| 1. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, gaius Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 231 |
| 2. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 31 |
3. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, gaius Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 170| 2.7. istam voluptatem, inquit, Epicurus ignorat? Non semper, inquam; nam interdum nimis nimis minus R etiam novit, quippe qui testificetur ne intellegere quidem se posse ubi sit aut quod sit ullum bonum praeter illud, quod cibo et potione et aurium delectatione et obscena voluptate capiatur. an haec ab eo non dicuntur? Quasi vero me pudeat, inquit, istorum, aut non possim quem ad modum ea dicantur ostendere! Ego vero non dubito, inquam, quin facile possis, nec est quod te pudeat sapienti adsentiri, qui se unus, quod sciam, sapientem profiteri sit ausus. nam Metrodorum non puto ipsum professum, sed, cum appellaretur ab Epicuro, repudiare tantum beneficium noluisse; septem autem illi non suo, sed populorum suffragio omnium nominati sunt. | 2.7. "What then?" he replied; "does not Epicurus recognize pleasure in your sense?" "Not always," said I; "now and then, I admit, he recognizes it only too fully; for he solemnly avows that he cannot even understand what Good there can be or where it can be found, apart from that which is derived from food and drink, the delight of the ears, and the grosser forms of gratification. Do I misrepresent his words?" "Just as if I were ashamed of all that," he cried, "or unable to explain the sense in which it is spoken!" "Oh," said I, "I haven't the least doubt you can explain it with ease. And you have no reason to be ashamed of sharing the opinions of a Wise Man â who stands alone, so far as I am aware, in venturing to arrogate to himself that title. For I do not suppose that Metrodorus himself claimed to be a Wise Man, though he did not care to refuse the compliment when the name was bestowed upon him by Epicurus; while the famous Seven of old received their appellation not by their own votes, but by the universal suffrage of mankind. |
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4. Cicero, On Duties, 1.38, 1.40, 1.159, 3.87 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, gaius Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 187| 1.38. Cum vero de imperio decertatur belloque quaeritur gloria, causas omnino subesse tamen oportet easdem, quas dixi paulo ante iustas causas esse bellorum. Sed ea bella, quibus imperii proposita gloria est, minus acerbe gerenda sunt Ut enim cum civi aliter contendimus, si est inimicus, aliter, si competitor (cum altero certamen honoris et dignitatis est, cum altero capitis et famae), sic cum Celtiberis, cum Cimbris bellum ut cum inimicis gerebatur, uter esset, non uter imperaret, cum Latinis, Sabinis, Samnitibus, Poenis, Pyrrho de imperio dimicabatur. Poeni foedifragi, crudelis Hannibal, reliqui iustiores. Pyrrhi quidem de captivis reddendis illa praeclara: Nec mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis, Nec caupotes bellum, sed belligerantes Ferro, non auro vitam cernamus utrique. Vosne velit an me regnare era, quidve ferat Fors, Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum: Quorum virtuti belli fortuna pepercit, Eorundem libertati me parcere certum est. Dono, ducite, doque volentibus cum magnis dis. Regalis sane et digna Aeacidarum genere sententia. 1.40. Secundo autem Punico bello post Cannensem pugnam quos decem Hannibal Romam astrictos misit iure iurando se redituros esse, nisi de redimendis iis, qui capti erant, impetrassent, eos omnes censores, quoad quisquc eorum vixit, qui peierassent, in aerariis reliquerunt nec minus ilium, qui iuris iurandi fraude culpam invenerat. Cum enim Hannibalis permissu exisset de castris, rediit paulo post, quod se oblitum nescio quid diceret; deinde egressus e castris iure iurando se solutum putabat, et erat verbis, re non erat. Semper autem in fide quid senseris, non quid dixeris, cogitandum. Maximum autem exemplum est iustitiae in hostem a maioribus nostris constitutum, cum a Pyrrho perfuga senatui est pollicitus se venenum regi daturum et cum necaturum, senatus et C. Fabricius perfugam Pyrrho dedidit. Ita ne hostis quidem et potentis et bellum ultro inferentis interitum cum scelere approbavit. 1.159. Illud forsitan quaerendum sit, num haec communitas, quae maxime est apta naturae, sit etiam moderationi modestiaeque semper anteponenda. Non placet; sunt enim quaedam partim ita foeda, partim ita flagitiosa, ut ea ne conservandae quidem patriae causa sapiens facturus sit. Ea Posidonius collegit permulta, sed ita taetra quaedam, ita obscena, ut dictu quoque videantur turpia. Haec igitur non suscipiet rei publicae causa, ne res publica quidem pro se suscipi volet. Sed hoc commodius se res habet, quod non potest accidere tempus, ut intersit rei publicae quicquam illorum facere sapientem. 