| 1. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. (cunctator) Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 54 |
2. Polybius, Histories, 3.86.6-3.86.7, 3.87.8-3.87.9, 3.88.7-3.88.8, 3.90.6, 3.92.4, 3.94.9, 3.102-3.103, 3.103.3-3.103.5, 3.105.10, 3.106.2-3.106.9, 3.118.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, addresses religious concerns as •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., recalled to rome sacrorum causa •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator interregni causa •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 26, 78, 79, 82, 96, 105, 106, 107, 108, 115, 173, 175, 179, 256, 268, 269, 270| 3.86.6. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ, τριταίας οὔσης τῆς κατὰ τὴν μάχην προσαγγελίας, καὶ μάλιστα τότε τοῦ πάθους κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὡσανεὶ φλεγμαίνοντος, ἐπιγενομένης καὶ ταύτης τῆς περιπετείας οὐ μόνον τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον αὐτὴν συνέβη διατραπῆναι. 3.86.7. διὸ καὶ παρέντες τὴν κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀγωγὴν τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τῶν ἀρχόντων μειζόνως ἐπεβάλοντο βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, νομίζοντες αὐτοκράτορος δεῖσθαι στρατηγοῦ τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοὺς περιεστῶτας καιρούς. 3.87.8. τούτῳ δʼ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρες, κἀκεῖνοι μὲν ἐν πολλοῖς προσδέονται τῆς συγκλήτου πρὸς τὸ συντελεῖν τὰς ἐπιβολάς, οὗτος δʼ ἔστιν αὐτοκράτωρ στρατηγός, οὗ κατασταθέντος παραχρῆμα διαλύεσθαι συμβαίνει πάσας τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πλὴν τῶν δημάρχων. 3.87.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν ἄλλοις ἀκριβεστέραν ποιησόμεθα τὴν διαστολήν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ δικτάτορι κατέστησαν ἱππάρχην Μάρκον Μινύκιον. οὗτος δὲ τέτακται μὲν ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, γίνεται δʼ οἱονεὶ διάδοχος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνου περισπασμοῖς. 3.88.7. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καὶ Φάβιος μετὰ τὴν κατάστασιν θύσας τοῖς θεοῖς ἐξώρμησε μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχοντος καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ καταγραφέντων τεττάρων στρατοπέδων. 3.88.8. συμμίξας δὲ ταῖς ἀπʼ Ἀριμίνου βοηθούσαις δυνάμεσι περὶ τὴν Ναρνίαν, Γνάιον μὲν τὸν ὑπάρχοντα στρατηγὸν ἀπολύσας τῆς κατὰ γῆν στρατείας ἐξαπέστειλε μετὰ παραπομπῆς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἐντειλάμενος, ἐάν τι κατὰ θάλατταν κινῶνται Καρχηδόνιοι, βοηθεῖν ἀεὶ τοῖς ὑποπίπτουσι καιροῖς, 3.90.6. οὐ μὴν Μάρκῳ γε τῷ συνάρχοντι τούτων οὐδὲν ἤρεσκεν. σύμψηφον δὲ τοῖς ὄχλοις ποιῶν αὑτὸν τὸν μὲν Φάβιον κατελάλει πρὸς πάντας, ὡς ἀγεννῶς χρώμενον τοῖς πράγμασιν καὶ νωθρῶς, αὐτὸς δὲ πρόθυμος ἦν παραβάλλεσθαι καὶ διακινδυνεύειν. 3.92.4. ὁ δὲ συνάρχων αὐτοῦ Μάρκος καὶ πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον χιλίαρχοι καὶ ταξίαρχοι νομίζοντες ἐν καλῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀπειληφέναι, σπεύδειν ᾤοντο δεῖν καὶ συνάπτειν εἰς τὰ πεδία καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν τὴν ἐπιφανεστάτην χώραν δῃουμένην. 3.94.9. καὶ ἀναγκασθεὶς δὲ μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐπί τινας ἀπελθεῖν θυσίας εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην παρέδωκεν τῷ συνάρχοντι τὰ στρατόπεδα καὶ πολλὰ χωριζόμενος ἐνετείλατο μὴ τοσαύτην ποιεῖσθαι σπουδὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ βλάψαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἡλίκην ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν αὐτοὺς παθεῖν δεινόν. 3.103.3. διὸ καὶ τὸν μὲν Φάβιον ᾐτιῶντο καὶ κατεμέμφοντο πάντες ὡς ἀτόλμως χρώμενον τοῖς καιροῖς, τὸν δὲ Μάρκον ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ηὖξον διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς ὥστε τότε γενέσθαι τὸ μηδέποτε γεγονός· 3.103.4. αὐτοκράτορα γὰρ κἀκεῖνον κατέστησαν, πεπεισμένοι ταχέως αὐτὸν τέλος ἐπιθήσειν τοῖς πράγμασι· καὶ δὴ δύο δικτάτορες ἐγεγόνεισαν ἐπὶ τὰς αὐτὰς πράξεις, ὃ πρότερον οὐδέποτε συνεβεβήκει παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις. 3.103.5. τῷ δὲ Μάρκῳ διασαφηθείσης τῆς τε τοῦ πλήθους εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς παρὰ τοῦ δήμου δεδομένης ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ, διπλασίως παρωρμήθη πρὸς τὸ παραβάλλεσθαι καὶ κατατολμᾶν τῶν πολεμίων. 3.105.10. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν Ῥωμαῖοι διδαχθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ βαλόμενοι χάρακα πάλιν ἕνα πάντες ἐστρατοπέδευσαν ὁμόσε καὶ λοιπὸν ἤδη Φαβίῳ προσεῖχον τὸν νοῦν καὶ τοῖς ὑπὸ τούτου παραγγελλομένοις. 3.106.2. οἱ δὲ προϋπάρχοντες ὕπατοι, Γνάιος Σερουίλιος καὶ Μάρκος Ῥήγουλος ὁ μετὰ τὴν Φλαμινίου τελευτὴν ἐπικατασταθείς, τότε προχειρισθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀντιστράτηγοι καὶ παραλαβόντες τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις ἐξουσίαν ἐχείριζον κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν γνώμην τὰ κατὰ τὰς δυνάμεις. 3.106.3. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον βουλευσάμενοι μετὰ τῆς συγκλήτου τὸ μὲν ἐλλεῖπον πλῆθος ἔτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς τὴν ὅλην ἐπιβολὴν παραχρῆμα καταγράψαντες ἐξαπέστειλαν, 3.106.4. τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Γνάιον διεσάφησαν ὁλοσχερῆ μὲν κίνδυνον κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον συνίστασθαι, τοὺς δὲ κατὰ μέρος ἀκροβολισμοὺς ὡς ἐνεργοτάτους ποιεῖσθαι καὶ συνεχεστάτους χάριν τοῦ γυμνάζειν καὶ παρασκευάζειν εὐθαρσεῖς τοὺς νέους πρὸς τοὺς ὁλοσχερεῖς ἀγῶνας, 3.106.5. τῷ καὶ τὰ πρότερον αὐτοῖς συμπτώματα δοκεῖν οὐχ ἥκιστα γεγονέναι διὰ τὸ νεοσυλλόγοις καὶ τελέως ἀνασκήτοις κεχρῆσθαι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις. 3.106.6. αὐτοὶ δὲ Λεύκιον μὲν Ποστόμιον, ἑξαπέλεκυν ὄντα στρατηγόν, στρατόπεδον δόντες εἰς Γαλατίαν ἐξαπέστειλαν, βουλόμενοι ποιεῖν ἀντιπερίσπασμα τοῖς Κελτοῖς τοῖς μετʼ Ἀννίβου στρατευομένοις. 3.106.7. πρόνοιαν δʼ ἐποιήσαντο καὶ τῆς ἀνακομιδῆς τοῦ παραχειμάζοντος ἐν τῷ Λιλυβαίῳ στόλου, διεπέμψαντο δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ στρατηγοῖς πάντα τὰ κατεπείγοντα πρὸς τὴν χρείαν. 3.106.8. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν περὶ ταῦτα καὶ περὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἐγίνοντο παρασκευὰς ἐπιμελῶς. 3.106.9. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Γνάιον κομισάμενοι τὰς παρὰ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐντολὰς πάντα τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἐχείριζον κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων γνώμην· 3.118.6. καὶ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐπιμετρούσης καὶ συνεπαγωνιζομένης τοῖς γεγονόσι τῆς τύχης, συνέβη μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας, τοῦ φόβου κατέχοντος τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τὸν εἰς τὴν Γαλατίαν στρατηγὸν ἀποσταλέντʼ εἰς ἐνέδραν ἐμπεσόντα παραδόξως ἄρδην ὑπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν διαφθαρῆναι μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. | 3.86.6. Three days after the news of the great battle had reached Rome, and just when throughout the city the sore, so to speak, was most violently inflamed, came the tidings of this fresh disaster, and now not only the populace but the Senate too were thrown into consternation. 3.86.7. Abandoning therefore the system of government by magistrates elected annually they decided to deal with the present situation more radically, thinking that the state of affairs and the impending peril demanded the appointment of a single general with full powers. 3.87.8. and that while the Consuls require in many matters the co-operation of the Senate, the Dictator is a general with absolute powers, all the magistrates in Rome, except the Tribunes, ceasing to hold office on his appointment. 3.87.9. However, I will deal with this subject in greater detail later. At the same time they appointed Marcus Minucius Master of the Horse. The Master of the Horse is subordinate to the Dictator but becomes as it were his successor when the Dictator is otherwise occupied. 