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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



11232
Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 6.1.23


καὶ ὅτε ἐξ Ἐφέσου ὡρμᾶτο Κύρῳ συσταθησόμενος, αἰετὸν ἀνεμιμνῄσκετο ἑαυτῷ δεξιὸν φθεγγόμενον, καθήμενον μέντοι, ὅνπερ ὁ μάντις προπέμπων αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν ὅτι μέγας μὲν οἰωνὸς εἴη καὶ οὐκ ἰδιωτικός, καὶ ἔνδοξος, ἐπίπονος μέντοι· τὰ γὰρ ὄρνεα μάλιστα ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῷ αἰετῷ καθημένῳ· οὐ μέντοι χρηματιστικὸν εἶναι τὸν οἰωνόν· τὸν γὰρ αἰετὸν πετόμενον μᾶλλον λαμβάνειν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια.Moreover, he recalled that when he was setting out from Ephesus to be introduced to Cyrus, cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.8 . an eagle screamed upon his right; it was sitting, however, and the soothsayer who was conducting him said that while the omen was one suited to the great rather than to an ordinary person, and while it betokened glory, it nevertheless portended suffering, for the reason that other birds are most apt to attack the eagle when it is sitting; still, he said, the omen did not betoken gain, for it is rather while the eagle is on the wing that it gets its food.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

18 results
1. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 8 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

2. Homer, Iliad, 8.247, 12.200-12.209, 15.188-15.193, 24.310-24.311 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

8.247. /So spake he, and the Father had pity on him as he wept, and vouchsafed him that his folk should be saved and not perish. Forthwith he sent an eagle, surest of omens among winged birds, holding in his talons a fawn, the young of a swift hind. Beside the fair altar of Zeus he let fall the fawn 12.200. /For a bird had come upon them, as they were eager to cross over, an eagle of lofty flight, skirting the host on the left, and in its talons it bore a blood-red, monstrous snake, still alive as if struggling, nor was it yet forgetful of combat, it writhed backward, and smote him that held it on the breast beside the neck 12.201. /For a bird had come upon them, as they were eager to cross over, an eagle of lofty flight, skirting the host on the left, and in its talons it bore a blood-red, monstrous snake, still alive as if struggling, nor was it yet forgetful of combat, it writhed backward, and smote him that held it on the breast beside the neck 12.202. /For a bird had come upon them, as they were eager to cross over, an eagle of lofty flight, skirting the host on the left, and in its talons it bore a blood-red, monstrous snake, still alive as if struggling, nor was it yet forgetful of combat, it writhed backward, and smote him that held it on the breast beside the neck 12.203. /For a bird had come upon them, as they were eager to cross over, an eagle of lofty flight, skirting the host on the left, and in its talons it bore a blood-red, monstrous snake, still alive as if struggling, nor was it yet forgetful of combat, it writhed backward, and smote him that held it on the breast beside the neck 12.204. /For a bird had come upon them, as they were eager to cross over, an eagle of lofty flight, skirting the host on the left, and in its talons it bore a blood-red, monstrous snake, still alive as if struggling, nor was it yet forgetful of combat, it writhed backward, and smote him that held it on the breast beside the neck 12.205. /till the eagle, stung with pain, cast it from him to the ground, and let it fall in the midst of the throng, and himself with a loud cry sped away down the blasts of the wind. And the Trojans shuddered when they saw the writhing snake lying in the midst of them, a portent of Zeus that beareth the aegis. 12.206. /till the eagle, stung with pain, cast it from him to the ground, and let it fall in the midst of the throng, and himself with a loud cry sped away down the blasts of the wind. And the Trojans shuddered when they saw the writhing snake lying in the midst of them, a portent of Zeus that beareth the aegis. 12.207. /till the eagle, stung with pain, cast it from him to the ground, and let it fall in the midst of the throng, and himself with a loud cry sped away down the blasts of the wind. And the Trojans shuddered when they saw the writhing snake lying in the midst of them, a portent of Zeus that beareth the aegis. 12.208. /till the eagle, stung with pain, cast it from him to the ground, and let it fall in the midst of the throng, and himself with a loud cry sped away down the blasts of the wind. And the Trojans shuddered when they saw the writhing snake lying in the midst of them, a portent of Zeus that beareth the aegis. 12.209. /till the eagle, stung with pain, cast it from him to the ground, and let it fall in the midst of the throng, and himself with a loud cry sped away down the blasts of the wind. And the Trojans shuddered when they saw the writhing snake lying in the midst of them, a portent of Zeus that beareth the aegis. 15.188. / Out upon it, verily strong though he be he hath spoken overweeningly, if in sooth by force and in mine own despite he will restrain me that am of like honour with himself. For three brethren are we, begotten of Cronos, and born of Rhea,—Zeus, and myself, and the third is Hades, that is lord of the dead below. And in three-fold wise are all things divided, and unto each hath been apportioned his own domain. 15.189. / Out upon it, verily strong though he be he hath spoken overweeningly, if in sooth by force and in mine own despite he will restrain me that am of like honour with himself. For three brethren are we, begotten of Cronos, and born of Rhea,—Zeus, and myself, and the third is Hades, that is lord of the dead below. And in three-fold wise are all things divided, and unto each hath been apportioned his own domain. 15.190. /I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet 15.191. /I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet 15.192. /I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet 15.193. /I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet 24.310. /and send a bird of omen, even the swift messenger that to thyself is dearest of birds and is mightiest in strength; let him appear upon my right hand, to the end that, marking the sign with mine own eyes, I may have trust therein, and go my way to the ships of the Danaans of fleet steeds. So spake he in prayer, and Zeus the Counsellor heard him. 24.311. /and send a bird of omen, even the swift messenger that to thyself is dearest of birds and is mightiest in strength; let him appear upon my right hand, to the end that, marking the sign with mine own eyes, I may have trust therein, and go my way to the ships of the Danaans of fleet steeds. So spake he in prayer, and Zeus the Counsellor heard him.
3. Aristophanes, Birds, 716 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

