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11240
Xenophon, Hellenica, 4.3.13


nanNow Agesilaus, on learning these things, at first was overcome with sorrow; but when he had considered that the most of his troops were the sort of men to share gladly in good fortune if good fortune came, but that if they saw anything unpleasant, they were under no compulsion to share in it, I.e., being practically volunteers (cp. ii. 4). —thereupon, changing the report, he said that word had come that Peisander was dead, but victorious in the naval battle.


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

12 results
1. Euripides, Electra, 171 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

171. ἀγγέλλει δ' ὅτι νῦν τριταί-
2. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 923-941, 922 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

922. Victims to purify the house were stationed before the altar of Zeus, for Heracles had slain and cast from his halls the king of the land.
3. Euripides, Orestes, 114 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

4. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

31c. as to produce a witness to testify that I ever exacted or asked pay of anyone. For I think I have a sufficient witness that I speak the truth, namely, my poverty.Perhaps it may seem strange that I go about and interfere in other people’s affairs to give this advice in private, but do not venture to come before your assembly and advise the state. But the reason for this, as you have heard me say
5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.133, 4.80 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 1.2.10, 7.8.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

7.8.3. And Xenophon said, Well, really, with weather of the sort you describe and provisions used up and no chance even to get a smell of wine, when many of us were becoming exhausted with hardships and the enemy were at our heels, if at such a time as that I wantonly abused you, I admit that I am more wanton even than the ass, which, because of its wantonness, so the saying runs, is not subject to fatigue. Nevertheless, do tell us, he said, for what reason you were struck. 7.8.3. But when the Lampsacenes sent gifts of hospitality to Xenophon and he was sacrificing to Apollo, he gave Eucleides a place beside him; and when Eucleides saw the vitals of the victims, he said that he well believed that Xenophon had no money. But I am sure, he went on, that even if money should ever be about to come to you, some obstacle always appears—if nothing else, your own self. In this Xenophon agreed with him.
7. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4.12, 1.4.18, 1.7, 1.7.15, 3.3.3-3.3.4, 3.3.8, 3.4.23, 4.3.11, 4.3.14, 5.4.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.4.12. And when he found that the temper of the Athenians was kindly, that they had chosen him general, and that his friends were urging him by personal messages to return, he sailed in to Piraeus, arriving on the day when the city was celebrating the Plynteria When the clothing of the ancient wooden statue of Athena Polias was removed and washed ( πλύνειν ). and the statue of Athena was veiled from sight,—a circumstance which some people imagined was of ill omen, both for him and for the state; for on that day no Athenian would venture to engage in any serious business. 1.4.18. Meanwhile Alcibiades, who had come to anchor close to the shore, did not at once disembark, through fear of his enemies; but mounting upon the deck of 407 B.C. his ship, he looked to see whether his friends were present. 1.7.15. Then the Prytanes, stricken with fear, agreed to put the question,—all of them except Socrates, On Socrates’ conduct at this time cp. Plato, Apol. 32B and Xen. Mem. I. i. 18. the son of Sophroniscus; and he said that in no case would he act except in accordance with the law. 3.3.3. But Diopeithes, a man very well versed in oracles, said in support of Leotychides that there was also an oracle of Apollo which bade the Lacedaemonians beware of the lame kingship. Agesilaus was lame. Lysander, however, made reply to him, on behalf of Agesilaus, that he did not suppose the god was bidding them beware lest a king of theirs should get a sprain and become lame, but rather lest one who was not of the royal stock should become king. For the kingship would be lame in very truth when it was not the descendants of Heracles who were at the head of the state. 3.3.4. After hearing such arguments from both claimants the state chose Agesilaus king. When Agesilaus had been not yet a year in the kingly office, once while he was offering one of the appointed sacrifices in behalf of the state, the seer said that the gods revealed a conspiracy of the most 397 B.C. terrible sort. And when he sacrificed again, the seer said that the signs appeared still more terrible. And upon his sacrificing for the third time, he said: Agesilaus, just such a sign is given me as would be given if we were in the very midst of the enemy. There-upon they made offerings to the gods who avert evil and to those who grant safety, and having with difficulty obtained favourable omens, ceased sacrificing. And within five days after the sacrifice was ended a man reported to the ephors a conspiracy, and Cinadon as the head of the affair. 3.3.8. Upon hearing these statements the ephors came to the conclusion that he was describing a well-considered plan, and were greatly alarmed; and without even convening the Little Assembly, The reference is uncertain. as it was called, but merely gathering about them—one ephor here and another there—some of the senators, they decided to send Cinadon to Aulon along with others of the younger men, and to order him to bring back with 397 B.C. him certain of the Aulonians and Helots whose names were written in the official dispatch. And they ordered him to bring also the woman who was said to be the most beautiful woman in Aulon and was thought to be corrupting the Lacedaemonians who came there, older and younger alike. 3.4.23. Then Agesilaus, aware that the infantry of the enemy was not yet at hand, while on his side none of the arms which had been made ready was missing, deemed it a fit time to join battle if he could. Therefore, after offering sacrifice, he at once led his phalanx against the opposing line of horsemen, ordering the first ten year-classes Cp. II. iv. 32 and the note thereon. of the hoplites to run to close quarters with the enemy, and bidding the peltasts lead the way at a double-quick. He also sent word to his cavalry to attack, in the assurance that he and the whole army were following them. 4.3.11. For it was near 394 B.C. Cnidos that the fleets sailed against one another, and Pharnabazus, who was admiral, was with the Phoenician ships, while Conon Cp. II. i. 29. Through the influence of Pharnabazus, Conon had been commissioned a Persian admiral. His fleet was Greek merely in the sense that it was manned by Greek mercenaries and volunteers. with the Greek fleet was posted in front of him. 4.3.14. And at the moment of saying these things he offered sacrifice as if for good news, and sent around to many people portions of the victims which had been offered; so that when a skirmish with the enemy took place, the troops of Agesilaus won the day in consequence of the report that the Lacedaemonians were victorious in the naval battle. 5.4.4. As for Phillidas, since the polemarchs always celebrate a festival of Aphrodite upon the expiration of their term of office, he was making all the arrangements for them, and in particular, having long ago promised to bring them women, and the most stately and beautiful women there were in Thebes, he said he would do so at that time. And they — for they were that sort of men — expected to spend the night very pleasantly.
8. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 7.2.19-7.2.20 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

