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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



11232
Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 6.1.22


διαπορουμένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ διακρῖναι ἔδοξε κράτιστον εἶναι τοῖς θεοῖς ἀνακοινῶσαι· καὶ παραστησάμενος δύο ἱερεῖα ἐθύετο τῷ Διὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅσπερ αὐτῷ μαντευτὸς ἦν ἐκ Δελφῶν· καὶ τὸ ὄναρ δὴ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνόμιζεν ἑορακέναι ὃ εἶδεν ὅτε ἤρχετο ἐπὶ τὸ συνεπιμελεῖσθαι τῆς στρατιᾶς καθίστασθαι.Quite unable as he was to decide the question, it seemed best to him to consult the gods; and he accordingly brought two victims to the altar and proceeded to offer sacrifice to King Zeus, the very god that the oracle at Delphi had prescribed for him; cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.5 ff. and it was likewise from this god, as he believed, that the dream cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.11 f. came which he had at the time when he took the first steps toward assuming a share in the charge of the army.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

20 results
1. Homer, Iliad, 6.183 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

6.183. /She was of divine stock, not of men, in the fore part a lion, in the hinder a serpent, and in the midst a goat, breathing forth in terrible wise the might of blazing fire. And Bellerophon slew her, trusting in the signs of the gods. Next fought he with the glorious Solymi
2. Aristophanes, Birds, 716 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

716. ἐσμὲν δ' ὑμῖν ̓́Αμμων Δελφοὶ Δωδώνη Φοῖβος ̓Απόλλων.
3. Aristophanes, Peace, 1027-1032, 1026 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1026. οὔκουν δοκῶ σοι μαντικῶς τὸ φρύγανον τίθεσθαι;
4. Euripides, Electra, 171 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

171. ἀγγέλλει δ' ὅτι νῦν τριταί-
5. Herodotus, Histories, 1.34-1.45, 1.90-1.91, 1.107, 1.120, 1.147, 1.209, 2.139, 2.141, 2.152, 3.30, 3.64, 3.149, 4.79, 5.42, 6.107, 6.118, 7.12-7.19, 8.57 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

