The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.

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All subjects (including unvalidated):

subject	book bibliographic info
felix	Hickson (1993), Roman prayer language: Livy and the Aneid of Vergil, 58, 65, 142 Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 22, 58 Meister (2019), Greek Praise Poetry and the Rhetoric of Divinity, 33, 34 Mendez (2022), The Cult of Stephen in Jerusalem: Inventing a Patron Martyr, 64 Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 129 Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 196, 204, 317 Richter et al. (2015), Mani in Dublin: Selected Papers from the Seventh International Conference of the International Association of Manichaean Studies, 38, 71, 86 Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 111 Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 103, 289, 377, 474, 479, 543, 545, 547, 550, 552, 570, 571, 572, 573, 574 Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 8, 9, 108, 125, 129
felix, and felicitas	Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 134, 360
felix, anti-pope	Lunn-Rockliffe (2007), The Letter of Mara bar Sarapion in Context, 35
felix, antonius	Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 193, 194 Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 603 Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 175 de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 114
felix, arabia	Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 137
felix, augustine, st, debate with	Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 249, 250, 251
felix, budelmann	Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 93 Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 234 McClay (2023), The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance. 104
felix, bulla	Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 126, 127, 131
felix, capella, martianus minneus	Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 6, 90, 94, 97, 98, 115, 119, 120, 122
felix, christian apologist, minucius	Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 129, 135
felix, christian minucius apologist	Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 92
felix, cn. sentius, trader	Parkins and Smith (1998), Trade, Traders and the Ancient City, 161
felix, consul, arcadius placidus magnus	Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 375
felix, cornelius sulla l., dictator	Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135, 136, 140, 143, 144, 171, 172, 265, 266
felix, culpa	Ramelli (2013), The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis: A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena, 618 Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 69, 130, 222
felix, felicitas, success, prosperity	Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 36
felix, hymn to, ambrose of milan, victor, nabor, and	Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 390
felix, iv, pope	Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 128
felix, jacoby	Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 57, 66, 138, 141, 144, 146, 169 Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 203, 206 Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 114, 115, 212 Kirkland (2022), Herodotus and Imperial Greek Literature: Criticism, Imitation, Reception, 14, 199 Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48, 179, 180, 214, 217, 303
felix, julia sinope, colony	Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 300
felix, krull	Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 248
felix, l. cornelius sulla	Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56, 245, 301
felix, l. cornelius sulla, dict. r. p. c.	Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 122
felix, l., cornelius sulla	Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 42, 43, 123 Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89 Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 29, 70, 71, 87, 101, 122, 123, 128
felix, l., cornelius sulla camillus, model for	Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 110
felix, laelius	Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 62
felix, lucius munatius	Vinzent (2013), Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament, 206
felix, m. antoninus	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 117, 119, 120, 123, 124
felix, m. antonius	Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 193
felix, m. minucius	Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 193, 200
felix, manichaean elect	Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 156, 332
felix, manichee	Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 249, 250, 251
felix, marcus antonius	Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 325
felix, martyr	Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 390
felix, martyr in laodicea	Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 341
felix, minicius	Reed (2005), Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature. 175
felix, minucius	Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 467 Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 63 Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 291, 396 Binder (2012), Tertullian, on Idolatry and Mishnah Avodah Zarah: Questioning the Parting of the Ways Between Christians and Jews, 119, 121, 145 Brodd and Reed (2011), Rome and Religion: A Cross-Disciplinary Dialogue on the Imperial Cult, 160 Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 154, 177, 188, 201 Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 186, 187 KÃ¶nig (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 297 Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 342, 352, 354, 355, 369 Maier and Waldner (2022), Desiring Martyrs: Locating Martyrs in Space and Time, 170 O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53 Schremer (2010), Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity, 163 Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 182 van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 114
felix, octavius, minucius	O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 51
felix, of abthunga	de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 51
felix, of aptunga	Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 134
felix, of thibiuca	de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 74
felix, p., cornelius	Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 242
felix, pollius	Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 219, 230, 283, 348 Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 2, 3, 6, 39, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155 Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 219, 230, 283, 348
felix, portrait, tacitus	Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 603
felix, procurator	Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 258, 270
felix, procurator of judea	Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 40, 47, 49
felix, stähelin	Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 239
felix, sulla, cornelius sulla	Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 213
felix, sulla, cornelius sulla l.	Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 91, 247, 352
felix, sulla, lucius cornelius	Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 128
felix, trees, arbor	Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 204
felix’s, friend, caecilius, minucius	Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 129

List of validated texts:

26 validated results for "felix"

1. Herodotus, Histories, 1.31, 3.122.2 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Jacoby, Felix • felicitas (success, prosperity), felix

Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 57; Edmunds (2021), Greek Myth, 51; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 36; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 303

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1.31 ὣς δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὸν Τέλλον προετρέψατο ὁ Σόλων τὸν Κροῖσον εἴπας πολλά τε καὶ ὀλβία, ἐπειρώτα τίνα δεύτερον μετʼ ἐκεῖνον ἴδοι, δοκέων πάγχυ δευτερεῖα γῶν οἴσεσθαι. ὃ δʼ εἶπε “Κλέοβίν τε καὶ Βίτωνα. τούτοισι γὰρ ἐοῦσι γένος Ἀργείοισι βίος τε ἀρκέων ὑπῆν, καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ ῥώμη σώματος τοιήδε· ἀεθλοφόροι τε ἀμφότεροι ὁμοίως ἦσαν, καὶ δὴ καὶ λέγεται ὅδε ὁ λόγος. ἐούσης ὁρτῆς τῇ Ἥρῃ τοῖσι Ἀργείοισι ἔδεε πάντως τὴν μητέρα αὐτῶν ζεύγεϊ κομισθῆναι ἐς τὸ ἱρόν, οἱ δέ σφι βόες ἐκ τοῦ ἀγροῦ οὐ παρεγίνοντο ἐν ὥρῃ· ἐκκληιόμενοι δὲ τῇ ὥρῃ οἱ νεηνίαι ὑποδύντες αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ τὴν ζεύγλην εἷλκον τὴν ἅμαξαν, ἐπὶ τῆς ἁμάξης δέ σφι ὠχέετο ἡ μήτηρ· σταδίους δὲ πέντε καὶ τεσσεράκοντα διακομίσαντες ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὸ ἱρόν. ταῦτα δέ σφι ποιήσασι καὶ ὀφθεῖσι ὑπὸ τῆς πανηγύριος τελευτὴ τοῦ βίου ἀρίστη ἐπεγένετο, διέδεξέ τε ἐν τούτοισι ὁ θεὸς ὡς ἄμεινον εἴη ἀνθρώπῳ τεθνάναι μᾶλλον ἢ ζώειν. Ἀργεῖοι μὲν γὰρ περιστάντες ἐμακάριζον τῶν νεηνιέων τὴν ῥώμην, αἱ δὲ Ἀργεῖαι τὴν μητέρα αὐτῶν, οἵων τέκνων ἐκύρησε· ἡ δὲ μήτηρ περιχαρής ἐοῦσα τῷ τε ἔργῳ καὶ τῇ φήμῃ, στᾶσα ἀντίον τοῦ ἀγάλματος εὔχετο Κλεόβι τε καὶ Βίτωνι τοῖσι ἑωυτῆς τέκνοισι, οἵ μιν ἐτίμησαν μεγάλως, τὴν θεὸν δοῦναι τὸ ἀνθρώπῳ τυχεῖν ἄριστον ἐστί. μετὰ ταύτην δὲ τὴν εὐχὴν ὡς ἔθυσάν τε καὶ εὐωχήθησαν, κατακοιμηθέντες ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ἱρῷ οἱ νεηνίαι οὐκέτι ἀνέστησαν ἀλλʼ ἐν τέλεϊ τούτῳ ἔσχοντο. Ἀργεῖοι δὲ σφέων εἰκόνας ποιησάμενοι ἀνέθεσαν ἐς Δελφοὺς ὡς ἀριστῶν γενομένων.”' ' None

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1.31 When Solon had provoked him by saying that the affairs of Tellus were so fortunate, Croesus asked who he thought was next, fully expecting to win second prize. Solon answered, “Cleobis and Biton. ,They were of Argive stock, had enough to live on, and on top of this had great bodily strength. Both had won prizes in the athletic contests, and this story is told about them: there was a festival of Hera in Argos, and their mother absolutely had to be conveyed to the temple by a team of oxen. But their oxen had not come back from the fields in time, so the youths took the yoke upon their own shoulders under constraint of time. They drew the wagon, with their mother riding atop it, traveling five miles until they arrived at the temple. ,When they had done this and had been seen by the entire gathering, their lives came to an excellent end, and in their case the god made clear that for human beings it is a better thing to die than to live. The Argive men stood around the youths and congratulated them on their strength; the Argive women congratulated their mother for having borne such children. ,She was overjoyed at the feat and at the praise, so she stood before the image and prayed that the goddess might grant the best thing for man to her children Cleobis and Biton, who had given great honor to the goddess. ,After this prayer they sacrificed and feasted. The youths then lay down in the temple and went to sleep and never rose again; death held them there. The Argives made and dedicated at Delphi statues of them as being the best of men.” ^3.122.2 for Polycrates was the first of the Greeks whom we know to aim at the mastery of the sea, leaving out of account Minos of Cnossus and any others who before him may have ruled the sea; of what may be called the human race Polycrates was the first, and he had great hope of ruling Ionia and the Islands. '' None

2. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 11.56-11.60 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283

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11.56 Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis harenis ^11.57 os petit et sparsos stillanti rore capillos. ^11.59 arcet et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos ^11.60 congelat et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus.' ' None

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11.56 deserted fields—harrows and heavy rake ^11.57 and their long spade ^11.59 had seized upon those implements, and torn ^11.60 to pieces oxen armed with threatening horns,' ' None

3. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 348; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 348

4. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 219; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 219

5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 20.97-20.99, 20.137, 20.141-20.144, 20.160-20.163, 20.165-20.169, 20.171-20.184, 20.188 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Felix • Felix • Felix, M. Antoninus • Felix, procurator of Judea • Marcus Antonius Felix

Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 40, 47, 49, 325; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 119, 120, 123, 124; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 175; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 103, 377, 543, 545, 572, 573; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 108

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20.97 Φάδου δὲ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπιτροπεύοντος γόης τις ἀνὴρ Θευδᾶς ὀνόματι πείθει τὸν πλεῖστον ὄχλον ἀναλαβόντα τὰς κτήσεις ἕπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιορδάνην ποταμὸν αὐτῷ: προφήτης γὰρ ἔλεγεν εἶναι, καὶ προστάγματι τὸν ποταμὸν σχίσας δίοδον ἔχειν ἔφη παρέξειν αὐτοῖς ῥᾳδίαν.' "^20.98 καὶ ταῦτα λέγων πολλοὺς ἠπάτησεν. οὐ μὴν εἴασεν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἀφροσύνης ὄνασθαι Φᾶδος, ἀλλ' ἐξέπεμψεν ἴλην ἱππέων ἐπ' αὐτούς, ἥτις ἀπροσδόκητος ἐπιπεσοῦσα πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν, πολλοὺς δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Θευδᾶν ζωγρήσαντες ἀποτέμνουσι τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ κομίζουσιν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα." "^20.99 τὰ μὲν οὖν συμβάντα τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις κατὰ τοὺς Κουσπίου Φάδου τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς χρόνους ταῦτ' ἐγένετο." ^20.137 Πέμπει δὲ καὶ Κλαύδιον Φήλικα Πάλλαντος ἀδελφὸν τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν προστησόμενον πραγμάτων.' "^20.141 Διαλύονται δὲ τῇ Δρουσίλλῃ πρὸς τὸν ̓́Αζιζον οἱ γάμοι μετ' οὐ πολὺν χρόνον τοιαύτης ἐμπεσούσης αἰτίας:" "^20.142 καθ' ὃν χρόνον τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπετρόπευε Φῆλιξ θεασάμενος ταύτην, καὶ γὰρ ἦν κάλλει πασῶν διαφέρουσα, λαμβάνει τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιθυμίαν, καὶ ̓́Ατομον ὀνόματι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φίλων ̓Ιουδαῖον, Κύπριον δὲ τὸ γένος, μάγον εἶναι σκηπτόμενον πέμπων πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔπειθεν τὸν ἄνδρα καταλιποῦσαν αὐτῷ γήμασθαι, μακαρίαν ποιήσειν ἐπαγγελλόμενος μὴ ὑπερηφανήσασαν αὐτόν." "^20.143 ἡ δὲ κακῶς πράττουσα καὶ φυγεῖν τὸν ἐκ τῆς ἀδελφῆς Βερενίκης βουλομένη φθόνον αὑτῇ διὰ τὸ κάλλος παρεκάλει παρ' ἐκείνης οἰόμενος οὐκ ἐν ὀλίγοις ἔβλαπτεν, παραβῆναί τε τὰ πάτρια νόμιμα πείθεται καὶ τῷ Φήλικι γήμασθαι." "^20.144 τεκοῦσα δ' ἐξ αὐτοῦ παῖδα προσηγόρευσεν ̓Αγρίππαν. ἀλλ' ὃν μὲν τρόπον ὁ νεανίας οὗτος σὺν τῇ γυναικὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐκπύρωσιν τοῦ Βεσβίου ὄρους ἐπὶ τῶν Τίτου Καίσαρος χρόνων ἠφανίσθη, μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσω." '^20.163 καὶ δὴ διὰ τοιαύτης αἰτίας ὁ Φῆλιξ τὸν πιστότατον τῶν ̓Ιωνάθου φίλων ̔Ιεροσολυμίτην τὸ γένος Δωρᾶν ὀνόματι πείθει πολλὰ χρήματα δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενος ἐπαγαγεῖν τῷ ̓Ιωνάθῃ τοὺς λῃστὰς ἀναιρήσοντας, κἀκεῖνος ὑπακούσας ἐμηχανήσατο διὰ τῶν λῃστῶν πραχθῆναι τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ τὸν φόνον:' "^20.165 ἀνεκδικήτου δὲ τούτου τοῦ φόνου μεμενηκότος μετὰ πάσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἀδείας ἀναβαίνοντες ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς οἱ λῃσταὶ καὶ τὸν σίδηρον ὁμοίως κεκρυμμένον ἔχοντες συναναμιγνύμενοι τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἀνῄρουν μέν τινας ἑαυτῶν ἐχθρούς, οὓς δ' ἐπὶ χρήμασιν ἄλλοις ὑπηρετοῦντες, οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνίους: καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖ σφάττειν ἐτόλμων, οὐδ' ἐν τούτῳ δοκοῦντες ἀσεβεῖν." "^20.166 διὰ τοῦτ' οἶμαι καὶ τὸν θεὸν μισήσαντα τὴν ἀσέβειαν αὐτῶν ἀποστραφῆναι μὲν ἡμῶν τὴν πόλιν, τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν οὐκέτι καθαρὸν οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ κρίναντα ̔Ρωμαίους ἐπαγαγεῖν ἡμῖν καὶ τῇ πόλει καθάρσιον πῦρ καὶ δουλείαν ἐπιβαλεῖν σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ τέκνοις σωφρονίσαι ταῖς συμφοραῖς βουλόμενον ἡμᾶς." '^20.167 Τὰ μὲν οὖν τῶν λῃστῶν ἔργα τοιαύτης ἀνοσιότητος ἐπλήρου τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ γόητες καὶ ἀπατεῶνες ἄνθρωποι τὸν ὄχλον ἔπειθον αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ἕπεσθαι: ^20.168 δείξειν γὰρ ἔφασαν ἐναργῆ τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν γινόμενα. καὶ πολλοὶ πεισθέντες τῆς ἀφροσύνης τιμωρίας ὑπέσχον: ἀναχθέντας γὰρ αὐτοὺς Φῆλιξ ἐκόλασεν. ^20.169 ἀφικνεῖται δέ τις ἐξ Αἰγύπτου κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα προφήτης εἶναι λέγων καὶ συμβουλεύων τῷ δημοτικῷ πλήθει σὺν αὐτῷ πρὸς ὄρος τὸ προσαγορευόμενον ἐλαιῶν, ὃ τῆς πόλεως ἄντικρυς κείμενον ἀπέχει στάδια πέντε:' "^20.171 Φῆλιξ δ' ὡς ἐπύθετο ταῦτα, κελεύει τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβεῖν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ μετὰ πολλῶν ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολύμων προσβάλλει τοῖς περὶ τὸν Αἰγύπτιον, καὶ τετρακοσίους μὲν αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλεν, διακοσίους δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν." "^20.172 ὁ δ' Αἰγύπτιος αὐτὸς διαδρὰς ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἀφανὴς ἐγένετο. πάλιν δ' οἱ λῃσταὶ τὸν δῆμον εἰς τὸν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμον ἠρέθιζον μηδὲν ὑπακούειν αὐτοῖς λέγοντες, καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀπειθούντων κώμας ἐμπιπράντες διήρπαζον." '^20.173 Γίνεται δὲ καὶ τῶν Καισάρειαν οἰκούντων ̓Ιουδαίων στάσις πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ Σύρους περὶ ἰσοπολιτείας: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ̓Ιουδαῖοι πρωτεύειν ἠξίουν διὰ τὸ τὸν κτίστην τῆς Καισαρείας ̔Ηρώδην αὐτῶν βασιλέα γεγονέναι τὸ γένος ̓Ιουδαῖον, Σύροι δὲ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ὡμολόγουν, ἔφασκον δὲ τὴν Καισάρειαν Στράτωνος πύργον τὸ πρότερον καλεῖσθαι καὶ τότε μηδένα γεγονέναι τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν ̓Ιουδαῖον οἰκήτορα. ^20.174 ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ τῆς χώρας ἔπαρχοι λαβόντες ἀμφοτέρωθεν τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς στάσεως πληγαῖς ᾐκίσαντο καὶ τὴν ταραχὴν οὕτω κατέστειλαν πρὸς ὀλίγον. ^20.175 πάλιν γὰρ οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι τῷ πλούτῳ θαρροῦντες καὶ διὰ τοῦτο καταφρονοῦντες τῶν Σύρων ἐβλασφήμουν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐρεθίσειν προσδοκῶντες.' "^20.176 οἱ δὲ χρήμασιν μὲν ἡττώμενοι, μέγα δὲ φρονοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐκεῖ στρατευομένων Καισαρεῖς εἶναι καὶ Σεβαστηνοὺς μέχρι μέν τινος καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους λόγῳ ὕβριζον, εἶτα λίθοις ἀλλήλους ἔβαλλον, ἕως πολλοὺς παρ' ἀμφότερα τρωθῆναί τε καὶ πεσεῖν συνέβη: νικῶσί γε μὴν ̓Ιουδαῖοι." "^20.177 Φῆλιξ δ' ὡς ἐθεάσατο φιλονεικίαν ἐν πολέμου τρόπῳ γενομένην προπηδήσας παύεσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους παρεκάλει, μὴ πειθομένοις δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁπλίσας ἐπαφίησι καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλεν, πλείους δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν, οἰκίας δέ τινας τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει πολλῶν πάνυ χρημάτων γεμούσας διαρπάζειν ἐφῆκεν." '^20.178 οἱ δὲ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπιεικέστεροι καὶ προύχοντες κατὰ τὴν ἀξίωσιν δείσαντες περὶ ἑαυτῶν παρεκάλουν τὸν Φήλικα τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀνακαλέσασθαι τῇ σάλπιγγι καὶ φείσασθαι τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτῶν δοῦναί τε μετάνοιαν ἐπὶ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις. καὶ Φῆλιξ ἐπείσθη. ^20.179 Κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αγρίππας δίδωσιν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ισμαήλῳ: Φαβεῖ παῖς οὗτος ἦν.' "^20.181 τοσαύτη δὲ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς κατέλαβεν ἀναίδεια καὶ τόλμα, ὥστε καὶ πέμπειν δούλους ἐτόλμων ἐπὶ τὰς ἅλωνας τοὺς ληψομένους τὰς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὀφειλομένας δεκάτας, καὶ συνέβαινεν τοὺς ἀπορουμένους τῶν ἱερέων ὑπ' ἐνδείας τελευτᾶν. οὕτως ἐκράτει τοῦ δικαίου παντὸς ἡ τῶν στασιαζόντων βία." '^20.182 Πορκίου δὲ Φήστου διαδόχου Φήλικι πεμφθέντος ὑπὸ Νέρωνος οἱ πρωτεύοντες τῶν τὴν Καισάρειαν κατοικούντων ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἀναβαίνουσιν Φήλικος κατηγοροῦντες, καὶ πάντως ἂν ἐδεδώκει τιμωρίαν τῶν εἰς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀδικημάτων, εἰ μὴ πολλὰ αὐτὸν ὁ Νέρων τἀδελφῷ Πάλλαντι παρακαλέσαντι συνεχώρησεν μάλιστα δὴ τότε διὰ τιμῆς ἄγων ἐκεῖνον.' "^20.183 καὶ τῶν ἐν Καισαρείᾳ δὲ οἱ πρῶτοι Σύρων Βήρυλλον, παιδαγωγὸς δ' ἦν οὗτος τοῦ Νέρωνος τάξιν τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν ̔Ελληνικῶν ἐπιστολῶν πεπιστευμένος, πείθουσι πολλοῖς χρήμασιν αἰτήσασθαι παρὰ τοῦ Νέρωνος αὐτοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ἀκυροῦσαν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίων πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἰσοπολιτείαν." '^20.184 καὶ Βήρυλλος τὸν αὐτοκράτορα παρακαλέσας ἐπέτυχε γραφῆναι τὴν ἐπιστολήν. αὕτη τῷ ἔθνει ἡμῶν τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα κακῶν τὰς αἰτίας παρέσχεν: πυθόμενοι γὰρ οἱ κατὰ τὴν Καισάρειαν ̓Ιουδαῖοι τὰ γραφέντα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σύρους στάσεως μᾶλλον εἴχοντο μέχρι δὴ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξῆψαν.' ' None