3.88.7. At the same time Fabius on his appointment, after sacrificing to the gods, also took the field with his colleague and the four legions which had been raised for the emergency. 3.88.8. Joining near Narnia the army from Ariminum, he relieved Gnaeus the Consul of his command on land and sent him with an escort to Rome with orders to take the steps that circumstances called for should the Carthaginians make any naval movements. 3.90.6. But all this much displeased his colleague Marcus, who, echoing the popular verdict, ran down Fabius to all for his craven and slow conduct of the campaign, while he himself was most eager to risk a battle. 3.92.4. But his colleague Marcus and all the tribunes and centurions in his army, thinking they had caught Hannibal famously, urged him to make all haste to reach the plain and not allow the finest part of the country to be devastated. 3.102. 1. Minucius, remarking that the greater number of the enemy were dispersed over the country on these services, chose the time when the day was at its height to lead out his forces, and on approaching the enemy's camp, drew up his legionaries, and dividing his cavalry and light-armed infantry into several troops sent them out to attack the foragers, with orders to take no prisoners. Hannibal hereupon found himself in a very difficult position, being neither strong enough to march out and meet the enemy nor able to go to the assistance of those of his men who were scattered over the country. The Romans who had been dispatched to attack the foraging parties, killed numbers of them, and finally the troops drawn up in line reached such a pitch of contempt for the enemy that they began to pull down the palisade and very nearly stormed the Carthaginian camp. Hannibal was in sore straits, but notwithstanding the tempest that had thus overtaken him he continued to drive off all assailants and with difficulty to hold his camp, until Hasdrubal, with those who had fled from the country for refuge to the camp before Geronium, about four thousand in number, came to succour him. He now regained a little confidence, and sallying from the camp drew up his troops a short distance in front of it and with difficulty averted the impending peril. Minucius, after killing many of the enemy in the engagement at the camp and still more throughout the country, now retired, but with great hopes for the future, and next day, on the Carthaginians evacuating their camp, occupied it himself. For Hannibal, fearful lest the Romans, finding the camp at Geronium deserted at night, should capture his baggage and stores, decided to return and encamp there again. Henceforth the Carthaginians were much more cautious and guarded in foraging, while the Romans on the contrary, foraged with greater confidence and temerity. 3.103. 1. People in Rome, when an exaggerated account of this success reached the city, were overjoyed, partly because this change for the better relieved their general despondency,,2. and in the next place because they inferred that the former inaction and disheartenment of their army was not the result of any want of courage in the soldiers, but of the excessive caution of the general.,3. All therefore found fault with Fabius, accusing him of not making a bold use of his opportunities, while Marcus's reputation rose so much owing to this event that they took an entirely unprecedented step,,4. investing him like the Dictator with absolute power, in the belief that he would very soon put an end to the war. So two Dictators were actually appointed for the same field of action, a thing which had never before happened at Rome.,5. When Minucius was informed of his popularity at home and the office given him by the people's decree, he grew twice as eager to run risks and take some bold action against the enemy.,6. Fabius now returned to the army wholly unchanged by recent circumstances, and adhering even more firmly than before to his original determination.,8. Minucius having readily agreed to the division of the army, they divided it and encamped apart at a distance of about twelve stades from each other. 3.103.3. All therefore found fault with Fabius, accusing him of not making a bold use of his opportunities, while Marcus's reputation rose so much owing to this event that they took an entirely unprecedented step, 3.103.4. investing him like the Dictator with absolute power, in the belief that he would very soon put an end to the war. So two Dictators were actually appointed for the same field of action, a thing which had never before happened at Rome. 3.103.5. When Minucius was informed of his popularity at home and the office given him by the people's decree, he grew twice as eager to run risks and take some bold action against the enemy. 3.106.2. and the Consuls of the previous year, Gnaeus Servilius and Marcus Regulus â who had been appointed after the death of Flaminius â were invested with proconsular authority by Aemilius, and taking command in the field directed the operations of their forces as they thought fit. 3.106.3. Aemilius after consulting with the Senate at once enrolled the soldiers still wanting to make up the total levy and dispatched them to the front, 3.106.4. expressly ordering Servilius on no account to risk a general engagement, but to skirmish vigorously and unintermittently so as to train the lads and give them confidence for a general battle; 3.106.5. for they thought the chief cause of their late reverses lay in their having employed newly raised and quite untrained levies. 3.106.6. The Consuls also gave a legion to the Praetor Lucius Postumius, and sent him to Cisalpine Gaul to create a diversion among those Celts who were serving with Hannibal, 3.106.7. they took measures for the return of the fleet that was wintering at Lilybaeum and sent the generals in Spain all the supplies of which they had need. 3.106.8. The Consuls and Senate were thus occupied with these and other preparations, 3.106.9. and Servilius, on receiving orders from the Consuls, conducted all petty operations as they directed. |
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| 3. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135, 136 |
| 4. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 7.5.3, 7.16.3, 9.15.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. (cunctator) Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 54 |
| 5. Cicero, Letters, 7.21.2, 8.14.3, 8.15.1, 8.15.3, 9.1.3-9.1.4, 9.15.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 67, 78, 135, 136 |
6. Cicero, Republic, 1.63 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 79| 1.63. Est vero, inquit Scipio, in pace et otio; licet enim lascivire, dum nihil metuas, ut in navi ac saepe etiam in morbo levi. Sed ut ille, qui navigat, cum subito mare coepit horrescere, et ille aeger ingravescente morbo unius opem inplorat, sic noster populus in pace et domi imperat et ipsis magistratibus minatur, recusat, appellat, provocat, in bello sic paret ut regi; valet enim salus plus quam libido. Gravioribus vero bellis etiam sine collega omne imperium nostri penes singulos esse voluerunt, quorum ipsum nomen vim suae potestatis indicat. Nam dictator quidem ab eo appellatur, quia dicitur, sed in nostris libris vides eum, Laeli, magistrum populi appellari. L. Video, inquit. Et Scipio: Sapienter igitur illi vete res | |