3.87. Utrum igitur utilius vel Fabricio, qui talis in hac urbe, qualis Aristides Athenis, fuit, vel senatui nostro, qui numquam utilitatem a dignitate seiunxit, armis cum hoste certare an venenis? Si gloriae causa imperium expetendum est, scelus absit, in quo non potest esse gloria; sin ipsae opes expetuntur quoquo modo, non poterunt utiles esse cum infamia. Non igitur utilis illa L. Philippi Q. f. sententia, quas civitates L. Sulla pecunia accepta ex senatus consulto liberavisset, ut eae rursus vectigales essent neque iis pecuniam, quam pro libertate dederant, redderemus. Ei senatus est assensus. Turpe imperio! piratarum enim melior fides quam senatus. At aucta vectigalia, utile igitur. Quousque audebunt dicere quicquam utile, quod non honestum? | 1.38. But when a war is fought out for supremacy and when glory is the object of war, it must still not fail to start from the same motives which I said a moment ago were the only righteous grounds for going to war. But those wars which have glory for their end must be carried on with less bitterness. For we contend, for example, with a fellow-citizen in one way, if he is a personal enemy, in another, if he is a rival: with the rival it is a struggle for office and position, with the enemy for life and honour. So with the Celtiberians and the Cimbrians we fought as with deadly enemies, not to determine which should be supreme, but which should survive; but with the Latins, Sabines, Samnites, Carthaginians, and Pyrrhus we fought for supremacy. The Carthaginians violated treaties; Hannibal was cruel; the others were more merciful. From Pyrrhus we have this famous speech on the exchange of prisoners: "Gold will I none, nor price shall ye give; for I ask none; Come, let us not be chaff'rers of war, but warriors embattled. Nay; let us venture our lives, and the sword, not gold, weigh the outcome. Make we the trial by valour in arms and see if Dame Fortune Wills it that ye shall prevail or I, or what be her judgment. Hear thou, too, this word, good Fabricius: whose valour soever Spared hath been by the fortune of war â their freedom I grant them. Such my resolve. I give and present them to you, my brave Romans; Take them back to their homes; the great gods' blessings attend you." A right kingly sentiment this and worthy a scion of the Aeacidae. 1.40. And again in the Second Punic War, after the Battle of Cannae, Hannibal sent to Rome ten Roman captives bound by an oath to return to him, if they did not succeed in ransoming his prisoners; and as long as any one of them lived, the censors kept them all degraded and disfranchised, because they were guilty of perjury in not returning. And they punished in like manner the one who had incurred guilt by an evasion of his oath: with Hannibal's permission this man left the camp and returned a little later on the pretext that he had forgotten something or other; and then, when he left the camp the second time, he claimed that he was released from the obligation of his oath; and so he was, according to the letter of it, but not according to the spirit. In the matter of a promise one must always consider the meaning and not the mere words. Our forefathers have given us another striking example of justice toward an enemy: when a deserter from Pyrrhus promised the Senate to administer poison to the king and thus work his death, the Senate and Gaius Fabricius delivered the deserter up to Pyrrhus. Thus they stamped with their disapproval the treacherous murder even of an enemy who was at once powerful, unprovoked, aggressive, and successful. 1.159. The following question should, perhaps, be asked: whether this social instinct, which is the deepest feeling in our nature, is always to have precedence over temperance and moderation also. I think not. For there are some acts either so repulsive or so wicked, that a wise man would not commit them, even to save his country. Posidonius has made a large collection of them; but some of them are so shocking, so indecent, that it seems immoral even to mention them. The wise man, therefore, will not think of doing any such thing for the sake of his country; no more will his country consent to have it done for her. But the problem is the more easily disposed of because the occasion cannot arise when it could be to the state's interest to have the wise man do any of those things. 3.87. Which course, then, was more expedient for Fabricius, who was to our city what Aristides was to Athens, or for our senate, who never divorced expediency from honour â to contend against the enemy with the sword or with poison? If supremacy is to be sought for the sake of glory, crime should be excluded, for there can be no glory in crime; but if it is power for its own sake that is sought, whatever the price, it cannot be expedient if it is linked with shame. That well-known measure, therefore, introduced by Philippus, the son of Quintus, was not expedient. With the authority of the senate, Lucius Sulla had exempted from taxation certain states upon receipt of a lump sum of money from them. Philippus proposed that they should again be reduced to the condition of tributary states, without repayment on our part of the money that they had paid for their exemption. And the senate accepted his proposal. Shame upon our government! The pirates' sense of honour is higher than the senate's. "But," someone will say, "the revenues were increased, and therefore it was expedient." How long will people venture to say that a thing that is not morally right can be expedient? |
