθα πρῶτον Ἐλευσινίων αἱ γυναῖκες χορὸν ἔστησαν καὶ ᾖσαν ἐς τὴν θεόν. τὸ δὲ πεδίον τὸ Ῥάριον σπαρῆναι πρῶτον λέγουσι καὶ πρῶτον αὐξῆσαι καρπούς, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὐλαῖς ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρῆσθαί σφισι καὶ ποιεῖσθαι πέμματα ἐς τὰς θυσίας καθέστηκεν. ἐνταῦθα ἅλως καλουμένη Τριπτολέμου καὶ βωμὸς δείκνυται·
1.40.2 τῆς δὲ κρήνης οὐ πόρρω ταύτης ἀρχαῖόν ἐστιν ἱερόν, εἰκόνες δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ἑστᾶσιν ἐν αὐτῷ βασιλέων Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἄγαλμα τε κεῖται χαλκοῦν Ἀρτέμιδος ἐπίκλησιν Σωτείρας. φασὶ δὲ ἄνδρας τοῦ Μαρδονίου στρατοῦ καταδραμόντας τὴν Μεγαρίδα ἀποχωρεῖν ἐς Θήβας ὀπίσω παρὰ Μαρδόνιον ἐθέλειν, γνώμῃ δὲ Ἀρτέμιδος νύκτα τε ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐπιγενέσθαι καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ σφᾶς ἁμαρτόντας ἐς τὴν ὀρεινὴν τραπέσθαι τῆς χώρας· πειρωμένους δὲ εἰ στράτευμα ἐγγὺς εἴη πολέμιον ἀφιέναι τῶν βελῶν, καὶ τὴν πλησίον πέτραν στένειν βαλλομένην, τοὺς δὲ αὖθις τοξεύειν προθυμίᾳ πλέονι. 1.40.3 τέλος δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀναλωθῆναι τοὺς ὀιστοὺς ἐς ἄνδρας πολεμίους τοξεύειν προθυμίᾳ πλέονι νομίζουσιν· ἡμέρα τε ὑπεφαίνετο καὶ οἱ Μεγαρεῖς ἐπῄεσαν, μαχόμενοι δὲ ὁπλῖται πρὸς ἀνόπλους καὶ οὐδὲ βελῶν εὐποροῦντας ἔτι φονεύουσιν αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλούς· καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε Σωτείρας ἄγαλμα ἐποιήσαντο Ἀρτέμιδος. ἐνταῦθα καὶ τῶν δώδεκα ὀνομαζομένων θεῶν ἐστιν ἀγάλματα ἔργα εἶναι λεγόμενα Πραξιτέλους · τὴν δὲ Ἄρτεμιν αὐτὴν Στρογγυλίων ἐποίησε.
2.17.4 τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἥρας ἐπὶ θρόνου κάθηται μεγέθει μέγα, χρυσοῦ μὲν καὶ ἐλέφαντος, Πολυκλείτου δὲ ἔργον· ἔπεστι δέ οἱ στέφανος Χάριτας ἔχων καὶ Ὥρας ἐπειργασμένας, καὶ τῶν χειρῶν τῇ μὲν καρπὸν φέρει ῥοιᾶς, τῇ δὲ σκῆπτρον. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐς τὴν ῥοιὰν—ἀπορρητότερος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ λόγος—ἀφείσθω μοι· κόκκυγα δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ σκήπτρῳ καθῆσθαί φασι λέγοντες τὸν Δία, ὅτε ἤρα παρθένου τῆς Ἥρας, ἐς τοῦτον τὸν ὄρνιθα ἀλλαγῆναι, τὴν δὲ ἅτε παίγνιον θηρᾶσαι. τοῦτον τὸν λόγον καὶ ὅσα ἐοικότα εἴρηται περὶ θεῶν οὐκ ἀποδεχόμενος γράφω, γράφω δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον.
2.31.5 εἰσὶ δὲ οὐ μακρὰν τῆς Λυκείας Ἀρτέμιδος βωμοὶ διεστηκότες οὐ πολὺ ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων· ὁ μὲν πρῶτός ἐστιν αὐτῶν Διονύσου κατὰ δή τι μάντευμα ἐπίκλησιν Σαώτου, δεύτερος δὲ Θεμίδων ὀνομαζόμενος· Πιτθεὺς τοῦτον ἀνέθηκεν, ὡς λέγουσιν. Ἡλίου δὲ Ἐλευθερίου καὶ σφόδρα εἰκότι λόγῳ δοκοῦσί μοι ποιῆσαι βωμόν, ἐκφυγόντες δουλείαν ἀπὸ Ξέρξου τε καὶ Περσῶν.
2.35.5 Χθονία δʼ οὖν ἡ θεός τε αὐτὴ καλεῖται καὶ Χθόνια ἑορτὴν κατὰ ἔτος ἄγουσιν ὥρᾳ θέρους, ἄγουσι δὲ οὕτως. ἡγοῦνται μὲν αὐτοῖς τῆς πομπῆς οἵ τε ἱερεῖς τῶν θεῶν καὶ ὅσοι τὰς ἐπετείους ἀρχὰς ἔχουσιν, ἕπονται δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες καὶ ἄνδρες. τοῖς δὲ καὶ παισὶν ἔτι οὖσι καθέστηκεν ἤδη τὴν θεὸν τιμᾶν τῇ πομπῇ· οὗτοι λευκὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς κεφαλαῖς ἔχουσι στεφάνους. πλέκονται δὲ οἱ στέφανοί σφισιν ἐκ τοῦ ἄνθους ὃ καλοῦσιν οἱ ταύτῃ κοσμοσάνδαλον, ὑάκινθον ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ὄντα καὶ μεγέθει καὶ χρόᾳ· ἔπεστι δέ οἱ καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ θρήνῳ γράμματα. 2.35.6 τοῖς δὲ τὴν πομπὴν πέμπουσιν ἕπονται τελείαν ἐξ ἀγέλης βοῦν ἄγοντες διειλημμένην δεσμοῖς τε καὶ ὑβρίζουσαν ἔτι ὑπὸ ἀγριότητος. ἐλάσαντες δὲ πρὸς τὸν ναὸν οἱ μὲν ἔσω φέρεσθαι τὴν βοῦν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνῆκαν ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν, ἕτεροι δὲ ἀναπεπταμένας ἔχοντες τέως τὰς θύρας, ἐπειδὰν τὴν βοῦν ἴδωσιν ἐντὸς τοῦ ναοῦ, προσέθεσαν τὰς θύρας. 2.35.7 τέσσαρες δὲ ἔνδον ὑπολειπόμεναι γρᾶες, αὗται τὴν βοῦν εἰσιν αἱ κατεργαζόμεναι· δρεπάνῳ γὰρ ἥτις ἂν τύχῃ τὴν φάρυγγα ὑπέτεμε τῆς βοός. μετὰ δὲ αἱ θύραι τε ἠνοίχθησαν καὶ προσελαύνουσιν οἷς ἐπιτέτακται βοῦν δὲ δευτέραν καὶ τρίτην ἐπὶ ταύτῃ καὶ ἄλλην τετάρτην. κατεργάζονταί τε δὴ πάσας κατὰ ταὐτὰ αἱ γρᾶες καὶ τόδε ἄλλο πρόσκειται τῇ θυσίᾳ θαῦμα· ἐφʼ ἥντινα γὰρ ἂν πέσῃ τῶν πλευρῶν ἡ πρώτη βοῦς, ἀνάγκη πεσεῖν καὶ πάσας. 2.35.8 θυσία μὲν δρᾶται τοῖς Ἑρμιονεῦσι τὸν εἰρημένον τρόπον· πρὸ δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ γυναικῶν ἱερασαμένων τῇ Δήμητρι εἰκόνες ἑστήκασιν οὐ πολλαί, καὶ παρελθόντι ἔσω θρόνοι τέ εἰσιν, ἐφʼ ὧν αἱ γρᾶες ἀναμένουσιν ἐσελαθῆναι καθʼ ἑκάστην τῶν βοῶν, καὶ ἀγάλματα οὐκ ἄγαν ἀρχαῖα Ἀθηνᾶ καὶ Δημήτηρ. αὐτὸ δὲ ὃ σέβουσιν ἐπὶ πλέον ἢ τἄλλα, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ εἶδον, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἀνὴρ ἄλλος οὔτε ξένος οὔτε Ἑρμιονέων αὐτῶν· μόναι δὲ ὁποῖόν τί ἐστιν αἱ γρᾶες ἴστωσαν.
2.37.2 ταῦτα μὲν λίθου πεποιημένα, ἑτέρωθι δʼ ἐν ναῷ Διόνυσος Σαώτης καθήμενον ξόανον καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἄγαλμα ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ λίθου· ἀναθεῖναι δὲ αὐτὸ τὰς θυγατέρας λέγουσι τὰς Δαναοῦ, Δαναὸν δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπὶ Ποντίνῳ ποιῆσαι τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς. καταστήσασθαι δὲ τῶν Λερναίων τὴν τελετὴν Φιλάμμωνά φασι. τὰ μὲν οὖν λεγόμενα ἐπὶ τοῖς δρωμένοις δῆλά ἐστιν οὐκ ὄντα ἀρχαῖα·
2.37.5 εἶδον δὲ καὶ πηγὴν Ἀμφιαράου καλουμένην καὶ τὴν Ἀλκυονίαν λίμνην, διʼ ἧς φασιν Ἀργεῖοι Διόνυσον ἐς τὸν Ἅιδην ἐλθεῖν Σεμέλην ἀνάξοντα, τὴν δὲ ταύτῃ κάθοδον δεῖξαί οἱ Πόλυμνον. τῇ δὲ Ἀλκυονίᾳ πέρας τοῦ βάθους οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδέ τινα οἶδα ἄνθρωπον ἐς τὸ τέρμα αὐτῆς οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ καθικέσθαι δυνηθέντα, ὅπου καὶ Νέρων σταδίων πολλῶν κάλους ποιησάμενος καὶ συνάψας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπαρτήσας δὲ καὶ μόλυβδον ἀπʼ αὐτῶν καὶ εἰ δή τι χρήσιμον ἄλλο ἐς τὴν πεῖραν, οὐδὲ οὗτος οὐδένα ἐξευρεῖν ἐδυνήθη ὅρον τοῦ βάθους.
3.20.3 διαβᾶσι δὲ αὐτόθεν ποταμὸν Φελλίαν, παρὰ Ἀμύκλας ἰοῦσιν εὐθεῖαν ὡς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν Φᾶρις πόλις ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ ποτε ᾠκεῖτο· ἀποτρεπομένῳ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Φελλίας ἐς δεξιὰν ἡ πρὸς τὸ ὄρος τὸ Ταΰγετόν ἐστιν ὁδός. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ Διὸς Μεσσαπέως τέμενος· γενέσθαι δέ οἱ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς λέγουσιν ἱερασαμένου τῷ θεῷ. ἐντεῦθέν ἐστιν ἀπιοῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ Ταϋγέτου χωρίον ἔνθα πόλις ποτὲ ᾠκεῖτο Βρυσίαι· καὶ Διονύσου ναὸς ἐνταῦθα ἔτι λείπεται καὶ ἄγαλμα ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ. τὸ δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ μόναις γυναιξὶν ἔστιν ὁρᾶν· γυναῖκες γὰρ δὴ μόναι καὶ τὰ ἐς τὰς θυσίας δρῶσιν ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ.
3.22.12 ἀπὸ δὴ τούτων τῶν πόλεων ἀναστάντες ἐζήτουν ἔνθα οἰκῆσαι σφᾶς χρεὼν εἴη· καί τι καὶ μάντευμα ἦν αὐτοῖς Ἄρτεμιν ἔνθα οἰκήσουσιν ἐπιδείξειν. ὡς οὖν ἐκβᾶσιν ἐς τὴν γῆν λαγὼς ἐπιφαίνεται, τὸν λαγὼν ἐποιήσαντο ἡγεμόνα τῆς ὁδοῦ· καταδύντος δὲ ἐς μυρσίνην πόλιν τε οἰκίζουσιν ἐνταῦθα, οὗπερ ἡ μυρσίνη ἦν, καὶ τὸ δένδρον ἔτι ἐκείνην σέβουσι τὴν μυρσίνην καὶ Ἄρτεμιν ὀνομάζουσι Σώτειραν.
4.1.6 τὴν δὲ τελετὴν τῶν Μεγάλων θεῶν Λύκος ὁ Πανδίονος πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ὕστερον Καύκωνος προήγαγεν ἐς πλέον τιμῆς· καὶ Λύκου δρυμὸν ἔτι ὀνομάζουσιν ἔνθα ἐκάθηρε τοὺς μύστας. καὶ ὅτι μὲν δρυμός ἐστιν ἐν τῇ γῇ ταύτῃ Λύκου καλούμενος, Ῥιανῷ τῷ Κρητί ἐστι πεποιημένον πάρ τε τρηχὺν Ἐλαιὸν ὑπὲρ δρυμόν τε Λύκοιο· Rhianus of Bene in Crete. See note on Paus. 4.6.1 . 4.1.7 ὡς δὲ ὁ Πανδίονος οὗτος ἦν Λύκος, δηλοῖ τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ εἰκόνι ἔπη τῇ Μεθάπου. μετεκόσμησε γὰρ καὶ Μέθαπος τῆς τελετῆς ἔστιν ἅ· ὁ δὲ Μέθαπος γένος μὲν ἦν Ἀθηναῖος, τελεστὴς δὲ καὶ ὀργίων καὶ παντοίων συνθέτης. οὗτος καὶ Θηβαίοις τῶν Καβείρων τὴν τελετὴν κατεστήσατο, ἀνέθηκε δὲ καὶ ἐς τὸ κλίσιον τὸ Λυκομιδῶν εἰκόνα ἔχουσαν ἐπίγραμμα ἄλλα τε λέγον καὶ ὅσα ἡμῖν ἐς πίστιν συντελεῖ τοῦ λόγου·
4.31.8 πᾶσαι καὶ ἄνδρες ἰδίᾳ θεῶν μάλιστα ἄγουσιν ἐν τιμῇ· τὰ δὲ αἴτια ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ἐστὶν Ἀμαζόνων τε κλέος, αἳ φήμην τὸ ἄγαλμα ἔχουσιν ἱδρύσασθαι, καὶ ὅτι ἐκ παλαιοτάτου τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦτο ἐποιήθη. τρία δὲ ἄλλα ἐπὶ τούτοις συνετέλεσεν ἐς δόξαν, μέγεθός τε τοῦ ναοῦ τὰ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις κατασκευάσματα ὑπερηρκότος καὶ Ἐφεσίων τῆς πόλεως ἡ ἀκμὴ καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τὸ ἐπιφανὲς τῆς θεοῦ.
5.16.5 ἐς δὲ τὰς ἑκκαίδεκα γυναῖκας καὶ ἄλλον τοιόνδε λέγουσιν ἐπὶ τῷ προτέρῳ λόγον. Δαμοφῶντά φασι τυραννοῦντα ἐν Πίσῃ πολλά τε ἐργάσασθαι καὶ χαλεπὰ Ἠλείους· ὡς δὲ ἐτελεύτησεν ὁ Δαμοφῶν—οὐ γὰρ δὴ οἱ Πισαῖοι συνεχώρουν μετέχειν δημοσίᾳ τοῦ τυράννου τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων, καί πως ἀρεστὰ καὶ Ἠλείοις ἐγένετο καταλύεσθαι τὰ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐγκλήματα—, οὕτως ἑκκαίδεκα οἰκουμένων τηνικαῦτα ἔτι ἐν τῇ Ἠλείᾳ πόλεων γυναῖκα ἀφʼ ἑκάστης εἵλοντο διαλύειν τὰ διάφορά σφισιν, ἥτις ἡλικίᾳ τε ἦν πρεσβυτάτη καὶ ἀξιώματι καὶ δόξῃ τῶν γυναικῶν προεῖχεν. 5.16.6 αἱ πόλεις δὲ ἀφʼ ὧν τὰς γυναῖκας εἵλοντο, ἦσαν Ἦλις . ἀπὸ τούτων μὲν αἱ γυναῖκες οὖσαι τῶν πόλεων Πισαίοις διαλλαγὰς πρὸς Ἠλείους ἐποίησαν· ὕστερον δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐπετράπησαν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν θεῖναι τὰ Ἡραῖα καὶ ὑφήνασθαι τῇ Ἥρᾳ τὸν πέπλον. αἱ δὲ ἑκκαίδεκα γυναῖκες καὶ χοροὺς δύο ἱστᾶσι καὶ τὸν μὲν Φυσκόας τῶν χορῶν, τὸν δὲ Ἱπποδαμείας καλοῦσι· τὴν Φυσκόαν δὲ εἶναι ταύτην φασὶν ἐκ τῆς Ἤλιδος τῆς Κοίλης, τῷ δήμῳ δὲ ἔνθα ᾤκησεν ὄνομα μὲν Ὀρθίαν εἶναι. 5.16.7 ταύτῃ τῇ Φυσκόᾳ Διόνυσον συγγενέσθαι λέγουσι, Φυσκόαν δὲ ἐκ Διονύσου τεκεῖν παῖδα Ναρκαῖον· τοῦτον, ὡς ηὐξήθη, πολεμεῖν τοῖς προσοίκοις καὶ δυνάμεως ἐπὶ μέγα ἀρθῆναι, καὶ δὴ καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Ναρκαίας αὐτὸν ἱδρύσασθαι· Διονύσῳ τε τιμὰς λέγουσιν ὑπὸ Ναρκαίου καὶ Φυσκόας δοθῆναι πρώτων. Φυσκόας μὲν δὴ γέρα καὶ ἄλλα καὶ χορὸς ἐπώνυμος παρὰ τῶν ἑκκαίδεκα γυναικῶν, φυλάσσουσι δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον Ἠλεῖοι καὶ τἄλλα καταλυθεισῶν ὅμως τῶν πόλεων· νενεμημένοι γὰρ ἐς ὀκτὼ φυλὰς ἀφʼ ἑκάστης αἱροῦνται γυναῖκας δύο.
6.26.1 θέατρον δὲ ἀρχαῖον, μεταξὺ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ τοῦ Μηνίου τὸ θέατρόν τε καὶ ἱερόν ἐστι Διονύσου· τέχνη τὸ ἄγαλμα Πραξιτέλους, θεῶν δὲ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Διόνυσον σέβουσιν Ἠλεῖοι καὶ τὸν θεόν σφισιν ἐπιφοιτᾶν ἐς τῶν Θυίων τὴν ἑορτὴν λέγουσιν. ἀπέχει μέν γε τῆς πόλεως ὅσον τε ὀκτὼ στάδια ἔνθα τὴν ἑορτὴν ἄγουσι Θυῖα ὀνομάζοντες· λέβητας δὲ ἀριθμὸν τρεῖς ἐς οἴκημα ἐσκομίσαντες οἱ ἱερεῖς κατατίθενται κενούς, παρόντων καὶ τῶν ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων, εἰ τύχοιεν ἐπιδημοῦντες· σφραγῖδας δὲ αὐτοί τε οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσοις ἂν κατὰ γνώμην ᾖ ταῖς θύραις τοῦ οἰκήματος ἐπιβάλλουσιν, ἐς δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν τά τε
7.18.9 ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἀγάλματα ἔκ τε Αἰτωλίας καὶ παρὰ Ἀκαρνάνων, τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ἐς τὴν Νικόπολιν κομισθῆναι, Πατρεῦσι δὲ ὁ Αὔγουστος ἄλλα τε τῶν ἐκ Καλυδῶνος λαφύρων καὶ δὴ καὶ τῆς Λαφρίας ἔδωκε τὸ ἄγαλμα, ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει τῇ Πατρέων εἶχε τιμάς. γενέσθαι δὲ ἐπίκλησιν τῇ θεῷ Λαφρίαν ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς Φωκέως φασί· Λάφριον γὰρ τὸν Κασταλίου τοῦ Δελφοῦ Καλυδωνίοις ἱδρύσασθαι τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸ ἀρχαῖον, οἱ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸ μήνιμα τὸ 7.18.10 ἐς Οἰνέα ἀνὰ χρόνον τοῖς Καλυδωνίοις ἐλαφρότερον γενέσθαι λέγουσι καὶ αἰτίαν τῇ θεῷ τῆς ἐπικλήσεως ἐθέλουσιν εἶναι ταύτην. τὸ μὲν σχῆμα τοῦ ἀγάλματος θηρεύουσά ἐστιν, ἐλέφαντος δὲ καὶ χρυσοῦ πεποίηται, Ναυπάκτιοι δὲ Μέναιχμος καὶ Σοΐδας εἰργάσαντο· τεκμαίρονται σφᾶς Κανάχου τοῦ Σικυωνίου καὶ τοῦ Αἰγινήτου Κάλλωνος οὐ πολλῷ γενέσθαι τινὶ ἡλικίαν ὑστέρους. 7.18.11 ἄγουσι δὲ καὶ Λάφρια ἑορτὴν τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι οἱ Πατρεῖς ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος, ἐν ᾗ τρόπος ἐπιχώριος θυσίας ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς. περὶ μὲν τὸν βωμὸν ἐν κύκλῳ ξύλα ἱστᾶσιν ἔτι χλωρὰ καὶ ἐς ἑκκαίδεκα ἕκαστον πήχεις· ἐντὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τὰ αὐότατά σφισι τῶν ξύλων κεῖται. μηχανῶνται δὲ ὑπὸ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἑορτῆς καὶ ἄνοδον ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν λειοτέραν, ἐπιφέροντες γῆν ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τοὺς ἀναβασμούς. 7.18.12 πρῶτα μὲν δὴ πομπὴν μεγαλοπρεπεστάτην τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι πομπεύουσι, καὶ ἡ ἱερωμένη παρθένος ὀχεῖται τελευταία τῆς πομπῆς ἐπὶ ἐλάφων ὑπὸ τὸ ἅρμα ἐζευγμένων· ἐς δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν τηνικαῦτα ἤδη δρᾶν τὰ ἐς τὴν θυσίαν νομίζουσι, δημοσίᾳ τε ἡ πόλις καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον ἐς τὴν ἑορτὴν οἱ ἰδιῶται φιλοτίμως ἔχουσιν. ἐσβάλλουσι γὰρ ζῶντας ἐς τὸν βωμὸν ὄρνιθάς τε τοὺς ἐδωδίμους καὶ ἱερεῖα ὁμοίως ἅπαντα, ἔτι δὲ ὗς ἀγρίους καὶ ἐλάφους τε καὶ δορκάδας, οἱ δὲ καὶ λύκων καὶ ἄρκτων σκύμνους, οἱ δὲ καὶ τὰ τέλεια τῶν θηρίων· κατατιθέασι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν καὶ δένδρων καρπὸν τῶν ἡμέρων. 7.18.13 τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου πῦρ ἐνιᾶσιν ἐς τὰ ξύλα. ἐνταῦθά που καὶ ἄρκτον καὶ ἄλλο τι ἐθεασάμην τῶν ζῴων, τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν πρώτην ὁρμὴν τοῦ πυρὸς βιαζόμενα ἐς τὸ ἐκτός, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐκφεύγοντα ὑπὸ ἰσχύος· ταῦτα οἱ ἐμβαλόντες ἐπανάγουσιν αὖθις ἐς τὴν πυράν. τρωθῆναι δὲ οὐδένα ὑπὸ τῶν θηρίων μνημονεύουσιν.