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20.97 1. Now it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a certain magician, whose name was Theudas, persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an easy passage over it; ^20.98 and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. ^20.99 This was what befell the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus’s government. ^20.137 1. So Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea; ^20.141 2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion: ^20.142 While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman. ^20.143 Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice’s envy, for she was very ill treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son by her, he named him Agrippa. ^20.144 But after what manner that young man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain Vesuvius, in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter. ^20.163 Wherefore Felix persuaded one of Jonathan’s most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner: ^20.165 and as this murder was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude, they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to other men for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of the city, but in the temple itself also; for they had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty. ^20.166 And this seems to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men’s wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to make us wiser by our calamities. ^20.167 6. These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, ^20.168 and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them. ^20.169 Moreover, there came out of Egypt about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs. ^20.171 Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. ^20.172 But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them. ^20.173 7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Caesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Caesarea, and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Caesarea was formerly called Strato’s Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. ^20.174 When the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them on both sides, and tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a time. ^20.175 But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached them again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches. ^20.176 However, the Syrians, though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there were either of Caesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful language to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors. ^20.177 But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches. ^20.178 Now those Jews that were more moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves, and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so. ^20.179 8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. ^20.181 And such was the impudence and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice. ^20.182 9. Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Caesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in the greatest honor by him. ^20.183 Two of the principal Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. ^20.184 So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Caesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.' ' None

6. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.235, 2.239-2.241, 2.253-2.265, 2.268, 2.271-2.273, 2.276, 2.293, 2.296, 2.308, 2.320-2.321 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Felix • Felix, M. Antoninus

Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 117, 119, 123, 124; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 103, 289, 377, 474, 545, 571, 572, 573; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 108