716. ἐσμὲν δ' ὑμῖν ̓́Αμμων Δελφοὶ Δωδώνη Φοῖβος ̓Απόλλων.
4. Aristophanes, Peace, 1027-1032, 1026 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1026. οὔκουν δοκῶ σοι μαντικῶς τὸ φρύγανον τίθεσθαι;
5. Euripides, Electra, 171 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

171. ἀγγέλλει δ' ὅτι νῦν τριταί-
6. Herodotus, Histories, 1.78, 9.95 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.78. This was how Croesus reasoned. Meanwhile, snakes began to swarm in the outer part of the city; and when they appeared the horses, leaving their accustomed pasture, devoured them. When Croesus saw this he thought it a portent, and so it was. ,He at once sent to the homes of the Telmessian interpreters, to inquire concerning it; but though his messengers came and learned from the Telmessians what the portent meant, they could not bring back word to Croesus, for he was a prisoner before they could make their voyage back to Sardis . ,Nonetheless, this was the judgment of the Telmessians: that Croesus must expect a foreign army to attack his country, and that when it came, it would subjugate the inhabitants of the land: for the snake, they said, was the offspring of the land, but the horse was an enemy and a foreigner. This was the answer which the Telmessians gave Croesus, knowing as yet nothing of the fate of Sardis and of the king himself; but when they gave it, Croesus was already taken. 9.95. Deiphonus, the son of this Evenius, had been brought by the Corinthians, and was the army's prophet. But I have heard it said before now, that Deiphonus was not the son of Evenius, but made a wrongful use of that name and worked for wages up and down Hellas.
7. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

738c. the advice from Delphi or Dodona or Ammon, or that of ancient sayings, whatever form they take—whether derived from visions or from some reported inspiration from heaven. By this advice they instituted sacrifices combined with rites, either of native origin or imported from Tuscany or Cyprus or elsewhere; and by means of such sayings they sanctified oracles and statues and altars and temples, and marked off for each of them sacred glebes. Nothing of all these
8. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

270c. Socrates. Now do you think one can acquire any appreciable knowledge of the nature of the soul without knowing the nature of the whole man? Phaedrus. If Hippocrates the Asclepiad is to be trusted, one cannot know the nature of the body, either, except in that way. Socrates. He is right, my friend; however, we ought not to be content with the authority of Hippocrates, but to see also if our reason agrees with him on examination. Phaedrus. I assent. Socrates. Then see what
9. Plato, Protagoras, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