9.3.1 Ἥραν ἐφʼ ὅτῳ δὴ πρὸς τὸν Δία ὠργισμένην ἐς Εὔβοιάν φασιν ἀναχωρῆσαι, Δία δέ, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθεν αὐτήν, παρὰ Κιθαιρῶνα λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν δυναστεύοντα ἐν Πλαταιαῖς τότε· εἶναι γὰρ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα οὐδενὸς σοφίαν ὕστερον. οὗτος οὖν κελεύει τὸν Δία ἄγαλμα ξύλου ποιησάμενον ἄγειν ἐπὶ βοῶν ζεύγους ἐγκεκαλυμμένον, λέγειν δὲ ὡς ἄγοιτο γυναῖκα Πλάταιαν τὴν Ἀσωποῦ.
9.22.1 ἐν Τανάγρᾳ δὲ παρὰ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Διονύσου Θέμιδός ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ Ἀφροδίτης, καὶ ὁ τρίτος τῶν ναῶν Ἀπόλλωνος, ὁμοῦ δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Ἄρτεμίς τε καὶ Λητώ. ἐς δὲ τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῦ τε Κριοφόρου καὶ ὃν Πρόμαχον καλοῦσι, τοῦ μὲν ἐς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν λέγουσιν ὡς ὁ Ἑρμῆς σφισιν ἀποτρέψαι νόσον λοιμώδη περὶ τὸ τεῖχος κριὸν περιενεγκών, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ Κάλαμις ἐποίησεν ἄγαλμα Ἑρμοῦ φέροντα κριὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων· ὃς δʼ ἂν εἶναι τῶν ἐφήβων προκριθῇ τὸ εἶδος κάλλιστος, οὗτος ἐν τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ τῇ ἑορτῇ περίεισιν ἐν κύκλῳ τὸ τεῖχος ἔχων ἄρνα ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων·
9.34.1 πρὶν δὲ ἐς Κορώνειαν ἐξ Ἀλαλκομενῶν ἀφικέσθαι, τῆς Ἰτωνίας Ἀθηνᾶς ἐστι τὸ ἱερόν· καλεῖται δὲ ἀπὸ Ἰτωνίου τοῦ Ἀμφικτύονος, καὶ ἐς τὸν κοινὸν συνίασιν ἐνταῦθα οἱ Βοιωτοὶ σύλλογον. ἐν δὲ τῷ ναῷ χαλκοῦ πεποιημένα Ἀθηνᾶς Ἰτωνίας καὶ Διός ἐστιν ἀγάλματα· τέχνη δὲ Ἀγορακρίτου, μαθητοῦ τε καὶ ἐρωμένου Φειδίου. ἀνέθεσαν δὲ καὶ Χαρίτων ἀγάλματα ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ.
9.39.5 κατὰ δὲ τὸ μαντεῖον τοιάδε γίνεται. ἐπειδὰν ἀνδρὶ ἐς τοῦ Τροφωνίου κατιέναι δόξῃ, πρῶτα μὲν τεταγμένων ἡμερῶν δίαιταν ἐν οἰκήματι ἔχει, τὸ δὲ οἴκημα Δαίμονός τε ἀγαθοῦ καὶ Τύχης ἱερόν ἐστιν ἀγαθῆς· διαιτώμενος δὲ ἐνταῦθα τά τε ἄλλα καθαρεύει καὶ λουτρῶν εἴργεται θερμῶν, τὸ δὲ λουτρὸν ὁ ποταμός ἐστιν ἡ Ἕρκυνα· καί οἱ καὶ κρέα ἄφθονά ἐστιν ἀπὸ τῶν θυσιῶν, θύει γὰρ δὴ ὁ κατιὼν αὐτῷ τε τῷ Τροφωνίῳ καὶ τοῦ Τροφωνίου τοῖς παισί, πρὸς δὲ Ἀπόλλωνί τε καὶ Κρόνῳ καὶ Διὶ ἐπίκλησιν Βασιλεῖ καὶ Ἥρᾳ τε Ἡνιόχῃ καὶ Δήμητρι ἣν ἐπονομάζοντες Εὐρώπην τοῦ Τροφωνίου φασὶν εἶναι τροφόν.
10.4.3 τὸ ἕτερον δὲ οὐκ ἐδυνήθην συμβαλέσθαι πρότερον, ἐφʼ ὅτῳ καλλίχορον τὸν Πανοπέα εἴρηκε, πρὶν ἢ ἐδιδάχθην ὑπὸ τῶν παρʼ Ἀθηναίοις καλουμένων Θυιάδων. αἱ δὲ Θυιάδες γυναῖκες μέν εἰσιν Ἀττικαί, φοιτῶσαι δὲ ἐς τὸν Παρνασσὸν παρὰ ἔτος αὐταί τε καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες Δελφῶν ἄγουσιν ὄργια Διονύσῳ. ταύταις ταῖς Θυιάσι κατὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν ὁδὸν καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ χοροὺς ἱστάναι καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Πανοπεῦσι καθέστηκε· καὶ ἡ ἐπίκλησις ἡ ἐς τὸν Πανοπέα Ὁμήρου ὑποσημαίνειν τῶν Θυιάδων δοκεῖ τὸν χορόν.
10.32.7 τὸ δὲ ἄντρον τὸ Κωρύκιον μεγέθει τε ὑπερβάλλει τὰ εἰρημένα καὶ ἔστιν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ὁδεῦσαι διʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἄνευ λαμπτήρων· ὅ τε ὄροφος ἐς αὔταρκες ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐδάφους ἀνέστηκε, καὶ ὕδωρ τὸ μὲν ἀνερχόμενον ἐκ πηγῶν, πλέον δὲ ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ ὀρόφου στάζει, ὥστε καὶ δῆλα ἐν τῷ ἐδάφει σταλαγμῶν τὰ ἴχνη διὰ παντός ἐστι τοῦ ἄντρου. ἱερὸν δὲ αὐτὸ οἱ περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν Κωρυκίων τε εἶναι Νυμφῶν καὶ Πανὸς μάλιστα ἥγηνται. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Κωρυκίου χαλεπὸν ἤδη καὶ ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ πρὸς τὰ ἄκρα ἀφικέσθαι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ· τὰ δὲ νεφῶν τέ ἐστιν ἀνωτέρω τὰ ἄκρα καὶ αἱ Θυιάδες ἐπὶ τούτοις τῷ Διονύσῳ καὶ τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι μαίνονται.'' None
1.4.4 So they tried to save Greece in the way described, but the Gauls, now south of the Gates, cared not at all to capture the other towns, but were very eager to sack Delphi and the treasures of the god. They were opposed by the Delphians themselves and the Phocians of the cities around Parnassus ; a force of Aetolians also joined the defenders, for the Aetolians at this time were pre-eminent for their vigorous activity. When the forces engaged, not only were thunderbolts and rocks broken off from Parnassus hurled against the Gauls, but terrible shapes as armed warriors haunted the foreigners. They say that two of them, Hyperochus and Amadocus, came from the Hyperboreans, and that the third was Pyrrhus son of Achilles. Because of this help in battle the Delphians sacrifice to Pyrrhus as to a hero, although formerly they held even his tomb in dishonor, as being that of an enemy.
1.15.3 At the end of the painting are those who fought at Marathon; the Boeotians of Plataea and the Attic contingent are coming to blows with the foreigners. In this place neither side has the better, but the center of the fighting shows the foreigners in flight and pushing one another into the morass, while at the end of the painting are the Phoenician ships, and the Greeks killing the foreigners who are scrambling into them. Here is also a portrait of the hero Marathon, after whom the plain is named, of Theseus represented as coming up from the under-world, of Athena and of Heracles. The Marathonians, according to their own account, were the first to regard Heracles as a god. of the fighters the most conspicuous figures in the painting are Callimachus, who had been elected commander-in-chief by the Athenians, Miltiades, one of the generals, and a hero called Echetlus, of whom I shall make mention later.
1.21.1 In the theater the Athenians have portrait statues of poets, both tragic and comic, but they are mostly of undistinguished persons. With the exception of Meder no poet of comedy represented here won a reputation, but tragedy has two illustrious representatives, Euripides and Sophocles. There is a legend that after the death of Sophocles the Lacedaemonians invaded Attica, and their commander saw in a vision Dionysus, who bade him honor, with all the customary honors of the dead, the new Siren. He interpreted the dream as referring to Sophocles and his poetry, and down to the present day men are wont to liken to a Siren whatever is charming in both poetry and prose.
1.22.8 Right at the very entrance to the Acropolis are a Hermes (called Hermes of the Gateway) and figures of Graces, which tradition says were sculptured by Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus, who the Pythia testified was the wisest of men, a title she refused to Anacharsis, although he desired it and came to Delphi to win it.
1.28.2 In addition to the works I have mentioned, there are two tithes dedicated by the Athenians after wars. There is first a bronze Athena, tithe from the Persians who landed at Marathon. It is the work of Pheidias, but the reliefs upon the shield, including the fight between Centaurs and Lapithae, are said to be from the chisel of Mys fl. 430 B.C., for whom they say Parrhasius the son of Evenor, designed this and the rest of his works. The point of the spear of this Athena and the crest of her helmet are visible to those sailing to Athens, as soon as Sunium is passed. Then there is a bronze chariot, tithe from the Boeotians and the Chalcidians in Euboea c. 507 B.C. . There are two other offerings, a statue of Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, and the best worth seeing of the works of Pheidias, the statue of Athena called Lemnian after those who dedicated it.
1.28.4 On descending, not to the lower city, but to just beneath the Gateway, you see a fountain and near it a sanctuary of Apollo in a cave. It is here that Apollo is believed to have met Creusa, daughter of Erechtheus.... when the Persians had landed in Attica Philippides was sent to carry the tidings to Lacedaemon . On his return he said that the Lacedacmonians had postponed their departure, because it was their custom not to go out to fight before the moon was full. Philippides went on to say that near Mount Parthenius he had been met by Pan, who told him that he was friendly to the Athenians and would come to Marathon to fight for them. This deity, then, has been honored for this announcement.
1.32.4 here is also a separate monument to one man, Miltiades, the son of Cimon, although his end came later, after he had failed to take Paros and for this reason had been brought to trial by the Athenians. At Marathon every night you can hear horses neighing and men fighting. No one who has expressly set himself to behold this vision has ever got any good from it, but the spirits are not wroth with such as in ignorance chance to be spectators. The Marathonians worship both those who died in the fighting, calling them heroes, and secondly Marathon, from whom the parish derives its name, and then Heracles, saying that they were the first among the Greeks to acknowledge him as a god. 1.32.5 They say too that there chanced to be present in the battle a man of rustic appearance and dress. Having slaughtered many of the foreigners with a plough he was seen no more after the engagement. When the Athenians made enquiries at the oracle the god merely ordered them to honor Echetlaeus (He of the Plough-tail) as a hero. A trophy too of white marble has been erected. Although the Athenians assert that they buried the Persians, because in every case the divine law applies that a corpse should be laid under the earth, yet I could find no grave. There was neither mound nor other trace to be seen, as the dead were carried to a trench and thrown in anyhow.
1.36.1 But I will return to my subject. In Salamis is a sanctuary of Artemis, and also a trophy erected in honor of the victory which Themistocles the son of Neocles won for the Greeks. 480 B.C. There is also a sanctuary of Cychreus. When the Athenians were fighting the Persians at sea, a serpent is said to have appeared in the fleet, and the god in an oracle told the Athenians that it was Cychreus the hero.
1.38.2 and the first to dwell on the other side of the Rheiti was Crocon, where at the present day is what is called the palace of Crocon. This Crocon the Athenians say married Saesara, daughter of Celeus. Not all of them say this, but only those who belong to the parish of Scambonidae. I could not find the grave of Crocon, but Eleusinians and Athenians agreed in identifying the tomb of Eumolpus. This Eumolpus they say came from Thrace, being the son of Poseidon and Chione. Chione they say was the daughter of the wind Boreas and of Oreithyia. Homer says nothing about the family of Eumolpus, but in his poems styles him “manly.”
1.38.6 The Eleusinians have a temple of Triptolemus, of Artemis of the Portal, and of Poseidon Father, and a well called Callichorum (Lovely dance), where first the women of the Eleusinians danced and sang in praise of the goddess. They say that the plain called Rharium was the first to be sown and the first to grow crops, and for this reason it is the custom to use sacrificial barley and to make cakes for the sacrifices from its produce. Here there is shown a threshing-floor called that of Triptolemus and an altar.
1.40.2 Not far from this fountain is an ancient sanctuary, and in our day likenesses stand in it of Roman emperors, and a bronze image is there of Artemis surnamed Saviour. There is a story that a detachment of the army of Mardonius, having over run Megaris 479 B.C., wished to return to Mardonius at Thebes, but that by the will of Artemis night came on them as they marched, and missing their way they turned into the hilly region. Trying to find out whether there was a hostile force near they shot some missiles. The rock near groaned when struck, and they shot again with greater eagerness, 1.40.3 until at last they used up all their arrows thinking that they were shooting at the enemy. When the day broke, the Megarians attacked, and being men in armour fighting against men without armour who no longer had even a supply of missiles, they killed the greater number of their opponents. For this reason they had an image made of Artemis Saviour. Here are also images of the gods named the Twelve, said to be the work of Praxiteles. But the image of Artemis herself was made by Strongylion.
2.17.4 The statue of Hera is seated on a throne; it is huge, made of gold and ivory, and is a work of Polycleitus. She is wearing a crown with Graces and Seasons worked upon it, and in one hand she carries a pomegranate and in the other a sceptre. About the pomegranate I must say nothing, for its story is somewhat of a holy mystery. The presence of a cuckoo seated on the sceptre they explain by the story that when Zeus was in love with Hera in her maidenhood he changed himself into this bird, and she caught it to be her pet. This tale and similar legends about the gods I relate without believing them, but I relate them nevertheless.
2.31.5 Not far from Artemis Lycea are altars close to one another. The first of them is to Dionysus, surnamed, in accordance with an oracle, Saotes (Saviour); the second is named the altar of the Themides (Laws), and was dedicated, they say, by Pittheus. They had every reason, it seems to me, for making an altar to Helius Eleutherius (Sun, God of Freedom), seeing that they escaped being enslaved by Xerxes and the Persians.
2.35.5 At any rate, the goddess herself is called Chthonia, and Chthonia is the name of the festival they hold in the summer of every year. The manner of it is this. The procession is headed by the priests of the gods and by all those who hold the annual magistracies; these are followed by both men and women. It is now a custom that some who are still children should honor the goddess in the procession. These are dressed in white, and wear wreaths upon their heads. Their wreaths are woven of the flower called by the natives cosmosandalon, which, from its size and color, seems to me to be an iris; it even has inscribed upon it the same letters of mourning. The letters AI, an exclamation of woe supposed to be inscribed on the flower. 2.35.6 Those who form the procession are followed by men leading from the herd a full-grown cow, fastened with ropes, and still untamed and frisky. Having driven the cow to the temple, some loose her from the ropes that she may rush into the sanctuary, others, who hitherto have been holding the doors open, when they see the cow within the temple, close the doors. 2.35.7 Four old women, left behind inside, are they who dispatch the cow. Whichever gets the chance cuts the throat of the cow with a sickle. Afterwards the doors are opened, and those who are appointed drive up a second cow, and a third after that, and yet a fourth. All are dispatched in the same way by the old women, and the sacrifice has yet another strange feature. On whichever of her sides the first cow falls, all the others must fall on the same. 2.35.8 Such is the manner in which the sacrifice is performed by the Hermionians. Before the temple stand a few statues of the women who have served Demeter as her priestess, and on passing inside you see seats on which the old women wait for the cows to be driven in one by one, and images, of no great age, of Athena and Demeter. But the thing itself that they worship more than all else, I never saw, nor yet has any other man, whether stranger or Hermionian. The old women may keep their knowledge of its nature to themselves.
2.37.2 Both are of stone, but in another temple is a seated wooden image of Dionysus Saotes (Savior), while by the sea is a stone image of Aphrodite. They say that the daughters of Danaus dedicated it, while Danaus himself made the sanctuary of Athena by the Pontinus. The mysteries of the Lernaeans were established, they say, by Philammon. Now the words which accompany the ritual are evidently of no antiquity
2.37.5 I saw also what is called the Spring of Amphiaraus and the Alcyonian Lake, through which the Argives say Dionysus went down to Hell to bring up Semele, adding that the descent here was shown him by Palymnus. There is no limit to the depth of the Alcyonian Lake, and I know of nobody who by any contrivance has been able to reach the bottom of it since not even Nero, who had ropes made several stades long and fastened them together, tying lead to them, and omitting nothing that might help his experiment, was able to discover any limit to its depth.
3.20.3 Crossing from here a river Phellia, and going past Amyclae along a road leading straight towards the sea, you come to the site of Pharis, which was once a city of Laconia . Turning away from the Phellia to the right is the road that leads to Mount Taygetus. On the plain is a precinct of Zeus Messapeus, who is surnamed, they say, after a man who served the god as his priest. Leaving Taygetus from here you come to the site of the city Bryseae . There still remains here a temple of Dionysus with an image in the open. But the image in the temple women only may see, for women by themselves perform in secret the sacrificial rites.
3.22.12 When the inhabitants of these cities were expelled, they were anxious to know where they ought to settle, and an oracle was given them that Artemis would show them where they were to dwell. When therefore they had gone on shore, and a hare appeared to them, they looked upon the hare as their guide on the way. When it dived into a myrtle tree, they built a city on the site of the myrtle, and down to this day they worship that myrtle tree, and name Artemis Saviour.' "
4.1.6 But the mysteries of the Great Goddesses were raised to greater honor many years later than Caucon by Lycus, the son of Pandion, an oak-wood, where he purified the celebrants, being still called Lycus' wood. That there is a wood in this land so called is stated by Rhianus the Cretan:— By rugged Elaeum above Lycus' wood. Rhianus of Bene in Crete . See note on Paus. 4.6.1 ." '4.1.7 That this Lycus was the son of Pandion is made clear by the lines on the statue of Methapus, who made certain improvements in the mysteries. Methapus was an Athenian by birth, an expert in the mysteries and founder of all kinds of rites. It was he who established the mysteries of the Cabiri at Thebes, and dedicated in the hut of the Lycomidae a statue with an inscription that amongst other things helps to confirm my account:—
4.31.8 But all cities worship Artemis of Ephesus, and individuals hold her in honor above all the gods. The reason, in my view, is the renown of the Amazons, who traditionally dedicated the image, also the extreme antiquity of this sanctuary. Three other points as well have contributed to her renown, the size of the temple, surpassing all buildings among men, the eminence of the city of the Ephesians and the renown of the goddess who dwells there.' "
5.16.5 Besides the account already given they tell another story about the Sixteen Women as follows. Damophon, it is said, when tyrant of Pisa did much grievous harm to the Eleans. But when he died, since the people of Pisa refused to participate as a people in their tyrant's sins, and the Eleans too became quite ready to lay aside their grievances, they chose a woman from each of the sixteen cities of Elis still inhabited at that time to settle their differences, this woman to be the oldest, the most noble, and the most esteemed of all the women." '5.16.6 The cities from which they chose the women were Elis, The women from these cities made peace between Pisa and Elis . Later on they were entrusted with the management of the Heraean games, and with the weaving of the robe for Hera. The Sixteen Women also arrange two choral dances, one called that of Physcoa and the other that of Hippodameia. This Physcoa they say came from Elis in the Hollow, and the name of the parish where she lived was Orthia. 5.16.7 She mated they say with Dionysus, and bore him a son called Narcaeus. When he grew up he made war against the neighboring folk, and rose to great power, setting up moreover a sanctuary of Athena surnamed Narcaea. They say too that Narcaeus and Physcoa were the first to pay worship to Dionysus. So various honors are paid to Physcoa, especially that of the choral dance, named after her and managed by the Sixteen Women. The Eleans still adhere to the other ancient customs, even though some of the cities have been destroyed. For they are now divided into eight tribes, and they choose two women from each.
6.26.1 Between the market-place and the Menius is an old theater and a shrine of Dionysus. The image is the work of Praxiteles. of the gods the Eleans worship Dionysus with the greatest reverence, and they assert that the god attends their festival, the Thyia. The place where they hold the festival they name the Thyia is about eight stades from the city. Three pots are brought into the building by the priests and set down empty in the presence of the citizens and of any strangers who may chance to be in the country. The doors of the building are sealed by the priests themselves and by any others who may be so inclined.' "
7.18.9 Most of the images out of Aetolia and from Acaria were brought by Augustus' orders to Nicopolis, but to Patrae he gave, with other spoils from Calydon, the image of Laphria, which even in my time was still worshipped on the acropolis of Patrae . It is said that the goddess was surnamed Laphria after a man of Phocis, because the ancient image of Artemis was set up at Calydon by Laphrius, the son of Castalius, the son of Delphus." '7.18.10 Others say that the wrath of Artemis against Oeneus weighed as time went on more lightly ( elaphroteron) on the Calydonians, and they believe that this was why the goddess received her surname. The image represents her in the guise of a huntress; it is made of ivory and gold, and the artists were Menaechmus and Soldas of Naupactus, who, it is inferred, lived not much later than Canachus of Sicyon and Callon of Aegina . 7.18.11 Every year too the people of Patrae celebrate the festival Laphria in honor of their Artemis, and at it they employ a method of sacrifice peculiar to the place. Round the altar in a circle they set up logs of wood still green, each of them sixteen cubits long. On the altar within the circle is placed the driest of their wood. Just before the time of the festival they construct a smooth ascent to the altar, piling earth upon the altar steps. 7.18.12 The festival begins with a most splendid procession in honor of Artemis, and the maiden officiating as priestess rides last in the procession upon a car yoked to deer. It is, however, not till the next day that the sacrifice is offered, and the festival is not only a state function but also quite a popular general holiday. For the people throw alive upon the altar edible birds and every kind of victim as well; there are wild boars, deer and gazelles; some bring wolf-cubs or bear-cubs, others the full-grown beasts. They also place upon the altar fruit of cultivated trees. 7.18.13 Next they set fire to the wood. At this point I have seen some of the beasts, including a bear, forcing their way outside at the first rush of the flames, some of them actually escaping by their strength. But those who threw them in drag them back again to the pyre. It is not remembered that anybody has ever been wounded by the beasts.
9.3.1 Hera, they say, was for some reason or other angry with Zeus, and had retreated to Euboea . Zeus, failing to make her change her mind, visited Cithaeron, at that time despot in Plataea, who surpassed all men for his cleverness. So he ordered Zeus to make an image of wood, and to carry it, wrapped up, in a bullock wagon, and to say that he was celebrating his marriage with Plataea, the daughter of Asopus.
