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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



11240
Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.5.47


nanAnd while that other deed was also noble, when you checked the insolence of Eurystheus and preserved the sons of Heracles, The sons of Heracles, driven from Peloponnesus by Eurystheus, found protection and aid at Athens. would it not surely be an even nobler one if you saved from perishing, not merely the founders, but the whole state as well? And noblest of all deeds if, after the Lacedaemonians saved you then by a 370 B.C. vote, void of danger, you shall aid them now with arms and at the risk of your lives.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

12 results
1. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 9.23-9.25 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

2. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 6.12-6.17 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

3. Herodotus, Histories, 5.80, 7.150, 7.157-7.162, 7.169-7.170, 9.26-9.27, 9.27.3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

5.80. They reasoned in this way, till at last one understood, and said: “I think that I perceive what the oracle is trying to tell us. Thebe and Aegina, it is said, were daughters of Asopus and sisters. The god's answer is, I think, that we should ask the Aeginetans to be our avengers.” ,Seeing that there seemed to be no better opinion before them than this, they sent straightaway to entreat the Aeginetans and invite their aid, since this was the oracle's bidding, and the Aeginetans were their nearest. These replied to their demand that they were sending the Sons of Aeacus in aid. 7.150. Such is the Argives' account of this matter, but there is another story told in Hellas, namely that before Xerxes set forth on his march against Hellas, he sent a herald to Argos, who said on his coming (so the story goes), ,“Men of Argos, this is the message to you from King Xerxes. Perses our forefather had, as we believe, Perseus son of Danae for his father, and Andromeda daughter of Cepheus for his mother; if that is so, then we are descended from your nation. In all right and reason we should therefore neither march against the land of our forefathers, nor should you become our enemies by aiding others or do anything but abide by yourselves in peace. If all goes as I desire, I will hold none in higher esteem than you.” ,The Argives were strongly moved when they heard this, and although they made no promise immediately and demanded no share, they later, when the Greeks were trying to obtain their support, did make the claim, because they knew that the Lacedaemonians would refuse to grant it, and that they would thus have an excuse for taking no part in the war. 7.157. By these means Gelon had grown to greatness as a tyrant, and now, when the Greek envoys had come to Syracuse, they had audience with him and spoke as follows: “The Lacedaemonians and their allies have sent us to win your aid against the foreigner, for it cannot be, we think, that you have no knowledge of the Persian invader of Hellas, how he proposes to bridge the Hellespont and lead all the hosts of the east from Asia against us, making an open show of marching against Athens, but actually with intent to subdue all Hellas to his will. ,Now you are rich in power, and as lord of Sicily you rule what is not the least part of Hellas; therefore, we beg of you, send help to those who are going to free Hellas, and aid them in so doing. The uniting of all those of Greek stock entails the mustering of a mighty host able to meet our invaders in the field. If, however, some of us play false and others will not come to our aid, while the sound part of Hellas is but small, then it is to be feared that all Greek lands alike will be destroyed. ,Do not for a moment think that if the Persian defeats us in battle and subdues us, he will leave you unassailed, but rather look well to yourself before that day comes. Aid us, and you champion your own cause; in general a well-laid plan leads to a happy issue.” 7.158. This is what they said, and Gelon, speaking very vehemently, said in response to this: “Men of Hellas, it is with a self-seeking plea that you have dared to come here and invite me to be your ally against the foreigners; yet what of yourselves? ,When I was at odds with the Carchedonians, and asked you to be my comrades against a foreign army, and when I desired that you should avenge the slaying of Dorieus son of Anaxandrides on the men of Egesta, and when I promised to free those trading ports from which great advantage and profit have accrued to you,—then neither for my sake would you come to aid nor to avenge the slaying of Dorieus. Because of your position in these matters, all these lands lie beneath the foreigners' feet. ,Let that be; for all ended well, and our state was improved. But now that the war has come round to you in your turn, it is time for remembering Gelon! ,Despite the fact that you slighted me, I will not make an example of you; I am ready to send to your aid two hundred triremes, twenty thousand men-at-arms, two thousand horsemen, two thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two thousand light-armed men to run with horsemen. I also pledge to furnish provisions for the whole Greek army until we have made an end of the war. ,All this, however, I promise on one condition, that I shall be general and leader of the Greeks against the foreigner. On no other condition will I come myself or send others.” 