7.2.20. Knowing thyself, O Croesus—thus shalt thou live and be happy. There is a reference to the famous inscription on the temple at Delphi — γνῶθι σεαυτόν.
9. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.1.2-1.1.4, 1.1.11-1.1.15, 1.1.18-1.1.19, 1.4, 2.2.13, 4.3, 4.4.2, 4.4.19-4.4.24 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.1.2. First then, that he rejected the gods acknowledged by the state — what evidence did they produce of that? He offered sacrifices constantly, and made no secret of it, now in his home, now at the altars of the state temples, and he made use of divination with as little secrecy. Indeed it had become notorious that Socrates claimed to be guided by the deity: That immanent divine something, as Cicero terms it, which Socrates claimed as his peculiar possession. it was out of this claim, I think, that the charge of bringing in strange deities arose. 1.1.3. He was no more bringing in anything strange than are other believers in divination, who rely on augury, oracles, coincidences and sacrifices. For these men’s belief is not that the birds or the folk met by accident know what profits the inquirer, but that they are the instruments by which the gods make this known; and that was Socrates ’ belief too. 1.1.4. Only, whereas most men say that the birds or the folk they meet dissuade or encourage them, Socrates said what he meant: for he said that the deity gave him a sign. Many of his companions were counselled by him to do this or not to do that in accordance with the warnings of the deity: and those who followed his advice prospered, and those who rejected it had cause for regret. 1.1.11. He did not even discuss that topic so favoured by other talkers, the Nature of the Universe : and avoided speculation on the so-called Cosmos of the Professors, how it works, and on the laws that govern the phenomena of the heavens: indeed he would argue that to trouble one’s mind with such problems is sheer folly. 1.1.12. In the first place, he would inquire, did these thinkers suppose that their knowledge of human affairs was so complete that they must seek these new fields for the exercise of their brains; or that it was their duty to neglect human affairs and consider only things divine? 1.1.13. Moreover, he marvelled at their blindness in not seeing that man cannot solve these riddles; since even the most conceited talkers on these problems did not agree in their theories, but behaved to one another like madmen. 1.1.14. As some madmen have no fear of danger and others are afraid where there is nothing to be afraid of, as some will do or say anything in a crowd with no sense of shame, while others shrink even from going abroad among men, some respect neither temple nor altar nor any other sacred thing, others worship stocks and stones and beasts, so is it, he held, with those who worry with Universal Nature. Some hold that What is is one, others that it is infinite in number: some that all things are in perpetual motion, others that nothing can ever be moved at any time: some that all life is birth and decay, others that nothing can ever be born or ever die. 1.1.15. Nor were those the only questions he asked about such theorists. Students of human nature, he said, think that they will apply their knowledge in due course for the good of themselves and any others they choose. Do those who pry into heavenly phenomena imagine that, once they have discovered the laws by which these are produced, they will create at their will winds, waters, seasons and such things to their need? Or have they no such expectation, and are they satisfied with knowing the causes of these various phenomena? 1.1.18. For instance, when he was on the Council and had taken the counsellor’s oath by which he bound himself to give counsel in accordance with the laws, it fell to his lot to preside in the Assembly when the people wanted to condemn Thrasyllus and Erasinides and their colleagues to death by a single vote. That was illegal, and he refused the motion in spite of popular rancour and the threats of many powerful persons. It was more to him that he should keep his oath than that he should humour the people in an unjust demand and shield himself from threats. 