311b. and I, to test Hippocrates’ grit, began examining him with a few questions. Tell me, Hippocrates, I said, in your present design of going to Protagoras and paying him money as a fee for his services to yourself, to whom do you consider you are resorting, and what is it that you are to become? Suppose, for example, you had taken it into your head to call on your namesake Hippocrates of Cos, the Asclepiad, and pay him money as your personal fee, and suppose someone asked you—Tell me, Hippocrates, in purposing to pay
10. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.8.15, 4.3.9, 5.6.16, 5.6.29, 6.1.22, 6.1.24, 6.1.31, 6.2.15, 6.4.13-6.4.15, 6.4.19-6.4.20, 6.4.22, 6.5.2, 7.6.44, 7.8.2-7.8.3, 7.8.10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

4.3.9. Cheirisophus was pleased, and as soon as day began to break, all the generals were at hand and proceeded to offer sacrifices. And with the very first victim the omens were favourable. Then the generals and captains withdrew from the sacrifice and gave orders to the troops to get their breakfasts. 5.6.16. It would become a great city, he thought, as he reckoned up their own numbers and the peoples who dwelt around the Euxine. And with a view to this project, before speaking about it to any of the soldiers, he offered sacrifices, summoning for that purpose Silanus the Ambraciot, who had been the soothsayer of Cyrus . 6.1.22. Quite unable as he was to decide the question, it seemed best to him to consult the gods; and he accordingly brought two victims to the altar and proceeded to offer sacrifice to King Zeus, the very god that the oracle at Delphi had prescribed for him; cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.5 ff. and it was likewise from this god, as he believed, that the dream cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.11 f. came which he had at the time when he took the first steps toward assuming a share in the charge of the army. 6.1.24. So it was, then, that Xenophon made sacrifice, and the god signified to him quite clearly that he should neither strive for the command nor accept it in case he should be chosen. Such was the issue of this matter. 6.1.31. Then Xenophon, seeing that something more was needed, came forward and spoke again: Well, soldiers, he said, that you may understand the matter fully I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses that in very truth, so soon as I became aware of your intention, I offered sacrifices to learn whether it was best for you to entrust to me this command and for me to undertake it; and the gods gave me such signs in the sacrifices that even a layman could perceive that I must withhold myself from accepting the sole command. 6.2.15. For a time, indeed, Xenophon did try to get clear of the army and sail away home; but when he sacrificed to Heracles the Leader, consulting him as to whether it was better and more proper for him to continue the journey with such of the soldiers as had remained with him, or to be rid of them, the god indicated to him by the sacrifices that he should stay with them. 6.4.13. Thereupon the generals proceeded to sacrifice, the soothsayer who was present being Arexion the Arcadian; for Silanus the Ambraciot had by this time stolen away, cp. Xen. Anab. 5.6.18, 34. on a vessel which he hired at Heracleia. When they sacrificed, however, with a view to their departure, the victims would not prove favourable 6.4.14. and they accordingly ceased their offerings for that day. Now some people had the effrontery to say that Xenophon, in his desire to found a city at this spot, had induced the soothsayer to declare that the sacrifices were not favourable for departure. 6.4.15. Consequently he made public proclamation that on the morrow any one who so chose might be present at the sacrifice, and if a man were a soothsayer, he sent him word to be at hand to participate in the inspection of the victims; so he made the offering in the immediate presence of many witnesses. 6.4.19. At that news all deemed it best to stay, but it was still necessary to go out after provisions. With this object in view Xenophon again sacrificed, going as far as three offerings, and the victims continued unfavourable. By this time people were even coming to Xenophon’s tent and declaring that they had no provisions, but he said that he would not lead forth unless the sacrifices turned out favourable. 6.4.20. On the next day he undertook to sacrifice again, and pretty nearly the entire army—for it was a matter of concern to every man—gathered about the place of sacrifice; but the victims had given out. Then the generals, while refusing to lead the men forth, called them together in assembly; 6.4.22. Upon hearing this, however, the soldiers cried out that it was not at all necessary to enter the place, but, rather, to offer sacrifice with all speed. Now they no longer had any sheep, but they bought a bullock that was yoked to a wagon and proceeded to sacrifice; and Xenophon requested Cleanor One of the generals. the Arcadian to give special attention to see if there was anything auspicious in this offering. But not even so did the omens prove favourable. 6.5.2. Xenophon arose early and sacrificed with a view to an expedition, and with the first offering the omens turned out favourable. Furthermore, just as the rites were nearing the end, the soothsayer, Arexion the Parrhasian, caught sight of an eagle in an auspicious quarter, and bade Xenophon lead on. 7.6.44. Many other people also sent Xenophon this message, saying that he had been traduced and would better be on his guard. And he, hearing these reports, took two victims and proceeded to offer sacrifice to Zeus the King, to learn whether it was better and more profitable for him to remain with Seuthes on the conditions that Seuthes proposed, or to depart with the army. The god directed him to depart. 