1.34. But after Solon's departure divine retribution fell heavily on Croesus; as I guess, because he supposed himself to be blessed beyond all other men. Directly, as he slept, he had a dream, which showed him the truth of the evil things which were going to happen concerning his son. ,He had two sons, one of whom was ruined, for he was mute, but the other, whose name was Atys, was by far the best in every way of all of his peers. The dream showed this Atys to Croesus, how he would lose him struck and killed by a spear of iron. ,So Croesus, after he awoke and considered, being frightened by the dream, brought in a wife for his son, and although Atys was accustomed to command the Lydian armies, Croesus now would not send him out on any such enterprise, while he took the javelins and spears and all such things that men use for war from the men's apartments and piled them in his store room, lest one should fall on his son from where it hung. 1.35. Now while Croesus was occupied with the marriage of his son, a Phrygian of the royal house came to Sardis, in great distress and with unclean hands. This man came to Croesus' house, and asked to be purified according to the custom of the country; so Croesus purified him ( ,the Lydians have the same manner of purification as the Greeks), and when he had done everything customary, he asked the Phrygian where he came from and who he was: ,“Friend,” he said, “who are you, and from what place in Phrygia do you come as my suppliant? And what man or woman have you killed?” “O King,” the man answered, “I am the son of Gordias the son of Midas, and my name is Adrastus; I killed my brother accidentally, and I come here banished by my father and deprived of all.” ,Croesus answered, “All of your family are my friends, and you have come to friends, where you shall lack nothing, staying in my house. As for your misfortune, bear it as lightly as possible and you will gain most.” 1.36. So Adrastus lived in Croesus' house. About this same time a great monster of a boar appeared on the Mysian Olympus, who would come off that mountain and ravage the fields of the Mysians. The Mysians had gone up against him often; but they never did him any harm but were hurt by him themselves. ,At last they sent messengers to Croesus, with this message: “O King, a great monster of a boar has appeared in the land, who is destroying our fields; for all our attempts, we cannot kill him; so now we ask you to send your son and chosen young men and dogs with us, so that we may drive him out of the country.” ,Such was their request, but Croesus remembered the prophecy of his dream and answered them thus: “Do not mention my son again: I will not send him with you. He is newly married, and that is his present concern. But I will send chosen Lydians, and all the huntsmen, and I will tell those who go to be as eager as possible to help you to drive the beast out of the country.” 1.37. This was his answer, and the Mysians were satisfied with it. But the son of Croesus now entered, having heard what the Mysians had asked for; and when Croesus refused to send his son with them, the young man said, ,“Father, it was once thought very fine and noble for us to go to war and the chase and win renown; but now you have barred me from both of these, although you have seen neither cowardice nor lack of spirit in me. With what face can I now show myself whenever I go to and from the market-place? ,What will the men of the city think of me, and what my newly wedded wife? With what kind of man will she think that she lives? So either let me go to the hunt, or show me by reasoning that what you are doing is best for me.” 1.38. “My son,” answered Croesus, “I do this not because I have seen cowardice or anything unseemly in you, but the vision of a dream stood over me in my sleep, and told me that you would be short-lived, for you would be killed by a spear of iron. ,It is because of that vision that I hurried your marriage and do not send you on any enterprise that I have in hand, but keep guard over you, so that perhaps I may rob death of you during my lifetime. You are my only son: for that other, since he is ruined, he doesn't exist for me.” 1.39. “Father,” the youth replied, “no one can blame you for keeping guard over me, when you have seen such a vision; but it is my right to show you what you do not perceive, and why you mistake the meaning of the dream. ,You say that the dream told you that I should be killed by a spear of iron? But has a boar hands? Has it that iron spear which you dread? Had the dream said I should be killed by a tusk or some other thing proper to a boar, you would be right in acting as you act; but no, it was to be by a spear. Therefore, since it is not against men that we are to fight, let me go.” 1.40. Croesus answered, “My son, your judgment concerning the dream has somewhat reassured me; and being reassured by you, I change my thinking and permit you to go to the chase.” 1.41. Having said this, Croesus sent for Adrastus the Phrygian and when he came addressed him thus: “Adrastus, when you were struck by ugly misfortune, for which I do not blame you, it was I who cleansed you, and received and still keep you in my house, defraying all your keep. ,Now then, as you owe me a return of good service for the good which I have done you, I ask that you watch over my son as he goes out to the chase. See that no thieving criminals meet you on the way, to do you harm. ,Besides, it is only right that you too should go where you can win renown by your deeds. That is fitting for your father's son; and you are strong enough besides.” 1.42. “O King,” Adrastus answered, “I would not otherwise have gone into such an arena. One so unfortunate as I should not associate with the prosperous among his peers; nor have I the wish so to do, and for many reasons I would have held back. ,But now, since you urge it and I must please you (since I owe you a return of good service), I am ready to do this; and as for your son, in so far as I can protect him, look for him to come back unharmed.” 1.43. So when Adrastus had answered Croesus thus, they went out provided with chosen young men and dogs. When they came to Mount Olympus, they hunted for the beast and, finding him, formed a circle and threw their spears at him: ,then the guest called Adrastus, the man who had been cleansed of the deed of blood, missed the boar with his spear and hit the son of Croesus. ,So Atys was struck by the spear and fulfilled the prophecy of the dream. One ran to tell Croesus what had happened, and coming to Sardis told the king of the fight and the fate of his son. 1.44. Distraught by the death of his son, Croesus cried out the more vehemently because the killer was one whom he himself had cleansed of blood, ,and in his great and terrible grief at this mischance he called on Zeus by three names—Zeus the Purifier, Zeus of the Hearth, Zeus of Comrades: the first, because he wanted the god to know what evil his guest had done him; the second, because he had received the guest into his house and thus unwittingly entertained the murderer of his son; and the third, because he had found his worst enemy in the man whom he had sent as a protector. 1.45. Soon the Lydians came, bearing the corpse, with the murderer following after. He then came and stood before the body and gave himself up to Croesus, holding out his hands and telling him to kill him over the corpse, mentioning his former misfortune, and that on top of that he had destroyed the one who purified him, and that he was not fit to live. ,On hearing this, Croesus took pity on Adrastus, though his own sorrow was so great, and said to him, “Friend, I have from you the entire penalty, since you sentence yourself to death. But it is not you that I hold the cause of this evil, except in so far as you were the unwilling doer of it, but one of the gods, the same one who told me long ago what was to be.” ,So Croesus buried his own son in such manner as was fitting. But Adrastus, son of Gordias who was son of Midas, this Adrastus, the destroyer of his own brother and of the man who purified him, when the tomb was undisturbed by the presence of men, killed himself there by the sepulcher, seeing clearly now that he was the most heavily afflicted of all whom he knew. 1.90. When Cyrus heard this, he was exceedingly pleased, for he believed the advice good; and praising him greatly, and telling his guard to act as Croesus had advised, he said: “Croesus, now that you, a king, are determined to act and to speak with integrity, ask me directly for whatever favor you like.” ,“Master,” said Croesus, “you will most gratify me if you will let me send these chains of mine to that god of the Greeks whom I especially honored and to ask him if it is his way to deceive those who serve him well.” When Cyrus asked him what grudge against the god led him to make this request, ,Croesus repeated to him the story of all his own aspirations, and the answers of the oracles, and more particularly his offerings, and how the oracle had encouraged him to attack the Persians; and so saying he once more insistently pled that he be allowed to reproach the god for this. At this Cyrus smiled, and replied, “This I will grant you, Croesus, and whatever other favor you may ever ask me.” ,When Croesus heard this, he sent Lydians to Delphi, telling them to lay his chains on the doorstep of the temple, and to ask the god if he were not ashamed to have persuaded Croesus to attack the Persians, telling him that he would destroy Cyrus' power; of which power (they were to say, showing the chains) these were the first-fruits. They should ask this; and further, if it were the way of the Greek gods to be ungrateful. 1.91. When the Lydians came, and spoke as they had been instructed, the priestess (it is said) made the following reply. “No one may escape his lot, not even a god. Croesus has paid for the sin of his ancestor of the fifth generation before, who was led by the guile of a woman to kill his master, though he was one of the guard of the Heraclidae, and who took to himself the royal state of that master, to which he had no right. ,And it was the wish of Loxias that the evil lot of Sardis fall in the lifetime of Croesus' sons, not in his own; but he could not deflect the Fates. ,Yet as far as they gave in, he did accomplish his wish and favor Croesus: for he delayed the taking of Sardis for three years. And let Croesus know this: that although he is now taken, it is by so many years later than the destined hour. And further, Loxias saved Croesus from burning. ,But as to the oracle that was given to him, Croesus is wrong to complain concerning it. For Loxias declared to him that if he led an army against the Persians, he would destroy a great empire. Therefore he ought, if he had wanted to plan well, to have sent and asked whether the god spoke of Croesus' or of Cyrus' empire. But he did not understood what was spoken, or make further inquiry: for which now let him blame himself. ,When he asked that last question of the oracle and Loxias gave him that answer concerning the mule, even that Croesus did not understand. For that mule was in fact Cyrus, who was the son of two parents not of the same people, of whom the mother was better and the father inferior: ,for she was a Mede and the daughter of Astyages king of the Medes; but he was a Persian and a subject of the Medes and although in all respects her inferior he married this lady of his.” This was the answer of the priestess to the Lydians. They carried it to Sardis and told Croesus, and when he heard it, he confessed that the sin was not the god's, but his. And this is the story of Croesus' rule, and of the first overthrow of Ionia . 