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7. Cicero, On Divination, 1.29, 1.77, 2.20, 2.71, 2.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, before moving army •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, addresses religious concerns as •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, cooperation with •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augur and pontiff •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 59, 159, 263, 264, 272, 273, 276| 1.29. Ut P. Claudius, Appii Caeci filius, eiusque collega L. Iunius classis maxumas perdiderunt, cum vitio navigassent. Quod eodem modo evenit Agamemnoni; qui, cum Achivi coepissent . inter se strépere aperteque ártem obterere extíspicum, Sólvere imperát secundo rúmore adversáque avi. Sed quid vetera? M. Crasso quid acciderit, videmus, dirarum obnuntiatione neglecta. In quo Appius, collega tuus, bonus augur, ut ex te audire soleo, non satis scienter virum bonum et civem egregium censor C. Ateium notavit, quod ementitum auspicia subscriberet. Esto; fuerit hoc censoris, si iudicabat ementitum; at illud minime auguris, quod adscripsit ob eam causam populum Romanum calamitatem maximam cepisse. Si enim ea causa calamitatis fuit, non in eo est culpa, qui obnuntiavit, sed in eo, qui non paruit. Veram enim fuisse obnuntiationem, ut ait idem augur et censor, exitus adprobavit; quae si falsa fuisset, nullam adferre potuisset causam calamitatis. Etenim dirae, sicut cetera auspicia, ut omina, ut signa, non causas adferunt, cur quid eveniat, sed nuntiant eventura, nisi provideris. 1.77. Quid? bello Punico secundo nonne C. Flaminius consul iterum neglexit signa rerum futurarum magna cum clade rei publicae? Qui exercitu lustrato cum Arretium versus castra movisset et contra Hannibalem legiones duceret, et ipse et equus eius ante signum Iovis Statoris sine causa repente concidit nec eam rem habuit religioni obiecto signo, ut peritis videbatur, ne committeret proelium. Idem cum tripudio auspicaretur, pullarius diem proelii committendi differebat. Tum Flaminius ex eo quaesivit, si ne postea quidem pulli pascerentur, quid faciendum censeret. Cum ille quiescendum respondisset, Flaminius: Praeclara vero auspicia, si esurientibus pullis res geri poterit, saturis nihil geretur! itaque signa convelli et se sequi iussit. Quo tempore cum signifer primi hastati signum non posset movere loco nec quicquam proficeretur, plures cum accederent, Flaminius re nuntiata suo more neglexit. Itaque tribus iis horis concisus exercitus atque ipse interfectus est. 2.20. Si omnia fato, quid mihi divinatio prodest? Quod enim is, qui divinat, praedicit, id vero futurum est, ut ne illud quidem sciam quale sit, quod Deiotarum, necessarium nostrum, ex itinere aquila revocavit; qui nisi revertisset, in eo conclavi ei cubandum fuisset, quod proxuma nocte corruit; ruina igitur oppressus esset. At id neque, si fatum fuerat, effugisset nec, si non fuerat, in eum casum incidisset. Quid ergo adiuvat divinatio? aut quid est, quod me moneant aut sortes aut exta aut ulla praedictio? Si enim fatum fuit classes populi Romani bello Punico primo, alteram naufragio, alteram a Poenis depressam, interire, etiamsi tripudium solistumum pulli fecissent L. Iunio et P. Claudio consulibus, classes tamen interissent. Sin, cum auspiciis obtemperatum esset, interiturae classes non fuerunt, non interierunt fato; vultis autem omnia fato; 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.77. qui auspicia non habent! Itaque nec amnis transeunt auspicato nec tripudio auspicantur. Ubi ergo avium divinatio? quae, quoniam ab iis, qui auspicia nulla habent, bella administrantur, ad urbanas res retenta videtur, a bellicis esse sublata. Nam ex acuminibus quidem, quod totum auspicium militare est, iam M. Marcellus ille quinquiens consul totum omisit, idem imperator, idem augur optumus. Et quidem ille dicebat, si quando rem agere vellet, ne impediretur auspiciis, lectica operta facere iter se solere. Huic simile est, quod nos augures praecipimus, ne iuges auspicium obveniat, ut iumenta iubeant diiungere. | 1.29. For example, Publius Claudius, son of Appius Caecus, and his colleague Lucius Junius, lost very large fleets by going to sea when the auguries were adverse. The same fate befell Agamemnon; for, after the Greeks had begun toRaise aloft their frequent clamours, showing scorn of augurs art,Noise prevailed and not the omen: he then bade the ships depart.But why cite such ancient instances? We see what happened to Marcus Crassus when he ignored the announcement of unfavourable omens. It was on the charge of having on this occasion falsified the auspices that Gaius Ateius, an honourable man and a distinguished citizen, was, on insufficient evidence, stigmatized by the then censor Appius, who was your associate in the augural college, and an able one too, as I have often heard you say. I grant you that in pursuing the course he did Appius was within his rights as a censor, if, in his judgement, Ateius had announced a fraudulent augury. But he showed no capacity whatever as an augur in holding Ateius responsible for that awful disaster which befell the Roman people. Had this been the cause then the fault would not have been in Ateius, who made the announcement that the augury was unfavourable, but in Crassus, who disobeyed it; for the issue proved that the announcement was true, as this same augur and censor admits. But even if the augury had been false it could not have been the cause of the disaster; for unfavourable auguries — and the same may be said of auspices, omens, and all other signs — are not the causes of what follows: they merely foretell what will occur unless precautions are taken. 1.77. Again, did not Gaius Flaminius by his neglect of premonitory signs in his second consulship in the Second Punic War cause great disaster to the State? For, after a review of the army, he had moved his camp and was marching towards Arretium to meet Hannibal, when his horse, for no apparent reason, suddenly fell with him just in front of the statue of Jupiter Stator. Although the soothsayers considered this a divine warning not to join battle, he did not so regard it. Again, after the auspices by means of the tripudium had been taken, the keeper of the sacred chickens advised the postponement of battle. Flaminius then asked, Suppose the chickens should never eat, what would you advise in that case? You should remain in camp, was the reply. Fine auspices indeed! said Flaminius, for they counsel action when chickens crops are empty and inaction when chickens crops are filled. So he ordered the standards to be plucked up and the army to follow him. Then, when the standard-bearer of the first company could not loosen his standard, several soldiers came to his assistance, but to no purpose. This fact was reported to Flaminius, and he, with his accustomed obstinacy, ignored it. The consequence was that within three hours his army was cut to pieces and he himself was slain. 2.20. of what advantage to me is divination if everything is ruled by Fate? On that hypothesis what the diviner predicts is bound to happen. Hence I do not know what to make of the fact that an eagle recalled our intimate friend Deiotarus from his journey; for if he had not turned back he must have been sleeping in the room when it was destroyed the following night, and, therefore, have been crushed in the ruins. And yet, if Fate had willed it, he would not have escaped that calamity; and vice versa. Hence, I repeat, what is the good of divination? Or what is it that lots, entrails, or any other means of prophecy warn me to avoid? For, if it was the will of Fate that the Roman fleets in the First Punic War should perish — the one by shipwreck and the other at the hands of the Carthaginians — they would have perished just the same even if the sacred chickens had made a tripudium solistimum in the consulship of Lucius Junius and Publius Claudius! On the other hand, if obedience to the auspices would have prevented the destruction of the fleets, then they did not perish in accordance with Fate. But you insist that all things happen by Fate; therefore there is no such thing as divination. 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. 2.77. Therefore they have no tripudium and they cross rivers without first taking the auspices. What, then, has become of divining by means of birds? It is not used by those who conduct our wars, for they have not the right of auspices. Since it has been withdrawn from use in the field I suppose it is reserved for city use only!As to divination ex acuminibus, which is altogether military, it was wholly ignored by that famous man, Marcus Marcellus, who was consul five times and, besides, was a commander-in‑chief, as well as a very fine augur. In fact, he used to say that, if he wished to execute some manoeuvre which he did not want interfered with by the auspices, he would travel in a closed litter. His method is of a kind with the advice which we augurs give, that the draught cattle be ordered to be unyoked so as to prevent a iuge auspicium. |