7.159. When Syagrus heard that, he could not contain himself; “In truth,” he cried, “loudly would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament, when hearing that the Spartans had been bereft of their command by Gelon and his Syracusans! No, rather, put the thought out of your minds that we will give up the command to you. If it is your will to aid Hellas, know that you must obey the Lacedaemonians; but if, as I think, you are too proud to obey, then send no aid.” 7.160. Thereupon Gelon, seeing how unfriendly Syagrus' words were, for the last time declared his opinion to them: “My Spartan friend, the hard words that a man hears are likely to arouse his anger; but for all the arrogant tenor of your speech you will not move me to make an unseemly answer. ,When you set such store by the command, it is but reasonable that it should be still more important to me since I am the leader of an army many times greater than yours and more ships by far. But seeing that your response to me is so haughty, we will make some concession in our original condition. It might be that you should command the army, and I the fleet; or if it is your pleasure to lead by sea, then I am ready to take charge of the army. With that you will surely be content, unless you want depart from here without such allies as we are.” 7.161. Such was Gelon's offer, and the Athenian envoy answered him before the Lacedaemonian could speak. “King of the Syracusans,” he said, “Hellas sends us to you to ask not for a leader but for an army. You however, say no word of sending an army without the condition of your being the leader of Hellas; it is the command alone that you desire. ,Now as long as you sought the leadership of the whole force, we Athenians were content to hold our peace, knowing that the Laconian was well able to answer for both of us; but since, failing to win the whole, you would gladly command the fleet, we want to let you know how the matter stands. Even if the Laconian should permit you to command it, we would not do so, for the command of the fleet, which the Lacedaemonians do not desire for themselves, is ours. If they should desire to lead it, we will not withstand them, but we will not allow anyone else to be admiral. ,It would be for nothing, then, that we possess the greatest number of seafaring men in Hellas, if we Athenians yield our command to Syracusans,—we who can demonstrate the longest lineage of all and who alone among the Greeks have never changed our place of habitation; of our stock too was the man of whom the poet Homer says that of all who came to Ilion, he was the best man in ordering and marshalling armies. We accordingly cannot be reproached for what we now say. ” 7.162. “My Athenian friend,” Gelon answered, “it would seem that you have many who lead, but none who will follow. Since, then, you will waive no claim but must have the whole, it is high time that you hasten home and tell your Hellas that her year has lost its spring.” ,The significance of this statement was that Gelon's army was the most notable part of the Greek army, just as the spring is the best part of the year. He accordingly compared Hellas deprived of alliance with him to a year bereft of its spring. 7.169. But the Cretans, when the Greeks appointed to deal with them were trying to gain their aid, acted as I will show. They sent messengers to Delphi, inquiring if it would be to their advantage to help the Greeks. ,The Pythia answered them, “Foolish men, was not the grief enough which Minos sent upon your people for the help given to Menelaus, out of anger that those others would not help to avenge his death at Camicus, while you helped them to avenge the stealing of that woman from Sparta by a barbarian?” When this was brought to the ears of the Cretans, they would have nothing to do with aiding the Greeks. 7.170. Now Minos, it is said, went to Sicania, which is now called Sicily, in search for Daedalus, and perished there by a violent death. Presently all the Cretans except the men of Polichne and Praesus were bidden by a god to go with a great host to Sicania. Here they besieged the town of Camicus, where in my day the men of Acragas dwelt, for five years. ,Presently, since they could neither take it nor remain there because of the famine which afflicted them, they departed. However, when they were at sea off Iapygia, a great storm caught and drove them ashore. Because their ships had been wrecked and there was no way left of returning to Crete, they founded there the town of Hyria, and made this their dwelling place, accordingly changing from Cretans to Messapians of Iapygia, and from islanders to dwellers on the mainland. ,From Hyria they made settlements in those other towns which a very long time afterwards the Tarentines attempted to destroy, thereby suffering great disaster. The result was that no one has ever heard of so great a slaughter of Greeks as that of the Tarentines and Rhegians; three thousand townsmen of the latter, men who had been coerced by Micythus son of Choerus to come and help the Tarentines, were killed, and no count was kept of the Tarentine slain. ,Micythus was a servant of Anaxilaus and had been left in charge of Rhegium; it was he who was banished from Rhegium and settled in Tegea of Arcadia, and who set up those many statues at Olympia. 