1.107. Afterwards, Cyaxares died after a reign of forty years (among which I count the years of the Scythian domination) and his son Astyages inherited the sovereignty. Astyages had a daughter, whom he called Mandane: he dreamed that she urinated so much that she filled his city and flooded all of Asia . He communicated this vision to those of the Magi who interpreted dreams, and when he heard what they told him he was terrified; ,and presently, when Mandane was of marriageable age, he feared the vision too much to give her to any Mede worthy to marry into his family, but married her to a Persian called Cambyses, a man whom he knew to be wellborn and of a quiet temper: for Astyages held Cambyses to be much lower than a Mede of middle rank. 1.120. Thus Astyages punished Harpagus. But, to help him to decide about Cyrus, he summoned the same Magi who had interpreted his dream as I have said: and when they came, Astyages asked them how they had interpreted his dream. They answered as before, and said that the boy must have been made king had he lived and not died first. ,Then Astyages said, “The boy is safe and alive, and when he was living in the country the boys of his village made him king, and he duly did all that is done by true kings: for he assigned to each individually the roles of bodyguards and sentinels and messengers and everything else, and so ruled. And what do you think is the significance of this?” ,“If the boy is alive,” said the Magi, “and has been made king without premeditation, then be confident on this score and keep an untroubled heart: he will not be made king a second time. Even in our prophecies, it is often but a small thing that has been foretold and the consequences of dreams come to nothing in the end.” ,“I too, Magi,” said Astyages, “am very much of your opinion: that the dream came true when the boy was called king, and that I have no more to fear from him. Nevertheless consider well and advise me what will be safest both for my house and for you.” ,The Magi said, “O King, we too are very anxious that your sovereignty prosper: for otherwise, it passes from your nation to this boy who is a Persian, and so we Medes are enslaved and held of no account by the Persians, as we are of another blood, but while you, our countryman, are established king, we have our share of power, and great honor is shown us by you. ,Thus, then, we ought by all means to watch out for you and for your sovereignty. And if at the present time we saw any danger we would declare everything to you: but now the dream has had a trifling conclusion, and we ourselves are confident and advise you to be so also. As for this boy, send him out of your sight to the Persians and to his parents.” 1.147. And as kings, some of them chose Lycian descendants of Glaucus son of Hippolochus, and some Caucones of Pylus, descendants of Codrus son of Melanthus, and some both. Yet since they set more store by the name than the rest of the Ionians, let it be granted that those of pure birth are Ionians; ,and all are Ionians who are of Athenian descent and keep the feast dateApaturia /date. All do keep it, except the men of Ephesus and Colophon ; these are the only Ionians who do not keep it, and these because, they say, of a certain pretext of murder. 1.209. After he had crossed the Araxes, he dreamed that night while sleeping in the country of the Massagetae that he saw the eldest of Hystapes' sons with wings on his shoulders, the one wing overshadowing Asia and the other Europe . ,Hystaspes son of Arsames was an Achaemenid, and Darius was the eldest of his sons, then about twenty years old; this Darius had been left behind in Persia, not yet being of an age to go on campaign. ,So when Cyrus awoke he considered his vision, and because it seemed to him to be of great importance, he sent for Hystaspes and said to him privately, “Hystaspes, I have caught your son plotting against me and my sovereignty; and I will tell you how I know this for certain. ,The gods care for me and show me beforehand all that is coming. Now then, I have seen in a dream in the past night your eldest son with wings on his shoulders, overshadowing Asia with the one and Europe with the other. ,From this vision, there is no way that he is not plotting against me. Therefore hurry back to Persia, and see that when I come back after subjecting this country you bring your son before me to be questioned about this.” 2.139. Now the departure of the Ethiopian (they said) came about in this way. After seeing in a dream one who stood over him and urged him to gather together all the Priests in Egypt and cut them in half, he fled from the country. ,Seeing this vision, he said, he supposed it to be a manifestation sent to him by the gods, so that he might commit sacrilege and so be punished by gods or men; he would not (he said) do so, but otherwise, for the time foretold for his rule over Egypt was now fulfilled, after which he was to depart: ,for when he was still in Ethiopia, the oracles that are consulted by the people of that country told him that he was fated to reign fifty years over Egypt . Seeing that this time was now completed and that he was troubled by what he saw in his dream, Sabacos departed from Egypt of his own volition. 2.141. The next king was the priest of Hephaestus whose name was Sethos. He despised and had no regard for the warrior Egyptians, thinking he would never need them; besides otherwise dishonoring them, he took away the chosen lands which had been given to them, twelve fields to each man, in the reign of former kings. ,So when presently king Sanacharib came against Egypt, with a great force of Arabians and Assyrians, the warrior Egyptians would not march against him. ,The priest, in this quandary, went into the temple shrine and there before the god's image bitterly lamented over what he expected to suffer. Sleep came on him while he was lamenting, and it seemed to him the god stood over him and told him to take heart, that he would come to no harm encountering the power of Arabia : “I shall send you champions,” said the god. ,So he trusted the vision, and together with those Egyptians who would follow him camped at Pelusium, where the road comes into Egypt ; and none of the warriors would go with him, but only merchants and craftsmen and traders. ,Their enemies came there, too, and during the night were overrun by a horde of field mice that gnawed quivers and bows and the handles of shields, with the result that many were killed fleeing unarmed the next day. ,And to this day a stone statue of the Egyptian king stands in Hephaestus' temple, with a mouse in his hand, and an inscription to this effect: “Look at me, and believe.” 2.152. This Psammetichus had formerly been in exile in Syria, where he had fled from Sabacos the Ethiopian, who killed his father Necos; then, when the Ethiopian departed because of what he saw in a dream, the Egyptians of the district of Saïs brought him back from Syria . ,Psammetichus was king for the second time when he found himself driven away into the marshes by the eleven kings because of the helmet. ,Believing, therefore, that he had been abused by them, he meant to be avenged on those who had expelled him. He sent to inquire in the town of Buto, where the most infallible oracle in Egypt is; the oracle answered that he would have vengeance when he saw men of bronze coming from the sea. ,Psammetichus did not in the least believe that men of bronze would come to aid him. But after a short time, Ionians and Carians, voyaging for plunder, were forced to put in on the coast of Egypt, where they disembarked in their armor of bronze; and an Egyptian came into the marsh country and brought news to Psammetichus (for he had never before seen armored men) that men of bronze had come from the sea and were foraging in the plain. ,Psammetichus saw in this the fulfillment of the oracle; he made friends with the Ionians and Carians, and promised them great rewards if they would join him and, having won them over, deposed the eleven kings with these allies and those Egyptians who volunteered. 3.30. But Cambyses, the Egyptians say, owing to this wrongful act immediately went mad, although even before he had not been sensible. His first evil act was to destroy his full brother Smerdis, whom he had sent away from Egypt to Persia out of jealousy, because Smerdis alone could draw the bow brought from the Ethiopian by the Fish-eaters as far as two fingerbreadths, but no other Persian could draw it. ,Smerdis having gone to Persia, Cambyses saw in a dream a vision, in which it seemed to him that a messenger came from Persia and told him that Smerdis sitting on the royal throne touched heaven with his head. ,Fearing therefore for himself, lest his brother might slay him and so be king, he sent Prexaspes, the most trusted of his Persians, to Persia to kill him. Prexaspes went up to Susa and killed Smerdis; some say that he took Smerdis out hunting, others that he brought him to the Red Sea and there drowned him. 3.64. The truth of the words and of a dream struck Cambyses the moment he heard the name Smerdis; for he had dreamt that a message had come to him that Smerdis sitting on the royal throne touched heaven with his head; ,and perceiving that he had killed his brother without cause, he wept bitterly for Smerdis. Having wept, and grieved by all his misfortune, he sprang upon his horse, with intent to march at once to Susa against the Magus. ,As he sprang upon his horse, the cap fell off the sheath of his sword, and the naked blade pierced his thigh, wounding him in the same place where he had once wounded the Egyptian god Apis; and believing the wound to be mortal, Cambyses asked what was the name of the town where he was. ,They told him it was Ecbatana . Now a prophecy had before this come to him from Buto, that he would end his life at Ecbatana ; Cambyses supposed this to signify that he would die in old age at the Median Ecbatana, his capital city; but as the event proved, the oracle prophesied his death at Ecbatana of Syria . ,So when he now inquired and learned the name of the town, the shock of his wound, and of the misfortune that came to him from the Magus, brought him to his senses; he understood the prophecy and said: “Here Cambyses son of Cyrus is to die.” 3.149. As for Samos, the Persians swept it clear and turned it over uninhabited to Syloson. But afterwards Otanes, the Persian general, helped to settle the land, prompted by a dream and a disease that he contracted in his genitals. 