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5. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.16, 1.195, 1.197, 3.56 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, gaius Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 45| 1.16. Quibus de causis quis non iure miretur ex omni memoria aetatum, temporum, civitatum tam exiguum oratorum numerum inveniri? Sed enim maius est hoc quiddam quam homines opitur, et pluribus ex artibus studiisque conlectum. Quid enim quis aliud in maxima discentium multitudine, summa magistrorum copia, praestantissimis hominum ingeniis, infinita causarum varietate, amplissimis eloquentiae propositis praemiis esse causae putet, nisi rei quandam incredibilem magnitudinem ac difficultatem? 1.195. Fremant omnes licet, dicam quod sentio: bibliothecas me hercule omnium philosophorum unus mihi videtur xii tabularum libellus, si quis legum fontis et capita viderit, et auctoritatis pondere et utilitatis ubertate superare. 1.197. Percipietis etiam illam ex cognitione iuris laetitiam et voluptatem, quod, quantum praestiterint nostri maiores prudentia ceteris gentibus, tum facillime intellegetis, si cum illorum Lycurgo et Dracone et Solone nostras leges conferre volueritis; incredibile est enim, quam sit omne ius civile praeter hoc nostrum inconditum ac paene ridiculum; de quo multa soleo in sermonibus cotidianis dicere, cum hominum nostrorum prudentiam ceteris omnibus et maxime Graecis antepono. His ego de causis dixeram, Scaevola, eis, qui perfecti oratores esse vellent, iuris civilis esse cognitionem necessariam. 3.56. Hanc, inquam, cogitandi pronuntiandique rationem vimque dicendi veteres Graeci sapientiam nominabant; hinc illi Lycurgi, hinc Pittaci, hinc Solones atque ab hac similitudine Coruncanii nostri, Fabricii, Catones, Scipiones fuerunt, non tam fortasse docti, sed impetu mentis simili et voluntate. Eadem autem alii prudentia, sed consilio ad vitae studia dispari quietem atque otium secuti, ut Pythagoras, Democritus, Anaxagoras, a regendis civitatibus totos se ad cognitionem rerum transtulerunt; quae vita propter tranquillitatem et propter ipsius scientiae suavitatem, qua nihil est hominibus iucundius, pluris, quam utile fuit rebus publicis, delectavit. | |
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| 6. Cicero, On Old Age, 10, 15, 17, 61-62, 43 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 170 |
| 7. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 72 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 31 |
| 8. Livy, Per., 11 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 183 |
9. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 12.2.23-12.2.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 328 | 12.2.23. As for Cicero, he has often proclaimed the fact that he owed less to the schools of rhetoric than to the walks of Academe: nor would he ever have developed such amazing fertility of talent, had he bounded his genius by the limits of the forum and not by the frontiers of nature herself. But this leads me to another question as to which school of philosophy is like to prove of most service to oratory, although there are only a few that can be said to contend for this honour. 12.2.24. For in the first place Epicurus banishes us from his presence without more ado, since he bids all his followers to fly from learning in the swiftest ship that they can find. Nor would Aristippus, who regards the highest good as consisting in physical pleasure, be likely to exhort us to the toils entailed by our study. And what part can Pyrrho have in the work that is before us? For he will have doubts as to whether there exist judges to address, accused to defend, or a senate where he can be called upon to speak his opinion. 12.2.25. Some authorities hold that the Academy will be the most useful school, on the ground that its habit of disputing on both sides of a question approaches most nearly to the actual practice of the courts. And by way of proof they add the fact that this school has produced speakers highly renowned for their eloquence. The Peripatetics also make it their boast that they have a form of study which is near akin to oratory. For it was with them in the main that originated the practice of declaiming on general questions by way of exercise. The Stoics, though driven to admit that, generally speaking, their teachers have been deficient both in fullness and charm of eloquence, still contend that no men can prove more acutely or draw conclusions with greater subtlety than themselves. 12.2.26. But all these arguments take place within their own circle, for, as though they were tied by some solemn oath or held fast in the bonds of some superstitious belief, they consider that it is a crime to abandon a conviction once formed. On the other hand, there is no need for an orator to swear allegiance to any one philosophic code. 12.2.27. For he has a greater and nobler aim, to which he directs all his efforts with as much zeal as if he were a candidate for office, since he is to be made perfect not only in the glory of a virtuous life, but in that of eloquence as well. He will consequently select as his models of eloquence all the greatest masters of oratory, and will choose the noblest precepts and the most direct road to virtue as the means for the formation of an upright character. He will neglect no form of exercise, but will devote special attention to those which are of the highest and fairest nature. 