1. Livy, History, 2.6.10, 2.60.4, 3.44.3, 3.50.8, 3.58.4, 5.15.11, 5.16.10, 5.19.2, 5.36.6, 5.37.1-5.37.3, 5.40.3, 5.43.6, 6.25.4, 7.1.9, 9.18.11-9.18.12, 9.33.3, 10.28.12-10.28.13, 10.29.3, 10.29.7, 21.1.2, 21.22.8-21.22.9, 22.29.7, 22.43.9, 22.53.6, 23.5.9, 23.13.4, 23.24.6, 23.33.4, 25.16.4, 26.13.17, 26.29.9-26.29.10, 26.41.9, 27.33.11, 28.12.3, 29.29.5, 29.29.9, 30.30.3, 30.30.5, 31.48.12, 33.4.4, 33.37.1, 40.40.1, 40.54.1, 41.15.1, 41.15.4, 41.18.8, 41.18.11, 41.18.14, 42.11.5, 45.41.8-45.41.12, 52.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fatum, patterns in Found in books: Davies (2004) 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 119| 45.41.8. postquam omnia secundo navium cursu in Italiam pervenerunt neque erat, quod ultra precarer, illud optavi, ut, cum ex summo retro volvi fortuna consuesset, mutationem eius domus mea potius quam res publica sentiret. 45.41.9. itaque defunctam esse fortunam publicam mea tam insigni calamitate spero, quod triumphus meus, velut ad ludibrium casuum humanorum, duobus funeribus liberorum meorum est interpositus. 45.41.10. et cum ego et Perseus nunc nobilia maxime sortis mortalium exempla spectemur, illi, qui ante se captivos captivus ipse duci liberos vidit, incolumes tamen eos habet: 45.41.11. ego, qui de illo triumphavi, ab alterius funere filii currum escendi, alterum rediens ex Capitolio prope iam expirantem inveni; neque ex tanta stirpe liberum superest, qui L. Aemili Pauli nomen ferat. 45.41.12. duos enim tamquam ex magna progenie liberorum in adoptionem datos Cornelia et Fabia gens habent: Paulus in domo praeter senem nemo superest. sed hanc cladem domus meae vestra felicitas et secunda fortuna publica consolatur.” | |
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3. Tacitus, Histories, 1.10.3, 1.22.1-1.22.2, 1.50.2, 2.4, 2.69, 2.78.6-2.78.7, 3.1.1, 3.84.3, 4.82 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fatum, patterns in Found in books: Davies (2004) 212 | 2.4. After Titus had examined the treasures, the gifts made by kings, and all those other things which the Greeks from their delight in ancient tales attribute to a dim antiquity, he asked the oracle first with regard to his voyage. On learning that his path was open and the sea favourable, he slew many victims and then questioned indirectly about himself. When Sostratus, for such was the priest's name, saw that the entrails were uniformly favourable and that the goddess favoured great undertakings, he made at the moment a brief reply in the usual fashion, but asked for a private interview in which he disclosed the future. Greatly encouraged, Titus sailed on to his father; his arrival brought a great accession of confidence to the provincials and to the troops, who were in a state of anxious uncertainty. Vespasian had almost put an end to the war with the Jews. The siege of Jerusalem, however, remained, a task rendered difficult and arduous by the character of the mountain-citadel and the obstinate superstition of the Jews rather than by any adequate resources which the besieged possessed to withstand the inevitable hardships of a siege. As we have stated above, Vespasian himself had three legions experienced in war. Mucianus was in command of four in a peaceful province, but a spirit of emulation and the glory won by the neighbouring army had banished from his troops all inclination to idleness, and just as dangers and toils had given Vespasian's troops power of resistance, so those of Mucianus had gained vigour from unbroken repose and that love of war which springs from inexperience. Both generals had auxiliary infantry and cavalry, as well as fleets and allied kings; while each possessed a famous name, though a different reputation. 2.69. The next day Vitellius first received the delegation from the senate, which he had directed to wait for him here; then he went to the camp and took occasion to praise the loyal devotion of the soldiers. This action made the auxiliaries complain that the legionaries were allowed to enjoy such impunity and to display such impudence. Then, to keep the Batavian cohorts from undertaking some bold deed of vengeance, he sent them back to Germany, for the Fates were already preparing the sources from which both civil and foreign war was to spring. The Gallic auxiliaries were dismissed to their homes. Their number was enormous, for at the very outbreak of the rebellion they had been taken into the army as part of the empty parade of war. Furthermore, that the resources of the empire, which had been impaired by donatives, might be sufficient for the needs of the state, Vitellius ordered that the legionary and auxiliary troops should be reduced and forbade further recruiting, besides offering discharges freely. This policy was destructive to the state and unpopular with the soldiers, for the same tasks were now distributed among fewer men, so that dangers and toil fell more often on the individual. Their strength also was corrupted by luxury in contrast to the ancient discipline and maxims of our forefathers, in whose day valour formed a better foundation for the Roman state than money. 4.82. These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides. |
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