9.22.1 Beside the sanctuary of Dionysus at Tanagra are three temples, one of Themis, another of Aphrodite, and the third of Apollo; with Apollo are joined Artemis and Leto. There are sanctuaries of Hermes Ram-bearer and of Hermes called Champion. They account for the former surname by a story that Hermes averted a pestilence from the city by carrying a ram round the walls; to commemorate this Calamis made an image of Hermes carrying a ram upon his shoulders. Whichever of the youths is judged to be the most handsome goes round the walls at the feast of Hermes, carrying a lamb on his shoulders.
9.34.1 Before reaching Coroneia from Alalcomenae we come to the sanctuary of Itonian Athena. It is named after Itonius the son of Amphictyon, and here the Boeotians gather for their general assembly. In the temple are bronze images of Itonian Athena and Zeus; the artist was Agoracritus, pupil and loved one of Pheidias. In my time they dedicated too images of the Graces.
9.39.5 What happens at the oracle is as follows. When a man has made up his mind to descend to the oracle of Trophonius, he first lodges in a certain building for an appointed number of days, this being sacred to the good Spirit and to good Fortune. While he lodges there, among other regulations for purity he abstains from hot baths, bathing only in the river Hercyna. Meat he has in plenty from the sacrifices, for he who descends sacrifices to Trophonius himself and to the children of Trophonius, to Apollo also and Cronus, to Zeus surnamed King, to Hera Charioteer, and to Demeter whom they surname Europa and say was the nurse of Trophonius.
10.4.3 The former passage, in which Homer speaks of the beautiful dancing-floors of Panopeus, I could not understand until I was taught by the women whom the Athenians call Thyiads. The Thyiads are Attic women, who with the Delphian women go to Parnassus every other year and celebrate orgies in honor of Dionysus. It is the custom for these Thyiads to hold dances at places, including Panopeus, along the road from Athens . The epithet Homer applies to Panopeus is thought to refer to the dance of the Thyiads.' "
10.32.7 But the Corycian cave exceeds in size those I have mentioned, and it is possible to make one's way through the greater part of it even without lights. The roof stands at a sufficient height from the floor, and water, rising in part from springs but still more dripping from the roof, has made clearly visible the marks of drops on the floor throughout the cave. The dwellers around Parnassus believe it to be sacred to the Corycian nymphs, and especially to Pan. From the Corycian cave it is difficult even for an active walker to reach the heights of Parnassus . The heights are above the clouds, and the Thyiad women rave there in honor of Dionysus and Apollo."' None
|120. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, festivity, festive • pantomimes, excluded from Greek festivals • trieteric festivals
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 111; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 112
|121. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • Festivals, Private • Festivals, Public • festival
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 119, 124, 172, 221, 222, 223, 224; Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 313
|122. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, festivity, festive • festivals, funding of • festivals, in Aegina • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 103, 114; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 81; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 80
|123. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Saturnalia, Roman festival • festival
Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 198; Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 217
|86a חכים יתקרי ורבי לא יתקרי ואסו דרבי על ידו תהא רבי ור\' נתן סוף משנה רב אשי ורבינא סוף הוראה,וסימנך (תהלים עג, יז) עד אבוא אל מקדשי אל אבינה לאחריתם,אמר רב כהנא אישתעי לי רב חמא בר ברתיה דחסא רבה בר נחמני אגב שמדא נח נפשיה אכלו ביה קורצא בי מלכא אמרו איכא חד גברא ביהודאי דקא מבטל תריסר אלפי גברי מישראל ירחא בקייטא וירחא בסתוא מכרגא דמלכא,שדרו פריסתקא דמלכא בתריה ולא אשכחיה ערק ואזל מפומבדיתא לאקרא מאקרא לאגמא ומאגמא לשחין ומשחין לצריפא ומצריפא לעינא דמים ומעינא דמים לפומבדיתא בפומבדיתא אשכחיה איקלע פריסתקא דמלכא לההוא אושפיזא דרבה קריבו תכא קמיה ואשקוהו תרי כסי ודליוה לתכא מקמיה הדר פרצופיה לאחוריה,אמרו ליה מאי נעביד ליה גברא דמלכא הוא אמר להו קריבו תכא לקמיה ואשקיוהו חד כסא ודליוהו לתכא מקמיה ולתסי עבדו ליה הכי ואתסי אמר מידע ידענא דגברא דקא בעינא הכא הוא בחיש אבתריה ואשכחיה אמר אזלינא מהא אי מקטל קטלו לההוא גברא לא מגלינא ואי נגידי מנגדין ליה מגלינא,אתיוהו לקמיה עייליה לאדרונא וטרקיה לבבא באנפיה בעא רחמי פרק אשיתא ערק ואזיל לאגמא הוה יתיב אגירדא דדקולא וקא גריס קא מיפלגי במתיבתא דרקיעא אם (ויקרא יג, ב) בהרת קודמת לשער לבן טמא ואם שער לבן קודם לבהרת טהור,ספק הקב"ה אומר טהור וכולהו מתיבתא דרקיעא אמרי טמא ואמרי מאן נוכח נוכח רבה בר נחמני דאמר רבה בר נחמני אני יחיד בנגעים אני יחיד באהלות,שדרו שליחא בתריה לא הוה מצי מלאך המות למקרב ליה מדלא הוה קא פסיק פומיה מגרסיה אדהכי נשב זיקא ואויש ביני קני סבר גונדא דפרשי הוא אמר תינח נפשיה דההוא גברא ולא ימסר בידא דמלכותא,כי הוה קא ניחא נפשיה אמר טהור טהור יצאת בת קול ואמרה אשריך רבה בר נחמני שגופך טהור ויצאתה נשמתך בטהור נפל פתקא מרקיעא בפומבדיתא רבה בר נחמני נתבקש בישיבה של מעלה נפקו אביי ורבא וכולהו רבנן לאיעסוקי ביה לא הוו ידעי דוכתיה אזלו לאגמא חזו צפרי דמטללי וקיימי אמרי שמע מינה התם הוא,ספדוהו תלתא יומי ותלתא לילותא נפל פתקא כל הפורש יהא בנידוי ספדוהו שבעה יומי נפל פתקא לכו לביתכם לשלום,ההוא יומא דנח נפשיה דלייה זעפא ודרי לההוא טייעא כי רכיב גמלא מהאי גיסא דנהר פפא ושדייה בהך גיסא אמר מאי האי אמרי ליה נח נפשיה דרבה בר נחמני אמר לפניו רבונו של עולם כולי עלמא דידך הוא ורבה בר נחמני דידך את דרבה ורבה דידך אמאי קא מחרבת ליה לעלמא נח זעפא,רבי שמעון בן חלפתא בעל בשר הוה יומא חד הוה חמימא ליה הוה סליק ויתיב אשינא דטורא אמר לה לברתיה בתי הניפי עלי במניפא ואני אתן ליך ככרין דנרד אדהכי נשבא זיקא אמר כמה ככרין דנרד למרי דיכי,הכל כמנהג המדינה וכו\' הכל לאתויי מאי לאתויי באתרא דנהיגי מכרך ריפתא ומשתה אנפקא דאי אמר להו קדימו ואייתי לכו אמרו לו לא כל כמינך,מעשה ברבן יוחנן בן מתיא שאמר לבנו צא ושכור וכו\' מעשה לסתור חסורי מחסרא והכי קתני ואם פסק להן מזונות'' None||86a shall be called a wise ḥakim physician, but he shall not be called rabbi, and Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi’s convalescence shall be through him. I also saw written there: Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi and Rabbi Natan are the end of the Mishna, i.e., the last of the tanna’im, the redactors of the Mishna. Rav Ashi and Ravina are the end of instruction, i.e., the end of the period of the amora’im, the redacting of the Talmud, which occurred after the period of the tanna’im.,And your mnemonic to remember that Rav Ashi and Ravina redacted the Talmud is the verse: “Until I entered into the sanctuary mikdashei of God, and considered avina their end” (Psalms 73:17). The sanctuary, mikdashei, alludes to Rav Ashi, while the term avina alludes to Ravina, which is a contraction of Rav Avina. The phrase: Their end, is interpreted as a reference to the redacting of the Talmud.,§ The Gemara relates another story discussing the greatness of the Sages. Rav Kahana said: Rav Ḥama, son of the daughter of Ḥasa, told me that Rabba bar Naḥmani died due to the fear of a decree of religious persecution. The Gemara explains: His enemies accused him akhalu beih kurtza of disloyalty in the king’s palace, as they said: There is one man from among the Jews who exempts twelve thousand Jewish men from the king’s head tax two months a year, one month in the summer and one month in the winter. Since many people would study in Rabba’s study hall during the months of Adar and Elul, he was being blamed for preventing those people from working during those months.,They sent a messenger peristaka of the king after him, but he was not able to find him. Rabba bar Naḥmani fled and went from Pumbedita to Akra, from Akra to Agma, from Agma to Shiḥin, from Shiḥin to Tzerifa, from Tzerifa to Eina Demayim, and from Eina Demayim back to Pumbedita. Ultimately, he was found in Pumbedita, as the king’s messenger arrived by chance at that same inn where Rabba bar Naḥmani was hiding. The inn attendants placed a tray before the messenger and gave him two cups to drink. They then removed the tray from before him and his face was miraculously turned backward.,The attendants said to Rabba bar Naḥmani: What should we do with him? He is the king’s man, and we cannot leave him like this. Rabba bar Naḥmani said to them: Place a tray before him and give him one cup to drink, and then remove the tray from before him and he will be healed. They did this, and he was healed. The messenger said: I am certain that the man I seek is here, as this unnatural event must have befallen me on his account. He searched for Rabba bar Naḥmani and found out where he was. The messenger said that they should tell Rabba bar Naḥmani: I will leave this inn and will not disclose your location. Even if they will kill that man, i.e., me, I will not disclose your location. But if they will beat him, me, I will disclose your whereabouts, as I cannot bear being tortured.,With that guarantee, they brought Rabba bar Naḥmani before the messenger. They took him into a small vestibule le’idrona and closed the door before him. Rabba bar Naḥmani prayed for mercy, and the wall crumbled. He fled and went to hide in a swamp. He was sitting on the stump of a palm tree and studying Torah alone. At that moment, the Sages in the heavenly academy were disagreeing with regard to a halakha of leprosy. In general, a leprous spot includes two signs of impurity, a bright white spot and a white hair. The basic halakha is that if the snow-white leprous sore baheret preceded the white hair then the afflicted person is ritually impure, but if the white hair preceded the baheret, he is pure.,The heavenly debate concerned a case of uncertainty as to which came first, the spot or the hair. The Holy One, Blessed be He, says: The individual is pure, but every other member of the heavenly academy says: He is impure. And they said: Who can arbitrate in this dispute? They agreed that Rabba bar Naḥmani should arbitrate, as Rabba bar Naḥmani once said: I am preeminent in the halakhot of leprosy and I am preeminent in the halakhot of ritual impurity imparted by tents.,They sent a messenger from heaven after him to take his soul up to the heavenly academy, but the Angel of Death was unable to approach Rabba bar Naḥmani, as his mouth did not cease from his Torah study. In the meantime, a wind blew and howled between the branches. Rabba bar Naḥmani thought that the noise was due to an infantry battalion gunda about to capture him. He said: Let that man, i.e., me, die and not be given over to the hands of the government. The Angel of Death was therefore able to take his soul.,As he was dying, he said in response to the dispute in heaven: It is pure; it is pure. A Divine Voice emerged from heaven and said: Happy are you, Rabba bar Naḥmani, as your body is pure and your soul left you with the word: Pure. A note pitka fell from heaven and landed in the academy of Pumbedita. The note read: Rabba bar Naḥmani was summoned to the heavenly academy, i.e., he has died. Abaye and Rava and all of the other Rabbis went out to tend to his burial; however, they did not know the location of his body. They went to the swamp and saw birds forming a shade and hovering over a certain spot. The Rabbis said: We can conclude from this that he is there.,The Rabbis lamented him for three days and three nights. A note fell from heaven, upon which was written: Anyone who removes himself from the lamentations shall be ostracized. Accordingly, they lamented him for seven days. Another note fell from heaven, stating: Go to your homes in peace.,On that day when Rabba bar Naḥmani died, a hurricane lifted a certain Arab taya’a merchant while he was riding his camel. The hurricane carried him from one side of the Pappa River and threw him onto the other side. He said: What is this? Those present said to him: Rabba bar Naḥmani has died. He said before God: Master of the Universe! The entire world is Yours and Rabba bar Naḥmani is also Yours. You are to Rabba and Rabba is to You, i.e., you are beloved to each other. If so, why are You destroying the world on his account? The storm subsided.,The Gemara concludes its earlier discussion of obese Sages (84a). Rabbi Shimon ben Ḥalafta was obese. One day he was particularly hot and went and sat on a mountain boulder to cool himself off. He said to his daughter: My daughter, fan me with a fan, and as a gift I will give you packages of spikenard. In the meantime, a strong wind blew. He said: How many packages of spikenard do I owe to the overseers of this wind?,§ The Gemara returns to its discussion of the mishna (83a), which teaches that an employer must provide his laborers with sustece, all in accordance with the regional custom. The Gemara asks: What is added by the inclusive term: All? The Gemara answers: This serves to include a place where it is customary for the laborers to eat bread and drink a quarter-log anpaka of wine. As, if in such a case the employer were to say to them: Arise early in the morning and I will bring you this sustece, so as not to waste work time, they may say to him: It is not in your power to compel us to do so.,§ The mishna teaches that there was an incident involving Rabbi Yoḥa ben Matya, who said to his son: Go out and hire laborers for us. His son hired the laborers and stipulated that he would provide sustece for them. The Gemara asks: After the mishna has stated that all practices are in accordance with the regional custom, how can it cite this incident, which seems to contradict the previous ruling, as Rabbi Yoḥa ben Matya and his son did not follow the regional custom? The Gemara answers: The mishna is incomplete and this is what it is teaching: All practices are in accordance with the regional custom, but if the employer pledged to provide sustece for them,'' None|
|124. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Friday (fast/festival day) • Monday (fast/festival day) • Wednesday (fast/festival day) • prayer, Festival
Found in books: Lidonnici and Lieber (2007), Heavenly Tablets: Interpretation, Identity and Tradition in Ancient Judaism, 166; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 274
|28b רב אויא חלש ולא אתא לפרקא דרב יוסף למחר כי אתא בעא אביי לאנוחי דעתיה דרב יוסף א"ל מ"ט לא אתא מר לפרקא א"ל דהוה חליש לבאי ולא מצינא א"ל אמאי לא טעמת מידי ואתית א"ל לא סבר לה מר להא דרב הונא דאמר רב הונא אסור לו לאדם שיטעום כלום קודם שיתפלל תפלת המוספין א"ל איבעי ליה למר לצלויי צלותא דמוספין ביחיד ולטעום מידי ולמיתי א"ל ולא סבר לה מר להא דא"ר יוחנן אסור לו לאדם שיקדים תפלתו לתפלת הצבור א"ל לאו אתמר עלה א"ר אבא בצבור שנו,ולית הלכתא לא כרב הונא ולא כריב"ל כרב הונא הא דאמרן כריב"ל דאריב"ל כיון שהגיע זמן תפלת המנחה אסור לו לאדם שיטעום כלום קודם שיתפלל תפלת המנחה:,||28b After mentioning until when the additional prayer may be recited, the Gemara relates: Rav Avya was ill and did not come to Rav Yosef’s Shabbat lecture. When Rav Avya came the following day, Abaye sought to placate Rav Yosef, and through a series of questions and answers sought to make clear to him that Rav Avya’s failure to attend the lecture was not a display of contempt for Rav Yosef. rTo this end, he asked him: Why did the Master not attend the Shabbat lecture? rRav Avya said to him: Because my heart was faint and I was unable to attend. rAbaye said to him: Why did you not eat something and come? rRav Avya said to him: Does the Master not hold in accordance with that statement of Rav Huna? As Rav Huna said: A person may not taste anything before he recites the additional prayer. rAbaye said to him: My Master should have recited the additional prayer individually, eaten something, and then come to the lecture. rRav Avya said to him: Does my Master not hold in accordance with that statement of Rabbi Yoḥa: A person may not recite his individual prayer prior to the communal prayer? rAbaye said to him: Was it not stated regarding this halakha, Rabbi Abba said: They taught this in a communal setting? rIn other words, only one who is part of a congregation is prohibited from praying alone prior to the prayer of the congregation. Even though Rav Avya was incorrect, the reason for his failure to attend the lecture was clarified through this discussion.,And the Gemara summarizes: The halakha is neither in accordance with the statement of Rav Huna nor in accordance with the statement of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi. The Gemara explains: It is not in accordance with the statement of Rav Huna, as we said above with regard to the prohibition to eat prior to the additional prayer. It is not in accordance with the statement of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, as Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: Once the time to recite the afternoon prayer has arrived, a person may not taste anything before he recites the afternoon prayer.,halakhot relating to the fixed prayers, the Gemara relates: Rabbi Neḥunya ben Hakana would recite a brief prayer upon his entrance into the study hall and upon his exit. They said to him: The study hall is not a dangerous place that would warrant a prayer when entering and exiting, so what room is there for this prayer? He said to them: Upon my entrance, I pray that no mishap will transpire caused by me in the study hall. And upon my exit, I give thanks for my portion.,The Sages taught in a baraita the complete formula of Rabbi Neḥunya ben Hakana’s prayer: Upon his entrance, what does he say? May it be Your will, Lord my God, that no mishap in determining the halakha transpires caused by me, and that I not fail in any matter of halakha, and that my colleagues, who together with me engage in clarifying the halakha, will rejoice in me. He specified: And that I will neither declare pure that which is impure, nor declare impure that which is pure and that my colleagues will not fail in any matter of halakha, and that I will rejoice in them.,Upon his exit, what did he say? I give thanks before You, Lord my God, that You have placed my lot among those who sit in the study hall, and that you have not given me my portion among those who sit idly on street corners. I rise early, and they rise early. I rise early to pursue matters of Torah, and they rise early to pursue frivolous matters. I toil and they toil. I toil and receive a reward, and they toil and do not receive a reward. I run and they run. I run to the life of the World-to-Come and they run to the pit of destruction.,On a similar note, the Gemara recounts related stories with different approaches. The Sages taught: When Rabbi Eliezer fell ill, his students entered to visit him. They said to him: Teach us paths of life, guidelines by which to live, and we will thereby merit the life of the World-to-Come.,He said to them: Be vigilant in the honor of your counterparts, and prevent your children from logic when studying verses that tend toward heresy (ge’onim), and place your children, while they are still young, between the knees of Torah scholars, and when you pray, know before Whom you stand. For doing that, you will merit the life of the World-to-Come.,A similar story is told about Rabbi Eliezer’s mentor, Rabban Yoḥa ben Zakkai: When Rabbi Yoḥa ben Zakkai fell ill his students entered to visit him. When he saw them, he began to cry. His students said to him: Lamp of Israel, the right pillar, the mighty hammer, the man whose life’s work is the foundation of the future of the Jewish people, for what reason are you crying? With a life as complete as yours, what is upsetting you?,He said to them: I cry in fear of heavenly judgment, as the judgment of the heavenly court is unlike the judgment of man. If they were leading me before a flesh and blood king whose life is temporal, who is here today and dead in the grave tomorrow; if he is angry with me, his anger is not eternal and, consequently, his punishment is not eternal; if he incarcerates me, his incarceration is not an eternal incarceration, as I might maintain my hope that I would ultimately be freed. If he kills me, his killing is not for eternity, as there is life after any death that he might decree. Moreover, I am able to appease him with words and even bribe him with money, and even so I would cry when standing before royal judgment. Now that they are leading me before the supreme King of Kings, the Holy One, Blessed be He, Who lives and endures forever and all time; if He is angry with me, His anger is eternal; if He incarcerates me, His incarceration is an eternal incarceration; and if He kills me, His killing is for eternity. I am unable to appease Him with words and bribe him with money. Moreover, but I have two paths before me, one of the Garden of Eden and one of Gehenna, and I do not know on which they are leading me; and will I not cry?,His students said to him: Our teacher, bless us. He said to them: May it be His will that the fear of Heaven shall be upon you like the fear of flesh and blood. His students were puzzled and said: To that point and not beyond? Shouldn’t one fear God more? He said to them: Would that a person achieve that level of fear. Know that when one commits a transgression, he says to himself: I hope that no man will see me. If one is as concerned about avoiding shame before God as he is before man, he will never sin.,The Gemara relates that at the time of his death, immediately beforehand, he said to them: Remove the vessels from the house and take them outside due to the ritual impurity that will be imparted by my corpse, which they would otherwise contract. And prepare a chair for Hezekiah, the King of Judea, who is coming from the upper world to accompany me.,Amida prayer, also known as Shemoneh Esreh, the prayer of eighteen blessings, or simply as tefilla, prayer. Rabban Gamliel says: Each and every day a person recites the prayer of eighteen blessings. Rabbi Yehoshua says: A short prayer is sufficient, and one only recites an abridged version of the prayer of eighteen blessings. Rabbi Akiva says an intermediate opinion: If he is fluent in his prayer, he recites the prayer of eighteen blessings, and if not, he need only recite an abridged version of the prayer of eighteen blessings.,Rabbi Eliezer says: One whose prayer is fixed, his prayer is not supplication and is flawed. The Gemara will clarify the halakhic implications of this flaw.,Rabbi Yehoshua says: One who cannot recite a complete prayer because he is walking in a place of danger, recites a brief prayer and says: Redeem, Lord, Your people, the remt of Israel, at every transition parashat ha’ibur, the meaning of which will be discussed in the Gemara. May their needs be before You. Blessed are You, Lord, Who listens to prayer.,While praying, one must face toward the direction of the Holy Temple. One who was riding on a donkey should dismount and pray calmly. If he is unable to dismount, he should turn his face toward the direction of the Temple. If he is unable to turn his face, it is sufficient that he focus his heart opposite the Holy of Holies. Similarly, one who was traveling in a ship or on a raft asda and is unable to turn and face in the direction of Jerusalem, should focus his heart opposite the Holy of Holies.,Amida prayer, the Gemara seeks to resolve fundamental problems pertaining to this prayer. Corresponding to what were these eighteen blessings instituted? When the Shemoneh Esreh was instituted by the Sages, on what did they base the number of blessings?,Rabbi Hillel, son of Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani, said: Corresponding to the eighteen mentions of God’s name that King David said in the psalm: “Give unto the Lord, O you sons of might” (Psalms 29). Rav Yosef said: Corresponding to the eighteen mentions of God’s name in Shema. Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: Corresponding to the eighteen vertebrae in the spine beneath the ribs.,Since Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi’s opinion based the Amida prayer on the spinal vertebrae, the Gemara cites another statement of his that connects the two: Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: In those blessings where one is required to bow, one who prays must bow until all the vertebrae in the spine protrude.,Establishing a different indicator to determine when he has bowed sufficiently, Ulla said: Until he can see a small coin issar, on the ground before him opposite his heart (Rav Hai Gaon). Rabbi Ḥanina said: There is room for leniency; once he moves his head forward, he need not bow any further. Rava said: But that applies only if he is exerting himself when doing so, and he appears like one who is bowing. However, if he is able, he should bow further.,Until now, the prayer of eighteen blessings has been discussed as if it was axiomatic. The Gemara wonders: Are these eighteen blessings? They are nineteen.,Rabbi Levi said: The blessing of the heretics, which curses informers, was instituted in Yavne and is not included in the original tally of blessings. Nevertheless, since the number of blessings corresponds to various allusions, the Gemara attempts to clarify: Corresponding to what was this nineteenth blessing instituted?,Rabbi Levi said: According to Rabbi Hillel, son of Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani, who said that the eighteen blessings correspond to the eighteen mentions of God’s name that King David said in the psalm, the nineteenth blessing corresponds to a reference to God in that psalm, where a name other than the tetragrammaton was used: “The God of glory thunders” (Psalms 29:3). According to Rav Yosef, who said that the eighteen blessings correspond to the eighteen mentions of God’s name in Shema, the additional blessing corresponds to the word one that is in Shema. Although it is not the tetragrammaton, it expresses the essence of faith in God. According to what Rabbi Tanḥum said that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said, that the eighteen blessings correspond to the eighteen vertebrae in the spine, the additional blessing corresponds to the small vertebra that is at the bottom of the spine.,In light of the previous mention of the blessing of the heretics, the Gemara explains how this blessing was instituted: The Sages taught: Shimon HaPakuli arranged the eighteen blessings, already extant during the period of the Great Assembly, before Rabban Gamliel, the Nasi of the Sanhedrin, in order in Yavne. Due to prevailing circumstances, there was a need to institute a new blessing directed against the heretics. Rabban Gamliel said to the Sages: Is there any person who knows to institute the blessing of the heretics, a blessing directed against the Sadducees? Shmuel HaKatan, who was one of the most pious men of that generation, stood and instituted it.,The Gemara relates: The next year, when Shmuel HaKatan served as the prayer leader, he forgot that blessing,'' None|