7.8.2. Xenophon bade the first man who spoke to state where it was that he had struck him. He replied, In the place where we were perishing with cold and there was an enormous amount of snow. 7.8.2. He replied, swearing to the truth of his statement, that he would not have even enough money to pay his travelling expenses on the way home unless he should sell his horse and what he had about his person. And Eucleides would not believe him. 7.8.3. And Xenophon said, Well, really, with weather of the sort you describe and provisions used up and no chance even to get a smell of wine, when many of us were becoming exhausted with hardships and the enemy were at our heels, if at such a time as that I wantonly abused you, I admit that I am more wanton even than the ass, which, because of its wantonness, so the saying runs, is not subject to fatigue. Nevertheless, do tell us, he said, for what reason you were struck. 7.8.3. But when the Lampsacenes sent gifts of hospitality to Xenophon and he was sacrificing to Apollo, he gave Eucleides a place beside him; and when Eucleides saw the vitals of the victims, he said that he well believed that Xenophon had no money. But I am sure, he went on, that even if money should ever be about to come to you, some obstacle always appears—if nothing else, your own self. In this Xenophon agreed with him. 7.8.10. But when, as we were standing by, the man drew up his leg, all of us cried out, The man is alive ; and you said, Let him be alive just as much as he pleases, I, for my part, am not going to carry him. Then I struck you; your story is true; for it looked to me as if you knew that he was alive. 7.8.10. Xenophon, accordingly, proceeded to sacrifice, keeping these two by his side. And Basias, the Elean seer who was present, said that the omens were extremely favourable for him and that the man was easy to capture.
11. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.4.15, 4.4.5, 4.6.6, 4.7.2, 4.7.7, 5.1.33, 5.3.14, 6.4.19, 6.5.18, 6.5.49 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.4.15. After this cavalry battle had 396 B.C. taken place and Agesilaus on the next day was offering sacrifices with a view to an advance, the livers of the victims were found to be lacking a lobe. This sign having presented itself, he turned and marched to the sea. And perceiving that, unless he obtained an adequate cavalry force, he would not be able to campaign in the plains, he resolved that this must be provided, so that he might not have to carry on a skulking warfare. Accordingly he assigned the richest men of all the cities in that region to the duty of raising horses; and by proclaiming that whoever supplied a horse and arms and a competent man would not have to serve himself, he caused these arrangements to be carried out with all the expedition that was to be expected when men were eagerly looking for substitutes to die in their stead. 4.4.5. While they were deliberating, however, as to what they should do, the capital fell from a column, although there had been neither earthquake nor wind. Likewise, when they sacrificed, the omens from the victims were such that the seers said it was better to descend from the place. And at first they retired beyond the territory of Corinth with the intention of going into exile; but when their friends and mothers and sisters kept coming to them and trying to dissuade them, and, 392 B.C. further, some of the very men who were in power promised under oath that they should suffer no harm, under these circumstances some of them returned home. 4.6.6. But when it seemed to Agesilaus that they were now very bold, on the fifteenth or sixteenth day from the time when he entered the country, he offered sacrifice in the morning and accomplished before evening a march of one hundred and sixty stadia to the lake on whose banks were almost all the cattle of the Acarians, and he captured herds of cattle and droves of horses in large numbers besides all sorts of other stock and great numbers of slaves. 389 B.C. And after effecting this capture and remaining there through the ensuing day, he made public sale of the booty. 4.7.2. After this it seemed to the Lacedaemonians that it was not safe for them to undertake a campaign against the Athenians or against the Boeotians while leaving in their rear a hostile state bordering upon Lacedaemon and one so large as that of the Argives; they accordingly called out the ban against Argos. Now when Agesipolis learned that he was to lead the ban, and when the sacrifices which he offered at the frontier proved favourable, he went to Olympia and consulted the oracle of the god, asking whether 388 B.C. it would be consistent with piety if he did not acknowledge the holy truce claimed by the Argives; for, he urged, it was not when the appointed time came, but when the Lacedaemonians were about to invade their territory, that they pleaded the sacred months. The calendars of different Greek states varied so much that sharp practice of the sort here alleged, i.e., shifting the times of religious festivals to meet an emergency, was not difficult or unusual. Cp. ii. 16 and Thuc. v. 54. And the god signified to him that it was consistent with piety for him not to acknowledge a holy truce which was pleaded unjustly. Then Agesipolis proceeded straight from there to Delphi and asked Apollo in his turn whether he also held the same opinion as his father Zeus in regard to the truce. And Apollo answered that he did hold quite the same opinion. 