9.26. During the drawing up of battle formation there arose much dispute between the Tegeans and the Athenians, for each of them claimed that they should hold the second wing of the army, justifying themselves by tales of deeds new and old. ,First the Tegeans spoke: “We, among all the allies, have always had the right to hold this position in all campaigns, of the united Peloponnesian armies, both ancient and recent, ever since that time when the Heraclidae after Eurystheus' death attempted to return to the Peloponnese. ,We gained because of the achievement which we will relate. When we marched out at the Isthmus for war, along with the Achaeans and Ionians who then dwelt in the Peloponnese, and encamped opposite the returning exiles, then (it is said) Hyllus announced that army should not be risked against army in battle, but that that champion in the host of the Peloponnesians whom they chose as their best should fight with him in single combat on agreed conditions. ,The Peloponnesians, resolving that this should be so, swore a compact that if Hyllus should overcome the Peloponnesian champion, the Heraclidae should return to the land of their fathers, but if he were himself beaten, then the Heraclidae should depart and lead their army away, not attempting to return to the Peloponnese until a hundred years had passed. ,Then our general and king Echemus, son of Phegeus' son Eeropus, volunteered and was chosen out of all the allied host; he fought that duel and killed Hyllus. It was for that feat of arms that the Peloponnesians granted us this in addition to other great privileges which we have never ceased to possess, namely that in all united campaigns we should always lead the army's second wing. ,Now with you, men of Lacedaemon, we have no rivalry, but forbear and bid you choose the command of whichever wing you want. We do, however, say that our place is at the head of the other, as it has always been. Quite apart from that feat which we have related, we are worthier than the Athenians to hold that post, ,for we have fought many battles which turned out favorably for you, men of Lacedaemon, and others besides. It is accordingly we and not the Athenians who should hold the second wing, for neither at some earlier period nor recently, have they achieved such feats of arms as we.” 9.27. To these words the Athenians replied: “It is our belief that we are gathered for battle with the barbarian, and not for speeches; but since the man of Tegea has made it his business to speak of all the valorous deeds, old and new, which either of our nations has at any time achieved, we must prove to you how we, rather than Arcadians, have by virtue of our valor a hereditary right to the place of honor. These Tegeans say that they killed the leader of the Heraclidae at the Isthmus. ,Now when those same Heraclidae had been rejected by every Greek people to whom they resorted to escape the tyranny of the Mycenaeans, we alone received them. With them we vanquished those who then inhabited the Peloponnese, and we broke the pride of Eurystheus. ,Furthermore, when the Argives who had marched with Polynices against Thebes had there made an end of their lives and lay unburied, know that we sent our army against the Cadmeans and recovered the dead and buried them in Eleusis. ,We also have on record our great victory against the Amazons, who once came from the river Thermodon and broke into Attica, and in the hard days of Troy we were second to none. But since it is useless to recall these matters—for those who were previously valiant may now be of lesser mettle, and those who lacked mettle then may be better men now— ,enough of the past. Supposing that we were known for no achievement (although the fact is that we have done more than any other of the Greeks), we nevertheless deserve to have this honor and more beside because of the role we played at Marathon, seeing that alone of all Greeks we met the Persian singlehandedly and did not fail in that enterprise, but overcame forty-six nations. ,Is it not then our right to hold this post, for that one feat alone? Yet seeing that this is no time for wrangling about our place in the battle, we are ready to obey you, men of Lacedaemon and take whatever place and face whatever enemy you think fitting. Wherever you set us, we will strive to be valiant men. Command us then, knowing that we will obey.” 9.27.3. Furthermore, when the Argives who had marched with Polynices against Thebes had there made an end of their lives and lay unburied, know that we sent our army against the Cadmeans and recovered the dead and buried them in Eleusis.
4. Isocrates, Orations, 4.54-4.59 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