|125. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • festivals and fasts • festivals, and Tamid Service
Found in books: Reif (2006), Problems with Prayers: Studies in the Textual History of Early Rabbinic Liturgy, 266; Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 22
|47a לברוכי למ"ד שביעי לסוכה ברוכי נמי מברכינן למ"ד שמיני לזה ולזה ברוכי לא מברכינן אמר רב יוסף נקוט דר\' יוחנן בידך דרב הונא בר ביזנא וכל גדולי הדור איקלעו בסוכה בשמיני ספק שביעי מיתב הוו יתבי ברוכי לא בריכי,ודלמא סבירא להו כמ"ד כיון שבירך יו"ט ראשון שוב אינו מברך גמירי דמאפר אתו,איכא דאמרי ברוכי כולי עלמא לא פליגי דלא מברכינן כי פליגי למיתב למ"ד שבעה לסוכה מיתב יתבינן ולמ"ד שמיני לזה ולזה מיתב נמי לא יתבינן אמר רב יוסף נקוט דר\' יוחנן בידך דמרא דשמעת\' מני רב יהודה בריה דרב שמואל בר שילת ובשמיני ספק שביעי לבר מסוכה יתיב והלכתא מיתב יתבינן ברוכי לא מברכינן,אמר ר\' יוחנן אומרים זמן בשמיני של חג ואין אומרים זמן בשביעי של פסח,וא"ר לוי בר חמא ואיתימא ר\' חמא בר חנינא תדע שהרי חלוק בג\' דברים בסוכה ולולב וניסוך המים ולרבי יהודה דאמר בלוג היה מנסך כל שמונה הרי חלוק בב\' דברים,אי הכי שביעי של פסח נמי הרי חלוק באכילת מצה דאמר מר לילה ראשונה חובה מכאן ואילך רשות הכי השתא התם מלילה חלוק מיום אינו חלוק הכא אפילו מיום נמי חלוק,רבינא אמר זה חלוק משלפניו וזה חלוק משלפני פניו,(אמר רב פפא) הכא כתיב פר התם כתיב פרים,רב נחמן בר יצחק אמר הכא כתיב ביום התם כתיב וביום,רב אשי אמר הכא כתיב (במדבר כט, ו) כמשפט התם כתיב כמשפטם,לימא מסייע ליה הפרים האילים והכבשים מעכבין זה את זה ורבי יהודה אומר פרים אין מעכבין זה את זה שהרי מתמעטין והולכין,אמרו לו והלא כולן מתמעטין והולכין בשמיני אמר להן שמיני רגל בפני עצמו הוא שכשם ששבעת ימי החג טעונין קרבן ושיר וברכה ולינה אף שמיני טעון קרבן ושיר וברכה ולינה'' None||47a with regard to whether or not to recite the blessing over residing in the sukka. According to the one who says that the status of the eighth day is like that of the seventh day with regard to the mitzva of sukka, we also recite the blessing: To reside in the sukka. However, according to the one who says that its status is like that of the eighth day both with regard to this and to that, we do not recite the blessing. Rav Yosef said: Take the statement of Rabbi Yoḥa that on the eighth day outside Eretz Yisrael one does not recite the blessing: To reside in the sukka, in your hand, i.e., adopt it as your practice. As Rav Huna bar Bizna and all the prominent scholars of the generation happened to visit a sukka on the eighth day, with regard to which there was uncertainty that it might be the seventh day, and they were sitting in the sukka, but they did not recite the blessing.,The Gemara suggests: And perhaps the reason they did not recite a blessing is that they hold in accordance with the opinion of the one who said: Once he recited the blessing on the first Festival day he does not recite it again on the subsequent days, and not because it was the eighth day. The Gemara answers: That is not the reason that they did not recite the blessing, as the Sages learned through tradition that these Sages were coming from the fields, where they had been herding their flocks, and that was the first time during the Festival that they sat in a sukka.,Some say a different version of the dispute: Everyone agrees that we do not recite the blessing; when they disagree it is with regard to whether to reside in the sukka. According to the one who says that the status of the eighth day is like that of the seventh day with regard to the mitzva of sukka, we reside in the sukka. However, according to the one who says that its status is like that of the eighth day both with regard to this and to that, neither do we reside in the sukka. Rav Yosef said: Take the statement of Rabbi Yoḥa in your hand, as who is the Master responsible for dissemination of the halakha? It is Rav Yehuda, son of Rav Shmuel bar Sheilat, and on the eighth day, with regard to which there is uncertainty that it might be the seventh day, he himself resides outside of the sukka. The Gemara concludes: And the halakha is that we reside in the sukka on the eighth day, with regard to which there is uncertainty that it might be the seventh day, but we do not recite the blessing.,§ Rabbi Yoḥa said that one recites the blessing: Who has given us life, sustained us, and brought us to this time, on the eighth day of the Festival, as the eighth day is a Festival distinct from Sukkot, and one does not recite the blessing of time on the seventh day of Passover because it is not a Festival distinct from Passover.,And Rabbi Levi bar Ḥama said, and some say it was Rabbi Ḥama bar Ḥanina who said: Know that the eighth day of Sukkot is a Festival in and of itself and therefore requires its own blessing, as it is distinct from the seven days of Sukkot with regard to three matters: With regard to sukka, as one is not obligated to sit in the sukka on the eighth day; and with regard to lulav, as one is not obligated to take the four species on the eighth day; and with regard to the water libation, as one does not pour the water libation on the altar on the eighth day. The Gemara notes: And according to Rabbi Yehuda, who said: With a vessel measuring one log the priest pours the water libation all eight days, including the eighth day, the eighth day is nevertheless distinct from the rest of the Festival with regard to the other two matters.,The Gemara asks: If so, the seventh day of Passover should be considered distinct as well, as it is distinct from the first day in terms of the obligation of eating matza, as the Master said: On the first night of Passover, it is an obligation to eat matza. From that point onward, it is optional; if one chooses, he eats matza, and if he chooses not to eat matza, he need not, provided that he does not eat leavened foods. The Gemara retorts: How can these cases be compared? There, in the case of Passover, the halakha of the seventh day is distinct from the first night; however, it is not distinct from the first day, as on the first day there is no obligation to eat matza. Here, in the case of Sukkot, the eighth day of the Festival is distinct even from the first day.,Ravina said a different reason for the distinction between the two Festivals: This, the eighth day of Sukkot, is distinct in terms of its halakhot, even from the day just before it, the seventh day. However, that, the seventh day of Passover, is distinct in terms of its halakhot, only from a day previous to the day before, i.e., the first day alone. There is no distinction between the sixth and seventh days.,Rav Pappa said another reason why the eighth day of Sukkot is considered a distinct Festival. Here, with regard to the additional offering sacrificed on the Eighth Day of Assembly, it is written: “And you shall present a burnt-offering, an offering made by fire, of a sweet savor unto the Lord: One bull” (Numbers 29:36). There, with regard to the additional offering sacrificed on the first day of Sukkot, it is written: “And you shall present a burnt-offering, an offering made by fire, of a sweet savor unto the Lord: Thirteen bulls” (Numbers 29:13), and on each subsequent day one bull fewer is sacrificed: Twelve on the second day, eleven on the third day, and so on, until seven are sacrificed on the seventh day. Were the eighth day part of the festival of Sukkot, the additional offering on that day should have included six bulls. The fact that it includes only one bull indicates that it is a distinct Festival.,Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: Here, it is written: “On the eighth day you shall have a solemn assembly; you shall do no manner of servile labor” (Numbers 29:35). This indicates that this day is distinct from the others, as there, with regard to the other days of Sukkot, it is written: And on the day, indicating that each of the days from the second through the seventh are all continuations of the first day.,Rav Ashi said: Here, with regard to the eighth day, it is written: “Their meal-offering and their libations, for the bull, for the ram, and for the lambs, shall be according to their number, as per the regulation” (Numbers 29:37). However, there, with regard to the seventh day, it is written: “And their meal-offering and their libations, for the bulls, and for the rams, and for the lambs, according to their number, as per their regulation” (Numbers 29:33). The Gemara understands the use of the plural pronoun: Their, to indicate that the offerings sacrificed on all seven days are related.,The Gemara asks: Let us say that the following supports the opinion of Rabbi Yoḥa that one recites the blessing of time on the eighth day. Failure to bring either the bulls, or the rams, or the sheep on the Festival prevents fulfillment of one’s obligation with the other animals, as they are considered one offering. Rabbi Yehuda says: Failure to bring the bulls does not prevent fulfillment of one’s obligation with the other animals, since they decrease progressively each day. The Torah displays flexibility with regard to the bulls. Therefore, apparently, even if they are not brought at all one fulfills his obligation with the others.,The Sages said to Rabbi Yehuda: But don’t the numbers of all the animals eventually decrease on the eighth day, as on the other days two rams and fourteen sheep are sacrificed and on the eighth day it is one ram and seven sheep? Rabbi Yehuda said to them: The Eighth Day of Assembly is a Festival in and of itself. As just as the seven days of the festival of Sukkot require an offering, and a song sung by the Levites, and a blessing unique to the festival of Sukkot, and there is a mitzva of staying overnight in Jerusalem after the first Festival day, so too, the eighth day requires an offering, and a song sung by the Levites, and a blessing unique to the Eighth Day of Assembly, and there is a mitzva of staying overnight in Jerusalem at its conclusion.'' None|
|126. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Athenaeus, on festivals, hymns • Christian meals, festival for Augustus’ birthday • Libanius, ekphrasis of a festival • Tertullian, festival for Augustus’ birthday • ekphrasis, of a festival • festival, night • festivals, Roman • festivals, for Augustus • hymns, festivals
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 262; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 43
|127. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • festival, • festivals, promoted by tyrants
Found in books: Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 679; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 102
|128. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 96-101
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals/Feasts • festivals, and Tamid Service
Found in books: Trudinger (2004), The Psalms of the Tamid Service: A Liturgical Text from the Second Temple, 31; Wright (2015), The Letter of Aristeas : 'Aristeas to Philocrates' or 'On the Translation of the Law of the Jews' 207, 214, 217
96 reverence and in a way worthy of the great God.We were greatly astonished, when we saw Eleazar engaged in the ministration, at the mode of his dress, and the majesty of his appearance, which was revealed in the robe which he wore and the precious stones upon his person. There were golden bells upon the garment which reached down to his feet, giving forth a peculiar kind of melody, and on both sides of them there were pomegranate 97 with variegated flowers of a wonderful hue. He was girded with a girdle of conspicuous beauty, woven in the most beautiful colours. On his breast he wore the oracle of God, as it is called, on which twelve stones, of different kinds, were inset, fastened together with gold, containing the names of the leaders of the tribes, according to their original order, each one flashing forth in an indescribable way 98 its own particular colour. On his head he wore a tiara, as it is called, and upon this in the middle of his forehead an inimitable turban, the royal diadem full of glory with the name of God inscribed in sacred letters on a plate of gold . . . having been judged worthy to wear these emblems in the 99 ministrations. Their appearance created such awe and confusion of mind as to make one feel that one had come into the presence of a man who belonged to a different world. I am convinced that any one who takes part in the spectacle which I have described will be filled with astonishment and indescribable wonder and be profoundly affected in his mind at the thought of the sanctity which is attached to each detail of the service. 100 But in order that we might gain complete information, we ascended to the summit of the neighbouring citadel and looked around us. It is situated in a very lofty spot, and is fortified with many towers, which have been built up to the very top of immense stones, with the object, as we were informed, of'101 guarding the temple precincts, so that if there were an attack, or an insurrection or an onslaught of the enemy, no one would be able to force an entrance within the walls that surround the temple. On the towers of the citadel engines of war were placed and different kinds of machines, and the position wa ' None
|129. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • Festivals, Private • Festivals, Public • Hanukkah, Holiday of, Festival of Lights • Persians, portrayals of, in the Babylonian Talmud, and festivals, list of • Rome, festivals • festival • festivals, Persian • festivals, Roman • paganism, Roman festivals
Found in books: Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 117, 124, 172, 183, 222, 223; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 599; Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 313; Mokhtarian (2021), Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran. 65, 66; Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 151
|8a רבי יהושע סבר ילפינן ממשה ור"א סבר לא ילפינן ממשה שאני משה דרב גובריה וחכ"א לא כדברי זה ולא כדברי זה אלא שואל אדם צרכיו בשומע תפלה,אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל הלכה שואל אדם צרכיו בשומע תפלה אמר רב יהודה בריה דרב שמואל בר שילת משמיה דרב אע"פ שאמרו שואל אדם צרכיו בשומע תפלה אבל אם בא לומר בסוף כל ברכה וברכה מעין כל ברכה וברכה אומר,א"ר חייא בר אשי אמר רב אע"פ שאמרו שואל אדם צרכיו בשומע תפלה אם יש לו חולה בתוך ביתו אומר בברכת חולים ואם צריך לפרנסה אומר בברכת השנים,אמר ר\' יהושע בן לוי אע"פ שאמרו שואל אדם צרכיו בשומע תפלה אבל אם בא לומר אחר תפלתו אפילו כסדר יוה"כ אומר:,8b כל תלתין יומין בין א"ל מחמת הלולא ובין לא א"ל מחמת הלולא אסור מכאן ואילך אי א"ל מחמת הלולא אסור ואי לא אמר ליה מחמת הלולא שרי,וכי א"ל מחמת הלולא עד אימת אמר רב פפא עד תריסר ירחי שתא ומעיקרא מאימת אסור אמר רב פפא משמיה דרבא מכי רמו שערי באסינתי,ולבתר תריסר ירחי שתא שרי והא רב יצחק בריה דרב משרשיא איקלע לבי ההוא עובד כוכבים לבתר תריסר ירחי שתא ושמעיה דאודי ופירש ולא אכל שאני רב יצחק בריה דרב משרשיא דאדם חשוב הוא:,וקרטסים וכו\': מאי קרטסים אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל יום שתפסה בו רומי מלכות והתניא קרטסים ויום שתפסה בו רומי מלכות אמר רב יוסף שתי תפיסות תפסה רומי אחת בימי קלפטרא מלכתא ואחת שתפסה בימי יונים,דכי אתא רב דימי אמר תלתין ותרין קרבי עבדו רומאי בהדי יונאי ולא יכלו להו עד דשתפינהו לישראל בהדייהו והכי אתנו בהדייהו אי מינן מלכי מנייכו הפרכי אי מנייכו מלכי מינן הפרכי,ושלחו להו רומאי ליונאי עד האידנא עבידנא בקרבא השתא נעביד בדינא מרגלית ואבן טובה איזו מהן יעשה בסיס לחבירו שלחו להו מרגלית לאבן טובה,אבן טובה (ואינך) איזו מהן יעשה בסיס לחבירו אבן טובה לאינך אינך וספר תורה איזו מהן יעשה בסיס לחבירו אינך לספר תורה,שלחו להו א"כ אנן ספר תורה גבן וישראל בהדן כפו להו עשרין ושית שנין קמו להו בהימנותייהו בהדי ישראל מכאן ואילך אישתעבדו בהו,מעיקרא מאי דרוש ולבסוף מאי דרוש מעיקרא דרוש (בראשית לג, יב) נסעה ונלכה ואלכה לנגדך ולבסוף דרוש (בראשית לג, יד) יעבר נא אדני לפני עבדו,עשרין ושית שנין דקמו בהימנותייהו בהדי ישראל מנא לן דאמר רב כהנא כשחלה רבי ישמעאל בר יוסי שלחו ליה רבי אמור לנו שנים וג\' דברים שאמרת לנו משום אביך,אמר להו מאה ושמנים שנה קודם שנחרב הבית פשטה מלכות הרשעה על ישראל פ\' שנה עד לא חרב הבית גזרו טומאה על ארץ העמים ועל כלי זכוכית מ\' שנה עד לא חרב הבית גלתה סנהדרין וישבה לה בחנות,למאי הלכתא א"ר יצחק בר אבדימי לומר שלא דנו דיני קנסות דיני קנסות סלקא דעתך והאמר רב יהודה אמר רב ברם זכור אותו האיש לטוב ורבי יהודה בן בבא שמו שאלמלא הוא נשתכחו דיני קנסות מישראל נשתכחו לגרסינהו,אלא בטלו דיני קנסות מישראל שגזרה מלכות הרשעה גזרה כל הסומך יהרג וכל הנסמך יהרג ועיר שסומכין בה תחרב ותחום שסומכין בו יעקר,מה עשה רבי יהודה בן בבא הלך וישב בין שני הרים גדולים ובין שתי עיירות גדולות בין ב\' תחומי שבת בין אושא לשפרעם וסמך שם חמשה זקנים ר"מ ור\' יהודה ור\' יוסי ור"ש ורבי אלעזר בן שמוע ורב אויא מוסיף אף רבי נחמיה,כיון שהכירו בהם אויבים אמר להם בני רוצו אמרו לו רבי ואתה מה תהא עליך אמר להם הריני מוטל לפניהם כאבן שאין לה הופכין אמרו לא זזו משם עד שנעצו לגופו ג\' מאות לולניאות של ברזל ועשאוהו לגופו ככברה,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק לא תימא דיני קנסות אלא שלא דנו דיני נפשות,מ"ט כיון דחזו דנפישי להו רוצחין ולא יכלי למידן אמרו מוטב נגלי ממקום למקום כי היכי דלא ליחייבו,דכתיב (דברים יז, י) ועשית על פי הדבר אשר יגידו לך מן המקום ההוא מלמד שהמקום גורם:,מאה ושמנים ותו לא והתני רבי יוסי ברבי 11b המנשר פרסותיה מן הארכובה ולמטה תרגמא רב פפא בעגלה המושכת בקרון:,יום תגלחת זקנו: איבעיא להו היכי קתני יום תגלחת זקנו והנחת בלוריתו או דלמא יום תגלחת זקנו והעברת בלוריתו ת"ש דתני\' תרוייהו יום תגלחת זקנו והנחת בלוריתו יום תגלחת זקנו והעברת בלוריתו,אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל עוד אחרת יש להם ברומי אחת לשבעים שנה מביאין אדם שלם ומרכיבין אותו על אדם חיגר ומלבישין אותו בגדי אדם הראשון ומניחין לו בראשו קרקיפלו של רבי ישמעאל,ותלו ליה בצואריה מתקל ר\' זוזא דפיזא ומחפין את השווקים באינך ומכריזין לפניו סך קירי פלסתר אחוה דמרנא זייפנא דחמי חמי ודלא חמי לא חמי מאי אהני לרמאה ברמאותיה ולזייפנא בזייפנותיה ומסיימין בה הכי ווי לדין כד יקום דין,אמר רב אשי הכשילן פיהם לרשעים אי אמרו זייפנא אחוה דמרנא כדקאמרי השתא דאמרי דמרנא זייפנא מרנא גופיה זייפנא הוא,ותנא דידן מ"ט לא קחשיב לה להאי דאיתא בכל שתא ושתא קחשיב דליתא בכל שתא ושתא לא קחשיב,הני דרומאי ודפרסאי מאי מוטרדי וטוריסקי מוהרנקי ומוהרין הני דפרסאי ודרומאי דבבלאי מאי מוהרנקי ואקניתי\' בחנוני ועשר באדר,אמר רב חנן בר רב חסדא אמר רב ואמרי לה א"ר חנן בר רבא אמר רב חמשה בתי עבודת כוכבים קבועין הן אלו הן בית בל בבבל בית נבו בכורסי תרעתא שבמפג צריפא שבאשקלון נשרא שבערביא כי אתא רב דימי הוסיפו עליהן יריד שבעין בכי נדבכה שבעכו איכא דאמרי נתברא שבעכו רב דימי מנהרדעא מתני איפכא יריד שבעכו נדבכה שבעין בכי,א"ל רב חנן בר רב חסדא לרב חסדא מאי קבועין הן א"ל הכי אמר אבוה דאימך קבועין הן לעולם תדירא כולה שתא פלחי להו,אמר שמואל בגולה אינו אסור אלא יום אידם בלבד ויום אידם נמי מי אסיר והא רב יהודה שרא ליה לרב ברונא לזבוני חמרא ולרב גידל לזבוני חיטין בחגתא דטייעי שאני חגתא דטייעי דלא קביעא:,||8a Rabbi Yehoshua holds that we derive from the case of Moses that one should first praise God in prayer and only afterward issue personal requests. And Rabbi Eliezer holds that we do not derive from Moses how to act, since Moses is different, as his might is great, i.e., he knew how to pray to God in this order. And the Rabbis say: The halakha is not in accordance with the statement of this Sage, who says that one should issue personal requests before praying, nor is it in accordance with the statement of that Sage, who says that personal requests should follow prayer. Rather, a person requests his own needs in the blessing ending: Who listens to prayer. Therefore, when Naḥum the Mede stated that this is the halakha, he was merely concurring with the opinion of the Rabbis.,With regard to the halakhic ruling, Rav Yehuda says that Shmuel says: The halakha is that a person requests his own needs during the Amida prayer in the blessing ending: Who listens to prayer. Rav Yehuda, son of Rav Shmuel bar Sheilat, says in the name of Rav: Although the Sages said that a person requests his own needs in the blessing ending: Who listens to prayer, that is not the only option. Rather, if he wishes to recite at the conclusion of each and every blessing personal requests that reflect the nature of each and every blessing, he may recite them.,Similarly, Rav Ḥiyya bar Ashi says that Rav says: Although the Sages said that a person requests his own needs in the blessing ending: Who listens to prayer, if he has a sick person in his house he recites a special prayer for him during the blessing of the sick. And if he is in need of sustece, he recites a request during the blessing of the years.,Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: Although the Sages said that a person requests his own needs in the blessing ending: Who listens to prayer; but if one wishes to recite prayers and supplications after finishing his Amida prayer, even if his personal requests are as long as the order of the confession of Yom Kippur, he may recite them.,And these are the festivals of gentiles: Kalenda, Saturnalia, and Kratesis, and the day of the festival of their kings, and the birthday of the king, and the anniversary of the day of the death of the king. This is the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say: Every death that includes public burning is a festival that includes idol worship, and any death that does not include public burning is not a festival that includes idol worship. But in the case of the day of shaving his, i.e., a gentile’s, beard and his locks, and the day of his ascent from the sea, and the day that he left prison, and also in the case of a gentile who prepared a wedding feast for his son and celebrates on that day, engaging in business is prohibited only on that day and with that man.,Rav Ḥa bar Rava says: When are these festivals celebrated? Kalenda is celebrated during the eight days after the winter solstice, and Saturnalia is celebrated during the eight days before the winter solstice. And your mnemonic to remember which festival is that the one that occurs after the solstice is mentioned first in the mishna, and the festival that takes place before the solstice is mentioned after, as in the verse: “You have hemmed me in behind and before, and laid Your Hand upon me” (Psalms 139:5), where the word “before” appears after the term “behind.”,With regard to the dates of these festivals, the Sages taught: When Adam the first man saw that the day was progressively diminishing, as the days become shorter from the autumnal equinox until the winter solstice, he did not yet know that this is a normal phenomenon, and therefore he said: Woe is me; perhaps because I sinned the world is becoming dark around me and will ultimately return to the primordial state of chaos and disorder. And this is the death that was sentenced upon me from Heaven, as it is written: “And to dust shall you return” (Genesis 3:19). He arose and spent eight days in fasting and in prayer.,Once he saw that the season of Tevet, i.e., the winter solstice, had arrived, and saw that the day was progressively lengthening after the solstice, he said: Clearly, the days become shorter and then longer, and this is the order of the world. He went and observed a festival for eight days. Upon the next year, he observed both these eight days on which he had fasted on the previous year, and these eight days of his celebration, as days of festivities. He, Adam, established these festivals for the sake of Heaven, but they, the gentiles of later generations, established them for the sake of idol worship.,The Gemara raises a difficulty: Granted, according to the one who says that the world was created in the month of Tishrei, one can understand why Adam believed that the days were becoming shorter as part of his punishment, as he saw the short days of the winter and had not yet seen the long days of summer. But according to the one who says that the world was created in the month of Nisan, he had already seen the difference between the short days and the long days, as the days in the month of Nisan become progressively longer with the passage of time. The Gemara answers: Although Adam had experienced short days, he had not seen days that were this short, as in the days before the winter solstice.,The Sages taught: On the day that Adam the first man was created, when the sun set upon him he said: Woe is me, as because I sinned, the world is becoming dark around me, and the world will return to the primordial state of chaos and disorder. And this is the death that was sentenced upon me from Heaven. He spent all night fasting and crying, and Eve was crying opposite him. Once dawn broke, he said: Evidently, the sun sets and night arrives, and this is the order of the world. He arose and sacrificed a bull whose horns preceded its hoofs in the order that they were created, as it is stated: “And it shall please the Lord better than a bullock that has horns and hoofs” (Psalms 69:32). This verse is referring to the one particular bull whose horns preceded its hoofs.,And Rav Yehuda says that Shmuel says: The bull that Adam the first man sacrificed had one horn in its forehead, as it is stated: “And it shall please the Lord better than a bullock that has horns makrin and hooves.” The Gemara raises a difficulty: Isn’t makrin plural, which indicates two horns? Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: Mikkeren is written, i.e., the letter yod is missing from the word, indicating that there was only one horn.,§ Rav Mattana says: Since Rome established the festival of Kalenda on a specific date, and all of the nearby towns are ruled by Rome, i.e., they pay their tax to Rome and provide its needs but do not themselves celebrate the festival, is it prohibited or permitted to engage in business transactions with the gentile residents of those towns? Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says: It is prohibited to engage in business during the time of the Kalenda with everyone. Rabbi Yoḥa says: It is prohibited to engage in business only with its worshippers, whereas it is permitted to engage in business transactions with gentiles who do not celebrate the festival.,The Sage taught in a baraita in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yoḥa: Although they said that Rome has established the festival of Kalenda and all of the nearby towns are ruled by Rome, it is prohibited to engage in business only with its worshippers.,The baraita continues: With regard to the festivals Saturnalia and Kratesis, and the day of the festival of their kings, and the day on which the king was crowned, the halakha is that before the festival it is prohibited to engage in business transactions, whereas after the festival it is permitted. But in the case of a gentile who prepared a feast for his son and celebrates on that day, engaging in business is prohibited only on that day itself and with that man.,Rav Ashi said: We learn in the mishna as well in accordance with Rabbi Yoḥa’s statement that the prohibition applies only to gentiles who celebrate the festival, not to people who are ruled by them. As the mishna teaches: With regard to the day of shaving his beard and his locks, and the day of his ascent from the sea, and the day that he left prison, engaging in business is prohibited only on that day and with that man.,Rav Ashi explains the proof: Granted, the mishna specifies that the prohibition is limited to that day alone, in order to exclude the days before and after it. But when it states that the prohibition applies only to that man, what does the mishna exclude? Obviously the prohibition does not extend to all gentiles, as it is a personal festival. Doesn’t the mishna’s ruling serve to exclude those who are ruled by him? Therefore, conclude from the language of the mishna that a prohibition extends only to gentiles who celebrate the festival, not to those who are ruled by them.,It is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Yishmael says: Jews who are outside of Eretz Yisrael are considered to engage in idol worship in purity, i.e., unwittingly. How does this occur? In the case of a gentile who prepared a feast for the marriage of his son, and invited all of the Jews in his town, even though they eat of their own kosher food and drink of their own kosher beverages, and their own attendant stands before them, the verse ascribes guilt to them as though they ate of the offerings to the dead, i.e., idols, as it is stated: “And sacrifice to their gods, and they call you, and you eat of their sacrifice” (Exodus 34:15). Since Jews participate in a feast in which the gentile sacrifices offerings to his idol, it is as though they partook of the offering themselves.,The Gemara asks: But why not say that the verse is criticizing the Jews only once they eat from the sacrifice? Rava said: If that is what is meant, let the verse say only: And you eat of their sacrifice. What is meant by the additional phrase: “And they call you”? This indicates that the prohibition occurs from the time of the call. Therefore, 8b during all the thirty days that follow the wedding celebration, if the gentile invites a Jew to a feast, whether he said to the Jew that the feast is due to the wedding celebration or whether he did not say to him that the feast is due to the wedding celebration, it is prohibited to attend, as it is assumed the festivity is part of the wedding celebration. From this point forward, if he said to him that the feast is due to the wedding celebration, it is prohibited to participate, but if he did not say to him that the feast is due to the wedding celebration, it is permitted to do so.,The Gemara asks: And in a case where he said to him that the feast is due to the wedding celebration, until when is the feast assumed to be connected to idol worship? Rav Pappa said: Until twelve months of the year have passed since the wedding. The Gemara asks: And initially, before the wedding, from when is it prohibited? Rav Pappa said in the name of Rava: From the time when they cast barley into the mortars ba’asintei to prepare beer for the wedding.,The Gemara asks: And after the twelve months of the year have passed since the wedding, is it always permitted to participate in a feast? But Rav Yitzḥak, son of Rav Mesharshiyya, happened to come to the house of a certain gentile after twelve months of the year had passed since his son’s wedding, and he heard the gentile giving thanks to his idol for the marriage of his son, and he withdrew from the feast and did not eat there. The Gemara answers: Rav Yitzḥak, son of Rav Mesharshiyya, is different, as he is an important person and therefore his presence caused the gentile to rejoice.,§ The mishna teaches: And Kratesis, and the day of the festival of their kings. The Gemara asks: What is the festival of Kratesis? Rav Yehuda said that Shmuel said: It commemorates the day when Rome seized control of an empire. The Gemara asks: But isn’t it taught in a baraita: Two festivals are Kratesis and the day when Rome seized control of an empire? This indi-cates that Kratesis and the day when Rome seized control of an empire are two separate festivals. Rav Yosef said: On two separate occasions Rome seized control of an empire. One occurred in the days of Queen Cleopatra, when they conquered Egypt, and one happened much earlier, when Rome seized control in the days of the Greeks.,The Gemara elaborates: As when Rav Dimi came from Eretz Yisrael he said: The Romans waged thirty-two battles with the Greeks but were unable to defeat them, until they formed a partnership with the Jewish people and finally vanquished the Greeks. And this is the condition that they stipulated with the Jewish people: If the kings come from among us, the governors hiparkhei will come from among you; and if the kings come from among you, the governors will come from among us.,And the Romans sent the following message to the Greeks: Until now, we attempted to resolve our conflict through fighting battles; now, let us settle the matter by means of judgment. In the case of a pearl and a precious stone, which one of them should serve as a base for the other? The Greeks sent them in response: The pearl should serve as the base for the precious stone, which has a greater value.,The Romans further inquired: If there was a precious stone and an onyx innakh, a particularly valuable precious stone, which one of them should serve as a base for the other? The Greeks answered: The precious stone should serve as the base for the onyx. Once again, the Romans asked: In the case of an onyx and a Torah scroll, which one of them should be serve as a base for the other? The Greeks responded: The onyx should serve as the base for the Torah scroll.,The Romans sent this response to them: If that is so, then you should submit to us, as we have the Torah scroll with us, and the Jewish people are with us. The Romans are akin to the precious stone, and they are allied with the Jewish people who are akin to the onyx, and they possess the Torah scroll. The Romans therefore forced the Greeks to surrender and took over their world domice. For twenty-six years the Romans stood faithfully with the Jewish people; from that point forward, they subjugated them.,The Gemara asks: Initially, when the Romans acted faithfully, what verse did they interpret, and ultimately, when they subjugated the Jews, what verse did they interpret? Initially, they interpreted the verse where Esau said to Jacob upon their meeting: “Let us take our journey, and let us go, and I will go before you” (Genesis 33:12). In this verse, Esau equates himself to Jacob, prefiguring the initial Roman treatment of the Jews. And ultimately, they interpreted the verse that recites Jacob’s response to Esau: “Let my lord, I pray you, pass over before his servant” (Genesis 33:14), demonstrating Jacob’s subjugation to Esau, and by extension that of the Jews to Rome.,The Gemara asks: With regard to the twenty-six years during which the Romans stood faithfully with the Jewish people, from where do we know that this was the case? The Gemara cites a proof. As Rav Kahana says: When Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei, fell ill, the Sages sent the following message to him: Our teacher, tell us two or three statements that you once told us in the name of your father, Rabbi Yosei ben Ḥalafta, as we do not remember the statements precisely.,Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei, said to them the following statements that were passed down to him by his father: One hundred and eighty years before the Second Temple was destroyed, the evil Roman Empire stretched forth over Israel and ruled over them. Eighty years before the Temple was destroyed, the Sages decreed impurity on the land of the nations and on glass vessels. Forty years before the Temple was destroyed, the Sanhedrin was exiled from the Chamber of Hewn Stone and sat in the store near the Temple Mount.,The Gemara asks: With regard to what halakha is it necessary to know where the Sanhedrin would convene? Rabbi Yitzḥak bar Avdimi said: It is necessary in order to say that they no longer judged cases of fines. The Gemara asks: Does it enter your mind that at this point the Sanhedrin no longer judged cases of fines? But doesn’t Rav Yehuda say that Rav says: Indeed beram, that man will be remembered favorably, and Rabbi Yehuda ben Bava is his name, as had it not been for him the laws of fines would have been forgotten from among the Jewish people. The Gemara challenges that assertion: Would the laws of fines actually have been forgotten? Let the scholars study them, so they will not be forgotten.,Rather, his intention was to say that the laws of fines would have ceased to be implemented from among the Jewish people, as they would not have been able to adjudicate cases involving these halakhot due to a lack of ordained judges. This is because at one time the wicked kingdom of Rome issued decrees of religious persecution against the Jewish people with the aim of abolishing the chain of ordination and the authority of the Sages. They said that anyone who ordains judges will be killed, and anyone who is ordained will be killed, and the city in which they ordain the judges will be destroyed, and the areas around the boundary of the city in which they ordain judges will be uprooted. These measures were intended to discourage the Sages from performing or receiving ordination due to fear for the welfare of the local population.,What did Rabbi Yehuda ben Bava do? He went and sat between two large mountains, and between two large cities, and between two Shabbat boundaries: Between Usha and Shefaram, i.e., in a desolate place that was not associated with any particular city so that he would not endanger anyone not directly involved, and there he ordained five Elders, namely: Rabbi Meir, and Rabbi Yehuda, and Rabbi Shimon, and Rabbi Yosei, and Rabbi Elazar ben Shammua. And Rav Avya adds that Rabbi Neḥemya was also among those ordained.,When their enemies discovered them, Rabbi Yehuda ben Bava said to the newly ordained rabbis: My sons, run for your lives. They said to him: Our teacher, and what will be with you? Rabbi Yehuda ben Bava was elderly and unable to run. He said to them: In any case, I am cast before them like a stone that cannot be overturned; even if you attempt to assist me I will not be able to escape due to my frailty, but if you do not escape without me you will also be killed. People said about this incident: The Roman soldiers did not move from there until they had inserted three hundred iron spears lulniot into his body, making his body appear like a sieve pierced with many holes. It can be inferred from this episode that there were ordained judges who could hear cases of fines for many years after the destruction of the Temple, in contrast to Rabbi Yitzḥak bar Avdimi’s statement.,Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says in explanation: Do not say that after the Sanhedrin was exiled from the Chamber of Hewn Stone they no longer judged cases of fines; rather, emend the statement to say that they no longer judged cases of capital law, as a court does not have the authority to hear capital cases when the Sanhedrin is not sitting in the Chamber of Hewn Stone.,The Gemara explains: What is the reason that the members of the Sanhedrin ceased to meet in their proper place and thereby ended the adjudication of capital cases? Once they saw that the murderers were so numerous and they were not able to judge them and punish them with death, they said: It is better that we should be exiled from the Chamber of Hewn Stone and move from place to place, so that offenders will not be deemed liable to receive the death penalty in a time period when the court does not carry out their sentences.,The Gemara explains why a court may not adjudicate capital cases once the Sanhedrin has left the Chamber of Hewn Stone. As it is written: “And you shall do according to the tenor of the sentence, which they shall declare to you from that place” (Deuteronomy 17:10). This verse teaches that it is the place where the Sanhedrin resides that causes the judgment to take place. In other words, if the Sanhedrin has abandoned its proper place, the Chamber of Hewn Stone, all courts must cease judging capital cases.,The Gemara returns to the earlier comment of Rabbi Yishmael in the name of his father Rabbi Yosei ben Ḥalafta, that the Roman Empire ruled over Israel one hundred and eighty years before the second Temple was destroyed. The Gemara asks: Did Rome rule over Israel for one hundred and eighty years before the destruction of the Temple and no more? But didn’t Rabbi Yosei the Great, i.e., Rabbi Yosei ben Ḥalafta himself, teach: 11b One who cuts the hooves of the animal, severing the legs from the knee and below, does not render the animal a tereifa. It is evident from the baraita, which discusses the cases in which an animal is rendered a tereifa and is therefore unfit to eat, that it is discussing kosher animals. The Gemara answers: Rav Pappa interpreted the baraita as referring to the calf that pulls the king’s coach, a kosher animal of which the king made use.,§ The mishna teaches: The day of shaving his, i.e., the gentile’s, beard and his locks. A dilemma was raised before the Sages: What is the mishna teaching here? Is it referring to the day of shaving his beard and head, when he cuts the hair of his head and as a result his long locks at the back of his head are left as a form of idol worship? Or perhaps the mishna is speaking of the day of shaving his beard and removing his locks, which are removed some time after they were left on the head? The Gemara responds: Come and hear an answer, as both opinions are taught in baraitot: One baraita mentions the day of shaving his beard and head when his long locks at the back of his head are left, whereas a different baraita specifies the day of shaving his beard and removing his locks.,The Gemara continues to discuss Roman festivals. Rav Yehuda says that Shmuel says: They have another festival in Rome: Once every seventy years they bring a man who is whole and free from any defect and have him ride on a lame man, to symbolize the healthy Esau ruling over Jacob, who walked with a limp after his fight with the angel. And they dress him in the garments of Adam the first man and place on his head the scalp karkifelo of Rabbi Yishmael, which the Romans flayed when they executed him.,And they hang gold on his neck weighing two hundred dinars, and cover the markets with onyx, and announce before him: The calculation sakh of the master kiri Jacob with regard to the time of the redemption is fraudulent plaster; the brother of our master, i.e., Esau, a forger. They further announce: One who witnesses this festival witnesses it, and whoever does not witness it will not witness it ever, as it was celebrated only once every seventy years. What purpose does deceit serve for the deceiver, and forgery for the forger? And they conclude in this fashion: Woe unto this one, Esau, when that one, Jacob, will arise, as this will cause Esau’s downfall.,Rav Ashi says: The mouths of these wicked people have caused their downfall. Had they said: A forger is the brother of our master, their claim would be interpreted as they say and wish to be understood. Now that they say: The brother of our master, a forger; they can be understood as saying: It is our master himself who is the forger.,The Gemara asks: And what is the reason that the tanna of our mishna does not count this festival in his list of gentile festivals? The Gemara answers: The tanna of the mishna counts those festivals that occur each and every year, and he does not count those festivals that do not occur each and every year.,The Gemara comments: Those festivals enumerated in the mishna are the festivals of the Romans. The Gemara asks: And what are the idolatrous festivals of the Persians? The Gemara answers: Mutredei and Turyaskei, Moharnekei and Moharin. The Gemara asks: Those are the festivals of the Persians and the Romans, and what are the festivals of the Babylonians? The Gemara answers: Moharnekei and Akenitei, Beḥanunei and the tenth of Adar.,§ Rav Ḥa bar Rav Ḥisda says that Rav says, and some say that it was Rav Ḥa bar Rava who says that Rav says: There are five established temples of idol worship, and they are: The temple of Bel in Babylonia; the temple of Nebo in the city of Khursei; the temple of Tirata, which is located in the city of Mapag; Tzerifa, which is located in Ashkelon; and Nashra, which is located in Arabia. When Rav Dimi came from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said: The Sages added to these places the marketplace that is located in Ein Bekhi and Nadbekha, which is located in Akko. There are those who say that Rav Dimi was referring to Natbera that is located in Akko. Rav Dimi from Neharde’a teaches the opposite, that it is the marketplace that is located in Akko, and Nadbekha that is located in Ein Bekhi.,Rav Ḥa bar Rav Ḥisda said to Rav Ḥisda: What does it mean that these temples of idol worship are established? Rav Ḥisda said to him: This is what your mother’s father, Rav Ḥa bar Rava, said: In contrast to festivals, which last for one or several days, they are always fixed as the site of idol worship, as constantly, all year round, worship takes place there.,§ Shmuel says: The halakha is that in the Diaspora, engaging in business with gentiles is prohibited only on the day of their festival itself, not during the days preceding and following the festival. Since Jews live among the gentiles, they are unable to refrain from engaging in business with them for such an extended period. The Gemara asks: And is it prohibited even on their festival day itself? But didn’t Rav Yehuda permit Rav Beruna to sell wine to gentiles, and permitted Rav Giddel to sell wheat, on the festival of the Arab merchants? The Gemara answers: The festival of the Arab merchants is different, as it does not have a fixed time, and therefore the Sages did not include it in the prohibition.,a city in which there is active idol worship, it is permitted to engage in business transactions with gentiles who live outside of the city. If the idol worship is outside the city, it is permitted to engage in business within the city. What is the halakha with regard to traveling there, a place where a pagan festival is being celebrated? When the road is designated only for that place, it is prohibited to use the road, as onlookers will assume that the traveler intends to join the festival. But if one were able to travel on it to arrive at another place, it is permitted to use the road to reach the place that is observing the festival.,What are the circumstances that determine whether a place is sufficiently far from a city to be considered outside of it? Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish says in the name of Rabbi Ḥanina: A place that is far enough away is, for example, the bazaar atluza of Gaza, which is located outside the city walls. And some say that Rabbi Shimon ben Lakish asked Rabbi Ḥanina about this issue: What is the halakha with regard to the bazaar of Gaza? May one conduct business there on the day of a festival celebrated in Gaza? Rabbi Ḥanina said to him: Did you never in your lifetime travel to Tyre and see a Jew and a gentile'' None|
|130. Demosthenes, Orations, 18.180, 44.37, 59.73-59.78, 59.80-59.85, 60.8
Tagged with subjects: • Athens, festivals • Dionysia festivals, Great or City D. • Dionysos, festivals • Skambonidai festivals mentioned in decree of • Thesmophoria festival • Thesmophoria festival, Thetis,shrine of • burial, deme festival • dramatic festivals, Lenaea • dramatic festivals, Rural Dionysia • dramatic festivals, discursive parameters • dramatic festivals, number of plays • festival, festivity, festive • festivals • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Attic confined to Athens • festivals, Attic confined to demes • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Prerosia • festivals, Theoinia
Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 27, 179; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 113; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 703, 803; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 182, 291; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 67; Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 268; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 74; Rutter and Sparkes (2012), Word and Image in Ancient Greece, 167; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 136, 158
18.180 What part do you wish me to assign to you, Aeschines, and what to myself, in the drama of that great day? Am I to be cast for the part of Battalus, Battalus, perhaps stammerer, a nickname of the nursery; capable also of an indecent interpretation, and therefore maliciously revived by Aeschines. as you dub me when you scold me so scornfully, and you for no vulgar role but to play some hero of legendary tragedy, Cresphontes, or Creon, or, shall we say, Oenomaus, whom you once murdered by your bad acting at Collytus? Anyhow, on that occasion Battalus of Paeania deserved better of his country than Oenomaus of Cothocidae. You were utterly useless; I did everything that became a good citizen. Please read the decree.
44.37 He got together some of the Otrynians with the demarch, and persuaded them at the opening of the adult register to inscribe his name. And after that on the occasion of the great Panathenaea The great Panathenea, the most important of all Athenian festivals, was held every four years in the month of Hecatombaeon (July). at the time of the distribution, he came to get his admission fee, and when the other demesmen were receiving it, he demanded that it be given him also, and that he should be entered on the register under the name of Archiades. But when we entered a solemn protest, and all the others declared that what he was doing was an outrage, he went away without either having his name inscribed or receiving the admission fee.