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2.235 τοῦ λῃστρικοῦ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ στασιώδους Δειναίου τις υἱὸς ̓Ελεάζαρος καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος ἐξῆρχον, οἳ τοῖς ὁμόροις τῆς ̓Ακραβατηνῆς τοπαρχίας προσπεσόντες αὐτούς τε ἀνῄρουν μηδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας φειδὼ ποιούμενοι καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν." ^2.239 καὶ τῶν Σαμαρέων οἱ δυνατοὶ πρὸς Οὐμμίδιον Κουαδρᾶτον, ὃς ἦν ἡγεμὼν τῆς Συρίας, εἰς Τύρον παραγενόμενοι δίκην τινὰ παρὰ τῶν πορθησάντων τὴν χώραν ἠξίουν λαβεῖν. ^2.241 Κουαδρᾶτος δὲ τότε μὲν ἑκατέρους ὑπερτίθεται φήσας, ἐπειδὰν εἰς τοὺς τόπους παραγένηται, διερευνήσειν ἕκαστα, αὖθις δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Καισάρειαν τοὺς ὑπὸ Κουμανοῦ ζωγρηθέντας ἀνεσταύρωσεν πάντας.' "^2.254 Καθαρθείσης δὲ τῆς χώρας ἕτερον εἶδος λῃστῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπεφύετο, οἱ καλούμενοι σικάριοι, μεθ' ἡμέραν καὶ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει φονεύοντες ἀνθρώπους," '^2.255 μάλιστα δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς μισγόμενοι τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς ἐσθῆσιν ὑποκρύπτοντες μικρὰ ξιφίδια, τούτοις ἔνυττον τοὺς διαφόρους, ἔπειτα πεσόντων μέρος ἐγίνοντο τῶν ἐπαγανακτούντων οἱ πεφονευκότες, διὸ καὶ παντάπασιν ὑπὸ ἀξιοπιστίας ἦσαν ἀνεύρετοι.' "^2.256 πρῶτος μὲν οὖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν ̓Ιωνάθης ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀποσφάττεται, μετὰ δ' αὐτὸν καθ' ἡμέραν ἀνῃροῦντο πολλοί: καὶ τῶν συμφορῶν ὁ φόβος ἦν χαλεπώτερος, ἑκάστου καθάπερ ἐν πολέμῳ καθ' ὥραν τὸν θάνατον προσδεχομένου." '^2.257 προεσκοποῦντο δὲ πόρρωθεν τοὺς διαφόρους, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς φίλοις προσιοῦσιν πίστις ἦν, ἐν μέσαις δὲ ταῖς ὑπονοίαις καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἀνῃροῦντο: τοσοῦτον τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων τὸ τάχος ἦν καὶ τοῦ λαθεῖν ἡ τέχνη. ^2.258 Συνέστη δὲ πρὸς τούτοις στῖφος ἕτερον πονηρῶν χειρὶ μὲν καθαρώτερον, ταῖς γνώμαις δὲ ἀσεβέστερον, ὅπερ οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν σφαγέων τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τῆς πόλεως ἐλυμήνατο. ^2.259 πλάνοι γὰρ ἄνθρωποι καὶ ἀπατεῶνες προσχήματι θειασμοῦ νεωτερισμοὺς καὶ μεταβολὰς πραγματευόμενοι δαιμονᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἔπειθον καὶ προῆγον εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ὡς ἐκεῖ τοῦ θεοῦ δείξοντος αὐτοῖς σημεῖα ἐλευθερίας. ^2.261 Μείζονι δὲ τούτου πληγῇ ̓Ιουδαίους ἐκάκωσεν ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ψευδοπροφήτης: παραγενόμενος γὰρ εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄνθρωπος γόης καὶ προφήτου πίστιν ἐπιθεὶς ἑαυτῷ περὶ τρισμυρίους μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἠπατημένων, ^2.262 περιαγαγὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἐρημίας εἰς τὸ ἐλαιῶν καλούμενον ὄρος ἐκεῖθεν οἷός τε ἦν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα παρελθεῖν βιάζεσθαι καὶ κρατήσας τῆς τε ̔Ρωμαϊκῆς φρουρᾶς καὶ τοῦ δήμου τυραννεῖν χρώμενος τοῖς συνεισπεσοῦσιν δορυφόροις.' "^2.263 φθάνει δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν ὁρμὴν Φῆλιξ ὑπαντήσας μετὰ τῶν ̔Ρωμαϊκῶν ὁπλιτῶν, καὶ πᾶς ὁ δῆμος συνεφήψατο τῆς ἀμύνης, ὥστε συμβολῆς γενομένης τὸν μὲν Αἰγύπτιον φυγεῖν μετ' ὀλίγων, διαφθαρῆναι δὲ καὶ ζωγρηθῆναι πλείστους τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος σκεδασθὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστον διαλαθεῖν." '^2.264 Κατεσταλμένων δὲ καὶ τούτων ὥσπερ ἐν νοσοῦντι σώματι πάλιν ἕτερον μέρος ἐφλέγμαινεν. οἱ γὰρ γόητες καὶ λῃστρικοὶ συναχθέντες πολλοὺς εἰς ἀπόστασιν ἐνῆγον καὶ πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν παρεκρότουν θάνατον ἐπιτιμῶντες τοῖς πειθαρχοῦσιν τῇ ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίᾳ καὶ πρὸς βίαν ἀφαιρήσεσθαι λέγοντες τοὺς ἑκουσίως δουλεύειν προαιρουμένους.' "^2.265 μεριζόμενοι δὲ εἰς τὴν χώραν κατὰ λόχους διήρπαζόν τε τὰς τῶν δυνατῶν οἰκίας καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀνῄρουν καὶ τὰς κώμας ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ὥστε τῆς ἀπονοίας αὐτῶν πᾶσαν τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀναπίμπλασθαι. καὶ οὗτος μὲν ὁ πόλεμος καθ' ἡμέραν ἀνερριπίζετο." "^2.268 προεῖχον δ' οἱ μὲν πλούτῳ καὶ σωμάτων ἀλκῇ, τὸ δὲ ̔Ελληνικὸν τῇ παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀμύνῃ: τὸ γὰρ πλέον ̔Ρωμαίοις τῆς ἐκεῖ δυνάμεως ἐκ Συρίας ἦν κατειλεγμένον καὶ καθάπερ συγγενεῖς ἦσαν πρὸς τὰς βοηθείας ἕτοιμοι." "^2.272 ἀλλ' οὐχ ὁ μετὰ Φῆστον ̓Αλβῖνος τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐξηγήσατο τῶν πραγμάτων, οὐκ ἔστιν δὲ ἥντινα κακουργίας ἰδέαν παρέλειπεν." "^2.273 οὐ μόνον γοῦν ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς πράγμασιν ἔκλεπτεν καὶ διήρπαζεν τὰς ἑκάστων οὐσίας, οὐδὲ τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐβάρει ταῖς εἰσφοραῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ λῃστείᾳ δεδεμένους ὑπὸ τῆς παρ' ἑκάστοις βουλῆς ἢ τῶν προτέρων ἐπιτρόπων ἀπελύτρου τοῖς συγγενέσιν, καὶ μόνος ὁ μὴ δοὺς τοῖς δεσμωτηρίοις ὡς πονηρὸς ἐγκατελείπετο." "^2.276 συνέβαινεν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἀφῃρημένους ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀγανακτεῖν ἐχρῆν σιωπᾶν, τοὺς ἄπληγας δὲ δέει τοῦ μὴ τὰ αὐτὰ παθεῖν καὶ κολακεύειν τὸν ἄξιον κολάσεως. καθόλου δὲ ἡ μὲν παρρησία πάντων περικέκοπτο, τυραννὶς δ' ἦν διὰ πλειόνων, καὶ τὰ σπέρματα τῆς μελλούσης ἁλώσεως ἔκτοτε τῇ πόλει κατεβάλλετο." ^2.293 Πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, ἔτι μέντοι τοὺς θυμοὺς κατεῖχον. ὁ δὲ Φλῶρος ὥσπερ ἠργολαβηκὼς ἐκριπίζειν τὸν πόλεμον, πέμψας εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρὸν ἐξαιρεῖ δεκαεπτὰ τάλαντα σκηψάμενος εἰς τὰς Καίσαρος χρείας.' "^2.296 δέον γοῦν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐλθόντα σβέσαι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πῦρ ἐκεῖθεν ἀρχόμενον καὶ τῆς ταραχῆς ἀνελεῖν τὰς αἰτίας, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ μισθὸν ἔλαβεν, ὁ δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἱππικῆς τε καὶ πεζικῆς ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὥρμησεν, ἵνα τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίων ὅπλοις * ἐργάσηται καὶ τῷ δέει καὶ ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς περιδύσῃ τὴν πόλιν." ^2.308 βαρυτέραν τε ἐποίει τὴν συμφορὰν τὸ καινὸν τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ὠμότητος: ὃ γὰρ μηδεὶς πρότερον τότε Φλῶρος ἐτόλμησεν, ἄνδρας ἱππικοῦ τάγματος μαστιγῶσαί τε πρὸ τοῦ βήματος καὶ σταυρῷ προσηλῶσαι, ὧν εἰ καὶ τὸ γένος ̓Ιουδαίων ἀλλὰ γοῦν τὸ ἀξίωμα ̔Ρωμαϊκὸν ἦν.' "^2.321 ̓́Ενθα δὴ πᾶς μὲν ἱερεὺς πᾶς δ' ὑπηρέτης τοῦ θεοῦ τὰ ἅγια σκεύη προκομίσαντες καὶ τὸν κόσμον, ἐν ᾧ λειτουργεῖν ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς, ἀναλαβόντες κιθαρισταί τε καὶ ὑμνῳδοὶ μετὰ τῶν ὀργάνων προσέπιπτον καὶ κατηντιβόλουν φυλάξαι τὸν ἱερὸν κόσμον αὐτοῖς καὶ μὴ πρὸς ἁρπαγὴν τῶν θείων κειμηλίων ̔Ρωμαίους ἐρεθίσαι." " None

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2.235 but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were in the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire. ^2.239 And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished: ^2.241 6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Caesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; ^2.254 3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the daytime, and in the midst of the city; ^2.255 this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. ^2.256 The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; ^2.257 and while everybody expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance. ^2.258 4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. ^2.259 These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. ^2.261 5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; ^2.262 these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. ^2.263 But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves. ^2.264 6. Now, when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; ^2.265 for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war. ^2.268 Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it. ^2.272 But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named but he had a hand in it. ^2.273 Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one’s substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and nobody remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing. ^2.276 The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction. ^2.293 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. ^2.296 and instead of coming to Caesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward of eight talents, he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection. ^2.308 And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. ^2.321 4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things.—The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures.' ' None

7. New Testament, Acts, 1.22, 5.36, 21, 21.28, 21.34, 21.38, 22, 22.30, 23, 23.6, 23.29, 24, 24.1, 24.2, 24.3, 24.5, 24.6, 24.8, 24.10, 24.11, 24.12, 24.13, 24.14, 24.15, 24.16, 24.17, 24.18, 24.19, 24.20, 24.21, 24.22, 24.23, 24.24, 24.25, 24.26, 24.27, 25.13-26.32, 28.17, 28.18, 28.25, 28.26, 28.27, 28.28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antonius Felix • Felix • Felix (procurator) • Felix, M. Antoninus • Tacitus, Felix portrait

Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 123; Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 258, 270; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 22, 58; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 603; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 111; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 175; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 474, 479, 543, 545, 547, 550, 552, 570, 571, 572, 573; Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 8, 9, 108, 129

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22 ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τοῦ βαπτίσματος Ἰωάνου ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας ἧς ἀνελήμφθη ἀφʼ ἡμῶν, μάρτυρα τῆς ἀναστάσεως αὐτοῦ σὺν ἡμῖν γενέσθαι ἕνα τούτων. ^5.36 πρὸ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνέστη Θευδᾶς, λέγων εἶναί τινα ἑαυτόν, ᾧ προσεκλίθη ἀνδρῶν ἀριθμὸς ὡς τετρακοσίων· ὃς ἀνῃρέθη, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διελύθησαν καὶ ἐγένοντο εἰς οὐδέν.' ^21.28 κράζοντες Ἄνδρες Ἰσραηλεῖται, βοηθεῖτε· οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὁ κατὰ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ τόπου τούτου πάντας πανταχῇ διδάσκων, ἔτι τε καὶ Ἕλληνας εἰσήγαγεν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ κεκοίνωκεν τὸν ἅγιον τόπον τοῦτον. ^21.34 ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλο τι ἐπεφώνουν ἐν τῷ ὄχλῳ· μὴ δυναμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ γνῶναι τὸ ἀσφαλὲς διὰ τὸν θόρυβον ἐκέλευσεν ἄγεσθαι αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν. ^21.38 γινώσκεις; οὐκ ἄρα σὺ εἶ ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ὁ πρὸ τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀναστατώσας καὶ ἐξαγαγὼν εἰς τὴν ἔρημον τοὺς τετρακισχιλίους ἄνδρας τῶν σικαρίων; ^22.30 Τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον βουλόμενος γνῶναι τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τὸ τί κατηγορεῖται ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔλυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ ἐκέλευσεν συνελθεῖν τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ πᾶν τὸ συνέδριον, καὶ καταγαγὼν τὸν Παῦλον ἔστησεν εἰς αὐτούς. ^23.6 Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Παῦλος ὅτι τὸ ἓν μέρος ἐστὶν Σαδδουκαίων τὸ δὲ ἕτερον Φαρισαίων ἔκραζεν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ Φαρισαῖός εἰμι, υἱὸς Φαρισαίων· περὶ ἐλπίδος καὶ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν κρίνομαι. ^23.29 ὃν εὗρον ἐγκαλούμενον περὶ ζητημάτων τοῦ νόμου αὐτῶν, μηδὲν δὲ ἄξιον θανάτου ἢ δεσμῶν ἔχοντα ἔγκλημα. ^24.1 Μετὰ δὲ πέντε ἡμέρας κατέβη ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἁνανίας

24.2 κληθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἤρξατο κατηγορεῖν ὁ Τέρτυλλος λέγων Πολλῆς εἰρήνης τυγχάνοντες διὰ σοῦ καὶ διορθωμάτων γινομένων τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ διὰ τῆς σῆς προνοίας ^24.5 εὑρόντες γὰρ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον λοιμὸν καὶ κινοῦντα στάσεις πᾶσι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην πρωτοστάτην τε τῆς τῶν Ναζωραίων αἱρέσεως, ^24.6 ὃς καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπείρασεν βεβηλῶσαι, ^24.8 ὃν καὶ ἐκρατήσαμεν, παρʼ οὗ δυνήσῃ αὐτὸς ἀνακρίνας περὶ πάντων τούτων ἐπιγνῶναι ὧν ἡμεῖς κατηγοροῦμεν αὐτοῦ. ^24.10 Ἀπεκρίθη τε ὁ Παῦλος νεύσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος λέγειν Ἐκ πολλῶν ἐτῶν ὄντα σε κριτὴν τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ ἐπιστάμενος εὐθύμως τὰ περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ ἀπολογοῦμαι, ^24.11 δυναμένου σου ἐπιγνῶναι, ὅτι οὐ πλείους εἰσίν μοι ἡμέραι δώδεκα ἀφʼ ἧς ἀνέβην προσκυνήσων εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ, ^24.12 καὶ οὔτε ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ εὗρόν με πρός τινα διαλεγόμενον ἢ ἐπίστασιν ποιοῦντα ὄχλου οὔτε ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς οὔτε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ^24.13 οὐδὲ παραστῆσαι δύνανταί σοι περὶ ὧν νυνὶ κατηγοροῦσίν μου. ^24.14 ὁμολογῶ δὲ τοῦτό σοι ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν λέγουσιν αἵρεσιν οὕτως λατρεύω τῷ πατρῴῳ θεῷ, πιστεύων πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ τοῖς ἐν τοῖς προφήταις γεγραμμένοις, ^24.15 ἐλπίδα ἔχων εἰς τὸν θεόν, ἣν καὶ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι προσδέχονται, ἀνάστασιν μέλλειν ἔσεσθαι δικαίων τε καὶ ἀδίκων· ^24.16 ἐν τούτῳ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀσκῶ ἀπρόσκοπον συνείδησιν ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους διὰ παντός. ^24.17 διʼ ἐτῶν δὲ πλειόνων ἐλεημοσύνας ποιήσων εἰς τὸ ἔθνος μου παρεγενόμην καὶ προσφοράς, ^24.18 ἐν αἷς εὗρόν με ἡγνισμένον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, οὐ μετὰ ὄχλου οὐδὲ μετὰ θορύβου, ^24.19 τινὲς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἰουδαῖοι, οὓς ἔδει ἐπὶ σοῦ παρεῖναι καὶ κατηγορεῖν εἴ τι ἔχοιεν πρὸς ἐμέ,— ^24.20 ἢ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι εἰπάτωσαν τί εὗρον ἀδίκημα στάντος μου ἐπὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου ^24.
21 ἢ περὶ μιᾶς ταύτης φωνῆς ἧς ἐκέκραξα ἐν αὐτοῖς ἑστὼς ὅτι Περὶ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν ἐγὼ κρίνομαι σήμερον ἐφʼ ὑμῶν. ^24.
22 Ἀνεβάλετο δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁ Φῆλιξ, ἀκριβέστερον εἰδὼς τὰ περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ, εἴπας Ὅταν Λυσίας ὁ χιλίαρχος καταβῇ διαγνώσομαι τὰ καθʼ ὑμᾶς· ^24.
23 διαταξάμενος τῷ ἑκατοντάρχῃ τηρεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἔχειν τε ἄνεσιν καὶ μηδένα κωλύειν τῶν ἰδίων αὐτοῦ ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῷ. ^24.
24 Μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας τινὰς παραγενόμενος ὁ Φῆλιξ σὺν Δρουσίλλῃ τῇ ἰδίᾳ γυναικὶ οὔσῃ Ἰουδαίᾳ μετεπέμψατο τὸν Παῦλον καὶ ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν πίστεως. ^24.25 διαλεγομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ ἐγκρατείας καὶ τοῦ κρίματος τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔμφοβος γενόμενος ὁ Φῆλιξ ἀπεκρίθη Τὸ νῦν ἔχον πορεύου, καιρὸν δὲ μεταλαβὼν μετακαλέσομαί σε· ^24.26 ἅμα καὶ ἐλπίζων ὅτι χρήματα δοθήσεται αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ Παύλου· διὸ καὶ πυκνότερον αὐτὸν μεταπεμπόμενος ὡμίλει αὐτῷ. ^24.27 Διετίας δὲ πληρωθείσης ἔλαβεν διάδοχον ὁ Φῆλιξ Πόρκιον Φῆστον· θέλων τε χάριτα καταθέσθαι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ὁ Φῆλιξ κατέλιπε τὸν Παῦλον δεδεμένον. ^28.17 Ἐγένετο δὲ μετὰ ἡμέρας τρεῖς συνκαλέσασθαι αὐτὸν τοὺς ὄντας τῶν Ἰουδαίων πρώτους· συνελθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἔλεγεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ἐγώ, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, οὐδὲν ἐναντίον ποιήσας τῷ λαῷ ἢ τοῖς ἔθεσι τοῖς πατρῴοις δέσμιος ἐξ Ἰεροσολύμων παρεδόθην εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ^28.18 οἵτινες ἀνακρίναντές με ἐβούλοντο ἀπολῦσαι διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν αἰτίαν θανάτου ὑπάρχειν ἐν ἐμοί· ^28.25 ἀσύμφωνοι δὲ ὄντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀπελύοντο, εἰπόντος τοῦ Παύλου ῥῆμα ἓν ὅτι Καλῶς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἐλάλησεν διὰ Ἠσαίου τοῦ προφήτου πρὸς τοὺς πατέρας ὑμῶν ^28.26 λέγων ^28.27 ^28.28 γνωστὸν οὖν ὑμῖν ἔστω ὅτι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἀπεστάλη τοῦτο τὸ σωτήριον τοῦ θεοῦ· αὐτοὶ καὶ ἀκούσονται. ' None

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22 beginning from the baptism of John, to the day that he was received up from us, of these one must become a witness with us of his resurrection." ^5.36 For before these days Theudas rose up, making himself out to be somebody; to whom a number of men, about four hundred, joined themselves: who was slain; and all, as many as obeyed him, were dispersed, and came to nothing. ' ^21.28 crying out, "Men of Israel, help! This is the man who teaches all men everywhere against the people, and the law, and this place. Moreover, he also brought Greeks into the temple, and has defiled this holy place!"' "^21.34 Some shouted one thing, and some another, among the crowd. When he couldn't find out the truth because of the noise, he commanded him to be brought into the barracks. " ^21.38 Aren\'t you then the Egyptian, who before these days stirred up to sedition and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the Assassins?" ^22.30 But on the next day, desiring to know the truth about why he was accused by the Jews, he freed him from the bonds, and commanded the chief priests and all the council to come together, and brought Paul down and set him before them. ^23.6 But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, "Men and brothers, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees. Concerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am being judged!" ^23.29 I found him to be accused about questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds. ^24.1 After five days, the high priest, Aias, came down with certain elders and an orator, one Tertullus. They informed the governor against Paul. ^24.2 When he was called, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying, "Seeing that by you we enjoy much peace, and that excellent measures are coming to this nation, ^24.5 For we have found this man to be a plague, an instigator of insurrections among all the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes. ^24.6 He even tried to profane the temple. We arrested him. ^24.8 By examining him yourself you may ascertain all these things of which we accuse him." ^24.10 When the governor had beckoned to him to speak, Paul answered, "Because I know that you have been a judge of this nation for many years, I cheerfully make my defense, ^24.11 seeing that you can recognize that it is not more than twelve days since I went up to worship at Jerusalem. ' "^24.12 In the temple they didn't find me disputing with anyone or stirring up a crowd, either in the synagogues, or in the city. " ^24.13 Nor can they prove to you the things whereof they now accuse me. ^24.14 But this I confess to you, that after the Way, which they call a sect, so I serve the God of our fathers, believing all things which are according to the law, and which are written in the prophets; ^24.15 having hope toward God, which these also themselves look for, that there will be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust. ^24.16 Herein I also practice always having a conscience void of offense toward God and men. ^24.17 Now after some years, I came to bring gifts to the needy to my nation, and offerings; ^24.18 amid which certain Jews from Asia found me purified in the temple, with no crowd, nor yet with tumult. ^24.19 They ought to have been here before you, and to make accusation, if they had anything against me. ^24.20 Or else let these men themselves say what injustice they found in me when I stood before the council, ^24.
21 unless it is for this one thing that I cried standing among them, \'Concerning the resurrection of the dead I am being judged before you today!\'" ^24.
22 But Felix, having more exact knowledge concerning the Way, deferred them, saying, "When Lysias, the commanding officer, comes down, I will decide your case." ^24.
23 He ordered the centurion that Paul should be kept in custody, and should have some privileges, and not to forbid any of his friends to serve him or to visit him. ^24.
24 But after some days, Felix came with Drusilla, his wife, who was a Jewess, and sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ Jesus. ^24.25 As he reasoned about righteousness, self-control, and the judgment to come, Felix was terrified, and answered, "Go your way for this time, and when it is convenient for me, I will summon you." ^24.26 He hoped that way that money would be given to him by Paul, that he might release him. Therefore also he sent for him more often, and talked with him. ^24.27 But when two years were fulfilled, Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus, and desiring to gain favor with the Jews, Felix left Paul in bonds. ^28.17 It happened that after three days Paul called together those who were the leaders of the Jews. When they had come together, he said to them, "I, brothers, though I had done nothing against the people, or the customs of our fathers, still was delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Romans, ^28.18 who, when they had examined me, desired to set me free, because there was no cause of death in me. ^28.25 When they didn\'t agree among themselves, they departed after Paul had spoken one word, "The Holy Spirit spoke well through Isaiah, the prophet, to our fathers, ' "^28.26 saying, 'Go to this people, and say, In hearing, you will hear, And will in no way understand. In seeing, you will see, And will in no way perceive. " "^28.27 For this people's heart has grown callous. Their ears are dull of hearing. Their eyes they have closed. Lest they should see with their eyes, Hear with their ears, Understand with their heart, And would turn again, And I would heal them.' " ^28.28 "Be it known therefore to you, that the salvation of God is sent to the Gentiles. They will also hear." ' None