5. Plato, Menexenus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

239b. deeming it their duty to fight in the cause of freedom alike with Greeks on behalf of Greeks and with barbarians on behalf of the whole of Greece . The story of how they repulsed Eumolpus and the Amazons, and still earlier invaders, when they marched upon our country, and how they defended the Argives against the Cadmeians and the Heracleidae against the Argives, is a story which our time is too short to relate as it deserves, and already their valor has been adequately celebrated in song by poets who have made it known throughout the world;
6. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.23.6, 1.73.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.23.6. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. 1.73.2. We need not refer to remote antiquity: there we could appeal to the voice of tradition, but not to the experience of our audience. But to the Median war and contemporary history we must refer, although we are rather tired of continually bringing this subject forward. In our action during that war we ran great risk to obtain certain advantages: you had your share in the solid results, do not try to rob us of all share in the good that the glory may do us.
7. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.1.8, 3.4.3, 6.3.6, 6.5.25, 6.5.27, 6.5.34-6.5.35, 6.5.37, 6.5.49, 7.1.34, 7.3.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.1.8. When, in pursuance of his intention to march against Caria, he was already at Ephesus, Dercylidas arrived to take command of the army, a man who was reputed to be exceedingly resourceful; indeed, 399 B.C. he bore the nickname Sisyphus. Thibron accordingly went back home, and was condemned and banished; for the allies accused him of allowing his soldiers to plunder their friends. 3.4.3. When Agesilaus offered to undertake the campaign, the Lacedaemonians gave him everything he asked for and provisions for six months. And when he marched forth from the country after offering all the sacrifices which were required, including that at the frontier, Spartan commanders always offered sacrifices to Zeus and Athena before crossing the Laconian frontier. he dispatched messengers to the various cities and announced how many men were to be sent from each city, and where they were to report; while as for himself, he desired to go and offer sacrifice at Aulis, the place where Agamemnon had sacrificed before he sailed to Troy. 6.3.6. The right course, indeed, would have been for us not to take up arms against one another in the beginning, since the tradition is that the first strangers to whom Triptolemus, Triptolemus of Eleusis had, according to the legend, carried from Attica throughout Greece both the cult of Demeter and the knowledge of her art — agriculture. Heracles was the traditional ancestor of the Spartan kings (cp. III. iii.) while the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux, were putative sons of Tyndareus of Sparta. our ancestor, revealed the mystic rites of Demeter and Core were Heracles, your state’s founder, and the Dioscuri, your citizens; and, further, that it was upon Peloponnesus that he first bestowed the seed of Demeter’s fruit. How, then, can it be right, 371 B.C. either that you should ever come to destroy the fruit of those very men from whom you received the seed, or that we should not desire those very men, to whom we gave the seed, to obtain the greatest possible abundance of food? But if it is indeed ordered of the gods that wars should come among men, then we ought to begin war as tardily as we can, and, when it has come, to bring it to an end as speedily as possible. 6.5.25. But when people had come from Caryae telling of the dearth of men, promising that they would themselves act as guides, and bidding the Thebans slay them if they were found to be practising any deception, and when, further, some of the Perioeci appeared, asking the Thebans to come to their aid, engaging to revolt if only they would show themselves in the land, and saying also that even now the Perioeci when summoned by the Spartiatae were refusing to go and help them — as a result, then, of hearing all these reports, in which all agreed, the Thebans were won over, and pushed in with their own forces by way of Caryae, while the Arcadians went by way of Oeum, in Sciritis. 6.5.27. After achieving this deed the Arcadians marched to join the Thebans at Caryae; and when the Thebans heard what had been accomplished by the Arcadians, they proceeded to make the descent with far greater boldness. Coming 370 B.C. to Sellasia, they at once burned and pillaged it; but when they arrived in the plain, they encamped there, in the sacred precinct of Apollo. The next day they marched on. Now they did not even make the attempt to cross over by the bridge against Sparta, for in the sanctuary of Athena Alea the hoplites were to be seen, ready to oppose them; but keeping the Eurotas on their right they passed along, burning and plundering houses full of many valuable things. 6.5.34. They also described all the blessings which were enjoyed at the time when both peoples were acting in union, recalling how they had together driven the barbarian back, recalling likewise how the Athenians had been chosen by the Greeks as leaders of the fleet and custodians of the common funds, Referring to the formation of the Confederacy of Delos, 477 B.C. the Lacedaemonians supporting this choice, while they had themselves been selected by the common consent of all the Greeks as leaders by land, the Athenians in their turn supporting this selection. 6.5.35. And one of them even said something like this: But if you and we, gentlemen, come to agreement, there is hope now that the Thebans will be decimated, as the old saying has it. The Athenians, however, were not very much inclined to accept all this, and a murmur went round to the effect that this is what they say now, but in the time when 370 B.C. they were prosperous they were hostile to us. The weightiest of the arguments urged by the Lacedaemonians seemed to their hearers to be, that at the time when they subdued the Athenians, though the Thebans wanted to destroy Athens utterly, it was they who had prevented it. 6.5.37. While the Assembly itself was trying to determine these matters, Cleiteles, a Corinthian, arose and spoke as follows: Men of Athens, it is perhaps a disputed point who began the wrong-doing; but as for us, can anyone accuse us of having, at any time since peace was concluded, either made a campaign against any city, or taken anyone’s property, or laid waste another’s land? Yet, nevertheless, the Thebans have come into our country, and have cut down trees, and burned down houses, and seized property and cattle. If, therefore, you do not aid us, who are so manifestly wronged, will you not surely be acting in violation of your oaths? They were the same oaths, you remember, that you yourselves took care to 370 B.C. have all of us swear to all of you. Thereupon the Athenians shouted their approval, saying that Cleiteles had spoken to the point and fairly. 6.5.49. After this the Athenians deliberated, and they would not endure to listen to those who spoke on the other side, but voted to go to the aid of the Lacedaemonians in full force, and chose Iphicrates as general. And when his sacrifices had proved favourable and he had issued orders to his men to dine in the Academy, cp. II. ii. 8. many, it is said, went thither ahead of Iphicrates himself. After this Iphicrates led the way and they followed, believing that he would lead them to some noble achievement. And when, after arriving in Corinth, he delayed there for some days, they at once began to censure him, for the first time, for this delay; then when he at length marched them forth, they eagerly followed wherever he led the way, and eagerly attacked any stronghold against which he brought them. 7.1.34. When the ambassadors arrived there, Pelopidas enjoyed a great advantage with the Persian. For he was able to say that his people were the only ones among the Greeks who had fought on the side of the King at Plataea, that 367 B.C. they had never afterwards undertaken a campaign against the King, and that the Lacedaemonians had made war upon them for precisely the reason that they had declined to go with Agesilaus against him See III. v. 5. and had refused to permit Agesilaus to sacrifice to Artemis at Aulis, This incident is described in III. iv. 3-4. the very spot where Agamemnon, at the time when he was sailing forth to Asia, had sacrificed before he captured Troy. 7.3.12. The Thebans, after hearing these words, decided that Euphron had met his deserts; his own citizens, however, esteeming him a good man, brought him home, buried him in their market-place, and pay him pious honours as the founder of their city. So true it is, as it seems, that most people define as good men their own benefactors.
8. Aeschines, Letters, 2.31 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