59.73 And this woman offered on the city’s behalf the sacrifices which none may name, and saw what it was not fitting for her to see, being an alien; and despite her character she entered where no other of the whole host of the Athenians enters save the wife of the king only; and she administered the oath to the venerable priestesses These were women whose duty was to minister at the altars of Dionysus. who preside over the sacrifices, and was given as bride to Dionysus At the festival of the Anthesteria, in order to symbolize the union of the god with the people, the (presumably) noblest woman in the land—the wife of the king—was given as bride to Dionysus. ; and she conducted on the city’s behalf the rites which our fathers handed down for the service of the gods, rites many and solemn and not to be named. If it be not permitted that anyone even hear of them, how can it be consot with piety for a chance-comer to perform them, especially a woman of her character and one who has done what she has done? 59.74 I wish, however, to go back farther and explain these matters to you in greater detail, that you may be more careful in regard to the punishment, and may be assured that you are to cast your votes, not only in the interest of your selves and the laws, but also in the interest of reverence towards the gods, by exacting the penalty for acts of impiety, and by punishing those who have done the wrong. In ancient times, men of Athens, there was sovereignty in our state, and the kingship belonged to those who were from time to time preeminent by reason of their being children of the soil, and the king offered all the sacrifices, and those which were holiest and which none might name his wife performed, as was natural, she being queen. 59.75 But when Theseus settled the people in one city and established the democracy, and the city became populous, the people none the less continued to elect the king as before, choosing him from among those most distinguished by valor; and they established a law that his wife should be of Athenian birth, and that he should marry a virgin who had never known another man, to the end that after the custom of our fathers the sacred rites that none may name may be celebrated on the city’s behalf, and that the approved sacrifices may be made to the gods as piety demands, without omission or innovation. 59.76 This law they wrote on a pillar of stone, and set it up in the sanctuary of Dionysus by the altar in Limnae A district in the southern part of Athens, though topographers differ widely as to its location. It was doubtless originally a swamp ( λίμνη ). (and this pillar even now stands, showing the inscription in Attic characters, nearly effaced). Thus the people testified to their own piety toward the god, and left it as a deposit for future generations, showing what type of woman we demand that she shall be who is to be given in marriage to the god, and is to perform the sacrifices. For this reason they set it up in the most ancient and most sacred sanctuary of Dionysus in Limnae, in order that few only might have knowledge of the inscription; for once only in each year is the sanctuary opened, on the twelfth day of the month Anthesterion. Anthesterion corresponds to the latter half of February and the prior half of March. It was in this month that the Feast of Flowers ( τὰ Ἀνθεστήρια ) was celebrated in honor of Dionysus. 59.77 These sacred and holy rites for the celebration of which your ancestors provided so well and so magnificently, it is your duty, men of Athens, to maintain with devotion, and likewise to punish those who insolently defy your laws and have been guilty of shameless impiety toward the gods; and this for two reasons: first, that they may pay the penalty for their crimes; and, secondly, that others may take warning, and may fear to commit any sin against the gods and against the state. 59.78 I wish now to call before you the sacred herald who waits upon the wife of the king, when she administers the oath to the venerable priestesses as they carry their baskets The baskets contained the salt meal which was sprinkled upon the heads of the victims. in front of the altar before they touch the victims, in order that you may hear the oath and the words that are pronounced, at least as far as it is permitted you to hear them; and that you may understand how august and holy and ancient the rites are. The Oath of the Venerable Priestesses I live a holy life and am pure and unstained by all else that pollutes and by commerce with man, and I will celebrate the feast of the wine god and the Iobacchic feast These festivals derived their names from epithets applied to the God, and belonged to the ancient worship of Dionysus. in honor of Dionysus in accordance with custom and at the appointed times.
59.80 When these rites had been solemnized and the nine archons had gone up on the Areopagus on the appointed days, the council of the Areopagus, which in other matters also is of high worth to the city in what pertains to piety, forthwith undertook an inquiry as to who this wife of Theogenes was and established the truth; and being deeply concerned for the sanctity of the rites, the council was for imposing upon Theogenes the highest fine in its power, but in secret and with due regard for appearances; for they have not the power to punish any of the Athenians as they see fit. 59.81 Conferences were held, and, seeing that the council of the Areopagus was deeply incensed and was disposed to fine Theogenes for having married a wife of such character and having permitted her to administer on the city’s behalf the rites that none may name, Theogenes besought them with prayers and entreaties, declaring that he did not know that she was the daughter of Neaera, but that he had been deceived by Stephanus, and had married her according to law as being the latter’s legitimate daughter; and that it was because of his own inexperience in affairs and the guilelessness of his character that he had made Stephanus his assessor to attend to the business of his office; for he considered him a friend, and on that account had become his son-in-law. 59.82 And, he said, I will show you by a convincing and manifest proof that I am telling the truth. I will send the woman away from my house, since she is the daughter, not of Stephanus, but of Neaera. If I do this, then let my statement that I was deceived be accepted as true; but, if I fail to do it, then punish me as a vile fellow who is guilty of impiety toward the gods. 59.83 When Theogenes had made this promise and this plea, the council of the Areopagus, through compassion also for the guilelessness of his character and in the belief that he had really been deceived by Stephanus, refrained from action. And Theogenes immediately on coming down from the Areopagus cast out of his house the woman, the daughter of this Neaera, and expelled this man Stephanus, who had deceived him, from the board of magistrates. Thus it was that the members of the Areopagus desisted from their action against Theogenes and from their anger against him; for they forgave him, because he had been deceived. 59.84 To prove the truth of these statements of mine, I will call before you as witness to these facts Theogenes himself, and will compel him to testify. (To the clerk.) Call, please, Theogenes of Erchia. Erchia, a deme of the tribe Aegeïs; but see note a on Dem. 59.72 . The Deposition Theogenes of Erchia deposes that when he was king he married Phano, believing her to be the daughter of Stephanus, and that, when he found he had been deceived, he cast the woman away and ceased to live with her, and that he expelled Stephanus from his post of assessor, and no longer allowed him to serve in that capacity. 59.85 (To the clerk.) Now take, please, the law bearing upon these matters, and read it; for I would have you know that a woman of her character, who has done what she has done, ought not only to have kept aloof from these sacred rites, to have abstained from beholding them, from offering sacrifices, and from performing on the city’s behalf any of the ancestral rites which usage demands, but that she should have been excluded also from all other religious ceremonials in Athens. For a woman who has been taken in adultery is not permitted to attend any of the public sacrifices, although the laws have given both to the alien woman and the slave the right to attend these, whether to view the spectacle or to offer prayer.
60.8 They so prevailed over the invading host of the Amazons as to expel them beyond the Phasis, and the host of Eumolpus and of many another foeman they drove not only out of their own land but also from the lands of all the other Greeks—invaders whom all those dwelling on our front to the westward neither withstood nor possessed the power to halt. The female warriors known as Amazons were repelled by Theseus. The Phasis River in Colchis, now the Rion, was the legendary boundary between Europe and Asia. Eumolpus invaded Greece from Thrace but was halted by Erechtheus at Eleusis. The route to all parts of the mainland issued from Athens on the west side. Moreover, they were styled the saviors of the sons of Heracles, who himself was the savior of the rest of mankind, when they arrived in this land as suppliants, fleeing before Eurystheus. In addition to all these and many other noble deeds they refused to suffer the lawful rites of the departed to be treated with despite when Creon forbade the burial of the seven against Thebes. This phrase became proverbial as the title of a drama by Aeschylus. Theseus, king of Athens, gave aid to the suppliant wives of the Argive heroes when Creon, king of Thebes, refused burial to their slain husbands: Eur. Supp. '' None
|131. Epigraphy, Ig I , 82, 84, 250, 255, 258, 375
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysos, festivals • Itonia, festival, on Amorgos • burial, Tetrapolis festival • burial, deme festival • festivals • festivals and festivities, associations, • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Anthesteria • festivals, Chloaia • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Erosantheia • festivals, Prerosia • festivals, Theoinia • festivals, administration of • festivals, funding of • festivals, penteteric (quadrennial) • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί
Found in books: Gabrielsen and Paganini (2021), Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity, 153; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 173; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 556, 767, 803, 869; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 228; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 17, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 36, 80, 86, 141, 144
82 Gods. Prokles son of Atarbos of Euonymon was secretary, in the archonship of Aristion (421/0). The Council and the People decided, Hippothontis was the prytany, Prokles was secretary, (5) . . . was chairman, Aristion was archon (421/0), Hyperbolos? proposed: . . . quadrennial festival (pentet-) (?) . . . . . . . . . . . . (10) . . . . . . in the agora . . . . . . to the demesmen (demotesi) . . . . . . one hundred and fif?ty . . . . . . of the music just as . . . (15) . . . of Hephaistos and Athena . . . . . . for the Athenians, from where they must take the money . . . . . . religious officials who hold office . . . shall be chosen by lot . . . from the - one from each tribe, from the . . . (?) the -archs (-choi) shall choose them by lot with those from the Council; and they shall choose by lot . . . (20) . . . of the Council; and those chosen by lot shall receive a salary just as . . . they manage these things; and the payment officers (kolakretai) shall pay them the money; and the Council shall choose by lot among themselves ten men as religious officials, one from each tribe; and they shall give three oxen to the metics; of these three the religious officials shall distribute the meat to them raw; and the religious officials shall take care of the procession, (25) so that it is conducted in the most beautiful way possible, and if anyone behaves at all disorderly, they shall have the authority to impose fines of up to fifty drachmas and communicate it in writing to the -; and if anyone deserves a higher punishment, they shall set the fine as high as they think right and introduce the case to the law court of the archon; and the oxen . . . shall be lead to the altar to the sound of the trumpet; and the religious officials (30) shall - two hundred Athenians to lift them . . . ; and the torch- . . . at the quadrennial festival . . . the Hephaistia; and the religious officials . . . shall make the . . . lay on the torch-race and the rest of the competitions just as the . . . gymnasiarchs? make the spectacle (?); and for the future, if it seems good . . . to Poseidon . . . the religious officials, and to Apollo . . . (35) . . . ; and the gymnasiarchs that were chosen for the Promethia . . . . . . they shall choose . . . ; and the altar for Hephaistos . . . . . . the Council shall make it as seems to it best . . . . . . and . . . daily on the last day (?) . . . . . . and announce the results of each competition; (40) and the religious officials and the competitors . . . ; and those selected . . . . . . and the religious officials shall take care of? the writing up of the prizes . . . proposed: in other respects as proposed by the Council; but to write up this decree on a stone stele and set it down in the sanctuary; and the secretary of the Council shall take care of the writing up; and the payment officers shall pay? the money . . . (45) . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3
82 - Decree concerning the festival (of Hephaistos?)
84 Gods. Decree 1 The Council and the People decided. Pandionis was in prytany, Aristoxenos was secretary, Antiochides was chairman, Antiphon was archon (418/7); Adosios proposed: to fence in the sanctuary (hieron) of Kodros and Neleus and Basile and (5) to lease (misthōsai) the sacred precinct (temenos) according to the specifications (suggraphas). Let the official sellers (pōlētai) make the contract (apomisthōsantōn) for the fencing in. Let the king (basileus) lease (apomisthōsatō) the sacred precinct according to the specifications, and let him despatch the boundary-commissioners (horistas) to demarcate these sanctuaries (hiera) so that they may be in the best and most pious condition. The money for the fencing in shall come from the sacred precinct. They shall carry out these provisions before the end of this Council\'s term of office, (10) otherwise each shall be liable to a fine of one thousand drachmas according to what has been proposed (eiremena). Decree 2 Adosios proposed: in other respects in accordance with the Council’s proposal, but let the king (basileus) and the official sellers (pōlētai) lease (misthōsatō) the sacred precinct of Neleus and Basile for twenty years according to the specifications. The lessee (misthōsamenos) shall fence in the sanctuary (hieron) of Kodros and Neleus and Basile at his own expense. Whatever (15) rent the sacred precinct may produce in each year, let him deposit the money in the ninth prytany (prutaneias) with the receivers (apodektai), and let the receivers (apodektais) hand it over to the treasurers of the Other Gods according to the law. If the king (basileus) or anyone else of those instructed about these matters does not carry out what has been decreed in the prytany (prutaneias) of Aigeis, (20) let him be liable to a fine of 10,000 drachmas. The purchaser of the mud (ilun) shall remove it from the ditch (taphro) during this very Council after paying to Neleus the price at which he made the purchase. Let the king (basileus) erase the name of the purchaser of the mud (ilun) once he has paid the fee (misthōsin). Let the king (basileus) write up instead (anteggraphsato) on the wall the name of the lessee (misthōsamenos) of the sacred precinct and for how much he has rented (misthōsētai) it (25) and the names of the guarantors in accordance with the law that concerns the sacred precincts (temenōn). So that anyone who wishes may be able to know, let the secretary (grammateus) of the Council inscribe this decree on a stone stele and place it in the Neleion next to the railings (ikria).10 Let the payment officers (kolakretai) give the money to this end. The king (basileus) shall lease (misthoun) the sacred precinct of Neleus and of Basile on the following terms: (30) that the lessee (misthōsamenos) fence in the sanctuary (hieron) of Kodros and Neleus and Basile according to the specifications (suggraphas) during the term of the Council that is about to enter office, and that he work the sacred precinct of Neleus and Basile on the following terms: that he plant young sprouts of olive trees, no fewer than 200, and more if he wishes; that the lessee (misthōsamenos) have control of the ditch (taphro) and the water from Zeus,11 (35) as much as flows in between the Dionysion and the gates whence the initiates march out to the sea, and as much as flows in between the public building (oikias tes demosias)12 and the gates leading out to the bath of Isthmonikos; lease (misthoun) it for twenty years. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3
84 - Decree on the administration of the property of Kodros, Neleus and Basile
250 Face A . . . . . . if anyone does any of these things, let him pay . . . to the deme (5) . . . the priestess shall provide for the - boiling meat and roasting meat; for the Antheia and Proerosia: spits, a bronze pot; the religious officials (10) and whoever they require shall carry rods. It is not permitted to put these stipulations to the vote again unless one hundred demesmen are present. (15) Here (?) (teide), a piglet; to the Eleusinion, for Daira, a female lamb, leader of the Proerosia (preroarchos); to the Eleusinion, for the Proerosia, a full-grown female animal, a male piglet; priestly (20) perquisites (apometra), a quart (tetarteus); here, half a quart of barley for the Proerosia, two pigs, one male and one female; priestly perquisites, a quart; here, (25) half a quart; to the Eleusinion, for the Chloia, two piglets, one male and one female; priestly perquisites, 3 (drachmas), 3 obols. For the Antheia, a select sow, (30) pregt, a piglet, male; priestly perquisites, a quart; here, half a quart. . . . . . . (35) female . . . . . . Face B . . . priestly perquisites, a quart; here, half a quart; barley for the Proerosia, (5) two pigs, one female and one male; priestly perquisites, a quart; here, half a quart; . . . to the Eleusinion . . . (10) . . . . . . . . . two -, one female and one male; priestly perquisites, three (drachmas) of Hekate (?) . . . (15) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (20) priestly perquisites . . . . . . full-grown; for Zeus Herkeios -; for the two goddesses - a full-grown female animal, a piglet?; priestly perquisites, (25) a quart; here, half a quart . . . sow . . . piglet . . . priestly perquisites, a quart; here, half a quart; (30) to the Eleusinion, for the Chloia, two piglets, one female, one male; priestly perquisites, 3 (drachmas), 3 obols. For the priestess of Hekate, from whatever sacrifices are made to Hekate shall be given (35) a thigh, a flank; whoever (the priestess) nominates to be temple attendant shall leave behind pea soup and cup(s?) of gruel (?) . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3
250 - Deme decree relating to cult at Paiania 255 Face A . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . for Aphrodi?te . . . (5) . . . for Eros . . . . . . strew a couch? . . . a table . . . . . . for Hippolytos . . . . . . each . . . the . . . . . . trittys . . . (10) . . . at the Posidea . . . for Apollo Apo?tropaios in Kynosoura . . . for Herakles in Elaious, a table . . . for Xouthos, a lamb _ for Glaukos, a lamb (15) for Apollo Pythios . . . strew a couch?, . . . a table . . . _ hold up (?) a lamb (arna anasches-) . . . _ For Poseidon a goat with budding horns . . . for the Nymphs and Acheloos . . . . . . Face B . . . . . . . . . from the flayed . . . from each? cow five . . . dining room (?) . . . (5) . . . the portions . . . the priest shall take for each offering . . . from the flayed animals? the skins; . . . shall provide . . . the tongue (?) for the Founder-hero (Archegetei) . . . just as the (10) . . . for the perquisites (apometra), 10 dr. . . . let the priestess of -a take . . . 1 dr. for each offering (?) . . . but if a bovine is sacrificed, flesh (?) . . . but the priestess shall provide (15) . . . from the flayed private offerings the skin . . . from those not flayed the leg; the priestess of Artemis . . . from the public flayed offerings the skin . . . for each offering (?), but from the . . . the leg, but from the unflayed (20) . . . shall take, like the one of Artemis . . . shall take from the public sacrifices . . . 1 dr. for each offering . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3
255 - Sacrifices and perquisites
258 Capital totals (kephalaia): for the demarch, 1,000 dr. for the two treasurers for the sacred rites through the year, 5,000 dr. to the Herakleion, 7,000 dr. (5) to the Aphrodisia, 1,200 dr. to the Anakia, 1,200 dr. to exemption from contributions (ateleian), 5,000 dr. to the Apollonia, 1,100 dr. to the Pandia, 600 dr. (10) from rents, 134 dr. 2½ ob.. The Plotheians decided. Aristotimos proposed: to allot (kuameuen) the officials worthily of the money that each office controls; and these are to provide the money securely (15) for the Plotheians. Concerning whatever loan there is a decree or setting of interest, they are to lend and exact interest according to the decree, lending as much as is lent annually to whoever (20) offers the greatest interest, whoever persuades the lending officials by their wealth (timēmati) or guarantor; and from the interest, and the rents on whatever rent-bearing purchases may have been made from capital (kephalaiōn), (25) they shall sacrifice the rites (hiera), both the common rites for the Plotheians, and for the Athenians on behalf of the community (koino) of the Plotheians, and for the quadrennial festivals; and for the other rites, for which all the Plotheians have to contribute money for (30) rites, whether to the Plotheians or to the Epakrians or to the Athenians, the officials from the community who are in charge of the money for the exemption from contributions (ateleian) shall pay on behalf of the demesmen; and for all the common rites in which (35) the Plotheians feast, they shall provide sweet wine at the community’s expense, for other rites up to half a chous for each Plotheian present, but for the trainer (didaskalōi) at or of the - a jar (kadon) . . . burning . . . (40) . . . practitioner (?) (dēmiourg-) . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3
258 - Decree of the deme Plotheia
375 The Athenians expended in the archonship of Glaukippos (410/9), and under the Council for which Kleigenes of Halai was first secretary. The treasurers of the sacred funds (hierog chrematon) of Athena, Kallistratros of Marathon, and his fellow officials handed over from the annual income (epeteion), the People having voted it, in the first prytany, of AiantisIX: to the hellenotamiai was handed over, to Kallimachos of Hagnous, Phrasiteleides (?) of Ikarion, for the horses was given for fodder (sitos), of Athena Polias (5) 3 talents 3,237 drachmas ½ obol, of Nike 91 dr. 3¼ ob.. In the second prytany, of AigeisII, to the Games-masters (athlothetais) was handed over for the Great Panathenaia, to Philon of Kydathenaion and his fellow officials, of Athena Polias 5 tal. 1,000 dr.; to the annual religious officials (hieropoiois), to Diyllos of Erchia and his fellow officials for the hekatomb, 5,114 dr.. In the third prytany, of OineisVI, to the hellenotamiai was handed over, to Perikles of Cholargos and his fellow officials, for the horses was given for fodder, 2 tal. 5,420 dr.; another payment to the same hellenotamiai, for the horses was given 2 tal. 5,400 dr.; another payment to the same hellenotamiai was given (10) for Hermon, the archon at Pylos, 6 tal.; another payment to the same hellenotamiai for the two-obol grant (diobelian), 2 tal.. In the fourth prytany, of AkamantisV, to the hellenotamiai was handed over, to Perikles of Cholargos and his fellow officials, fodder was given for the horses, 3 tal.; another payment to the same hellenotamiai for the two-obol grant was given 8 tal. 1,355 dr.. In the fifth prytany, of KekropisVII, to the hellenotamiai was handed over, to Perikles of Cholargos and his fellow officials, for the two-obol grant, 4 tal. 2,200 dr. In the sixth prytany, of LeontisIV, on the third day of the prytany (15) was handed over to the hellenotamiai, to Dionysios of Kydathenaion and his fellow officials, 1,2
84 dr.; on the ninth of the prytany to the hellenotamiai, to Thrason of Boutadai and his fellow officials, 3 tal. 1,083 dr. 2 ob.; on the eleventh of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was handed over, to Proxenos of Aphidna and his fellow officials, for the general from Eretria, Eukleides, acknowledgement (anomologema), 3740 dr. 1¼ ob.; on the thirteenth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai, Perikles of Cholargos and his fellow officials, one digit (≥) 4,906 dr.; on the twenty-eighth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai, Spoudias of Phlya and his fellow officials, 2 tal. 2,000 one or two digits (≥) 100 dr.; (20) on the thirtieth of the prytany, the (money) from Samos acknowledged (anomologethe), to the hellenotamias Anaitios of Sphettos and his deputy (paredroi), Polyaratos of Cholargos, 57 tal. 1,000 dr.. In the seventh prytany, of AntiochisX, on the fifth of the prytany, was handed over to Dionysios of Kydathenaion and his fellow officials, for the two-obol grant, 1 tal; on the seventh of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai Thrason of Boutadai and his fellow officials, for the two-obol grant, 1 tal. 1,232 dr. 3¼ ob.; on the same day, to the hellenotamiai Phalanthos of Alopeke and his fellow officials, fodder for the horses, 4 tal. (?); on the sixteenth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai Proxenos (25) of Aphidna and his fellow officials, 1,534 dr. 3 ob.; on the twenty-fourth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai Eupolis of Aphidna and his fellow officials, 5,400 dr.; on the twenty-seventh of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai Kallias of Euonymon and his fellow officials, 1 tal. 2,565 dr. 4½ ob.. In the eighth prytany, of HippothontisVIII, on the twelfth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was handed over, to Proxenos of Aphidna and his fellow officials, 3 tal. 634 dr. 4 ob.; on the twenty-fourth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was given, to Dionysios of Kydathenaion and his fellow officials, 3 tal. 4,318 dr. 1½ ob.; on the thirty-sixth (30) of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was given, to Thrason of Boutadai and his fellow officials, 1 tal. 3,329 dr. 3 ob.. In the ninth prytany, of ErechtheisI, on the twelfth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was given, to Proxenos of Aphidna and his fellow officials, 2,188 dr. 1 ob.; on the twenty-third of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was given, to Dionysios of Kydathenaion and his fellow officials, one digit (≥) 3 tal. 793 dr. 3 ob.; on the thirty-sixth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was given, to Thrason of Boutadai and his fellow officials, 2 tal. 3,850 dr. 2½ ob.; on the thirty-sixth of the prytany, the allies acknowledged (anomologesanto) (money) from Samos, (35) to the generals on Samos, to Dexikrates of Aigilia, 21 tal. 1,000 dr., to Pasiphon of Phrearrhioi, 6 tal., to Aristokrates of Trinemeia?, 5 tal., to Eumachos? of Euonymon, 5 tal. 3,896 dr., to Nikeratos of Kydantidai the trierarch, 3,000 dr., to Aristophanes of Anagyrous or phlystos the trierarch . . . In the tenth prytany, of PandionisIII, on the eleventh of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was given, to Proxenos of Aphidna and his fellow officials, 5 tal. 442 dr. 5 ob.; on the twenty-third of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was given . . . . . . and his fellow officials, 2 tal. 5,090 dr. 3 ob.; on the thirty-sixth of the prytany, to the hellenotamiai was given . . . (40) . . . and his fellow officials, 5 tal. 4,656 dr. 4 ob.. Whole total of the money which Kallistratos of Marathon and his fellow officials handed over, -?. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3