1.1.19. For, like most men, indeed, he believed that the gods are heedful of mankind, but with an important difference; for whereas they do not believe in the omniscience of the gods, Socrates thought that they know all things, our words and deeds and secret purposes; that they are present everywhere, and grant signs to men of all that concerns man. IV. iii, 2; Cyropaedia I. vi. 46. 2.2.13. And yet, when you are resolved to cultivate these, you don’t think courtesy is due to your mother, who loves you more than all? Don’t you know that even the state ignores all other forms of ingratitude and pronounces no judgment on them, Cyropaedia I. ii. 7. caring nothing if the recipient of a favour neglects to thank his benefactor, but inflicts penalties on the man who is discourteous to his parents and rejects him as unworthy of office, holding that it would be a sin for him to offer sacrifices on behalf of the state and that he is unlikely to do anything else honourably and rightly? Aye, and if one fail to honour his parents’ graves, the state inquires into that too, when it examines the candidates for office. 4.4.2. When chairman in the Assemblies he would not permit the people to record an illegal vote, but, upholding the laws, resisted a popular impulse that might even have overborne any but himself. 4.4.19. Do you know what is meant by unwritten laws, Hippias? Yes, those that are uniformly observed in every country. Could you say that men made them? Nay, how could that be, seeing that they cannot all meet together and do not speak the same language? Then by whom have these laws been made, do you suppose? I think that the gods made these laws for men. For among all men the first law is to fear the gods. 4.4.20. Is not the duty of honouring parents another universal law? Yes, that is another. And that parents shall not have sexual intercourse with their children nor children with their parents? Cyropaedia V. i. 10. No, I don’t think that is a law of God. Why so? Because I notice that some transgress it. 4.4.21. Yes, and they do many other things contrary to the laws. But surely the transgressors of the laws ordained by the gods pay a penalty that a man can in no wise escape, as some, when they transgress the laws ordained by man, escape punishment, either by concealment or by violence. 4.4.22. And pray what sort of penalty is it, Socrates, that may not be avoided by parents and children who have intercourse with one another? The greatest, of course. For what greater penalty can men incur when they beget children than begetting them badly? 4.4.23. How do they beget children badly then, if, as may well happen, the fathers are good men and the mothers good women? Surely because it is not enough that the two parents should be good. They must also be in full bodily vigour: unless you suppose that those who are in full vigour are no more efficient as parents than those who have not yet reached that condition or have passed it. of course that is unlikely. Which are the better then? Those who are in full vigour, clearly. Consequently those who are not in full vigour are not competent to become parents? It is improbable, of course. In that case then, they ought not to have children? Certainly not. Therefore those who produce children in such circumstances produce them wrongly? I think so. Who then will be bad fathers and mothers, if not they? I agree with you there too. 4.4.24. Again, is not the duty of requiting benefits universally recognised by law? Yes, but this law too is broken. Then does not a man pay forfeit for the breach of that law too, in the gradual loss of good friends and the necessity of hunting those who hate him? Or is it not true that, whereas those who benefit an acquaintance are good friends to him, he is hated by them for his ingratitude, if he makes no return, and then, because it is most profitable to enjoy the acquaintance of such men, he hunts them most assiduously? Assuredly, Socrates, all this does suggest the work of the gods. For laws that involve in themselves punishment meet for those who break them, must, I think, be framed by a better legislator than man.
10. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 14.83.5-14.83.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