9. Plutarch, Theseus, 29.4-29.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

10. Aeschines, Or., 2.31

11. Demosthenes, Orations, 60.8

12. Lysias, Orations, 2.7-2.10



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
adrastus,culpability of Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 204
adrastus,recovery of the seven (bellicose version) Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 53
adrastus,recovery of the seven (peaceful version) Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 53
advantage Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203
archê Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 163
asebia (impiety),of phocians Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 179
assembly,discursive parameters Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203
assembly,myths at the Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 47
beginning Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 163
council of the five hundred,myths at the Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 47
delphi,amphictyony Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 179
dioskouroi (twin gods) Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
ecclesia,aeschines repeating speech to philip Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 179
eleusis Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
epinician poetry Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 53
eusebia (piety),as argument Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 179
helping paradigm (international relations),and justice Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203, 204
herodotos Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
heroic legend,mythistory Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
history,foundation myths Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
history,historian Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 163
history Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
humaneness,and altruism Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 204
isocrates plataicus Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 205
law,general international Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 204
multiple versions Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 53
myth,athenians knowledge of Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 47, 53
myth,in international politics Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 179
myth/mythology,foundation myths Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
myth/mythology,stories/storytelling' Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
myth/mythology Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
oaths Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 179
origine Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 163
past Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 163
plutarch Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
reciprocity,negative Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203, 204
reciprocity Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203, 204, 205
self-portrayal,positive Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 179
seven against thebes,burial in thebes Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 53
solon Martin (2009), Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes, 179
sparta,spartans Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203
sparta/spartans Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
thebes,thebans,hybris of Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 204, 205
thebes,thebans Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203, 204, 205
thucydides Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
xenophon,hellenica Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 198
xenophon,speeches Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 203