4.79. But when things had to turn out badly for him, they did so for this reason: he conceived a desire to be initiated into the rites of the Bacchic Dionysus; and when he was about to begin the sacred mysteries, he saw the greatest vision. ,He had in the city of the Borysthenites a spacious house, grand and costly (the same house I just mentioned), all surrounded by sphinxes and griffins worked in white marble; this house was struck by a thunderbolt. And though the house burnt to the ground, Scyles none the less performed the rite to the end. ,Now the Scythians reproach the Greeks for this Bacchic revelling, saying that it is not reasonable to set up a god who leads men to madness. ,So when Scyles had been initiated into the Bacchic rite, some one of the Borysthenites scoffed at the Scythians: “You laugh at us, Scythians, because we play the Bacchant and the god possesses us; but now this deity has possessed your own king, so that he plays the Bacchant and is maddened by the god. If you will not believe me, follow me now and I will show him to you.” ,The leading men among the Scythians followed him, and the Borysthenite brought them up secretly onto a tower; from which, when Scyles passed by with his company of worshippers, they saw him playing the Bacchant; thinking it a great misfortune, they left the city and told the whole army what they had seen. 5.42. Now Cleomenes, as the story goes, was not in his right mind and really quite mad, while Dorieus was first among all of his peers and fully believed that he would be made king for his manly worth. ,Since he was of this opinion, Dorieus was very angry when at Anaxandrides' death the Lacedaemonians followed their custom and made Cleomenes king by right of age. Since he would not tolerate being made subject to Cleomenes, he asked the Spartans for a group of people whom he took away as colonists. He neither inquired of the oracle at Delphi in what land he should establish his settlement, nor did anything else that was customary but set sail in great anger for Libya, with men of Thera to guide him. ,When he arrived there, he settled by the Cinyps river in the fairest part of Libya, but in the third year he was driven out by the Macae, the Libyans and the Carchedonians and returned to the Peloponnesus. 6.107. So they waited for the full moon, while the foreigners were guided to Marathon by Hippias son of Pisistratus. The previous night Hippias had a dream in which he slept with his mother. ,He supposed from the dream that he would return from exile to Athens, recover his rule, and end his days an old man in his own country. Thus he reckoned from the dream. Then as guide he unloaded the slaves from Eretria onto the island of the Styrians called Aegilia, and brought to anchor the ships that had put ashore at Marathon, then marshalled the foreigners who had disembarked onto land. ,As he was tending to this, he happened to sneeze and cough more violently than usual. Since he was an elderly man, most of his teeth were loose, and he lost one of them by the force of his cough. It fell into the sand and he expended much effort in looking for it, but the tooth could not be found. ,He groaned aloud and said to those standing by him: “This land is not ours and we will not be able to subdue it. My tooth holds whatever share of it was mine.” 6.118. Datis journeyed with his army to Asia, and when he arrived at Myconos he saw a vision in his sleep. What that vision was is not told, but as soon as day broke Datis made a search of his ships. He found in a Phoenician ship a gilded image of Apollo, and asked where this plunder had been taken. Learning from what temple it had come, he sailed in his own ship to Delos. ,The Delians had now returned to their island, and Datis set the image in the temple, instructing the Delians to carry it away to Theban Delium, on the coast opposite Chalcis. ,Datis gave this order and sailed away, but the Delians never carried that statue away; twenty years later the Thebans brought it to Delium by command of an oracle. 7.12. The discussion went that far; then night came, and Xerxes was pricked by the advice of Artabanus. Thinking it over at night, he saw clearly that to send an army against Hellas was not his affair. He made this second resolve and fell asleep; then (so the Persians say) in the night he saw this vision: It seemed to Xerxes that a tall and handsome man stood over him and said, ,“Are you then changing your mind, Persian, and will not lead the expedition against Hellas, although you have proclaimed the mustering of the army? It is not good for you to change your mind, and there will be no one here to pardon you for it; let your course be along the path you resolved upon yesterday.” 7.13. So the vision spoke, and seemed to Xerxes to vanish away. When day dawned, the king took no account of this dream, and he assembled the Persians whom he had before gathered together and addressed them thus: ,“Persians, forgive me for turning and twisting in my purpose; I am not yet come to the fullness of my wisdom, and I am never free from people who exhort me to do as I said. It is true that when I heard Artabanus' opinion my youthful spirit immediately boiled up, and I burst out with an unseemly and wrongful answer to one older than myself; but now I see my fault and will follow his judgment. ,Be at peace, since I have changed my mind about marching against Hellas.” 7.14. When the Persians heard that, they rejoiced and made obeisance to him. But when night came on, the same vision stood again over Xerxes as he slept, and said, “Son of Darius, have you then plainly renounced your army's march among the Persians, and made my words of no account, as though you had not heard them? Know for certain that, if you do not lead out your army immediately, this will be the outcome of it: as you became great and mighty in a short time, so in a moment will you be brought low again.” 7.15. Greatly frightened by the vision, Xerxes leapt up from his bed, and sent a messenger to summon Artabanus. When he came, Xerxes said, “Artabanus, for a moment I was of unsound mind, and I answered your good advice with foolish words; but after no long time I repented, and saw that it was right for me to follow your advice. ,Yet, though I desire to, I cannot do it; ever since I turned back and repented, a vision keeps coming to haunt my sight, and it will not allow me to do as you advise; just now it has threatened me and gone. ,Now if a god is sending the vision, and it is his full pleasure that there this expedition against Hellas take place, that same dream will hover about you and give you the same command it gives me. I believe that this is most likely to happen, if you take all my apparel and sit wearing it upon my throne, and then lie down to sleep in my bed.” 7.16. Xerxes said this, but Artabanus would not obey the first command, thinking it was not right for him to sit on the royal throne; at last he was compelled and did as he was bid, saying first: ,“O king, I judge it of equal worth whether a man is wise or is willing to obey good advice; to both of these you have attained, but the company of bad men trips you up; just as they say that sea, of all things the most serviceable to men, is hindered from following its nature by the blasts of winds that fall upon it. ,It was not that I heard harsh words from you that stung me so much as that, when two opinions were laid before the Persians, one tending to the increase of pride, the other to its abatement, showing how evil a thing it is to teach the heart continual desire of more than it has, of these two opinions you preferred that one which was more fraught with danger to yourself and to the Persians. ,Now when you have turned to the better opinion, you say that, while intending to abandon the expedition against the Greeks, you are haunted by a dream sent by some god, which forbids you to disband the expedition. ,But this is none of heaven's working, my son. The roving dreams that visit men are of such nature as I shall teach you, since I am many years older than you. Those visions that rove about us in dreams are for the most part the thoughts of the day; and in these recent days we have been very busy with this expedition. ,But if this is not as I determine and it has something divine to it, then you have spoken the conclusion of the matter; let it appear to me just as it has to you, and utter its command. If it really wishes to appear, it should do so to me no more by virtue of my wearing your dress instead of mine, and my sleeping in your bed rather than in my own. ,Whatever it is that appears to you in your sleep, surely it has not come to such folly as to infer from your dress that I am you when it sees me. We now must learn if it will take no account of me and not deign to appear and haunt me, whether I am wearing your robes or my own, but will come to you; if it comes continually, I myself would say that it is something divine. ,If you are determined that this must be done and there is no averting it, and I must lie down to sleep in your bed, so be it; this duty I will fulfill, and let the vision appear also to me. But until then I will keep my present opinion.” 7.17. So spoke Artabanus and did as he was bid, hoping to prove Xerxes' words vain; he put on Xerxes' robes and sat on the king's throne. Then while he slept there came to him in his sleep the same dream that had haunted Xerxes; it stood over him and spoke thus: ,“Are you the one who dissuades Xerxes from marching against Hellas, because you care for him? Neither in the future nor now will you escape with impunity for striving to turn aside what must be. To Xerxes himself it has been declared what will befall him if he disobeys.” 7.18. With this threat (so it seemed to Artabanus) the vision was about to burn his eyes with hot irons. He leapt up with a loud cry, then sat by Xerxes and told him the whole story of what he had seen in his dream, and next he said: ,“O King, since I have seen, as much as a man may, how the greater has often been brought low by the lesser, I forbade you to always give rein to your youthful spirit, knowing how evil a thing it is to have many desires, and remembering the end of Cyrus' expedition against the Massagetae and of Cambyses' against the Ethiopians, and I myself marched with Darius against the Scythians. ,Knowing this, I judged that you had only to remain in peace for all men to deem you fortunate. But since there is some divine motivation, and it seems that the gods mark Hellas for destruction, I myself change and correct my judgment. Now declare the gods' message to the Persians, and bid them obey your first command for all due preparation. Do this, so that nothing on your part be lacking to the fulfillment of the gods' commission.” ,After this was said, they were incited by the vision, and when daylight came Xerxes imparted all this to the Persians. Artabanus now openly encouraged that course which he alone had before openly discouraged. 7.19. Xerxes was now intent on the expedition and then saw a third vision in his sleep, which the Magi interpreted to refer to the whole earth and to signify that all men should be his slaves. This was the vision: Xerxes thought that he was crowned with an olive bough, of which the shoots spread over the whole earth, and then the crown vanished from off his head where it was set. ,The Magi interpreted it in this way, and immediately every single man of the Persians who had been assembled rode away to his own province and there used all zeal to fulfill the kings command, each desiring to receive the promised gifts. Thus it was that Xerxes mustered his army, searching out every part of the continent. 8.57. When Themistocles returned to his ship, Mnesiphilus, an Athenian, asked him what had been decided. Learning from him that they had resolved to sail to the Isthmus and fight for the Peloponnese, he said, ,“If they depart from Salamis, you will no longer be fighting for one country. Each will make his way to his own city, and neither Eurybiades nor any other man will be able to keep them from disbanding the army. Hellas will be destroyed by bad planning. If there is any way at all that you could persuade Eurybiades to change his decision and remain here, go try to undo this resolution.”
6. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

