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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



11240
Xenophon, Hellenica, 4.4.6


nanThey saw, however, that those who were in power were ruling like tyrants, and perceived that their state was being put out of existence, inasmuch as boundary stones had been removed and their fatherland was called Argos instead of Corinth; and, while they were compelled to share in the rights of citizenship at Argos, for which they had no desire, they had less influence in their state than aliens. Some of them, accordingly, came to the belief that life under such conditions was not endurable; but if they endeavoured to make their fatherland Corinth again, even as it had been from the beginning, and to make it free, and not only pure of the stain of the murderers, but blest with an orderly government, they thought it a worthy deed, if they could accomplish these things, to become saviours of their fatherland, but if they could not do so, to meet a most praiseworthy death in striving after the fairest and greatest blessings.


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2 results
1. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.1.17-3.1.18, 4.4.2-4.4.3, 4.4.5, 4.4.12, 5.3.20 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3.1.17. but the man who commanded the garrison in Cebren, a very strong place, thinking that if he succeeded in 399 B.C. keeping the city for Pharnabazus he would receive honours at his hands, refused to admit Dercylidas. Thereupon the latter, in anger, made preparations for attack. And when the sacrifices that he offered did not prove favourable on the first day, he sacrificed again on the following day. And when these sacrifices also did not prove favourable, he tried again on the third day; and for four days he kept persistently on with his sacrificing, though greatly disturbed by the delay; for he was in haste to make himself master of all Aeolis before Pharnabazus came to the rescue. 3.1.18. Now a certain Athenadas, a Sicyonian captain, thinking that Dercylidas was acting foolishly in delaying, and that he was strong enough of himself to deprive the Cebrenians of their water supply, rushed forward with his own company and tried to choke up their spring. And the people within the walls, sallying forth against him, inflicted many wounds upon him, killed two of his men, and drove back the rest with blows and missiles. But while Dercylidas was in a state of vexation and was thinking that his attack would thus be made less spirited, heralds came forth from the wall, sent by the Greeks in the city, and said that what their commander was doing was not to their liking, but that for their part they preferred to be on the side of the Greeks rather than of the barbarian. 4.4.2. But the Argives, Athenians, Boeotians, and 392 B.C. those among the Corinthians who had received a share of the money from the King, as well as those who had made themselves chiefly responsible for the war, realizing that if they did not put out of the way the people who had turned toward peace, the state would be in danger of going over to the Lacedaemonians again, undertook, under these circumstances, to bring about a general massacre. And in the first place, they devised the most sacrilegious of all schemes; for other people, even if a man is condemned by process of law, do not put him to death during a religious festival; but these men chose the last day of the Euclea, The festival of Artemis Euclea. because they thought they would catch more people in the market-place, so as to kill them. 4.4.3. Then again, when the signal was given to those who had been told whom they were to 392 B.C. kill, they drew their swords and struck men down,—one while standing in a social group, another while sitting in his seat, still another in the theatre, and another even while he was sitting as judge in a dramatic contest. Now when the situation became known, the better classes immediately fled, in part to the statues of the gods in the market-place, in part to the altars; then the conspirators, utterly sacrilegious and without so much as a single thought for civilized usage, both those who gave the orders and those who obeyed, kept up the slaughter even at the holy places, so that some even among those who were not victims of the attack, being right-minded men, were dismayed in their hearts at beholding such impiety. 4.4.5. While they were deliberating, however, as to what they should do, the capital fell from a column, although there had been neither earthquake nor wind. Likewise, when they sacrificed, the omens from the victims were such that the seers said it was better to descend from the place. And at first they retired beyond the territory of Corinth with the intention of going into exile; but when their friends and mothers and sisters kept coming to them and trying to dissuade them, and, 392 B.C. further, some of the very men who were in power promised under oath that they should suffer no harm, under these circumstances some of them returned home. 4.4.12. And the Lacedaemonians were in no uncertainty about whom they should kill; for then at least heaven granted them an achievement such as they could never even have prayed for. For to have a crowd of enemies delivered into their hands, frightened, panic-stricken, presenting their unprotected sides, no one rallying to his own defence, but all rendering all possible assistance toward their own destruction,—how could one help regarding this as a gift from heaven? On that day, at all events, so many fell within a short time that men accustomed to see heaps of corn, wood, or stones, beheld then heaps of dead bodies. Furthermore, the Boeotians of the garrison in the port were also killed, some upon the walls, and others after they had climbed up on the roofs of the ship-houses. 5.3.20. When Agesilaus heard of this, he did not, as one might have expected, rejoice over it, as over the death of an adversary, but he wept, and mourned 380 B.C. the loss of his companionship; for the kings of course lodge together when they are at home. And Agesipolis was a man well fitted to converse with Agesilaus about youthful days, hunting exploits, horses, and love affairs; besides this he also treated Agesilaus with deference in their association together in their common quarters, as one would naturally treat an elder. In the place, then, of Agesipolis the Lacedaemonians sent out Polybiades to Olynthus as governor.
2. Plutarch, Aristides, 11.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
"historiography,classical" Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
"moralising,explicit" Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
"moralising,implicit" Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
agesilaus Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
archê Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 164
beginning Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 164
bias Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
boundary,deme Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 724
boundary Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 67
corinth Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 67
correlation between action and result as a means of moralising Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
counterfactual statements Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
delos Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 82
deme,divided Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 724
emphasis through negation Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
evaluative phrasing Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
history,historian Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 164
horoi Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 82
horos Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 724
impiety Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
megalopolis Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 67
mental map Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 724
moon Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 164
nebuchadnezzar/king of the chaldeans Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 107
oropos Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 82
palai Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 164
parallelism/repetition Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 107
past Faure (2022), Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity, 164
plataeans Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 67
politics combined with morals Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
sacrifices Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
sin/sinner' Allison (2018), 4 Baruch, 107
sparta Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 67
sympoliteia Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 67
thessaly Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 67
tribes,kleisthenic Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 724
xenophon Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 221
zeus Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 67