8. New Testament, Galatians, 1.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Felix • M. Antonius Felix,

Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 193; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 103

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1.18 Ἔπειτα μετὰ τρία ἔτη ἀνῆλθον εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα ἱστορῆσαι Κηφᾶν, καὶ ἐπέμεινα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡμέρας δεκαπέντε·'' None

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1.18 Then after three years I went up to Jerusalem tovisit Peter, and stayed with him fifteen days. '' None

9. New Testament, Matthew, 22.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Felix

Found in books: Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 129; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 574

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22.21 λέγουσιν Καίσαρος. τότε λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἀπόδοτε οὖν τὰ Καίσαρος Καίσαρι καὶ τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ θεῷ.'' None

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22.21 They said to him, "Caesar\'s."Then he said to them, "Give therefore to Caesar the things that are Caesar\'s, and to God the things that are God\'s."'' None

10. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.10.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283

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1.10.14 \xa0It is recorded that the greatest generals played on the lyre and the pipe, and that the armies of Sparta were fired to martial ardour by the strains of music. Twenty-Sixth North Carolina Regiment, come to serenade him in his tent, "I\xa0don\'t believe we can have an army without music." (G.\xa0C.\xa0Underwood, in Freeman\'s biography of Lee, Vol.\xa0III, p267. -- And what else is the function of the horns and trumpets attached to our legions? The louder the concert of their notes, the greater is the glorious supremacy of our arms over all the nations of the earth.'' None

11. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.10.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283

12. Tacitus, Histories, 5.9-5.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Felix • Felix, M. Antoninus

Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 123; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 289, 571

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5.9 \xa0The first Roman to subdue the Jews and set foot in their temple by right of conquest was Gnaeus Pompey; thereafter it was a matter of common knowledge that there were no representations of the gods within, but that the place was empty and the secret shrine contained nothing. The walls of Jerusalem were razed, but the temple remained standing. Later, in the time of our civil wars, when these eastern provinces had fallen into the hands of Mark Antony, the Parthian prince, Pacorus, seized Judea, but he was slain by Publius Ventidius, and the Parthians were thrown back across the Euphrates: the Jews were subdued by Gaius Sosius. Antony gave the throne to Herod, and Augustus, after his victory, increased his power. After Herod's death, a certain Simon assumed the name of king without waiting for Caesar's decision. He, however, was put to death by Quintilius Varus, governor of Syria; the Jews were repressed; and the kingdom was divided into three parts and given to Herod's sons. Under Tiberius all was quiet. Then, when Caligula ordered the Jews to set up his statue in their temple, they chose rather to resort to arms, but the emperor's death put an end to their uprising. The princes now being dead or reduced to insignificance, Claudius made Judea a province and entrusted it to Roman knights or to freedmen; one of the latter, Antonius Felix, practised every kind of cruelty and lust, wielding the power of king with all the instincts of a slave; he had married Drusilla, the grand-daughter of Cleopatra and Antony, and so was Antony's grandson-inâ\x80\x91law, while Claudius was Antony's grandson." "^5.10 \xa0Still the Jews' patience lasted until Gessius Florus became procurator: in his time war began. When Cestius Gallus, governor of Syria, tried to stop it, he suffered varied fortunes and met defeat more often than he gained victory. On his death, whether in the course of nature or from vexation, Nero sent out Vespasian, who, aided by his good fortune and reputation as well as by his excellent subordinates, within two summers occupied with his victorious army the whole of the level country and all the cities except Jerusalem. The next year was taken up with civil war, and thus was passed in inactivity so far as the Jews were concerned. When peace had been secured throughout Italy, foreign troubles began again; and the fact that the Jews alone had failed to surrender increased our resentment; at the same time, having regard to all the possibilities and hazards of a new reign, it seemed expedient for Titus to remain with the army."" None

13. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283

14. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 219, 230, 283, 348; Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 6, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 219, 230, 283, 348

15. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 230, 283, 348; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 230, 283, 348

16. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 9.17.3, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Minucius Felix • Pollius Felix • Sulla (Cornelius Sulla Felix)

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 213; KÃ¶nig (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 297; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 355; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283

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9.17.3 To Genitor. I have received your letter in which you complain how offensive to you a really magnificent banquet was, owing to the fact that there were buffoons, dancers, and jesters going round from table to table. Ah ! will you never relax that severe frown of yours even a little ? For my own part, I do not provide any such entertainments like those, but I can put up with those who do. Why then do I not provide them myself? For this reason, that if any dancer makes a lewd movement, if a buffoon is impudent, or a jester makes a senseless fool of himself, it does not amuse me a whit, for I see no novelty or fun in it. I am not giving you a high moral reason, but am only telling you my individual taste. Yet think how many people there are who would regard with disfavour, as partly insipid and partly wearisome, the entertainments which charm and attract you and me. When a reader, or a musician, or a comic actor enters the banqueting-room, how many there are who call for their shoes or lie back on their couches just as completely bored as you were, when you endured what you describe as those monstrosities ! Let us then make allowances for what pleases other people, so that we may induce others to make allowances for us ! Farewell. ' ' None

17. Tertullian, Apology, 9.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Minucius Felix • Minucius Felix, • Minucius Felix, Christian Apologist • trees, arbor felix

Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 188; KÃ¶nig (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 297; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 204; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 135