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| 8. Cicero, On Friendship, 37 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, named magister equitum by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 209 |
| 9. Cicero, On Old Age, 11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, opponent of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 181, 186 |
| 10. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.2.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. (cunctator) Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 54 |
| 11. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.82, 6.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, named magister equitum by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 79, 212 |
12. Ovid, Fasti, 6.241-6.248 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •q. fabius maximus verrucosus Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 66| 6.241. Mens quoque numen habet. Mentis delubra videmus 6.242. vota metu belli, perfide Poene, tui. 6.243. Poene rebellaras, et leto consulis omnes 6.244. attoniti Mauras pertimuere manus. 6.245. spem metus expulerat, cum Menti vota senatus 6.246. suscipit, et melior protinus illa venit. 6.247. aspicit instantes mediis sex lucibus Idus 6.248. illa dies, qua sunt vota soluta deae. | 6.241. The Mind has its own goddess too. I note a sanctuary 6.242. Was vowed to Mind, during the terror of war with you, 6.243. Perfidious Carthage. You broke the peace, and astonished 6.244. By the consul’s death, all feared the Moorish army. 6.245. Fear had driven out hope, when the Senate made their vow 6.246. To Mind, and immediately she was better disposed to them. 6.247. The day when the vows to the goddess were fulfilled 6.248. Is separated by six days from the approaching Ides. |
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| 13. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.32.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 67 |
| 14. Livy, Per., 19 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, before moving army Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 159, 271 |
| 15. Livy, History, 3.29.2-3.29.3, 5.9, 5.19.1, 5.23.7, 5.32.1, 5.46.2-5.46.3, 5.49.2, 5.49.9, 6.1.4, 7.26.11, 8.17.3, 8.30.1, 8.30.10, 8.31.2-8.31.4, 8.33.8, 8.33.17, 9.7.12-9.7.13, 10.9.1-10.9.2, 10.40, 21.63.2, 21.63.5-21.63.9, 22.1.5-22.1.7, 22.3.10-22.3.13, 22.7.14, 22.8.5-22.8.6, 22.9, 22.9.7, 22.9.11, 22.10.1-22.10.10, 22.11.1-22.11.9, 22.12.11-22.12.12, 22.14.4-22.14.15, 22.15.1, 22.15.5, 22.18.8-22.18.10, 22.24-22.26, 22.25.2, 22.25.5-22.25.6, 22.25.8-22.25.11, 22.25.13, 22.25.16, 22.26.7, 22.27.3-22.27.4, 22.27.11, 22.30.1-22.30.5, 22.31.1-22.31.11, 22.32.1, 22.33.8-22.33.12, 22.34.3, 22.34.7, 22.34.10, 22.35.2, 22.41.2-22.41.3, 22.41.6, 22.42.1-22.42.10, 22.57.1-22.57.6, 22.57.8-22.57.9, 23.8.10, 23.14.2-23.14.4, 23.19.3-23.19.5, 23.22.4-23.22.11, 23.23.2, 23.24.5, 23.30.18, 23.31.7-23.31.8, 23.31.13, 23.32.1, 23.36.9-23.36.10, 23.39.5, 24.8.17, 24.19, 24.19.3-24.19.4, 24.19.6-24.19.11, 24.37.9, 24.37.11, 24.38.9, 24.39.2, 25.2-25.11, 25.2.3, 25.5.16-25.5.19, 26.23.7-26.23.8, 26.26.5-26.26.8, 26.32.1-26.32.5, 27.5.10, 27.6.15-27.6.16, 27.16.11-27.16.16, 28.10.1, 29.10.2, 29.11.9, 29.11.14, 29.38.6, 33.44.2, 37.51.1-37.51.2, 41.15.9-41.15.10, 42.32.2, 43.11.1, 43.23.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 263, 264 |
| 16. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.142-1.4.143, 1.5.100 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. (cunctator) Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 54 |
17. Plutarch, Fabius, 2.1, 2.2, 2.4, 3.1, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4-5.1, 5, 5.5, 5.6, 6, 7, 8, 8.1, 9, 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 10, 10.1, 11, 12, 12.3, 13, 13.4, 14.1, 17, 18, 19.7, 19.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 240| 2.4. τὸν μὲν ὕπατον Γάιον Φλαμίνιον οὐδὲν ἤμβλυνε τούτων, ἄνδρα πρὸς τῷ φύσει θυμοειδεῖ καὶ φιλοτίμῳ μεγάλαις ἐπαιρόμενον εὐτυχίαις, ἃς πρόσθεν εὐτύχησε παραλόγως, τῆς τε βουλῆς ἀπᾳδούσης ἀπᾳδούσης with CS: ἀποκαλούσης . καὶ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἐνισταμένου βίᾳ συμβαλὼν τοῖς Γαλάταις καὶ κρατήσας, Φάβιον δὲ τὰ μὲν σημεῖα, καίπερ ἁπτόμενα πολλῶν, ἧττον ὑπέθραττε διὰ τὴν ἀλογίαν· | 2.4. The consul, Gaius Flaminius, was daunted by none of these things, for he was a man of a fiery and ambitious nature, and besides, he was elated by great successes which he had won before this, in a manner contrary to all expectation. He had, namely, although the senate dissented from his plan, and his colleague violently opposed it, joined battle with the Gauls and defeated them. Fabius also was less disturbed by the signs and portents, because he thought it would be absurd, although they had great effect upon many. 2.4. The consul, Gaius Flaminius, was daunted by none of these things, for he was a man of a fiery and ambitious nature, and besides, he was elated by great successes which he had won before this, in a manner contrary to all expectation. He had, namely, although the senate dissented from his plan, and his colleague violently opposed it, joined battle with the Gauls and defeated them. Fabius also was less disturbed by the signs and portents, because he thought it would be absurd, although they had great effect upon many. |
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| 18. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 8.223, 28.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 205, 276 |
| 19. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 8.4-8.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., recalled to rome sacrorum causa •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 79, 115, 136 |
| 20. Frontinus, Strategemata, 4.1.31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., recalled to rome sacrorum causa Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 115 |
21. Plutarch, Sulla, 33.1-33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135| 33.1. ἔξω δὲ τῶν φονικῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλύπει. δικτάτορα μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε, διʼ ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβών. ἐψηφίσθη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐξουσία θανάτου, δημεύσεως, κληρουχιῶν, κτίσεως, πορθήσεως, ἀφελέσθαι βασιλείαν, καὶ ᾧ καὶ ᾧ with Bekker, after Reiske: ᾧ . βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι. 33.2. τὰς δὲ διαπράσεις τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων οὕτως ὑπερηφάνως ἐποιεῖτο καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος, ὥστε τῶν ἀφαιρέσεων ἐπαχθεστέρας αὐτοῦ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι, καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐμόρφοις καὶ λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις καὶ καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς ἐθνῶν χώρας καὶ πόλεων χαριζομένου προσόδους, ἐνίοις δὲ γάμους ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων γυναικῶν. | 33.1. 33.2. |
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22. Plutarch, Brutus, 53.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, named magister equitum by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, opponent of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 206, 207| 53.5. Πορκίαν δὲ τὴν Βρούτου γυναῖκα Νικόλαος ὁ φιλόσοφος ἱστορεῖ καὶ Οὐαλέριος Μάξιμος βουλομένην ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐπέτρεπε τῶν φίλων, ἀλλὰ προσέκειντο καὶ παρεφύλαττον, ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀναρπάσασαν ἄνθρακας καταπιεῖν καὶ τὸ στόμα συγκλείσασαν καὶ μύσασαν οὕτω διαφθαρῆναι. | 53.5. |