375 - Payments from the treasury of Athena, 410/9 BC ' None
|132. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 223, 380, 1177, 1183-1184, 1361, 1368, 1672, 1938, 2318, 2320, 2490, 3092
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, and Athenian dramatic festivals • Athens,, Arrephoria, festival of • Athens,, Dipolieia, festival of • Athens,, Thesmophoria, festival of • Cult regulations, on behaviour during festivals • Dionysia festivals, Great or City D. • Dionysia festivals, Rural D. • Dionysos, festivals • First Mithridatic War, festivals in the aftermath of • Haloa, festival of (Eleusis) • Ptolemaia (festival) • Ptolemaia festival • Rhomaia (festival) • Romaia festival • Sarapieia (festival) • Sylleia festival • burial, Tetrapolis festival • burial, deme festival • dramatic festivals, Great Dionysia • dramatic festivals, Lenaea • dramatic festivals, Rural Dionysia • dramatic festivals, number of plays • dramatic festivals, performances of old plays • festival, Panhellenic • festival, and political tensions • festivals • festivals and festivities, associations, • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Anthesteria • festivals, Chloaia • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Erosantheia • festivals, Prerosia • festivals, Pyanopsia • festivals, Theoinia • festivals, administration of • festivals, annual • festivals, funding of • festivals, penteteric (quadrennial) • festivals, prizes for victorious competitors • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί • satyrplay/satyr drama, festivals performed at
Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 26, 27; Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 90; Connelly (2007), Portrait of a Priestess: Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece, 200, 202, 215; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 72; Gabrielsen and Paganini (2021), Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity, 64, 68, 136, 150, 153, 155, 157; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 173; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 556, 767, 806, 811; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 27, 181, 182, 326; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 36, 59, 61, 67, 290; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 35, 39, 47, 80, 81, 86, 128, 144; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 232; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 331; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 241
223 Face A (front) The Council in the archonship of Pythodotos (343/2) dedicated to Hephaistos, having been crowned by the People for its excellence and justice. Decree 3 Deinostratos son of Deiniades of Ankyle proposed: since the Council in the archonship of Pythodotos (343/2) resolved to make a judgement of those speaking in the Council in the ninth (5) prytany and to honour the man who seemed to it to have spoken and acted best and incorruptibly on behalf of the Athenian Council and People throughout the year, and since the Council voted about this and chose Phanodemos son of Diyllos of Thymaitadai, the Council shall decide: for the good fortune of the Athenian People and Council, to praise Phanodemos son of Diyllos of Thymaitadai for his excellence and justice towards the Athenian Council and People and to crown him with a gold crown of 500 drachmas; and the money for the crown shall come from the Council’s fund for expenditure on decrees; and those elected to make the dedication of the Council shall also inscribe this resolution on the dedication; and in order that the People may know what the Council has resolved about Phanodemos, and may itself honour and crown him if the People share the Council’s opinion, the presiding committee (proedrous) allotted to preside (10) in the People at the next Assembly shall put the subject of Phanodemos on the agenda, and the secretary to the People (grammatea tōi dēmōi) shall read out this decree and submit to the People the opinion of the Council, that it seems good to the Council, since Phanodemos son of Diyllos of Thymaitadai has held office as councillor well and with love of honour (philotimōs) and incorruptibly, and has spoken and acted excellently on behalf of the Athenian Council and People and the allies, to praise him for his excellence and justice towards the Athenian Council and People and the allies, and crown him with a gold crown of 1,000 drachmas when he has rendered his accounts; and the money for the crown shall come from whatever source the People decides; and in order that everyone else or all other officials may also be aware that the People and Council know how to give thanks to those who speak and act excellently on behalf of the Council and the People, the prytany secretary (grammatea ton kata prutaneian) (15) shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele and stand it on the acropolis; and the treasurer of the People shall give 20 or 30 drachmas for inscribing the stele from the People’s fund for expenditure on decrees. Face B (left) Decree 2 Phanodemos son of Diyllos of Thymaitadai proposed: . . . . . . that the Council shall elect immediately . . . . . . as it seems best to them . . . to set up the statue . . . (20) . . . to Hephaistos and Athena Hephaistia; and to inscribe on it . . . the councillors with their father’s name and deme . . . . . . for the health and preservation of the Athenian Council and People; and also to inscribe on it the decree by which the Council was crowned by the People at the Assembly in the theatre of Dionysos (en Dionusou), when it was deemed that they had managed public order (eukosmias) well at the festival of Dionysos in the city. Decree 1 Kephisophon son of Kallibios of Paiania proposed: since the Council in the archonship of Pythodotos (343/2) managed (25) public order (eukosmias) in the theatre well and justly, to praise it and crown it with a gold crown of 500 drachmas; and the treasurers specified in the law shall immediately give 50 drachmas for a sacrifice to the councillors who are deemed to have best managed public order (eukosmias). Decree 4 - son of Antikrates of Pambotadai proposed: for good fortune, the Council shall resolve: since Eudoxos son of Theangelos of Sypalettos, who was elected to manage the Council\'s administration (dioikēseōs), did so well and justly, and otherwise ensured the orderly operation (eukosmias) of the Council with the prytanies (prutaneōn) in office at any time, to praise him and crown him with a gold (30) crown of 500 drachmas when he has rendered his accounts; and in order that the crown may be made and the award of the Council may be evident, the Council shall immediately elect five men to have the crown made; and the treasurers shall give the money from the Council’s fund for expenditure on decrees; and to inscribe this decree on the dedication of the Council in the archonship of Pythodotos (343/2). Face C (right) Prytany secretary (grammateus kata prutaneian): (35) Kleostratos son of Timosthenes of Aigilia In charge of decrees (epi ta psēphismata): Demophilos son of Pantaleon of Agryle In charge of the theoric fund (epi to theōrikon): Kephisophon son of Kephalion of Aphidna (40) Treasurers of the Council: Antikles son of Aristokrates of Kydathenaion Dromokleides son of Thrasymedes of Hagnous Decree 5 Brachyllos son of Bathyllos of Erchia proposed: since Eudoxos managed well and justly those things which the Council assigned to him, both the Council\'s administration (dioikēseōs) and its orderly operation (eukosmias) with the prytanies (prutaneōn) in office at any time, and (45) gave the best advice throughout, the Council shall decide: to praise Eudoxos son of Theangelos of Sypalettos for his excellence and justice towards the Council and crown him with a gold crown of 500 drachmas when he has rendered his accounts; and the money for the crown shall be contributed by each of the councillors; and he shall also be permitted to obtain from the People whatever benefit he can; and to inscribe this decree on the dedication of the Council in the archonship of Pythodotos (343/2); and for inscribing and making the . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
223 - Honours for the Council, councillors and Council officials
1177 . . . the demarch in office at any time shall take care of the Thesmophorion together with the priestess, that no-one releases anything or gathers a thiasos or installs sacred objects (5) or performs purification rites or approaches the altars or the pit (megaron) without the priestess except when it is the festival of the Thesmophoria or the Plerosia or the Kalamaia (10) or the Skira or another day on which the women come together according to ancestral tradition; that the Piraeans shall resolve: if anyone does any of these things in contravention of these provisions, the demarch (15) shall impose a penalty and bring him before a law court under the laws that are in place with respect to these things; and concerning the gathering of wood in the sanctuaries, if anyone gathers wood, may the old laws (archaious nomous) (20) be valid, those that are in place with respect to these matters; and the boundary officers (horistas) shall inscribe this decree together with the demarch and stand it by the way up to the Thesmophorion. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
1177 - Decree of deme Piraeus concerning the Thesmophorion ' 1184 . . . the sacred remembrancers. Both (female) officials together shall give to the priestess for (5) the festival and for managing the Thesmophoria: a half-sixth of barley, a half-sixth of wheat, a half- sixth of barley groats, a half-sixth of wheatmeal, a half-sixth of figs, a chous (10) of wine, half a chous of olive-oil, two cups of honey, a choinix of white sesame, a choinix of black, a choinix of poppy seeds, two fresh cheeses (weighing) no less than a stater each, (15) and two staters of garlic, and a torch worth no less than two obols and 4 drachmas of silver. The (female) officials shall give these things. And in order that this will take place on behalf of the deme of Cholargos (20) according to what is written for all time, those (male) in office in the archonship of Ktesikles (334/3) shall erect a stele and inscribe this decree on a stone stele in the Pythion, and they shall give an account of their (25) expenditure to the demesmen of Cholargos. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2 1184 - Sacrificial regulation for the Thesmophoria at Cholargos
1361 . . . those who are inscribed on the stele or their descendants. If any of the orgeones who share in the sanctuary sacrifices to the goddess, they shall sacrifice without charge; but if a non-member (idiōtēs) sacrifices to the goddess, they shall give to the priestess for a young animal (galathēnou) 1½ obols (5) and the skin and the whole right thigh, for a full-grown animal 3 obols and the skin and thigh in the same way, for a bovine 1 drachma and the skin. They shall give the priestly dues for females (scil. animals) to the priestess, for males to the priest. No one is to make offerings in the sanctuary beside the altar (parabōmia), or be fined 50 drachmas. In order that the house and the sanctuary may be repaired, the rent for the house and the water, whatever they are leased out for, (10) shall be spent on the repair of the sanctuary and the house, and on nothing else, until the sanctuary and house are repaired, unless the orgeones make a different decision . . . to the sanctuary; but water shall be left for the use of the lessee. If anyone proposes or puts to the vote anything contrary to this law, let the proposer and the one who puts it to the vote owe 50 drachmas to the goddess and be excluded from the common activities; (15) and the managers (epimelētas) shall inscribe him on the stele as owing this money to the goddess. The managers and the religious officials (hieropoious) shall convene an assembly (agoran) and meeting (xullogon) in the sanctuary about the affairs of the society on the second of each month. Each of the orgeones who share in the sanctuary shall give to the sacred officials two drachmas for the sacrifice in Thargelion before the sixteenth. Anyone who is present in Athens (20) and in good health and does not contribute shall owe 2 drachmas sacred to the goddess. In order that there may be as many orgeones of the sanctuary as possible, let anyone who wishes pay - drachmas and share in the sanctuary and be inscribed on the stele. The orgeones shall check (dokimazein) those who are being inscribed on the stele and hand over the names of those who have been checked to the secretary in Thargelion10 . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
1361 - Decree of the orgeones of Bendis (ca. 330-324/3 BC)
3092 A Front Left Mnesistratos son of Misgon (and) Diopeithes son of Diodoros were sponsors (echorēgon), Dikaiogenes was director (edidasken). A Front Right Mnesimachos son of Mnesistratos (and) Theotimos son of Diotimos were sponsors (echorēgon), Ariphron was director (edidasken), Polychares son of Komon was director (edidasken). B Right Side Theotimos son of Diotimos, Mnesi- . . . were sponsors (echorēgon), Thersandros was director (edidasken). text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
3092 - Choregic dedication (Acharnai) ' None
|133. Epigraphy, Seg, 21.541, 24.151, 26.121, 28.6, 31.122, 33.147, 38.1462, 50.168, 50.1101, 52.48, 54.239, 54.516
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia festivals, outside Attica • Festival • Festival, interruption • Festival, organisation of • Festival, restoration • First Mithridatic War, festivals in the aftermath of • Sarapieia (festival) • burial, Tetrapolis festival • burial, deme festival • burial, state festival • coins, to mark festivals • cultic ritual practice, calendars and festivals • festival, Panhellenic • festival, and political tensions • festival, civic • festivals • festivals and festivities, associations, • festivals with tragic performances (other than Dionysia), Ptolemaia, at Delos • festivals, Agoreia • festivals, Andania • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Anthesteria • festivals, Apollo • festivals, Boukatia • festivals, Chloaia • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Erosantheia • festivals, Karneion • festivals, Panhellenic • festivals, Prerosia • festivals, administration of • festivals, funding of • festivals, penteteric (quadrennial) • festivals, prizes for victorious competitors • festivals, public • festivals, triennial • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί • satyrplay/satyr drama, festivals performed at • women, clothing required at festivals
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 91; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 73, 82; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 102, 544; Gabrielsen and Paganini (2021), Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity, 153, 155, 157; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 248; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 355, 636, 767, 807, 811, 886, 887, 896, 985, 991, 992, 1151, 1152, 1153, 1162; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 174; Lyons (1997), Gender and Immortality: Heroines in Ancient Greek Myth and Cult, 46, 47; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 61, 63, 64, 65, 291; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 22, 39, 44, 46, 61, 81, 86, 101, 190; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 231, 276, 284; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 331, 340; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 241
21.541 Gods The Greater Demarchy (dēmarchia hē mezōn) Α Metageitnion, on the twelfth, for Apollo Lykeios, in the city, (5) a sheep, no taking away (ou phora), 12 dr.; - on the twentieth (dekatei proterai), for Hera Thelchinia, on the hill (em pagōi) at Erchia, a lamb (arna), (10) all black, no taking away (ou phora), 7 dr.; - Boedromion, on the twenty-seventh (tetradi phthinontos), for the Nymphs, (15) on the hill at Erchia, a sheep, 10 dr.; - Pyanopsion, on the fourteenth, for the heroines (20) in the hollow (en aulōni) at Erchia, a sheep, no taking away (ou phora), for the priestess the skin, 10 dr.; - Gamelion, on the seventh, (25) for Kourotrophos, in the Delphinion at Erchia, a piglet, 3 dr.; - for Apollo Delphinios, at Erchia, (30) a sheep, 12 dr.; - on the eighth, for Apollo Apotropaios, at Erchia (35) towards Paiania, a goat, 12 dr.; - Anthesterion, at the Diasia, in the city (en astei) at Agrai, (40) for Zeus Meilichios, a sheep, wineless (nēphalios) up until (the roasting of) the innards, 12 dr.; - Elaphebolion, (45) on the sixteenth, for Semele, at the same altar, a goat, to be handed over to the women, (50) for the priestess the skin, no taking away (ou phora), 10 dr.; - Thargelion, on the fourth, for Leto, at the (55) Pythion at Erchia, a goat, 10 dr.; - Skirophorion, on the third, for Kourotrophos, (60) on the acropolis (em polei) at Erchia, a piglet, 3 dr.; - for Athena Polias, on the acropolis at Erchia, a sheep (65) instead of a bovine (antibous), 10 dr.; total 111 dr. Β Metageitnion, on the twelfth, at the Eleusinion in the city, for Demeter, (5) a sheep, 10 dr.; - on the sixteenth, for Kourotrophos, in Hekate’s (sanctuary) at Erchia, a piglet, (10) 3 dr.; - for Artemis Hekate, at Erchia, a goat, 10 dr.; - Boedromion, (15) on the fourth, for Basile, at Erchia, a ewe-lamb (amnē), white, burnt whole (holokautos), wineless (nēphalios), (20) 7 dr.; - on the twenty-seventh (tetradi phthinontos) on the hill at Erchia, for Acheloos, (25) a sheep, 12 dr.; - Gamelion on the ninth, at the Erosouria (?), on the acropolis (30) at Erchia, for Athena, a ewe-lamb, 7 dr.; - on the twenty- seventh (tetradi phthinontos), for Kourotrophos, in (35) Hera’s (sanctuary) at Erchia, a piglet, 3 dr.; - for Hera, at Erchia, a sheep, for the priestess the skin, 10 dr.; (40) - Mounichion, on the fourth, for the Herakleidai, a sheep, no taking away (ou phora), at Erchia, 12 dr.; (45) - Thargelion on the fourth, for Apollo Pythios, at Erchia, a goat, to be handed over (50) to the Pythaistai, 12 dr.; - for Apollo Paion, on the hill at Erchia, a sheep, 12 dr.; (55) - Skirophorion, on the third, for Aglauros, on the acropolis at Erchia, a sheep, no taking away (ou phora), 10 dr.; (60) - total 108 dr. Γ Hekatombaion, on the twenty- first (dekatei husterai), for Kourotrophos, at (5) Sotidai at Erchia, a piglet, no taking away (ou phora), 3 dr.; - for Artemis at Sotidai at Erchia, (10) a goat, no taking away (ou phora), the skin to be consecrated, 10 dr.; - Metageitnion, on the twelfth, (15) for Zeus Polieus, on the acropolis in the city, a sheep, no taking away (ou phora), 12 dr.; - on the twenty-fifth (hektei phthinontos), (20) for Zeus Epopetes, on the hill at Erchia, a piglet, burnt whole (holokautos), wineless (nēphalios), (25) 3 dr.; - Boedromion, on the twenty-seventh (tetradi phthinontos), for Alochos, on the hill (30) at Erchia, a sheep, 10 dr.; - Gamelion, on the eighth, for Apollo Apotropaios, (35) at Erchia, a goat, to be handed over to the Pythaistai, 12 dr.; - on the twenty-seventh (tetradi phthinontos), for Zeus (40) Teleios, in Hera’s (sanctuary) at Erchia, a sheep, 12 dr.; - Anthesterion, on the second, (45) for Dionysos, at Erchia, a kid (eriphos), very young (proptorthi(os)), 5 dr.; - Mounichion, on the twentieth (dekatei proterai), (50) for Leukaspis, at Erchia, a sheep, wineless (nēphalios), no taking away (ou phora), 12 dr.; - Thargelion, (55) on the fourth, for Zeus, on the hill at Erchia, a sheep, 12 dr.; - Skirophorion, (60) on the third, for Zeus Polieus, on the acropolis at Erchia, a sheep, no taking away (ou phora), 12 dr.; (65) - on the sixteenth, . . . Δ Hekatombaion, on the twenty- first (dekatei husterai), for Kourotrophos, on (5) the peak (epi to akro) at Erchia, a piglet, no taking away (ou phora), 3 dr.; - for Artemis on the peak at Erchia, (10) a goat, no taking away (ou phora), the skin to be consecrated, 10 dr.; - Metageitnion, on the twelfth; (15) for Athena Polias, on the acropolis in the city, a sheep, 10 dr.; - Boedromion, on the fifth, (20) for Epops, at Erchia, a piglet, burnt whole (holokautos), wineless (nēphali(os)), 3 dr.; - on the twenty-seventh (tetradi phthinontos), (25) for Hermes, on the hill at Erchia, a sheep, 12 dr.; - Gamelion, on the twenty-seventh (tetradi phthinontos) (30) for Poseidon, in Hera’s (sanctuary) at Erchia, a sheep, 12 dr.; - Elaphebolion, on the sixteenth, (35) for Dionysos, at Erchia, a goat, to be handed over to the women, no taking away (ou phora), for the priestess (40) the skin, 12 dr.; - Mounichion, on the twenty-first (dekatei husterai), for the Tritopatreis, at Erchia, (45) a sheep, wineless (nēphalios), no taking away (ou phora), 12 dr.; - Thargelion, on the fourth, for the Anakes, (50) at Erchia, a sheep, 12 dr.; - on the nineteenth, for Menedeios, at Erchia, (55) a sheep, no taking away, 12 dr.; - Skirophorion, on the third, for Poseidon, on the acropolis (60) at Erchia, a sheep, 12 dr.; total 110 dr. Ε Metageitnion, on the nine- teenth, for the heroines at (5) the rush-bed (epi schoinōi) at Erchia, a sheep, no taking away (ou phora), for the priestess the skin, 10 dr.; - Boedromion, (10) on the fifth, at Erchia, for Epops, a piglet, burnt whole (holokautos), wineless (nēphalios), (15) 3 dr.; - on the twenty-seventh (tetradi phthinontos), for Earth (Gēi), on the hill at Erchia, a sheep, (20) pregt, no taking away (ou phora), 10 dr.; - Posideon, on the sixteenth, for Zeus, on the (25) rock or rocky place (em petrēi) at Erchia, a sheep, no taking away (ou phora), 12 dr.; - for Zeus Horios, at Erchia, a piglet, (30) no taking away (ou phora), 3 dr.; - Gamelion, on the seventh, for Apollo Lykeios, (35) at Erchia, a sheep, to be handed over to the Pythaistai, no taking away (ou phora), 12 dr.; - on the eighth, (40) for Apollo Nymphegetes, at Erchia, a goat, 12 dr.; - for the Nymphs, at (45) the same altar, a goat, 10 dr.; - Thargelion, on the fourth, for Hermes, (50) in the agora at Erchia, a ram, let the herald make the sacrifice to him (55) and receive the perquisites (gera) just like the demarch, 10 dr.; - on the sixteenth, (60) for Zeus Epakrios, on Hymettos, a lamb (arēn), wineless (nēphalios), no taking away (ou phora), 7 dr.; - Skirophorion, . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, SEG
21.541 - Sacrificial calendar of Erchia
33.147 Face A (front) . . . Hekatombaion: . . . and for the . . . to provide lunch (aristom) . . . a drachma each (5) . . . the Proerosia offering (?) (tēn prēro-), . . . the Delphinion, a goat . . . for Hekate . . . _ . . . a full-grown victim (teleom), to be sold (praton). (10) Metageitnion: for Zeus Kataibates in the sacred enclosure (sēkōi) by the Delphini?on, a full-grown victim (teleon), to be sold (praton). _ An oath victim (horkōmosion) is to be provided for the audits (euthunas). Boedromion: the Proerosia; for Zeus Polieus, a select (kriton) sheep, a select piglet; at Automenai (?) (ep&