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9.9 That I may refute more thoroughly these charges, I will show that in part openly, in part secretly, practices prevail among you which have led you perhaps to credit similar things about us. Children were openly sacrificed in Africa to Saturn as lately as the proconsulship of Tiberius, who exposed to public gaze the priests suspended on the sacred trees overshadowing their temple - so many crosses on which the punishment which justice craved overtook their crimes, as the soldiers of our country still can testify who did that very work for that proconsul. And even now that sacred crime still continues to be done in secret. It is not only Christians, you see, who despise you; for all that you do there is neither any crime thoroughly and abidingly eradicated, nor does any of your gods reform his ways. When Saturn did not spare his own children, he was not likely to spare the children of others; whom indeed the very parents themselves were in the habit of offering, gladly responding to the call which was made on them, and keeping the little ones pleased on the occasion, that they might not die in tears. At the same time, there is a vast difference between homicide and parricide. A more advanced age was sacrificed to Mercury in Gaul. I hand over the Tauric fables to their own theatres. Why, even in that most religious city of the pious descendants of Æneas, there is a certain Jupiter whom in their games they lave with human blood. It is the blood of a beast-fighter, you say. Is it less, because of that, the blood of a man? Or is it viler blood because it is from the veins of a wicked man? At any rate it is shed in murder. O Jove, yourself a Christian, and in truth only son of your father in his cruelty! But in regard to child murder, as it does not matter whether it is committed for a sacred object, or merely at one's own self-impulse - although there is a great difference, as we have said, between parricide and homicide - I shall turn to the people generally. How many, think you, of those crowding around and gaping for Christian blood, - how many even of your rulers, notable for their justice to you and for their severe measures against us, may I charge in their own consciences with the sin of putting their offspring to death? As to any difference in the kind of murder, it is certainly the more cruel way to kill by drowning, or by exposure to cold and hunger and dogs. A maturer age has always preferred death by the sword. In our case, murder being once for all forbidden, we may not destroy even the fœtus in the womb, while as yet the human being derives blood from other parts of the body for its sustece. To hinder a birth is merely a speedier man-killing; nor does it matter whether you take away a life that is born, or destroy one that is coming to the birth. That is a man which is going to be one; you have the fruit already in its seed. As to meals of blood and such tragic dishes, read - I am not sure where it is told (it is in Herodotus, I think)- how blood taken from the arms, and tasted by both parties, has been the treaty bond among some nations. I am not sure what it was that was tasted in the time of Catiline. They say, too, that among some Scythian tribes the dead are eaten by their friends. But I am going far from home. At this day, among ourselves, blood consecrated to Bellona, blood drawn from a punctured thigh and then partaken of, seals initiation into the rites of that goddess. Those, too, who at the gladiator shows, for the cure of epilepsy, quaff with greedy thirst the blood of criminals slain in the arena, as it flows fresh from the wound, and then rush off - to whom do they belong? Those, also, who make meals on the flesh of wild beasts at the place of combat - who have keen appetites for bear and stag? That bear in the struggle was bedewed with the blood of the man whom it lacerated: that stag rolled itself in the gladiator's gore. The entrails of the very bears, loaded with as yet undigested human viscera, are in great request. And you have men rifting up man-fed flesh? If you partake of food like this, how do your repasts differ from those you accuse us Christians of? And do those, who, with savage lust, seize on human bodies, do less because they devour the living? Have they less the pollution of human blood on them because they only lick up what is to turn into blood? They make meals, it is plain, not so much of infants, as of grown-up men. Blush for your vile ways before the Christians, who have not even the blood of animals at their meals of simple and natural food; who abstain from things strangled and that die a natural death, for no other reason than that they may not contract pollution, so much as from blood secreted in the viscera. To clench the matter with a single example, you tempt Christians with sausages of blood, just because you are perfectly aware that the thing by which you thus try to get them to transgress they hold unlawful. And how unreasonable it is to believe that those, of whom you are convinced that they regard with horror the idea of tasting the blood of oxen, are eager after blood of men; unless, perhaps, you have tried it, and found it sweeter to the taste! Nay, in fact, there is here a test you should apply to discover Christians, as well as the fire-pan and the censer. They should be proved by their appetite for human blood, as well as by their refusal to offer sacrifice; just as otherwise they should be affirmed to be free of Christianity by their refusal to taste of blood, as by their sacrificing; and there would be no want of blood of men, amply supplied as that would be in the trial and condemnation of prisoners. Then who are more given to the crime of incest than those who have enjoyed the instruction of Jupiter himself? Ctesias tells us that the Persians have illicit intercourse with their mothers. The Macedonians, too, are suspected on this point; for on first hearing the tragedy of Œdipus they made mirth of the incest-doer's grief, exclaiming, &²² And we affirm indeed the existence of certain spiritual essences; nor is their name unfamiliar. The philosophers acknowledge there are demons; Socrates himself waiting on a demon's will. Why not? Since it is said an evil spirit attached itself specially to him even from his childhood - turning his mind no doubt from what was good. The poets are all acquainted with demons too; even the ignorant common people make frequent use of them in cursing. In fact, they call upon Satan, the demon-chief, in their execrations, as though from some instinctive soul-knowledge of him. Plato also admits the existence of angels. The dealers in magic, no less, come forward as witnesses to the existence of both kinds of spirits. We are instructed, moreover, by our sacred books how from certain angels, who fell of their own free-will, there sprang a more wicked demon-brood, condemned of God along with the authors of their race, and that chief we have referred to. It will for the present be enough, however, that some account is given of their work. Their great business is the ruin of mankind. So, from the very first, spiritual wickedness sought our destruction. They inflict, accordingly, upon our bodies diseases and other grievous calamities, while by violent assaults they hurry the soul into sudden and extraordinary excesses. Their marvellous subtleness and tenuity give them access to both parts of our nature. As spiritual, they can do no harm; for, invisible and intangible, we are not cognizant of their action save by its effects, as when some inexplicable, unseen poison in the breeze blights the apples and the grain while in the flower, or kills them in the bud, or destroys them when they have reached maturity; as though by the tainted atmosphere in some unknown way spreading abroad its pestilential exhalations. So, too, by an influence equally obscure, demons and angels breathe into the soul, and rouse up its corruptions with furious passions and vile excesses; or with cruel lusts accompanied by various errors, of which the worst is that by which these deities are commended to the favour of deceived and deluded human beings, that they may get their proper food of flesh-fumes and blood when that is offered up to idol-images. What is daintier food to the spirit of evil, than turning men's minds away from the true God by the illusions of a false divination? And here I explain how these illusions are managed. Every spirit is possessed of wings. This is a common property of both angels and demons. So they are everywhere in a single moment; the whole world is as one place to them; all that is done over the whole extent of it, it is as easy for them to know as to report. Their swiftness of motion is taken for divinity, because their nature is unknown. Thus they would have themselves thought sometimes the authors of the things which they announce; and sometimes, no doubt, the bad things are their doing, never the good. The purposes of God, too, they took up of old from the lips of the prophets, even as they spoke them; and they gather them still from their works, when they hear them read aloud. Thus getting, too, from this source some intimations of the future, they set themselves up as rivals of the true God, while they steal His divinations. But the skill with which their responses are shaped to meet events, your Crœsi and Pyrrhi know too well. On the other hand, it was in that way we have explained, the Pythian was able to declare that they were cooking a tortoise with the flesh of a lamb; in a moment he had been to Lydia. From dwelling in the air, and their nearness to the stars, and their commerce with the clouds, they have means of knowing the preparatory processes going on in these upper regions, and thus can give promise of the rains which they already feel. Very kind too, no doubt, they are in regard to the healing of diseases. For, first of all, they make you ill; then, to get a miracle out of it, they command the application of remedies either altogether new, or contrary to those in use, and straightway withdrawing hurtful influence, they are supposed to have wrought a cure. What need, then, to speak of their other artifices, or yet further of the deceptive power which they have as spirits: of these Castor apparitions, of water carried by a sieve, and a ship drawn along by a girdle, and a beard reddened by a touch, all done with the one object of showing that men should believe in the deity of stones, and not seek after the only true God? "" None

18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Minicius Felix • Minucius Felix • Minucius Felix, • Minucius Felix, M

Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 177, 201; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 547, 548; Reed (2005), Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature. 175; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 121

19. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 5.1.21 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Minucius Felix

Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 547; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 187

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5.1.21 I Entertain no doubt, O mighty Emperor Constantine, - since they are impatient through excessive superstition - that if any one of those who are foolishly religious should take in hand this work of ours, in which that matchless Creator of all things and Ruler of this boundless world is asserted, he would even assail it with abusive language, and perhaps, having scarcely read the beginning, would dash it to the ground, cast it from him, curse it, and think himself contaminated and bound by inexpiable guilt if he should patiently read or hear these things. We demand, however, from this man, if it is possible, by the right of human nature, that he should not condemn before that he knows the whole matter. For if the right of defending themselves is given to sacrilegious persons, and to traitors and sorcerers, and if it is lawful for no one to be condemned beforehand, his cause being as yet untried, we do not appear to ask unjustly, that if there shall be any one who shall have fallen upon this subject, if he shall read it, he read it throughout; if he shall hear it, that he put off the forming of an opinion until the end. But I know the obstinacy of men; we shall never succeed in obtaining this. For they fear lest they should be overcome by us, and be compelled at length to yield, truth itself crying out. They interrupt, therefore, and make hindrances, that they may not hear; and close their eyes, that they may not see the light which we present to them. Wherefore they themselves plainly show their distrust in their own abandoned system, since they neither venture to investigate, nor to engage with as, because they know that they are easily overpowered. And therefore, discussion being taken away, Wisdom is driven from among them, they have recourse to violence,as Ennius says; and because they eagerly endeavour to condemn as guilty those whom they plainly know to be innocent, they are unwilling to be agreed respecting innocence itself; as though, in truth, it were a greater injustice to have condemned innocence, when proved to be such, than unheard. But, as I said, they are afraid lest, if they should hear, they should be unable to condemn. And therefore they torture, put to death, and banish the worshippers of the Most High God, that is, the righteous; nor are they, who so vehemently hate, themselves able to assign the causes of their hatred. Because they are themselves in error, they are angry with those who follow the path of truth; and when they are able to correct themselves, they greatly increase their errors by cruel deeds, they are stained with the blood of the innocent, and they tear away with violence souls dedicated to God from the lacerated bodies. Such are the men with whom we now endeavour to engage and to dispute: these are the men whom we would lead away from a foolish persuasion to the truth, men who would more readily drink blood than imbibe the words of the righteous. What then? Will our labour be in vain? By no means. For if we shall not be able to deliver these from death, to which they are hastening with the greatest speed; if we cannot recall them from that devious path to life and light, since they themselves oppose their own safety; yet we shall strengthen those who belong to us, whose opinion is not settled, and founded and fixed with solid roots. For many of them waver, and especially those who have any acquaintance with literature. For in this respect philosophers, and orators, and poets are pernicious, because they are easily able to ensnare unwary souls by the sweetness of their discourse, and of their poems flowing with delightful modulation. These are sweets which conceal poison. And on this account I wished to connect wisdom with religion, that that vain system may not at all injure the studious; so that now the knowledge of literature may not only be of no injury to religion and righteousness, but may even be of the greatest profit, if he who has learned it should be more instructed in virtues and wiser in truth. Moreover, even though it should be profitable to no other, it certainly will be so to us: the conscience will delight itself, and the mind will rejoice that it is engaged in the light of truth, which is the food of the soul, being overspread with an incredible kind of pleasantness. But we must not despair. Perchance We sing not to the deaf. For neither are affairs in so bad a condition that there are no sound minds to which the truth may be pleasing, and which may both see and follow the right course when it is pointed out to them. Only let the cup be anointed with the heavenly honey of wisdom, that the bitter remedies may be drunk by them unawares, without any annoyance, while the first sweetness of taste by its allurement conceals, under the cover of pleasantness, the bitterness of the harsh flavour. For this is especially the cause why, with the wise and the learned, and the princes of this world, the sacred Scriptures are without credit, because the prophets spoke in common and simple language, as though they spoke to the people. And therefore they are despised by those who are willing to hear or read nothing except that which is polished and eloquent; nor is anything able to remain fixed in their minds, except that which charms their ears by a more soothing sound. But those things which appear humble are considered anile, foolish, and common. So entirely do they regard nothing as true, except that which is pleasant to the ear; nothing as credible, except that which can excite pleasure: no one estimates a subject by its truth, but by its embellishment. Therefore they do not believe the sacred writings, because they are without any pretence; but they do not even believe those who explain them, because they also are either altogether ignorant, or at any rate possessed of little learning. For it very rarely happens that they are wholly eloquent; and the cause of this is evident. For eloquence is subservient to the world, it desires to display itself to the people, and to please in things which are evil; since it often endeavours to overpower the truth, that it may show its power; it seeks wealth, desires honours; in short, it demands the highest degree of dignity. Therefore it despises these subjects as low; it avoids secret things as contrary to itself, inasmuch as it rejoices in publicity, and longs for the multitude and celebrity. Hence it comes to pass that wisdom and truth need suitable heralds. And if by chance any of the learned have betaken themselves to it, they have not been sufficient for its defense. of those who are known to me, Minucius Felix was of no ignoble rank among pleaders. His book, which bears the title of Octavius, declares how suitable a maintainer of the truth he might have been, if he had given himself altogether to that pursuit. Septimius Tertullianus also was skilled in literature of every kind; but in eloquence he had little readiness, and was not sufficiently polished, and very obscure. Not even therefore did he find sufficient renown. Cyprianus, therefore, was above all others distinguished and renowned, since he had sought great glory to himself from the profession of the art of oratory, and he wrote very many things worthy of admiration in their particular class. For he was of a turn of mind which was ready, copious, agreeable, and (that which is the greatest excellence of style) plain and open; so that you cannot determine whether he was more embellished in speech, or more ready in explanation, or more powerful in persuasion. And yet he is unable to please those who are ignorant of the mystery except by his words; inasmuch as the things which he spoke are mystical, and prepared with this object, that they may be heard by the faithful only: in short, he is accustomed to be derided by the learned men of this age, to whom his writings have happened to be known. I have heard of a certain man who was skilful indeed, who by the change of a single letter called him Coprianus, as though he were one who had applied to old women's fables a mind which was elegant and fitted for better things. But if this happened to him whose eloquence is not unpleasant, what then must we suppose happens to those whose discourse is meagre and displeasing, who could have had neither the power of persuasion, nor subtlety in arguing, nor any severity at all for refuting? "" None