12.2.28. For what subject can be found more fully adapted to a rich and weighty eloquence than the topics of virtue, politics, providence, the origin of the soul and friendship? The themes which tend to elevate mind and language alike are questions such as what things are truly good, what means there are of assuaging fear, restraining the passions and lifting us and the soul that came from heaven clear of the delusions of the common herd. 12.2.29. But it is desirable that we should not restrict our study to the precepts of philosophy alone. It is still more important that we should know and ponder continually all the noblest sayings and deeds that have been handed down to us from ancient times. And assuredly we shall nowhere find a larger or more remarkable store of these than in the records of our own country. 12.2.30. Who will teach courage, justice, loyalty, self-control, simplicity, and contempt of grief and pain better than men like Fabricius, Curius, Regulus, Decius, Mucius and countless others? For if the Greeks bear away the palm for moral precepts, Rome can produce more striking examples of moral performance, which is a far greater thing. |
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| 10. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 356 |
| 11. Plutarch, Cicero, 1.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 356 |
| 12. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 31 |
| 13. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.45, 9.117-9.119, 9.121-9.122, 9.124, 16.185, 33.153, 37.82 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius, c. luscinus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 77 |
| 14. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 356 |
| 15. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 356 |
| 16. Lucan, Pharsalia, 10.146-10.147, 10.149-10.158, 10.488 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius, c. luscinus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 77, 104 |
| 17. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, gaius Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 170 |
| 18. Plutarch, It Is Impossible To Live Pleasantly In The Manner of Epicurus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, gaius Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 170 |
| 19. Seneca The Younger, On Leisure, 1.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 356 |
| 20. Gellius, Attic Nights, 4.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 49 |
21. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 36.22 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 183 | 36.22. 1. As these operations of theirs met with success it became customary for them to go into the interior, and they inflicted many injuries on those even who had nothing to do with the sea. This is the way they treated not only the distant allies of Rome, but even Italy itself.,2. For, believing that they would obtain greater gains in that quarter and also that they would terrify all the others still more if they did not keep their hands off that country, they sailed into the very harbour of (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" Ostia as well as other cities in Italy, burning the ships and pillaging everything.,3. Finally, as no attention was paid to them, they took up their abode on the land, disposing fearlessly of whatever men they did not kill, and of whatever spoils they took, just as if they were in their own land.,4. And though some plundered here and some there, since of course it was not possible for the same persons to do harm throughout the whole length of the sea at once, they nevertheless showed such friendship one for another as to send money and assistance even to those entirely unknown, as if to their nearest of kin.,5. In fact, this was one of the chief sources of their strength, that those who paid court to any of them were honoured by all, and those who came into collision with any of them were despoiled by all. |
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22. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 7.162 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, gaius Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 170 | 7.162. After meeting Polemo, says Diocles of Magnesia, while Zeno was suffering from a protracted illness, he recanted his views. The Stoic doctrine to which he attached most importance was the wise man's refusal to hold mere opinions. And against this doctrine Persaeus was contending when he induced one of a pair of twins to deposit a certain sum with Ariston and afterwards got the other to reclaim it. Ariston being thus reduced to perplexity was refuted. He was at variance with Arcesilaus; and one day when he saw an abortion in the shape of a bull with a uterus, he said, Alas, here Arcesilaus has had given into his hand an argument against the evidence of the senses. |
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| 27. Epicurus, Letters, None Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, gaius Found in books: Brouwer (2013), The Stoic Sage: The Early Stoics on Wisdom, Sagehood and Socrates, 170 |
| 28. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 2.9.4-2.9.5, 4.3.5-4.3.6, 4.4.3, 4.4.5, 4.4.11, 7.5.1, 9.1.2 Tagged with subjects: •fabricius, c. luscinus •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 77, 104, 186; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 31, 183, 356 |
| 30. Cicero, Diu., 1.79 Tagged with subjects: •fabricius luscinus, c. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 356 |