738c. the advice from Delphi or Dodona or Ammon, or that of ancient sayings, whatever form they take—whether derived from visions or from some reported inspiration from heaven. By this advice they instituted sacrifices combined with rites, either of native origin or imported from Tuscany or Cyprus or elsewhere; and by means of such sayings they sanctified oracles and statues and altars and temples, and marked off for each of them sacred glebes. Nothing of all these
7. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.8.15, 3.1.5-3.1.8, 3.1.11-3.1.14, 4.3.8-4.3.9, 5.3.7, 5.6.16, 5.6.29, 6.1.23-6.1.24, 6.1.31, 6.2.15, 6.4.13-6.4.15, 6.4.19-6.4.20, 6.4.22, 6.5.2, 7.6.44, 7.8.2-7.8.3, 7.8.10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.1.5. After reading Proxenus’ letter Xenophon conferred with Socrates, The philosopher, whose follower and friend Xenophon had been from his youth. the Athenian, about the proposed journey; and Socrates, suspecting that his becoming a friend of Cyrus might be a cause for accusation against Xenophon on the part of the Athenian government, for the reason that Cyrus was thought to have given the Lacedaemonians zealous aid in their war against Athens, See Introd., pp. 231-233. advised Xenophon to go to Delphi and consult the god in regard to this journey. 3.1.6. So Xenophon went and asked Apollo to what one of the gods he should sacrifice and pray in order best and most successfully to perform the journey which he had in mind and, after meeting with good fortune, to return home in safety; and Apollo in his response told him to what gods he must sacrifice. 3.1.7. When Xenophon came back from Delphi, he reported the oracle to Socrates; and upon hearing about it Socrates found fault with him because he did not first put the question whether it were better for him to go or stay, but decided for himself that he was to go and then asked the god as to the best way of going. However, he added, since you did put the question in that way, you must do all that the god directed. 3.1.8. Xenophon, accordingly, after offering the sacrifices to the gods that Apollo’s oracle prescribed, set sail, overtook Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis as they were on the point of beginning the upward march, and was introduced to Cyrus . 3.1.11. Now when the time of perplexity came, he was distressed as well as everybody else and was unable to sleep; but, getting at length a little sleep, he had a dream. It seemed to him that there was a clap of thunder and a bolt fell on his father’s house, setting the whole house ablaze. 3.1.12. He awoke at once in great fear, and judged the dream in one way an auspicious one, because in the midst of hardships and perils he had seemed to behold a great light from Zeus; but looking at it in another way he was fearful, since the dream came, as he thought, from Zeus the King and the fire appeared to blaze all about, lest he might not be able to escape out of the King’s country, King Zeus in the dream is the Persian King in the interpretation. but might be shut in on all sides by various difficulties. 3.1.13. Now what it really means to have such a dream one may learn from the events which followed the dream—and they were these: Firstly, on the moment of his awakening the thought occurred to him: Why do I lie here? The night is wearing on, and at daybreak it is likely that the enemy will be upon us. And if we fall into the King’s hands, what is there to prevent our living to behold all the most grievous sights and to experience all the most dreadful sufferings, and then being put to death with insult? 3.1.14. As for defending ourselves, however, no one is making preparations or taking thought for that, but we lie here just as if it were possible for us to enjoy our ease. What about myself, then? From what state am I expecting the general to come who is to perform these duties? And what age must I myself wait to attain? For surely I shall never be any older, if this day I give myself up to the enemy. 4.3.8. That day and night, accordingly, they remained there, in great perplexity. But Xenophon had a dream; he thought that he was bound in fetters, but that the fetters fell off from him of their own accord, so that he was released and could take as long steps διαβαίνειν, which also means to cross a river (see above). Here lay the good omen of the dream. as he pleased. When dawn came, he went to Cheirisophus, told him he had hopes that all would be well, and related to him his dream. 4.3.9. Cheirisophus was pleased, and as soon as day began to break, all the generals were at hand and proceeded to offer sacrifices. And with the very first victim the omens were favourable. Then the generals and captains withdrew from the sacrifice and gave orders to the troops to get their breakfasts. 5.3.7. Such were his words. And the soldiers—not only his own men, but the rest also—when they heard that he said he would not go on to the King’s capital, commended him; and more than two thousand of the troops under Xenias and Pasion took their arms and their baggage train and encamped with Clearchus. 5.3.7. In the time of Xenophon’s exile Which was probably due to his taking part in the expedition of Cyrus . cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.5 . and while he was living at Scillus, near Olympia, where he had been established as a colonist by the Lacedaemonians, Megabyzus came to Olympia to attend the games and returned to him his deposit. Upon receiving it Xenophon bought a plot of ground for the goddess in a place which Apollo’s oracle appointed. 5.6.16. It would become a great city, he thought, as he reckoned up their own numbers and the peoples who dwelt around the Euxine. And with a view to this project, before speaking about it to any of the soldiers, he offered sacrifices, summoning for that purpose Silanus the Ambraciot, who had been the soothsayer of Cyrus . 6.1.23. Moreover, he recalled that when he was setting out from Ephesus to be introduced to Cyrus, cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.8 . an eagle screamed upon his right; it was sitting, however, and the soothsayer who was conducting him said that while the omen was one suited to the great rather than to an ordinary person, and while it betokened glory, it nevertheless portended suffering, for the reason that other birds are most apt to attack the eagle when it is sitting; still, he said, the omen did not betoken gain, for it is rather while the eagle is on the wing that it gets its food. 6.1.24. So it was, then, that Xenophon made sacrifice, and the god signified to him quite clearly that he should neither strive for the command nor accept it in case he should be chosen. Such was the issue of this matter. 6.1.31. Then Xenophon, seeing that something more was needed, came forward and spoke again: Well, soldiers, he said, that you may understand the matter fully I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses that in very truth, so soon as I became aware of your intention, I offered sacrifices to learn whether it was best for you to entrust to me this command and for me to undertake it; and the gods gave me such signs in the sacrifices that even a layman could perceive that I must withhold myself from accepting the sole command. 6.2.15. For a time, indeed, Xenophon did try to get clear of the army and sail away home; but when he sacrificed to Heracles the Leader, consulting him as to whether it was better and more proper for him to continue the journey with such of the soldiers as had remained with him, or to be rid of them, the god indicated to him by the sacrifices that he should stay with them. 6.4.13. Thereupon the generals proceeded to sacrifice, the soothsayer who was present being Arexion the Arcadian; for Silanus the Ambraciot had by this time stolen away, cp. Xen. Anab. 5.6.18, 34. on a vessel which he hired at Heracleia. When they sacrificed, however, with a view to their departure, the victims would not prove favourable 6.4.14. and they accordingly ceased their offerings for that day. Now some people had the effrontery to say that Xenophon, in his desire to found a city at this spot, had induced the soothsayer to declare that the sacrifices were not favourable for departure. 6.4.15. Consequently he made public proclamation that on the morrow any one who so chose might be present at the sacrifice, and if a man were a soothsayer, he sent him word to be at hand to participate in the inspection of the victims; so he made the offering in the immediate presence of many witnesses. 6.4.19. At that news all deemed it best to stay, but it was still necessary to go out after provisions. With this object in view Xenophon again sacrificed, going as far as three offerings, and the victims continued unfavourable. By this time people were even coming to Xenophon’s tent and declaring that they had no provisions, but he said that he would not lead forth unless the sacrifices turned out favourable. 6.4.20. On the next day he undertook to sacrifice again, and pretty nearly the entire army—for it was a matter of concern to every man—gathered about the place of sacrifice; but the victims had given out. Then the generals, while refusing to lead the men forth, called them together in assembly; 6.4.22. Upon hearing this, however, the soldiers cried out that it was not at all necessary to enter the place, but, rather, to offer sacrifice with all speed. Now they no longer had any sheep, but they bought a bullock that was yoked to a wagon and proceeded to sacrifice; and Xenophon requested Cleanor One of the generals. the Arcadian to give special attention to see if there was anything auspicious in this offering. But not even so did the omens prove favourable. 6.5.2. Xenophon arose early and sacrificed with a view to an expedition, and with the first offering the omens turned out favourable. Furthermore, just as the rites were nearing the end, the soothsayer, Arexion the Parrhasian, caught sight of an eagle in an auspicious quarter, and bade Xenophon lead on. 7.6.44. Many other people also sent Xenophon this message, saying that he had been traduced and would better be on his guard. And he, hearing these reports, took two victims and proceeded to offer sacrifice to Zeus the King, to learn whether it was better and more profitable for him to remain with Seuthes on the conditions that Seuthes proposed, or to depart with the army. The god directed him to depart. 7.8.2. Xenophon bade the first man who spoke to state where it was that he had struck him. He replied, In the place where we were perishing with cold and there was an enormous amount of snow. 7.8.2. He replied, swearing to the truth of his statement, that he would not have even enough money to pay his travelling expenses on the way home unless he should sell his horse and what he had about his person. And Eucleides would not believe him. 7.8.3. And Xenophon said, Well, really, with weather of the sort you describe and provisions used up and no chance even to get a smell of wine, when many of us were becoming exhausted with hardships and the enemy were at our heels, if at such a time as that I wantonly abused you, I admit that I am more wanton even than the ass, which, because of its wantonness, so the saying runs, is not subject to fatigue. Nevertheless, do tell us, he said, for what reason you were struck. 7.8.3. But when the Lampsacenes sent gifts of hospitality to Xenophon and he was sacrificing to Apollo, he gave Eucleides a place beside him; and when Eucleides saw the vitals of the victims, he said that he well believed that Xenophon had no money. But I am sure, he went on, that even if money should ever be about to come to you, some obstacle always appears—if nothing else, your own self. In this Xenophon agreed with him. 7.8.10. But when, as we were standing by, the man drew up his leg, all of us cried out, The man is alive ; and you said, Let him be alive just as much as he pleases, I, for my part, am not going to carry him. Then I struck you; your story is true; for it looked to me as if you knew that he was alive. 7.8.10. Xenophon, accordingly, proceeded to sacrifice, keeping these two by his side. And Basias, the Elean seer who was present, said that the omens were extremely favourable for him and that the man was easy to capture.
8. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.4.15, 4.4.5, 4.6.6, 4.7.2, 4.7.7, 5.1.33, 5.3.14, 6.4.19, 6.5.18, 6.5.49 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.4.15. After this cavalry battle had 396 B.C. taken place and Agesilaus on the next day was offering sacrifices with a view to an advance, the livers of the victims were found to be lacking a lobe. This sign having presented itself, he turned and marched to the sea. And perceiving that, unless he obtained an adequate cavalry force, he would not be able to campaign in the plains, he resolved that this must be provided, so that he might not have to carry on a skulking warfare. Accordingly he assigned the richest men of all the cities in that region to the duty of raising horses; and by proclaiming that whoever supplied a horse and arms and a competent man would not have to serve himself, he caused these arrangements to be carried out with all the expedition that was to be expected when men were eagerly looking for substitutes to die in their stead. 4.4.5. While they were deliberating, however, as to what they should do, the capital fell from a column, although there had been neither earthquake nor wind. Likewise, when they sacrificed, the omens from the victims were such that the seers said it was better to descend from the place. And at first they retired beyond the territory of Corinth with the intention of going into exile; but when their friends and mothers and sisters kept coming to them and trying to dissuade them, and, 392 B.C. further, some of the very men who were in power promised under oath that they should suffer no harm, under these circumstances some of them returned home. 4.6.6. But when it seemed to Agesilaus that they were now very bold, on the fifteenth or sixteenth day from the time when he entered the country, he offered sacrifice in the morning and accomplished before evening a march of one hundred and sixty stadia to the lake on whose banks were almost all the cattle of the Acarians, and he captured herds of cattle and droves of horses in large numbers besides all sorts of other stock and great numbers of slaves. 389 B.C. And after effecting this capture and remaining there through the ensuing day, he made public sale of the booty. 4.7.2. After this it seemed to the Lacedaemonians that it was not safe for them to undertake a campaign against the Athenians or against the Boeotians while leaving in their rear a hostile state bordering upon Lacedaemon and one so large as that of the Argives; they accordingly called out the ban against Argos. Now when Agesipolis learned that he was to lead the ban, and when the sacrifices which he offered at the frontier proved favourable, he went to Olympia and consulted the oracle of the god, asking whether 388 B.C. it would be consistent with piety if he did not acknowledge the holy truce claimed by the Argives; for, he urged, it was not when the appointed time came, but when the Lacedaemonians were about to invade their territory, that they pleaded the sacred months. The calendars of different Greek states varied so much that sharp practice of the sort here alleged, i.e., shifting the times of religious festivals to meet an emergency, was not difficult or unusual. Cp. ii. 16 and Thuc. v. 54. And the god signified to him that it was consistent with piety for him not to acknowledge a holy truce which was pleaded unjustly. Then Agesipolis proceeded straight from there to Delphi and asked Apollo in his turn whether he also held the same opinion as his father Zeus in regard to the truce. And Apollo answered that he did hold quite the same opinion. 4.7.7. After this, while Agesipolis was encamping near the enclosed space, The reference is unknown. a thunderbolt fell into his camp; and some men were killed by being struck, others by the shock. After this, desiring to fortify a garrison post at the entrance to the Argive country which leads past Mount Celusa, 388 B.C. he offered sacrifice; and the livers of the victims were found to be lacking a lobe. When this happened, he led his army away and disbanded it, having inflicted very great harm upon the Argives because he had invaded their land unexpectedly. 5.1.33. Agesilaus, however, on account of his hatred for the Thebans, did not delay, but after winning over the ephors proceeded at once to perform his sacrifices. And when the offering at the frontier proved favourable, upon his arrival at Tegea he sent horsemen hither and thither among the Perioeci to hasten their coming, and likewise sent mustering officers Lacedaemonian officers who assembled and commanded the contingents of the allies. to the various cities of the allies. But before he had set out from Tegea, the Thebans arrived with word that they would leave the cities independent. And so the Lacedaemonians returned home and the Thebans were forced to accede to the treaty, allowing the Boeotian cities to be independent. 5.3.14. And when, after the sacrifices at the frontier had proved favourable, he made no delay but proceeded on the march, many embassies met him and offered him money not to invade the country of Phlius. He replied, however, that he was not taking the field to do wrong, but to aid those who were suffering wrong. 6.4.19. And Archidamus accordingly offered his sacrifices at the frontier. As for the Thebans, immediately after the battle they sent to Athens a garlanded messenger, and while telling of the greatness of their victory, they at the same time urged the Athenians to come to their aid, saying that now it was possible to take vengeance upon the Lacedaemonians for all the harm they had done to them. 6.5.18. On the following day at daybreak he was offering sacrifices in front of the army; and seeing that troops were gathering from the city of the Mantineans on the mountains which were above the rear of his army, he decided that he must lead his men out of the valley with all possible speed. Now he feared that if he led the way himself, the enemy would fall upon his rear; accordingly, while keeping quiet and presenting his front toward the enemy, he ordered the men at the rear to face about to the right and march along behind the phalanx toward him. And in this manner he was at the same time leading them out of the narrow valley and making the phalanx continually stronger. The scene is a long, narrow valley. The rear ( οὐρά ) of the Lacedaemonian line is at the head of the valley, while the van, where Agesilaus has his position, is at the opening of the valley into the plain. The enemy are gathering upon the hills on one side of the valley. Agesilaus first faces his troops toward the enemy ( τὰ ὅπλα . . . φαίνων ). The marching line is thus transformed, technically, into a phalanx, or line of battle. Then, by the ἀναστροφή (see note on ii. 21), the οὐρά , i.e., the original rear of the marching line, is folded back and gradually drawn out, behind the phalanx, to the open end of the valley. The entire army now marches out into the plain. There the process just described is reversed, so bringing the line back to its original form. 6.5.49. After this the Athenians deliberated, and they would not endure to listen to those who spoke on the other side, but voted to go to the aid of the Lacedaemonians in full force, and chose Iphicrates as general. And when his sacrifices had proved favourable and he had issued orders to his men to dine in the Academy, cp. II. ii. 8. many, it is said, went thither ahead of Iphicrates himself. After this Iphicrates led the way and they followed, believing that he would lead them to some noble achievement. And when, after arriving in Corinth, he delayed there for some days, they at once began to censure him, for the first time, for this delay; then when he at length marched them forth, they eagerly followed wherever he led the way, and eagerly attacked any stronghold against which he brought them.
9. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.6.2, 8.7.2, 8.7.21 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.6.2. My son, it is evident both from the sacrifices and from the signs from the skies that the gods are sending you forth with their grace and favour; and you yourself must recognize it, for I had you taught this art on purpose that you might not have to learn the counsels of the gods through others as interpreters, but that you yourself, both seeing what is to be seen and hearing what is to be heard, might understand; for I would not have you at the mercy of the soothsayers, in case they should wish to deceive you by saying other things than those revealed by the gods; and furthermore, if ever you should be without a soothsayer, I would not have you in doubt as to what to make of the divine revelations, but by your soothsayer’s art I would have you understand the counsels of the gods and obey them. 8.7.2. As he slept in the palace, he saw a vision: a He is warned in a vision figure of more than human majesty appeared to him in a dream and said: Make ready, Literally Be packing up ; cf. Varro, de R.R. 1. 1: annus octogesimus admonet me ut sarcinas colligam antequam proficiscar e vita. Cyrus ; for thou shalt soon depart to the gods. When the vision was past, he awoke and seemed almost to know that the end of his life was at hand. 8.7.21. Consider again, he continued, that there is nothing in the world more nearly akin to death than is sleep; and the soul of man at just such times is revealed in its most divine aspect and at such times, too, it looks forward into the future; for then, it seems, it is most untrammelled by the bonds of the flesh.
10. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.1.2-1.1.5 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.1.2. First then, that he rejected the gods acknowledged by the state — what evidence did they produce of that? He offered sacrifices constantly, and made no secret of it, now in his home, now at the altars of the state temples, and he made use of divination with as little secrecy. Indeed it had become notorious that Socrates claimed to be guided by the deity: That immanent divine something, as Cicero terms it, which Socrates claimed as his peculiar possession. it was out of this claim, I think, that the charge of bringing in strange deities arose. 1.1.3. He was no more bringing in anything strange than are other believers in divination, who rely on augury, oracles, coincidences and sacrifices. For these men’s belief is not that the birds or the folk met by accident know what profits the inquirer, but that they are the instruments by which the gods make this known; and that was Socrates ’ belief too. 1.1.4. Only, whereas most men say that the birds or the folk they meet dissuade or encourage them, Socrates said what he meant: for he said that the deity gave him a sign. Many of his companions were counselled by him to do this or not to do that in accordance with the warnings of the deity: and those who followed his advice prospered, and those who rejected it had cause for regret. 1.1.5. And yet who would not admit that he wished to appear neither a knave nor a fool to his companions? but he would have been thought both, had he proved to be mistaken when he alleged that his counsel was in accordance with divine revelation. Obviously, then, he would not have given the counsel if he had not been confident that what he said would come true. And who could have inspired him with that confidence but a god? And since he had confidence in the gods, how can he have disbelieved in the existence of the gods?
11. Aeschines, Letters, 3.120 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

12. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 54.6-54.7 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

13. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.65 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

1.65. 1.  After the kings mentioned above Bocchoris succeeded to the throne, a man who was altogether contemptible in personal appearance but in sagacity far surpassed all former kings.,2.  Much later Egypt was ruled by Sabaco, who was by birth an Ethiopian and yet in piety and uprightness far surpassed his predecessors.,3.  A proof of his goodness may be found in his abolition of the severest one of the customary penalties (I refer to the taking of life);,4.  for instead of executing the condemned he put them in chains at forced labour for the cities, and by their services constructed many dykes and dug out not a few well-placed canals; for he held that in this way he had reduced for those who were being chastised the severity of their punishment, while for the cities he had procured, in exchange for useless penalties, something of great utility.,5.  And the excessiveness of his piety may be inferred from a vision which he had in a dream and his consequent abdication of the throne.,6.  For he thought that the god of Thebes told him while he slept that he would not be able to reign over Egypt in happiness or for any great length of time, unless he should cut the bodies of all the priests in twain and accompanied by his retinue pass through the very midst of them.,7.  And when this dream came again and again, he summoned the priests from all over the land and told them that by his presence in the country he was offending the god; for were that not the case such a command would not be given to him in his sleep.,8.  And so he would rather, he continued, departing pure of all defilement from the land, deliver his life to destiny than offend the Lord, stain his own life by an impious slaughter, and reign over Egypt. And in the end he returned the kingdom to the Egyptians and retired again to Ethiopia.
14. Livy, History, 1.36.5-1.36.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)