20. Origen, Against Celsus, 8.17 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Minucius Felix

Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 396; Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 22

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8.17 Celsus then proceeds to say that we shrink from raising altars, statues, and temples; and this, he thinks, has been agreed upon among us as the badge or distinctive mark of a secret and forbidden society. He does not perceive that we regard the spirit of every good man as an altar from which arises an incense which is truly and spiritually sweet-smelling, namely, the prayers ascending from a pure conscience. Therefore it is said by John in the Revelation, The odours are the prayers of saints; and by the Psalmist, Let my prayer come up before You as incense. And the statues and gifts which are fit offerings to God are the work of no common mechanics, but are wrought and fashioned in us by the Word of God, to wit, the virtues in which we imitate the First-born of all creation, who has set us an example of justice, of temperance, of courage, of wisdom, of piety, and of the other virtues. In all those, then, who plant and cultivate within their souls, according to the divine word, temperance, justice, wisdom, piety, and other virtues, these excellences are their statues they raise, in which we are persuaded that it is becoming for us to honour the model and prototype of all statues: the image of the invisible God, God the Only-begotten. And again, they who put off the old man with his deeds, and put on the new man, which is renewed in knowledge after the image of Him that has created him, in taking upon them the image of Him who has created them, do raise within themselves a statue like to what the Most High God Himself desires. And as among statuaries there are some who are marvellously perfect in their art, as for example Pheidias and Polycleitus, and among painters, Zeuxis and Apelles, while others make inferior statues, and others, again, are inferior to the second-rate artists - so that, taking all together, there is a wide difference in the execution of statues and pictures - in the same way there are some who form images of the Most High in a better manner and with a more perfect skill; so that there is no comparison even between the Olympian Jupiter of Pheidias and the man who has been fashioned according to the image of God the Creator. But by far the most excellent of all these throughout the whole creation is that image in our Saviour who said, My Father is in Me. '' None

21. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Felix • Felix (Manichaean elect),

Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 332; Richter et al. (2015), Mani in Dublin: Selected Papers from the Seventh International Conference of the International Association of Manichaean Studies, 38

22. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Minucius Felix

Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 187; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 342

23. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Minucius Felix

Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 547; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 187

24. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.7.4
Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L. • Minucius Felix (Christian apologist)

Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 92

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1.7.4 The dream which follows, seems equally to concern public religion. A certain head of a family caused his servant to be whipped, and brought him to the execution at the fork in the Flaminian Circus, at the time of the Plebeian Games, a little before the show was about to begin. Jupiter, in a dream, commanded Titus Latinius, one of the common people, to tell the consuls, that the front-dancer at the last Circus Games in no way pleased him; and that unless the fault were expiated by an exact repetition of the games, there would ensue not a little vexation and trouble to the city. He, fearing to involve the commonwealth in a duty of religion to his own disadvantage, held his peace. Immediately his son, taken with a sudden fit of sickness, died. Afterwards being asked by the same god in his sleep whether be thought himself punished enough for the neglect of his command - yet remaining obstinate - he was stricken with a general weakness of body. At length, by the advice of his friends, he was carried in a horse-litter to the consuls' tribunal, and fully declared the cause of his misfortunes; then, to the wonder of all men recovering his former strength, he walked on foot to his house."" None

25. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.456-1.492, 5.410, 5.424
Tagged with subjects: • Felix of Nola • Pollius Felix • Sulla (Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix

Found in books: Conybeare (2000), Abused Bodies in Roman Epic, 99; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 230; Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 3, 100, 108, 133

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1.456 miratur, videt Iliacas ex ordine pugnas, ^1.457 bellaque iam fama totum volgata per orbem, ^1.458 Atridas, Priamumque, et saevum ambobus Achillem. ^1.459 Constitit, et lacrimans, Quis iam locus inquit Achate, ^1.461 En Priamus! Sunt hic etiam sua praemia laudi; ^1.462 sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt. ^1.463 Solve metus; feret haec aliquam tibi fama salutem. ^1.464 Sic ait, atque animum pictura pascit ii, ^1.465 multa gemens, largoque umectat flumine voltum. ^1.466 Namque videbat, uti bellantes Pergama circum ^1.467 hac fugerent Graii, premeret Troiana iuventus, ^1.468 hac Phryges, instaret curru cristatus Achilles. ^1.469 Nec procul hinc Rhesi niveis tentoria velis ^1.470 adgnoscit lacrimans, primo quae prodita somno ^1.471 Tydides multa vastabat caede cruentus, ^1.472 ardentisque avertit equos in castra, prius quam ^1.473 pabula gustassent Troiae Xanthumque bibissent. ^1.474 Parte alia fugiens amissis Troilus armis, ^1.475 infelix puer atque impar congressus Achilli, ^1.476 fertur equis, curruque haeret resupinus ii, ^1.477 lora tenens tamen; huic cervixque comaeque trahuntur ^1.478 per terram, et versa pulvis inscribitur hasta. ^1.479 Interea ad templum non aequae Palladis ibant ^1.480 crinibus Iliades passis peplumque ferebant, ^1.481 suppliciter tristes et tunsae pectora palmis; ^1.482 diva solo fixos oculos aversa tenebat. ^1.483 Ter circum Iliacos raptaverat Hectora muros, ^1.484 exanimumque auro corpus vendebat Achilles. ^1.485 Tum vero ingentem gemitum dat pectore ab imo, ^1.486 ut spolia, ut currus, utque ipsum corpus amici, ^1.487 tendentemque manus Priamum conspexit inermis. ^1.488 Se quoque principibus permixtum adgnovit Achivis, ^1.489 Eoasque acies et nigri Memnonis arma. ^1.490 Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis ^1.491 Penthesilea furens, mediisque in milibus ardet, ^1.492 aurea subnectens exsertae cingula mammae, ^5.410 Quid, si quis caestus ipsius et Herculis arma' ' None

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1.456 in our vast toil. Instruct us of what skies, ' "^1.457 or what world's end, our storm-swept lives have found! " '^1.458 Strange are these lands and people where we rove, ^1.459 compelled by wind and wave. Lo, this right hand ^1.461 Then Venus: “Nay, I boast not to receive ^1.462 honors divine. We Tyrian virgins oft ^1.463 bear bow and quiver, and our ankles white ^1.464 lace up in purple buskin. Yonder lies ^1.465 the Punic power, where Tyrian masters hold ' "^1.466 Agenor's town; but on its borders dwell " '^1.467 the Libyans, by battles unsubdued. ^1.468 Upon the throne is Dido, exiled there ' "^1.469 from Tyre, to flee th' unnatural enmity " "^1.470 of her own brother. 'T was an ancient wrong; " '^1.471 too Iong the dark and tangled tale would be; ^1.472 I trace the larger outline of her story: ^1.473 Sichreus was her spouse, whose acres broad ^1.474 no Tyrian lord could match, and he was-blessed ' "^1.475 by his ill-fated lady's fondest love, " '^1.476 whose father gave him her first virgin bloom ^1.477 in youthful marriage. But the kingly power ^1.478 among the Tyrians to her brother came, ^1.479 Pygmalion, none deeper dyed in crime ^1.480 in all that land. Betwixt these twain there rose ^1.481 a deadly hatred,—and the impious wretch, ^1.482 blinded by greed, and reckless utterly ' "^1.483 of his fond sister's joy, did murder foul " '^1.484 upon defenceless and unarmed Sichaeus, ^1.485 and at the very altar hewed him down. ^1.486 Long did he hide the deed, and guilefully ^1.487 deceived with false hopes, and empty words, ^1.488 her grief and stricken love. But as she slept, ' "^1.489 her husband's tombless ghost before her came, " '^1.490 with face all wondrous pale, and he laid bare ^1.491 his heart with dagger pierced, disclosing so ^1.492 the blood-stained altar and the infamy ^5.410 hall bind their foreheads with fair olive green, ' ' None

26. Vergil, Georgics, 4.523
Tagged with subjects: • Pollius Felix

Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 283; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 283

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4.523 Tum quoque marmorea caput a cervice revulsum'' None

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4.523 The fetters, or in showery drops anon'' None

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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database