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23. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 51.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135, 136| 51.1. ἐκ τούτου διαβαλὼν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος εἰς ὃν ᾕρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης· εἰς δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας δὲ διένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν. | 51.1. |
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| 24. Appian, The War Against Hannibal, 12.50-12.52, 13.55, 16.68 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., recalled to rome sacrorum causa •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator interregni causa •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 26, 79, 107, 175, 179 |
| 25. Tacitus, Annals, 3.71.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 271 |
| 26. Tacitus, Histories, 15.4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. (cunctator) Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 54 |
| 27. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.98.459 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135 |
| 28. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 81 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 79 |
29. Plutarch, Camillus, 36.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, named magister equitum by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 209| 36.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ κατασταθεὶς ἐπὶ ταῦτα δικτάτωρ Κούιντος Καπιτωλῖνος εἰς τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἐνέβαλε τὸν Μάλλιον, ὁ δὲ δῆμος γενομένου τούτου μετέβαλε τὴν ἐσθῆτα, πρᾶγμα γινόμενον ἐπὶ συμφοραῖς μεγάλαις καὶ δημοσίαις, δείσασα τὸν θόρυβον ἡ σύγκλητος ἐκέλευσεν ἀφεθῆναι τὸν Μάλλιον. ὁ δʼ οὐδὲν ἦν ἀφεθεὶς ἀμείνων, ἀλλὰ σοβαρώτερον ἐδημαγώγει καὶ διεστασίαζε τὴν πόλιν. αἱροῦνται δὴ πάλιν χιλίαρχον τὸν Κάμιλλον. | 36.4. To quell their disorder, Quintus Capitolinus was made dictator, and he cast Manlius into prison. Thereupon the people put on the garb of mourners, a thing done only in times of great public calamity, and the Senate, cowed by the tumult, ordered that Manlius be released. He, however, when released, did not mend his ways, but grew more defiantly seditious, and filled the whole city with faction. Accordingly, Camillus was again made military tribune. |
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30. Plutarch, Marcellus, 2.3, 4.2, 4.6-4.7, 5.1-5.7, 6.1, 24.10-24.13, 25.1-25.2, 30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 67, 79, 184, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 276| 2.3. ἠναγκάσθη δὲ ἀγορανομῶν δίκην ἀβούλητον εἰσενεγκεῖν. ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ παῖς ὁμώνυμος ἐν ὥρᾳ, τὴν ὄψιν ἐκπρεπής, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τῷ σωφρονεῖν καὶ πεπαιδεῦσθαι περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν τούτῳ Καπετωλῖνος ὁ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου συνάρχων, ἀσελγὴς ἀνὴρ καὶ θρασύς, ἐρῶν λόγους προσήνεγκε. τοῦ δὲ παιδὸς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοῦ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀποτριψαμένου τὴν πεῖραν, ὡς δὲ αὖθις ἐπεχείρησε κατειπόντος πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, βαρέως ἐνεγκὼν ὁ Μάρκελλος προσήγγειλε τῇ βουλῇ τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 4.2. οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὑπατικαῖς ψηφοφορίαις παραφυλάττοντες οἰωνοὺς ἱερεῖς διεβεβαιοῦντο μοχθηρὰς καὶ δυσόρνιθας αὐτοῖς γεγονέναι τὰς τῶν ὑπάτων ἀναγορεύσεις, εὐθὺς οὖν ἔπεμψεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον γράμματα καλοῦσα καὶ μεταπεμπομένη τοὺς ὑπάτους, ὅπως ἐπανελθόντες ᾗ τάχιστα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπείπωνται καὶ μηδὲν ὡς ὕπατοι φθάσωσι πρᾶξαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. 5.1. Τιβέριος οὖν Σεμπρώνιος, ἀνὴρ διʼ ἀνδρείαν καὶ καλοκαγαθίαν οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἀγαπηθεὶς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, ἀπέδειξε μὲν ὑπατεύων διαδόχους Σκηπίωνα Νασικᾶν καὶ Γάϊον Μάρκιον, ἤδη δὲ ἐχόντων αὐτῶν ἐπαρχίας καὶ στρατεύματα, ἱερατικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχὼν εὗρεν ἠγνοημένον ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ τι τῶν πατρίων. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον· 5.2. ὅταν ἄρχων ἐπʼ ὄρνισι καθεζόμενος ἔξω πόλεως οἶκον ἢ σκηνὴν μεμισθωμένος ὑπʼ αἰτίας τινὸς ἀναγκασθῇ μήπω γεγονότων σημείων βεβαίων ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς πόλιν, ἀφεῖναι χρῆν τὸ προμεμισθωμένον οἴκημα καὶ λαβεῖν ἕτερον, ἐξ οὗ ποιήσεται τὴν θέαν αὖθις ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς, τοῦτο ἔλαθεν, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸν Τιβέριον, καὶ δὶς τῷ αὐτῷ χρησάμενος ἀπέδειξε τοὺς εἰρημένους ἄνδρας ὑπάτους. ὕστερον δὲ γνοὺς τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἀνήνεγκε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον. 5.3. ἡ δὲ οὐ κατεφρόνησε τοῦ κατὰ μικρὸν οὕτως ἐλλείμματος, ἀλλʼ ἔγραψε τοῖς ἀνδράσι· καὶ ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἀπολιπόντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς Ῥώμην ταχὺ καὶ κατέθεντο τὴν ἀρχήν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἐπράχθη· περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους χρόνους καὶ δύο ἱερεῖς ἐπιφανέστατοι τὰς ἱερωσύνας ἀφῃρέθησαν, Κορνήλιος μὲν Κέθηγος ὅτι τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ ἱερείου παρὰ τάξιν ἐπέδωκε, 5.4. Κούϊντος δὲ Σουλπίκιος ἐπὶ τῷ θύοντος αὐτοῦ τὸν κορυφαῖον ἀπορρυῆναι τῆς κεφαλῆς πῖλον, ὃν οἱ καλούμενοι φλαμίνιοι φοροῦσι. Μινουκίου δὲ δικτάτορος ἵππαρχον ἀποδείξαντος Γάϊον Φλαμίνιον, ἐπεὶ τρισμὸς ἠκούσθη μυὸς ὃν σόρικα καλοῦσιν, ἀποψηφισάμενοι τούτους αὖθις ἑτέρους κατέστησαν, καὶ τὴν ἐν οὕτω μικροῖς ἀκρίβειαν φυλάττοντες οὐδεμιᾷ προσεμίγνυσαν δεισιδαιμονίᾳ, τῷ μηδὲν ἀλλάττειν μηδὲ παρεκβαίνειν τῶν πατρίων. 6.1. Ὡς δʼ οὖν ἐξωμόσαντο τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ περὶ τὸν Φλαμίνιον, διὰ τῶν καλουμένων μεσοβασιλέων ὕπατος ἀποδείκνυται Μάρκελλος, καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποδείκνυσιν αὑτῷ συνάρχοντα Γναῖον Κορνήλιον. ἐλέχθη μὲν οὖν ὡς πολλὰ συμβατικὰ τῶν Γαλατῶν λεγόντων, καὶ τῆς βουλῆς εἰρηναῖα βουλομένης, ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐξετράχυνε τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον· 25.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐλθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας ὁ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου συνάρχων ἕτερον ἐβούλετο λαβεῖν λαβεῖν Bekker has λέγειν , after Coraës. δικτάτορα, καὶ βιασθῆναι παρὰ γνώμην μὴ βουλόμενος ἐξέπλευσε νυκτὸς εἰς Σικελίαν, οὕτως ὁ μὲν δῆμος ὠνόμασε δικτάτορα Κόϊντον Φούλβιον, ἡ βουλὴ δʼ ἔγραψε Μαρκέλλῳ κελεύουσα τοῦτον εἰπεῖν. ὁ δὲ πεισθεὶς ἀνεῖπε καὶ συνεπεκύρωσε τοῦ δήμου τὴν γνώμην, αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν ἀνθύπατος εἰς τοὐπιὸν ἀπεδείχθη. 25.2. συνθέμενος δὲ πρὸς Φάβιον Μάξιμον ὅπως ἐκεῖνος μὲν ἐπιχειρῇ Ταραντίνοις, αὐτὸς δὲ συμπλεκόμενος καὶ περιέλκων Ἀννίβαν ἐμποδὼν ᾖ τοῦ βοηθεῖν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον, ἐπέβαλε περὶ Κανύσιον, καὶ πολλὰς ἀλλάσσοντι στρατοπεδείας καὶ φυγομαχοῦντι πανταχόθεν ἐπεφαίνετο, τέλος δʼ ἱδρυνθέντα προσκείμενος ἐξανίστη τοῖς ἀκροβολισμοῖς. 30.5. ἐκεῖ δὲ αὐτοῦ τῷ ἀνδριάντι τοῦτʼ ἦν ἐπιγεγραμμένον, ὡς Ποσειδώνιός φησι, τὸ ἐπίγραμμα· οὗτός τοι Ῥώμης ὁ μέγας, ξένε, πατρίδος ἀστήρ, Μάρκελλος κλεινῶν Κλαύδιος ἐκ πατέρων. ἑπτάκι τὰν ὑπάταν ἀρχὰν ἐν Ἄρηϊ φυλάξας, τὸν πολὺν ἀντιπάλοις ὃς κατέχευε φόνον. . τήν γὰρ ἀνθύπατον ἀρχήν, ἣν δὶς ἦρξε, ταῖς πέντε προσκατηρίθμησεν ὑπατείαις ὁ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα ποιήσας. | 2.3. During his aedileship, he was compelled to bring a disagreeable impeachment into the senate. He had a son, named Marcus like himself, who was in the flower of his boyish beauty, and not less admired by his countrymen for his modesty and good training. To this boy Capitolinus, the colleague of Marcellus, a bold and licentious man, made overtures of love. The boy at first repelled the attempt by himself, but when it was made again, told his father. Marcellus, highly indigt, denounced the man in the senate. 