50.168 Face A col. 1 . . . fourth quarter, (5) Mounichion, for - Prakterios, a ram, 12 dr.; Thargelion, . . . by the tower, a sheep, 12 dr.; Skirophorion, (10) . . . in the agora, a ram, 12 dr., on the eleventh or twelfth?, for Zeus Horios, a sheep, 12 dr., for . . . , a sheep, 11 dr., ...? the following . . . . . . in the year of the - in (?) . . . each (15) . . . in order as is written . . . the one on the . . . by the Eleusinion . . . in Kynosoura . . . by the Herakleion;11 (20) ...? fourth quarter, Mounichion, . . . a sheep, 12 dr.; ...? first quarter, Hekatombaion, (25) on the date, for Apollo? Apotropaios, a goat, 12 dr.; second quarter, Pyanopsion, . . . a pregt sheep, 17 dr.; fourth quarter, Mounichion, (30) . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . 12 dr.; ...? fourth quarter, Mounichion, . . . -aios, a goat, 12 dr., (35) . . . , a sheep, 12 dr., . . . , a sheep, 12 dr., . . . , a sheep, 12 dr.; . . . prior? sequence (dramosunē), (40) second quarter, Pyanopsion, . . . , a bovine, 90 dr.; third quarter, Gamelion, . . . -idai, a pregt sow, 70 (?) dr.; fourth quarter, Mounichion, (45) . . . Nymphagetes, a goat, 12 dr.; Thargelion? . . . river (?), a ram, 12 dr., . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . a ram, 12 dr., (50) . . . a goat, 12 dr., . . . a sheep, 12 dr., . . . a sheep, 11 dr.; Skirophorion?, . . . a sheep, 12 dr., (55) for Athena Hellotis,10 a piglet, 3 dr., . . . col. 2 . . . these the demarch of Marathon sacrifices . . . within ten days, for the hero . . . a piglet, 3 dr., table for the hero, 1 dr.?; (5) Boedromion, before the Mysteries . . . a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos a sheep, 11 dr.?; second quarter, Posideon . . . a bovine, 150 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for the heroine a sheep, 11 dr.?, priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr., for Earth in the fields (Gēi eg guais), a pregt bovine, 90 (?) dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 4 dr.?, (10) at the rite (teletēi), baskets (?) (spuridia??), 40 dr.; third quarter, Gamelion . . . for Daira, a pregt sheep, 16 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Earth at the oracle (Gēi epi tōi manteiōi), a sheep, 11 dr., for Zeus Hypatos? . . . for Ioleus, a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, 3 dr., a table, (15) 1 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr. 1½ ob., for the hero Pheraios a sheep, 12 dr. ?, for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 3 dr.; Elaphebolion, on the tenth, for Earth at the oracle (Gēi epi tōi manteiōi), a completely black he-goat, 15 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna) . . . ; fourth quarter, Mounichion, for Aristomachos, (20) a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr., for the Youth (Neaniai), a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 12 dr., a piglet 3 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr. 1½ ob.; these the demarch of Marathon sacrifices, for the hero in Drasileia, a sheep, 12 dr., a table, 1 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr., (25) for the hero by the marsh sanctuary (Hellōtion), a sheep, 12 dr., a table, 1 dr., for the heroine, a sheep, 11 dr.; Thargelion, for Achaia, a ram, 12 dr., a female (i.e. a ewe), 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 3 dr., for the Fates (Moirais), a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1½ ob.; (30) Skirophorion, before Skira, for Hyttenios, the annual offerings (hōraia), a sheep, 12 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr. 1½ ob., for the Tritopatreis, a sheep, 12 dr.?, priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr., for the Akamantes, a sheep, 12 dr., priestly dues (hiereōsuna), 2 dr.; these every other year, prior sequence (protera dramosunē), (35) Hekatombaion, for Athena Hellotis,10 a bovine, 90 dr., three sheep, 33 dr., a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 7 dr. 1½ ob., for Kourotrophos, a sheep, 11 dr., a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr. 1½ ob., for the laurel-bearers (daphnēphorois), 7 dr.; these are sacrificed every other year, after the archonship of Euboulos (40) for the Tetrapoleis, posterior sequence (hustera dramosunē), Hekatombaion, for Athena Hellotis,10 a sheep, 11 dr., for Kourotrophos, a piglet, 3 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr. 1½ ob.; Metageitnion, for Eleusinia, a bovine, 90 dr., for the Girl (Korēi), a ram, 12 dr., 3 piglets, 9 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), (45) 6 dr. 4½ ob., a sixth (hekteus) of barley, 4 ob., a chous of wine 1 dr., for Kourotrophos, a sheep, 11 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Zeus Anthaleus, a sheep, 12 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr.; Anthesterion, for Eleusinia, a pregt sow, 70 (?) dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., for Chloe by the property of Meidylos, a pregt sow, 70 dr.?, (50) priestly dues (hierōsuna), 1 dr., a sixth (hekteus) of barley, 4 ob., a chous of wine 1 dr.; Skirophorion, before Skira, for Galios, a ram, 12 dr., priestly dues (hierōsuna), 2 dr., for the well (?) (phreatos), 6 dr., for the Tritopatreis, a table, 1 dr.. At Trikorynthos these every year, first quarter, (55) Metageitnion, for Hera,12 a bovine, 90 dr., a sheep, 11 dr. . . . for Kourotrophos . . . Face B . . . -sistratos of Marathon . . . of Marathon, 20 dr., Archenautes of Marathon, 22 (?) dr., . . . (≥) 10 dr., Hegesistratos of Marathon, . . . -doros . . . Isodikos of Oinoe, (≥) 10 dr., (5) . . . -gonos, Hagnostratos of Marathon, . . . , Patrokles of Oinoe, (≥) 10 dr., . . . 612 dr. 3 ob. (?), . . . of Marathon, . . . of Oinoe, . . . . . . -chos . . . of Marathon . . . . . . (≥) 30 dr. (?) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) (10) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) . . . . . . of Marathon . . . . . . (≥) 11 dr. (?) . . . (15) . . . (≥) 20 dr. (?) . . . . . . . . . (≥) 3 dr. (?) . . . of Marathon, 60 dr. (?) . . . of Marathon, 12 dr. (?) (20) . . . . . . About 28 lines illegible (50) . . . Hagetor of Probalinthos (?) . . . . . . (≥) 70 dr. . . . . . . . of Marathon, 11 dr. (?), . . . About 8 lines illegible (61) . . . (≥) 2 dr. (?) . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, SEG
50.168 - The sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis ' ' None
|134. Strabo, Geography, 9.1.22, 11.8.4, 14.1.20
Tagged with subjects: • Alexandreia, festival • Artemis, goddess and cult, Artemisia festival • Artemis, goddess and cult, Daitis festival • Prymnessus, Sacaea festival • burial, deme festival • festival, Sacaea • festivals, Artemis Brauronia • festivals, Sakaia
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 189; Hallmannsecker (2022), Roman Ionia: Constructions of Cultural Identity in Western Asia Minor, 72; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 985; Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 176; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 242; Rojas(2019), The Remains of the Past and the Invention of Archaeology in Roman Anatolia: Interpreters, Traces, Horizons, 119
9.1.22 On doubling the cape of Sounion one comes to Sounion, a noteworthy deme; then to Thoricus; then to a deme called Potamus, whose inhabitants are called Potamii; then to Prasia, to Steiria, to Brauron, where is the sanctuary of the Artemis Brauronia, to Halae Araphenides, where is the sanctuary of Artemis Tauropolos, to Myrrinus, to Probalinthus, and to Marathon, where Miltiades utterly destroyed the forces under Datis the Persian, without waiting for the Lacedemonians, who came too late because they wanted the full moon. Here, too, is the scene of the myth of the Marathonian bull, which was slain by Theseus. After Marathon one comes to Tricorynthus; then to Rhamnus, the sanctuary of Nemesis; then to Psaphis, the land of the Oropians. In the neighborhood of Psaphis is the Amphiaraeium, an oracle once held in honor, where in his flight Amphiaraus, as Sophocles says, with four-horse chariot, armour and all, was received by a cleft that was made in the Theban dust. Oropus has often been disputed territory; for it is situated on the common boundary of Attica and Boeotia. off this coast are islands: off Thoricus and Sounion lies the island Helene; it is rugged and deserted, and in its length of about sixty stadia extends parallel to the coast. This island, they say, is mentioned by the poet where Alexander says to Helen: Not even when first I snatched thee from lovely Lacedemon and sailed with thee on the seafaring ships, and in the island Cranae joined with thee in love and couch; for he calls Cranae the island now called Helene from the fact that the intercourse took place there. And after Helene comes Euboea, which lies off the next stretch of coast; it likewise is narrow and long and in length lies parallel to the mainland, like Helene. The voyage from Sounion to the southerly promontory of Euboea, which is called Leuce Acte, is three hundred stadia. However, I shall discuss Euboea later; but as for the demes in the interior of Attica, it would be tedious to recount them because of their great number.
11.8.4 The Sacae, however, made raids like those of Cimmerians and Treres, some into regions close to their own country, others into regions farther away. For instance, they occupied Bactriana, and acquired possession of the best land in Armenia, which they left named after themselves, Sacasene; and they advanced as far as the country of the Cappadocians, particularly those situated close to the Euxine, who are now called the Pontici. But when they were holding a general festival and enjoying their booty, they were attacked by night by the Persian generals who were then in that region and utterly wiped out. And these generals, heaping up a mound of earth over a certain rock in the plain, completed it in the form of a hill, and erected on it a wall, and established the sanctuary of Anaitis and the gods who share her altar — Omanus and Anadatus, Persian deities; and they instituted an annual sacred festival, the Sacaea, which the inhabitants of Zela (for thus the place is called) continue to celebrate to the present day. It is a small city belonging for the most part to the temple slaves. But Pompey added considerable territory to it, settled the inhabitants thereof within the walls, and made it one of the cities which he organized after his overthrow of Mithridates.
14.1.20 After the Samian strait, near Mt. Mycale, as one sails to Ephesus, one comes, on the right, to the seaboard of the Ephesians; and a part of this seaboard is held by the Samians. First on the seaboard is the Panionium, lying three stadia above the sea where the Pan-Ionian, a common festival of the Ionians, are held, and where sacrifices are performed in honor of the Heliconian Poseidon; and Prienians serve as priests at this sacrifice, but I have spoken of them in my account of the Peloponnesus. Then comes Neapolis, which in earlier times belonged to the Ephesians, but now belongs to the Samians, who gave in exchange for it Marathesium, the more distant for the nearer place. Then comes Pygela, a small town, with a sanctuary of Artemis Munychia, founded by Agamemnon and inhabited by a part of his troops; for it is said that some of his soldiers became afflicted with a disease of the buttocks and were called diseased-buttocks, and that, being afflicted with this disease, they stayed there, and that the place thus received this appropriate name. Then comes the harbor called Panormus, with a sanctuary of the Ephesian Artemis; and then the city Ephesus. On the same coast, slightly above the sea, is also Ortygia, which is a magnificent grove of all kinds of trees, of the cypress most of all. It is traversed by the Cenchrius River, where Leto is said to have bathed herself after her travail. For here is the mythical scene of the birth, and of the nurse Ortygia, and of the holy place where the birth took place, and of the olive tree near by, where the goddess is said first to have taken a rest after she was relieved from her travail. Above the grove lies Mt. Solmissus, where, it is said, the Curetes stationed themselves, and with the din of their arms frightened Hera out of her wits when she was jealously spying on Leto, and when they helped Leto to conceal from Hera the birth of her children. There are several temples in the place, some ancient and others built in later times; and in the ancient temples are many ancient wooden images xoana, but in those of later times there are works of Scopas; for example, Leto holding a sceptre and Ortygia standing beside her, with a child in each arm. A general festival is held there annually; and by a certain custom the youths vie for honor, particularly in the splendor of their banquets there. At that time, also, a special college of the Curetes holds symposiums and performs certain mystic sacrifices.'' None
|135. Vergil, Aeneis, 4.300-4.303, 9.165-9.175
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals • festival, festivity, festive • insomnia, and festivities
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 23; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 8, 188; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 91; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 23
4.300 Saevit inops animi, totamque incensa per urbem 4.301 bacchatur, qualis commotis excita sacris 4.302 Thyias, ubi audito stimulant trieterica Baccho 4.303 orgia, nocturnusque vocat clamore Cithaeron.
9.165 indulgent vino et vertunt crateras aenos. 9.166 Conlucent ignes, noctem custodia ducit 9.167 insomnem ludo. 9.168 Haec super e vallo prospectant Troes et armis 9.169 alta tenent, nec non trepidi formidine portas 9.170 explorant pontisque et propugnacula iungunt, 9.171 tela gerunt. Instat Mnestheus acerque Serestus, 9.172 quos pater Aeneas, siquando adversa vocarent, 9.173 rectores iuvenum et rerum dedit esse magistros. 9.174 Omnis per muros legio, sortita periclum, 9.175 excubat exercetque vices, quod cuique tuendum est.'' None
4.300 hoot forth blind fire to terrify the soul 4.301 with wild, unmeaning roar? O, Iook upon 4.302 that woman, who was homeless in our realm, 4.303 and bargained where to build her paltry town,
9.165 of Father Tiber, harshly murmuring, 9.166 held back his flood and checked his seaward way. ' "9.167 But Turnus' courage failed not; he alone " '9.168 his followers roused, and with reproachful words 9.169 alone spoke forth: “These signs and prodigies 9.170 threaten the Trojan only. Jove himself 9.171 has stripped them of their wonted strength: no more 9.172 can they abide our deadly sword and fire. 9.173 The Trojan path to sea is shut. What hope 9.174 of flight is left them now? The half their cause 9.175 is fallen. The possession of this land '' None
|136. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • insomnia, and festivities
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 22, 24, 25, 26; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 22, 24, 25, 26
|137. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia festivals, outside Attica • festivals • festivals, royal
Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 181, 184; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 168
|138. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia festivals, Great or City D. • Sarapieia (festival) • satyrplay/satyr drama, festivals performed at
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 73; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 121
|139. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • burial, Tetrapolis festival • festivals • festivals, of Amphiaraus
Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 211, 246; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 1151
|140. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • festival • festivals,
Found in books: Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 263; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 305
|141. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • festival • festivals, Artemis Brauronia • festivals, Epidemia • festivals, Theophania
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 494; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 59
|142. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Athens,, Panathenaia, festival of • Dionysos (Bacchus, god), Dionysia festivals • Festival • Festival, commemorative • Koreia (festival) • Panamareia (festival) • Partheneia (festival), προστατοῦσα • festival, Panhellenic • festival, and political tensions • festival, of Leukophryena • festivals, "religious" vs. "non-religious," • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Arrhephoria • festivals, Asklepeia • festivals, Dionysia • festivals, Lenaia • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, Thargelia • festivals, agonistic • festivals, commemorative • festivals, documents • festivals, new • festivals, refinancing of • festivals, revival • loans, festival of Zeus Sosipolis • loans, festivals of Artemis • sacrifice, at festivals • sanctuaries/temples, festivals and courtship • soteria (festival), in Cyzicus
Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 31; Connelly (2007), Portrait of a Priestess: Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece, 182; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 262, 265, 267; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 51, 64, 76; Lupu (2005), Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL) 8, 97, 98, 99, 102, 106, 107, 108, 351; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 20, 21, 22, 33; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 213, 223; Stavrianopoulou (2013), Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narrations, Practices and Images, 326, 331
|143. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Athena, festivals at Ilium • Athens,, Arrephoria, festival of • Athens,, Dipolieia, festival of • Athens,, Panathenaia, festival of • Chalkeia, festival of (Athens) • Delphi, sanctuary of Apollo, festival foundation at • Plynteria, festivals of • Skambonidai festivals mentioned in decree of • Skira, festival of • calendar, festival • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Athenian • festivals, Attic confined to Athens • festivals, Attic confined to demes • festivals, Panhellenic • festivals, administration of • festivals, agonistic • festivals, modifications to • festivals, refinancing of • festivals, revival • festivals, sacrificial calendars and • food, specially eaten at festivals • loans, festival of Zeus Sosipolis • loans, festivals of Artemis • sacrifice by individuals during public festivals • sacrifice, at festivals • women festivals of • wool, worked for Athena by parthenoi festivals of
Found in books: Connelly (2007), Portrait of a Priestess: Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece, 61, 182, 200, 305; Lupu (2005), Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL) 68, 69, 84, 99, 100, 104, 108, 109, 354; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 18, 22; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 90; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 74, 165, 470
|144. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Asclepius, festival at Lampsacus • Asclepius, festival at the Piraeus • Delphi, sanctuary of Apollo, festival foundation at • Dionysus, festival at Eretria • Eros, festival of • calendar, festival • festivals • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Anthesteria • festivals, Chloaia • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Erosantheia • festivals, Panathenaea • festivals, Panathenaia • festivals, Prerosia • festivals, Theoinia • festivals, agonistic • festivals, documents • festivals, modifications to • festivals, sacrificial calendars and • sacrifice, at festivals
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 265; Lupu (2005), Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL) 68, 69, 84, 85, 90, 91, 93, 96, 100, 110; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 18, 22, 30, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68
|145. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Chloaia • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, penteteric (quadrennial) • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί
Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 65, 66; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 81, 144
|146. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Artemis, festivals in • Artemisia (festival), celebration of • Artemisia (festival), competitions (agones) in • festivals, Deia, • festivals, central to civic life • festivals, modeled on Greek prototypes • festivals, motives for competition in
Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 43; Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 104, 180
|147. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals, and Boiotian regional identity • First Mithridatic War, festivals in the aftermath of • Sarapieia (festival) • festivals, annual • festivals, funding of • festivals, penteteric (quadrennial)
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 82; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 44, 47, 49; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 130, 240, 242, 248, 249, 250, 252, 253, 265
|148. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Artemis, festivals in • Artemis, goddess and cult, Artemisia festival • Artemis, goddess and cult, Daitis festival • Artemisia (festival), celebration of • Artemisia (festival), competitions (agones) in • Artemisia (festival), described (by Xenophon of Ephesos) • Artemisia (festival), profitable for vendors • Asclepius, festival at Lampsacus • Balbillea (festival) • Delphi, sanctuary of Apollo, festival foundation at • Dionysus, festival at Eretria • Festival • Olympia of Ephesos (festival) • Olympia of Ephesos (festival), competitions (agones) • Olympia of Ephesos (festival), organization of • Olympia of Ephesos (festival), resembles Olympia at Elis • agonothete, at Olympia festival • festivals, central to civic life • festivals, modeled on Greek prototypes • festivals, motives for competition in
Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 185; Immendörfer (2017), Ephesians and Artemis : The Cult of the Great Goddess of Ephesus As the Epistle's Context 169, 170, 219, 266, 274, 287; Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 94, 98, 99, 100, 102, 104, 106, 107, 110, 180, 189, 191; Lupu (2005), Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL) 95, 96; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 212
|149. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysia festivals, outside Attica • Sarapieia (festival) • satyrplay/satyr drama, festivals performed at
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 73; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 168
|150. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysos, festivals • Itonia, festival, on Amorgos • burial, Tetrapolis festival • burial, deme festival • festivals • festivals and festivities, associations, • festivals, Antheia • festivals, Anthesteria • festivals, Chloaia • festivals, Eleusinia • festivals, Erosantheia • festivals, Prerosia • festivals, Theoinia • festivals, administration of • festivals, funding of • festivals, penteteric (quadrennial) • festivals, ἐπίθετοι ἑορταί
Found in books: Gabrielsen and Paganini (2021), Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity, 153; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 173; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 556, 767, 803, 869; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 228; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 17, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 36, 80, 86, 141, 144
|151. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Libanius, ekphrasis of a festival • Skambonidai festivals mentioned in decree of • ekphrasis, of a festival • festivals • festivals, Apollo • festivals, Attic confined to Athens • festivals, Attic confined to demes • festivals, Dionysiac • festivals, Dionysian • festivals, Panhellenic • festivals, Zeus Hypsistos • festivals, ekphrasis of, by Libanius • soteria (festival), in Akraiphia • soteria (festival), in Delphi • soteria (festival), in Megalopolis • soteria (festival), in Priene
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 87, 91; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 160, 189, 192; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 145; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 74
|152. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Festival, distributions of money and food • Festival, interruption • Festival, renewal • Festival, restoration • Festivals, and Boiotian regional identity • First Mithridatic War, festivals in the aftermath of • Pamboiotia, festival • festival • soteria (festival), in Akraiphia • soteria (festival), in Delphi • soteria (festival), in Megalopolis • soteria (festival), in Priene
Found in books: Chaniotis (2012), Unveiling Emotions: Sources and Methods for the Study of Emotions in the Greek World vol, 106; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 145; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 153, 158, 160, 161, 162; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 284, 290; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 129, 130, 249
|153. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Itonia, festival, on Amorgos • architectural evidence of the Itonia, joint shrine and festival of Arkesine andMinoa? • festivals and festivities, associations,
Found in books: Gabrielsen and Paganini (2021), Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity, 46; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 205, 225, 228, 230, 234, 237, 239, 240
|154. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Basileia (festival) • Ptolemaia (festival) • Pythia (festival), at Delos • Theadelphia (festival) • festivals with tragic performances (other than Dionysia), Agrionia, at Thebes • festivals with tragic performances (other than Dionysia), Mouseia, at Thespiae • festivals with tragic performances (other than Dionysia), Pythia, at Delphi
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 39, 45, 46; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 165
|155. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Festivals, and Boiotian regional identity • Pamboiotia, festival
Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 162; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 129, 130
|156. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Basileia, festival • Festival • Festivals, Genethlea • Festivals, Hekatesia, Hekatesia-Romaia • Festivals, Hekatesia-Kaisareia-Romaia • Festivals, Heraia (Panamara) • Festivals, Kleidos agoge • Festivals, Komyria (Panamara) • Festivals, Panamareia (Panamara) • Festivals, Romaia ( Hekate ) • Festivals, Triakades • Hecatesia (festival) in Lagina • Hecatesia (festival) in Lagina, in Lagina • Hecatesia (festival) in Lagina, in Phrygia • Hecatesia (festival) in Lagina, standardized use of • Panamareia (festival) • Partheneia (festival) • Partheneia (festival), saving epiphanies of • Penteteric festivals • Romaia (festival) • festival • festivals, Antheia
Found in books: Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 31, 38; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 13, 62, 63, 64, 136, 161; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 191; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 45; Pirenne-Delforge and Pironti (2022), The Hera of Zeus: Intimate Enemy, Ultimate Spouse, 184; Williamson (2021), Urban Rituals in Sacred Landscapes in Hellenistic Asia Minor, 251, 258, 292, 294, 295, 296, 299, 302, 310, 311, 313, 316, 317, 318, 324, 337, 366, 370, 372, 373, 375, 383, 387, 398, 408
|157. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Pythia (festival) • festivals, Soteria • soteria (festival), in Delphi
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 500; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 54, 55
|158. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Balbillea (festival) • Olympia of Ephesos (festival) • Olympia of Ephesos (festival), competitions (agones) • Olympia of Ephesos (festival), organization of • Olympia of Ephesos (festival), resembles Olympia at Elis • agonothete, at Olympia festival • festivals, • festivals, Antonia, • festivals, Deia Kommodeia,
Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 64; Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 189
|159. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Demostheneia festival • Festival • festival, Delphic • festival, community
Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 22; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 449
|160. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Dionysiac festival • festivals • festivals, Antheia • festivals, funding of
Found in books: Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 300; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 173; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 244; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 16; Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 55