4.7.7. After this, while Agesipolis was encamping near the enclosed space, The reference is unknown. a thunderbolt fell into his camp; and some men were killed by being struck, others by the shock. After this, desiring to fortify a garrison post at the entrance to the Argive country which leads past Mount Celusa, 388 B.C. he offered sacrifice; and the livers of the victims were found to be lacking a lobe. When this happened, he led his army away and disbanded it, having inflicted very great harm upon the Argives because he had invaded their land unexpectedly. 5.1.33. Agesilaus, however, on account of his hatred for the Thebans, did not delay, but after winning over the ephors proceeded at once to perform his sacrifices. And when the offering at the frontier proved favourable, upon his arrival at Tegea he sent horsemen hither and thither among the Perioeci to hasten their coming, and likewise sent mustering officers Lacedaemonian officers who assembled and commanded the contingents of the allies. to the various cities of the allies. But before he had set out from Tegea, the Thebans arrived with word that they would leave the cities independent. And so the Lacedaemonians returned home and the Thebans were forced to accede to the treaty, allowing the Boeotian cities to be independent. 5.3.14. And when, after the sacrifices at the frontier had proved favourable, he made no delay but proceeded on the march, many embassies met him and offered him money not to invade the country of Phlius. He replied, however, that he was not taking the field to do wrong, but to aid those who were suffering wrong. 6.4.19. And Archidamus accordingly offered his sacrifices at the frontier. As for the Thebans, immediately after the battle they sent to Athens a garlanded messenger, and while telling of the greatness of their victory, they at the same time urged the Athenians to come to their aid, saying that now it was possible to take vengeance upon the Lacedaemonians for all the harm they had done to them. 6.5.18. On the following day at daybreak he was offering sacrifices in front of the army; and seeing that troops were gathering from the city of the Mantineans on the mountains which were above the rear of his army, he decided that he must lead his men out of the valley with all possible speed. Now he feared that if he led the way himself, the enemy would fall upon his rear; accordingly, while keeping quiet and presenting his front toward the enemy, he ordered the men at the rear to face about to the right and march along behind the phalanx toward him. And in this manner he was at the same time leading them out of the narrow valley and making the phalanx continually stronger. The scene is a long, narrow valley. The rear ( οὐρά ) of the Lacedaemonian line is at the head of the valley, while the van, where Agesilaus has his position, is at the opening of the valley into the plain. The enemy are gathering upon the hills on one side of the valley. Agesilaus first faces his troops toward the enemy ( τὰ ὅπλα . . . φαίνων ). The marching line is thus transformed, technically, into a phalanx, or line of battle. Then, by the ἀναστροφή (see note on ii. 21), the οὐρά , i.e., the original rear of the marching line, is folded back and gradually drawn out, behind the phalanx, to the open end of the valley. The entire army now marches out into the plain. There the process just described is reversed, so bringing the line back to its original form. 6.5.49. After this the Athenians deliberated, and they would not endure to listen to those who spoke on the other side, but voted to go to the aid of the Lacedaemonians in full force, and chose Iphicrates as general. And when his sacrifices had proved favourable and he had issued orders to his men to dine in the Academy, cp. II. ii. 8. many, it is said, went thither ahead of Iphicrates himself. After this Iphicrates led the way and they followed, believing that he would lead them to some noble achievement. And when, after arriving in Corinth, he delayed there for some days, they at once began to censure him, for the first time, for this delay; then when he at length marched them forth, they eagerly followed wherever he led the way, and eagerly attacked any stronghold against which he brought them.
12. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.6.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.6.2. My son, it is evident both from the sacrifices and from the signs from the skies that the gods are sending you forth with their grace and favour; and you yourself must recognize it, for I had you taught this art on purpose that you might not have to learn the counsels of the gods through others as interpreters, but that you yourself, both seeing what is to be seen and hearing what is to be heard, might understand; for I would not have you at the mercy of the soothsayers, in case they should wish to deceive you by saying other things than those revealed by the gods; and furthermore, if ever you should be without a soothsayer, I would not have you in doubt as to what to make of the divine revelations, but by your soothsayer’s art I would have you understand the counsels of the gods and obey them.
13. Strabo, Geography, 9.3.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