4.2. and the priests who watched the flight of birds at the time of the consular elections insisted that when the consuls were proclaimed the omens were inauspicious and baleful for them. At once, therefore, the senate sent letters to the camp, summoning the consuls to return to the city with all speed and lay down their office, and forbidding them, while they were still consuls, to take any steps against the enemy. 5.1. For example, Tiberius Sempronius, a man most highly esteemed by the Romans for his valour and probity, proclaimed Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius his successors in the consulship, but when they had already taken command in their provinces, he came upon a book of religious observances wherein he found a certain ancient prescript of which he had been ignorant. 5.2. It was this. Whenever a magistrate, sitting in a hired house or tent outside the city to take auspices from the flight of birds, is compelled for any reason to return to the city before sure signs have appeared, he must give up the house first hired and take another, and from this he must take his observations anew. of this, it would seem, Tiberius was not aware, and had twice used the same house before proclaiming the men I have mentioned as consuls. But afterwards, discovering his error, he referred the matter to the senate. 5.3. This body did not make light of so trifling an omission, but wrote to the consuls about it; and they, leaving their provinces, came back to Rome with speed, and laid down their offices. This, however, took place at a later time. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, father of the two famous tribunes, was consul for the second time in 163 B.C. But at about the time of which I am speaking, two most illustrious priests were deposed from their priesthoods, Cornelius Cethegus, because he presented the entrails of his victim improperly, 5.4. and Quintus Sulpicius, because, while he was sacrificing, the peaked cap which the priests called flamens Cf. the Numa , vii. 5. wear had fallen from his head. Moreover, because the squeak of a shrew-mouse (they call it sorex ) was heard just as Minucius the dictator appointed Caius Flaminius his master of horse, the people deposed these officials and put others in their places. And although they were punctilious in such trifling matters, they did not fall into any superstition, because they made no change or deviation in their ancient rites. 6.1. But to resume the story, after Flaminius and his colleague had renounced their offices, Marcellus was appointed consul In 222 B.C. In republican times, an interrex was elected when there was a vacancy in the supreme power, held office for five days, and, if necessary, nominated his successor. Any number of interreges might be successively appointed, until the highest office was filled. Cf. the Numa , ii. 6 f. by the so-called interreges. He took the office, and appointed Gnaeus Cornelius his colleague. Now it has been said that, although the Gauls made many conciliatory proposals, and although the senate was peaceably inclined, Marcellus tried to provoke the people to continue the war. 25.1. But the colleague of Marcellus, who had come back from Sicily, wished to appoint another man as dictator, and being unwilling to have his opinion overborne by force, sailed off by night to Sicily. Under these circumstances the people named Quintus Fulvius as dictator, and the senate wrote to Marcellus bidding him confirm the nomination. He consented, proclaimed Quintus Fulvius dictator, and so confirmed the will of the people; he himself was appointed proconsul again for the ensuing year. 209 B.C. 25.2. He then made an agreement with Fabius Maximus that, while Fabius should make an attempt upon Tarentum, he himself, by diverting Hannibal and engaging with him, should prevent him from coming to the relief of that place. He came up with Hannibal at Canusium, and as his adversary often shifted his camp and declined battle, he threatened him continually, and at last, by harassing him with his skirmishers, drew him out of his entrenchments. 30.5. There, too, there was a statue of him, according to Poseidonius, bearing this inscription: This, O stranger, was the great star of his country, Rome,—Claudius Marcellus of illustrious line, who seven times held the consular power in time of war, and poured much slaughter on his foes. For the author of the inscription has added his two proconsulates to his five consulates. |
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| 31. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, before moving army •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., prodigia, procurated by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 276, 277 |
32. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 36.41.2, 42.20, 42.20.3-42.20.4, 42.21.1-42.21.2, 42.23.3, 43.33.1, 46.13.1, 57.16-57.17, 57.19, 57.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, named magister equitum by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius’ dignitas, preserved by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator interregni causa Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 95, 107, 135, 136, 175, 179, 210 | 36.41.2. For when Acilius once commanded that the chair on which he sat while hearing cases should be broken in pieces because Lucullus, on seeing Acilius pass by, had not risen, the praetor not only did not give way to rage, but thereupon both he himself and his colleagues on his account gave their decision standing. 42.20. 1. They granted him, then, permission to do whatever he wished to those who had favoured Pompey's cause, not that he had not already received this right from himself, but in order that he might seem to be acting with some show of legal authority. They appointed him arbiter of war and peace with all mankind â using the conspirators in Africa as a pretext â without the obligation even of making any communication on the subject to the people or the senate.,2. This, of course, also lay in his power before, inasmuch as he had so large an armed force; at any rate the wars he had fought he had undertaken on his own authority in nearly every case. Nevertheless, because they wished still to appear to be free and independent citizens, they voted him these rights and everything else which it was in his power to have even against their will.,3. Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes â a privilege which was permitted to no one.,4. All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree.,5. And they also granted another privilege, which was customary, to be sure, but in the corruption of the times might cause hatred and resentment: they decreed that Caesar should hold a triumph for the war against Juba and the Romans who fought with him, just as if had been the victor, although, as a matter of fact, he had not then so much as heard that there was to be such a war. 42.20.3. Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes â a privilege which was permitted to no one. 42.20.4. All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree. 42.21.1. In this way these measures were voted and ratified. Caesar entered upon the dictatorship at once, although he was outside of Italy, and chose Antony, although he had not yet been praetor, as his master of horse; and the consuls proposed the latter's name also, although the augurs very strongly opposed him, declaring that no one might be master of the horses for more than six months. 42.21.2. But for this course they brought upon themselves a great deal of ridicule, because, after having decided that the dictator himself should be chosen for a year, contrary to all precedent, they were now splitting hairs about the master of the horse. 42.23.3. After this he would not permit Caelius to do anything in his capacity as praetor, but assigned the duties pertaining to his office to another praetor, debarred him from the senate, dragged him from the rostra while he was delivering some tirade or other, and broke his chair in pieces. 