15. Plutarch, Cimon, 18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

16. Plutarch, Nicias, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

17. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.16 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

2.16. 16.Theopompus likewise narrates things similar to these, viz. that a certain Magnesian came from Asia to Delphi; a man very rich, and abounding in cattle, and that he was accustomed every year to make many and magnificent sacrifices to the Gods, partly through the abundance of his possessions, and partly through piety and wishing to please the Gods. But being thus disposed, he came to the divinity at Delphi, bringing with him a hecatomb for the God, and magnificently honouring Apollo, he consulted his oracle. Conceiving also that he worshipped the Gods in a manner more beautiful than that of all other men, he asked the Pythian deity who the man was that, with the greatest promptitude, and in the best manner, venerated divinity, and |53 made the most acceptable sacrifices, conceiving that on this occasion the God would deem him to be pre-eminent. The Pythian deity however answered, that Clearchus, who dwelt in Methydrium, a town of Arcadia, worshipped the Gods in a way surpassing that of all other men. But the Magnesian being astonished, was desirous of seeing Clearchus, and of learning from him the manner in which he performed his sacrifices. Swiftly, therefore, betaking himself to Methydrium, in the first place, indeed, he despised the smallness and vileness of the town, conceiving that neither any private person, nor even the whole city, could honour the Gods more magnificently and more beautifully than he did. Meeting, however, with the man, he thought fit to ask him after what manner he reverenced the Gods. But Clearchus answered him, that he diligently sacrificed to them at proper times in every month at the new moon, crowning and adorning the statues of Hermes and Hecate, and the other sacred images which were left to us by our ancestors, and that he also honoured the Gods with frankincense, and sacred wafers and cakes. He likewise said, that he performed public sacrifices annually, omitting no festive day; and that in these festivals he worshipped the Gods, not by slaying oxen, nor by cutting victims into fragments, but that he sacrificed whatever he might casually meet with, sedulously offering the first-fruits to the Gods of all the vegetable productions of the seasons, and of all the fruits with which he was supplied. He added, that some of these he placed before the [statues of the] Gods,6 but that he burnt others on their altars; and that, being studious of frugality, he avoided the sacrificing of oxen. SPAN
18. Demosthenes, Orations, 21.115

19. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1043

20. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 447, 416



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
alexander the great Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179
alkibiades Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
all the gods (and goddesses),invoking Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 364
altars Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
ammon (egypt),oracle Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
amphiaraia Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
apollo,oracle of Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 364
areopagos,consults oracle at ammon Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
arexion Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 343
astyages Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
athena,hygieia Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
athena,nike Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
athena,polias Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
audience Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
auspex Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41
cambyses Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
cheirisophus (commander of ten,thousand) Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 364
chersonese,thrakian Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
cleanor Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 343
clearchus Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 343
croesus Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
culture Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
cumaeum carmen Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41
cyrus Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
damagetos,king of ialysos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
dedications,to athena polias Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
dedications Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
demes Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
demoklos the delphian Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
divination,and ancient religion Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 42
divination,and anthropology Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41, 42
divination,and belief Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41, 42
divination,and crisis Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41
divination,and poetry Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 42
dramaturgy Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
dream,passim,esp.,epiphany dream Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
dream,passim,esp.,sign dream (= episode dream) Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
ephebes Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
epimeletai,of amphiaraia Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
epithet Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 63
europa Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
gytheion Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
haruspicy Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41
heortai Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hepatoscopy Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 42
hephaestus Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
herakles Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
hero Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
herodotos,on themistokles Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
herodotus Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179
hieropoioi,for expiatory sacrifices Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hieropoioi,for the year Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hieropoioi,of dionysus in piraeus Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73, 92
hieropoioi,of hephaisteia Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hieropoioi,of nemesis and themis Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hieropoioi,of panathenaia Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hieropoioi,of pythaïs Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hieropoioi,of semnai Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hieropoioi Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
hippias Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
honest hypocrisy Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 63
inachos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
io Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
iphicrates Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179
iphitos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
kadmos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
kallieresis Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
kambyses,king of persia Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
kimon Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
kroisos,lydian king Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
kydippe Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
kyros,persian king Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
lakonia Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
libation Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 63
liturgies Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
lysippos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
manteis Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
mardonios,persian general Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
melanthos the messenian Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
meleos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
menelaos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
mnesarchos of samos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
naukratis Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 49
nemesis Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
nikias Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
omens Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
oracle of klaros Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 49
oracles Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 364
orestes Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
otanes Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
paris Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
persians Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179
philip king of makedonia Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
philotimia Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
plataea Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179
plutarch,on ammon Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
polyaenus Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179
polykrates of thebes Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
prayer,dubitative formulas Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 49
prayer,of contestation Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 49
priests and priestesses,of asclepius,in city Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
priests and priestesses,of athena polias Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
priests and priestesses,of dionysus in piraeus Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
priests and priestesses Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
pythagoras Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
ruin (atē),sacrificial rituals and oaths Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 364
sabacus Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
sacrifice,beauty of Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 92
sacrifice,thank you Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
sacrifice Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73, 92
semnai Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
sennacherib Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 42
sethus Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
sign Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
socrates Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 42
soul Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
sparta Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179, 343
strategoi,of garrisons Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
strategoi,of polis' Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
straton Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
sybilline books Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41
telesilla Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
teukros Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
themis Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 73
themistokles Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
theseus Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
thucydides,on oracle-peddlers Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
thucydides Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179
tlepolemos Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
tyre Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179
xenophon,reads sacrifices Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 256
xenophon Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 41, 42; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 179, 343
xerxes Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 153
zeno of kition Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 267
zeus,aphrodisios Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 63
zeus,chthonios Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 63
zeus,olympios Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 63