9.3.9. of the temples, the one with wings must be placed among the myths; the second is said to be the work of Trophonius and Agamedes; and the present temple was built by the Amphictyons. In the sacred precinct is to be seen the tomb of Neoptolemus, which was made in accordance with an oracle, Machaereus, a Delphian, having slain him because, according to the myth, he was asking the god for redress for the murder of his father; but according to all probability it was because he had attacked the sanctuary. Branchus, who presided over the sanctuary at Didyma, is called a descendant of Machaereus.
14. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 2.3.3 (1st cent. CE

2.3.3. καί ποτε ἀροῦντος αὐτοῦ ἐπιστῆναι ἐπὶ τὸν ζυγὸν ἀετὸν καὶ ἐπιμεῖναι ἔστε ἐπὶ βουλυτὸν καθήμενον· τὸν δὲ ἐκπλαγέντα τῇ ὄψει ἰέναι κοινώσοντα ὑπὲρ τοῦ θείου παρὰ τοὺς Τελμισσέας τοὺς μάντεις· εἶναι γὰρ τοὺς Τελμισσέας σοφοὺς τὰ θεῖα ἐξηγεῖσθαι καὶ σφισιν ἀπὸ γένους δεδόσθαι αὐτοῖς καὶ γυναιξὶν καὶ παισὶ τὴν μαντείαν.
15. Plutarch, Aristides, 27.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

16. Plutarch, Cimon, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Plutarch, Nicias, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

18. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 2.15.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
alexander the great Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179
alkibiades Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
all the gods (and goddesses), invoking Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 364
ammon (egypt), oracle Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
apollo, in eretria Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
apollo, oracle of Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 364
areopagos, consults oracle at ammon Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
arexion Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 343
argonauts Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
asklepios Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 252
atrahasis Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
balaam Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
ben-hadad Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
branchos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 252
burkert, w. Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 65
cheirisophus (commander of ten, thousand) Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 364
chest of kypselos Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
cleanor Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 343
clearchus Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 343
delphi Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
derveni papyrus Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 252
dice oracles Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
disciplina auguralis, greek Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 65
disciplina auguralis, in hellenistic period Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 65
divination, and anthropology Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
divination, and randomization Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
divination, methods Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 252
eagle Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
elisha Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
extispicy Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
gordios, king Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 252
graf, fritz Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
gytheion Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
hazael Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
hera, on samos Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
herodotos, on themistokles Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
herodotus Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179
hesiod, on diviner melampos and descendants in melampodia Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 252
homer, odyssey Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 252
homer Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
iphicrates Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179
jason Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
kambyses, king of persia Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
kimon Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
kleromancy (see sortition) Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
kyros, persian king Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
lakonia Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
melampous Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
mesopotamia Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
mopsus Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
mosollamus story, not written by greek Bar Kochba, Pseudo-Hecataeus on the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (1997) 65
nikias Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
oracles Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 364
ornithomancy Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
pelias Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
persians Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179
plataea Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179
plutarch, on ammon Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
polyaenus Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179
prophets Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
ruin (atē), sacrificial rituals and oaths Sommerstein and Torrance, Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece (2014) 364
seers' Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (2008) 136
selloi (or helloi) Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 252
sparta Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179, 343
teiresias Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 37
themistokles Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
thucydides, on oracle-peddlers Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
thucydides Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179
tyre Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179
xenophon, reads sacrifices Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 256
xenophon Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 179, 343