43.33.1. Caesar was at that time dictator, and at length, near the close of the year, he was appointed consul, after Lepidus, who was master of the horse, had convoked the people for this purpose; for Lepidus had become master of the horse at that time also, having given himself, while still in the consulship, that additional title contrary to precedent. 57.16. 1. Besides the matters just related, some of the men who had been quaestors the previous year were sent out to the provinces, since the quaestors of the current year were too few in number to fill the places. And this practice was also followed on other occasions, as often as was found necessary.,2. As many of the public records had either perished completely or at least become illegible with the lapse of time, three senators were elected to copy off those that were still extant and to recover the text of the others. Assistance was rendered to the victims of various conflagrations not only by Tiberius but also by Livia.,3. The same year a certain Clemens, who had been a slave of Agrippa and resembled him to a certain extent, pretended to be Agrippa himself. He went to Gaul and won many to his cause there and many later in Italy, and finally he marched upon Rome with the avowed intention of recovering the dominion of his grandfather.,4. The population of the city became excited at this, and not a few joined his cause; but Tiberius got him into his hands by a ruse with the aid of some persons who pretended to sympathize with this upstart. He thereupon tortured him, in order to learn something about his fellow-conspirators. Then, when the other would not utter a word, he asked him: "How did you come to be Agrippa?" And he replied: "In the same way as you came to be Caesar." 57.17. 1. The following year Gaius Caecilius and Lucius Flaccus received the title of consuls. And when some brought Tiberius money at the beginning of the year, he would not accept it and published an edict regarding this very practice, in which he used a word that was not Latin.,2. After thinking it over at night he sent for all who were experts in such matters, for he was extremely anxious to have his diction irreproachable. Thereupon one Ateius Capito declared: "Even if no one has previously used this expression, yet now because of you we shall all cite it as an example of classical usage." But a certain Marcellus replied: "You, Caesar, can confer Roman citizenship upon men, but not upon words.",3. And the emperor did this man no harm for his remark, in spite of its extreme frankness. His anger was aroused, however, against Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, because this prince, after having once grovelled before him in order to gain his assistance as advocate when accused by his subjects in the time of Augustus,,4. had afterwards slighted him on the occasion of his visit to Rhodes, yet had paid court to Gaius when the latter went to Asia. Therefore Tiberius now summoned him on the charge of rebellious conduct and left his fate to the decision of the senate, although the man was not only stricken in years, but also a great sufferer from gout, and was furthermore believed to be demented.,5. As a matter of fact, he had once lost his mind to such an extent that a guardian was appointed over his domain by Augustus; nevertheless, at the time in question he was no longer weak-witted, but was merely feigning, in the hope of saving himself by this expedient. And he would now have been put to death, had not someone in testifying against him stated that he had once said: "When I get back home, I will show him what sort of sinews I possess." So great a shout of laughter went up at this â for the man was not only unable to stand, but could not even sit up â that Tiberius gave up his purpose of putting him to death.,6. In fact, the prince's condition was so serious that he was carried into the senate in a covered litter (for it was customary even for men, whenever one of them came there feeling ill, to be carried in reclining, and even Tiberius sometimes did so), and he spoke a few words leaning out of the litter.,7. So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius.,8. For not only did he refrain scrupulously from the possessions of others â so long, that is, as he practised any virtue at all â and would not even accept the inheritances that were left to him by testators who had relatives, but he actually contributed vast sums both to cities and to private individuals, and would not accept any honour or praise for these acts.,9. When embassies came from cities or provinces, he never dealt with them alone, but caused a number of others to participate in the deliberations, especially men who had once governed these peoples. 57.19. 1. Up to this time, as we have seen, Tiberius had done a great many excellent things and had made but few errors; but now, when he no longer had a rival biding his chance, he changed to precisely the reverse of his previous conduct, which had included much that was good. Among other ways in which his rule became cruel, he pushed to the bitter end the trials for maiestas, in cases where complaint was made against anyone for committing any improper act, or uttering any improper speech, not only against Augustus but also against Tiberius himself and against his mother.,1a. And towards those who were suspected of plotting against him he was inexorable.,1b. Tiberius was stern in his chastisement of persons accused of any offence. He used to remark: "Nobody willingly submits to being ruled, but a man is driven to it against his will; for not only do subjects delight in refusing obedience, but they also enjoy plotting against their rulers." And he would accept accusers indiscriminately, whether it was a slave denouncing his master or a son his father.,1c. Indeed, by indicating to certain persons his desire for the death of certain others, he brought about the destruction of the latter at the hands of the former, and his part in these deaths was no secret.,2. Not only were slaves tortured to make them testify against their own masters, but freemen and citizens as well. Those who had accused or testified against persons divided by lot the property of the convicted and received in addition both offices and honours.,3. In the case of many, he took care to ascertain the day and hour of their birth, and on the basis of their character and fortune as thus disclosed would put them to death; for if he discovered any unusual ability or promise of power in anyone, he was sure to slay him.,4. In fact, so thoroughly did he investigate and understand the destiny in store for every one of the more prominent men, that on meeting Galba (the later emperor), when the latter had a wife betrothed to him, he remarked: "You also shall one day taste of the sovereignty." He spared him, as I conjecture, because this was settled as his fate, but, as he explained it himself, because Galba would reign only in old age and long after his own death.,5. He was most enthusiastically aided and abetted in all his undertakings by Lucius Aelius Sejanus, the son of Strabo, and formerly a favourite of Marcus Gabius Apicius â that Apicius who so far surpassed all mankind in prodigality that, when he wished one day to know how much he had already spent and how much he still had left, and learned that ten millions still remained to him, became grief-stricken, feeling that he was destined to die of hunger, and took his own life.,6. This Sejanus, now, had shared for a time his father's command of the Pretorians; but when his father had been sent to Egypt and he had obtained sole command over them, he strengthened his authority in many ways, especially by bringing together into a single camp the various cohorts which had been separate and distinct from one another like those of the night-watch. In this way the entire force could receive its orders promptly, and would inspire everybody with fear because all were together in one camp.,7. This was the man whom Tiberius, because of the similarity of their characters, attached to himself, elevating him to the rank of praetor, an honour that had never yet been accorded to one of like station; and he made him his adviser and assistant in all matters.,8. In fine, Tiberius changed so much after the death of Germanicus that, whereas previously he had been highly praised, he now caused even greater amazement. 57.21. 1. After this, when his consulship had expired, he came to Rome and prevented the consuls from acting as advocates for some persons in court, remarking: "If I were consul, I should not have done so.",2. One of the praetors was accused of having made some impious remark or of having committed some offence against him, whereupon the man left the senate and having taken off his robe of office returned, demanding as a private citizen to have the complaint lodged at once; at this the emperor was greatly grieved and molested him no further.,3. He banished the actors from Rome and would allow them no place in which to practise their profession, because they kept debauching the women and stirring up tumults. He honoured many men after their death with statues and public funerals, but for Sejanus he erected a bronze statue in the theatre during his lifetime. As a result, numerous images of Sejanus were made by many different persons, and many eulogies were delivered in his honour, both before the people and before the senate.,4. The leading citizens, including the consuls themselves, regularly resorted to his house at dawn, and communicated to him not only all the private requests that any of them wished to make of Tiberius, but also the public business which required to be taken up. In a word, no business of this sort was transacted henceforth without his knowledge.,5. About this time one of the largest porticos in Rome began to lean to one side, and was set upright in a remarkable way by an architect whose name no one knows, because Tiberius, jealous of his wonderful achievement, would not permit it to be entered in the records. This architect, then, whatever his name may have been, first strengthened the foundations round about, so that they should not collapse,,6. and wrapped all the rest of the structure in fleeces and thick garments, binding it firmly together on all sides by means of ropes; then with the aid of many men and windlasses he raised it back to its original position. At the time Tiberius both admired and envied him; for the former reason he honoured him with a present of money, and for the latter he expelled him from the city.,7. Later the exile approached him to crave pardon, and while doing so purposely let fall a crystal goblet; and though it was bruised in some way or shattered, yet by passing his hands over it he promptly exhibited it whole once more. For this he hoped to obtain pardon, but instead the emperor put him to death. |
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| 33. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 26.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, addresses religious concerns as Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 263, 264 |
| 34. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 4.13.14, 4.16.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, opponent of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 181, 270 |
| 35. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 3.20, 12.260 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 59, 276 |
| 36. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 2.2.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 276 |
| 37. Plutarch, Tigrac, 20.6 Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, named magister equitum by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 209 |
| 38. Anon., Fasti Feriarum Latinarum, None Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 109 |
| 39. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 169 |
| 40. Anon., De Viris Illustribus, 43.3, 72.6 Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., consul, removed from command by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 95, 107 |
| 41. Anon., Elogia Arretina, None Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 179 |
| 42. Anon., Tabula Triumphalis Barberiniana, None Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 179 |
| 43. Epigraphy, Ils, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 208 |
| 44. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.331, 6.1507, 12.2.607, 12.2.615, 12.2.613, 12.2.608, 14.2935 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 207, 208 |
| 45. Zonaras, Epitome, 8.20, 8.22, 8.26, 9.3 Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator interregni causa •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, cooperation with •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augur and pontiff •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictator, elected by the people •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., recalled to rome sacrorum causa •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 26, 107, 108, 175, 179, 183, 203, 204, 270, 272, 273 |
46. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.292-1.293, 2.281-2.286, 2.293-2.295, 4.21, 4.625-4.627, 5.759-5.760, 6.826-6.835, 6.845-6.846 Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus (‘cunctator’), q. •q. fabius maximus verrucosus Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 66; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 104 | 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 2.281. Lo! o'er the tranquil deep from Tenedos 2.282. appeared a pair (I shudder as I tell) 2.283. of vastly coiling serpents, side by side, 2.284. tretching along the waves, and to the shore 2.285. taking swift course; their necks were lifted high, 2.286. their gory dragon-crests o'ertopped the waves; 2.293. All terror-pale we fled. Unswerving then 2.294. the monsters to Laocoon made way. 2.295. First round the tender limbs of his two sons 4.21. of war and horror in his tale he told! 4.625. teadfast it ever clings; far as toward heaven 4.626. its giant crest uprears, so deep below 4.627. its roots reach down to Tartarus:—not less 5.759. that-fabled labyrinthine gallery 5.760. wound on through lightless walls, with thousand paths 6.826. On that bright land, which sees the cloudless beam 6.827. of suns and planets to our earth unknown. 6.828. On smooth green lawns, contending limb with limb, 6.829. Immortal athletes play, and wrestle long 6.830. 'gainst mate or rival on the tawny sand; 6.831. With sounding footsteps and ecstatic song, 6.832. Some thread the dance divine: among them moves 6.833. The bard of Thrace , in flowing vesture clad, 6.834. Discoursing seven-noted melody, 6.835. Who sweeps the numbered strings with changeful hand, 6.845. To chariots, arms, or glossy-coated steeds, 6.846. The self-same joy, though in their graves, they feel. |
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| 47. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.2-1.1.5, 2.7.4, 3.8.2, 4.6.5, 4.7.1 Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., marcellus, replaced as consul by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., augural college, alleged control of/augural science, alleged manipulation of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, named magister equitum by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius, opponent of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., dictatorship, first of •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., flaminius’ dignitas, preserved by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q. •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., auspices, repeated/upheld by •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., recalled to rome sacrorum causa •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 107, 115, 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 271 |
| 48. Cornelius Nepos, Hann., 5.3 Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 107 |
| 49. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.18.5 Tagged with subjects: •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., papirius cursor-rullianus quarrel, parallels to •fabius maximus verrucosus, q., magister equitum, conflict with Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 27, 29 |