14.83.5.  When they learned that the enemy's naval forces were at Cnidus, they made preparations for battle. Peisander, the Lacedaemonian admiral, set out from Cnidus with eighty-five triremes and put in at Physcus of the Chersonesus. 14.83.6.  On sailing from there he fell in with the King's fleet, and engaging the leading ships, he won the advantage over them; but when the Persians came to give aid with their triremes in close formation, all his allies fled to the land. But Peisander turned his own ship against them, believing ignoble flight to be disgraceful and unworthy of Sparta. 14.83.7.  After fighting brilliantly and slaying many of the enemy, in the end he was overcome, battling in a manner worthy of his native land. Conon pursued the Lacedaemonians as far as the land and captured fifty of their triremes. As for the crews, most of them leaped overboard and escaped by land, but about five hundred were captured. The rest of the triremes found safety at Cnidus.
11. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 69 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

12. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 45.17 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

45.17. 1.  In the consulship of Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius (for Vibius was now appointed consul in spite of the fact that his father's name had been posted on the tablets of Sulla) a meeting of the senate was held and opinions expressed for three successive days, including the very first day of the year.,2.  For because of the war which was upon them and the portents, very numerous and unfavourable, which took place, they were so excited that they failed to observe even the dies nefasti and to refrain on those days from deliberating about any of their interests. Vast numbers of thunderbolts had fallen, some of them descending on the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter which stood in the temple of Victory;,3.  also a mighty windstorm occurred which snapped off and scattered the tablets erected about the temple of Saturn and the shrine of Fides and also overturned and shattered the statue of Minerva the Protectress, which Cicero had set up on the Capitol before his exile.,4.  This, now, portended death to Cicero himself. Another thing that frightened the rest of the population was a great earthquake which occurred, and the fact that a bull which was being sacrificed on account of it in the -- temple of Vesta -- leaped up after the ceremony. In addition to these omens, clear as they were, a flash darted across from the east to the west and a new star was seen for several days.,5.  Then the light of the sun seemed to be diminished and even extinguished, and at times to appear in three circles, one of which was surmounted by a fiery crown of sheaves. This came true for them as clearly as ever any prophecy did. For the three men were in power, — I mean Caesar, Lepidus, and Antony, — and of these Caesar subsequently secured the victory.,6.  At the same time that these things occurred all sorts of oracles foreshadowing the downfall of the republic were recited. Crows, moreover, flew into the temple of Castor and Pollux and pecked out the names of the consuls, Antony and Dolabella, which were inscribed there somewhere on a tablet.,7.  And by night dogs would gather together in large numbers throughout the city and especially near the house of the high priest, Lepidus, and howl. Again, the Po, which had flooded a large portion of the surrounding territory, suddenly receded and left behind on the dry land a vast number of snakes; and countless fish were cast up from the sea on the shore near the mouths of the Tiber.,8.  Succeeding these terrors a terrible plague spread over nearly all Italy, because of which the senate voted that the Curia Hostilia should be rebuilt and that the spot where the naval battle had taken place should be filled up. However, the curse did not appear disposed to rest even then,,9.  especially since, when Vibius was conducting the opening sacrifices on the first day of the year, one of his lictors suddenly fell down and died. Because of these events they took counsel during those days, and among the various men who spoke on one side or the other Cicero addressed them as follows:


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
achilles tatius Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
acilius balbus, m. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
aemilius lepidus, m., triumvir Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
agesilaus Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 174
agesilaus ii Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
alcestis Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
antonius, m. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
arginusae, battle of Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
asia minor Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 174
chalcidice Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
chasms, meterological phenomena Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
claudius (emperor) Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
cnidus Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
comets Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
cornelius dolabella, p. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
cornelius orfitus, ser. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
coronas, meteorological phenomenon Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
divine laws Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
dokoi Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
eclipses Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
euripides Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
fabius, q. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
heliodorus Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
henrichs, a. Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
herms Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
herodotus Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
italy (italia) Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
julius caesar, l. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
longus Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
lycurgus (spartan law-giver) Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
marcius rex, q. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
meteorites Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
mucius scaevola, q. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
munatius plancus, l. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
natural philosophy, socrates and prior tradition Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
nicias Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
noble lie, common-sense justification of Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
noble lie, in plato Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
noble lie Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
oaths Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
octavian, c. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
olynthos Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
opimus, l. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
paraselene Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
parhelion Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
persia, persians, and greek world Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
philip ii of macedonia Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
piety Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
pisander Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 174
plato, and sparta Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
plato, and the noble lie Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
plato, use of common-sense Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
plato, works, laws Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
plutarch Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
polyaenus Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 174
polybius Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 174
porcius cato, m., consul Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
postumius albinus, sp. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
powell, a. Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
protagoras, republic Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
rings, meteorological phenomenon Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
rutilius, p. Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
sicily Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171
socrates, piety Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
socratic literature, of xenophon Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
sparta, and noble lie in plato Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
sparta, and official deceit Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
sparta, spartans Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
sparta Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 174
spikes, meterological phenomenon Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
thucydides, on spartan lies Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
thucydides Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171, 174
weather Roller, A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder (2022) 58
xenophon' Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 174
xenophon, on piety Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
xenophon, on socrates and natural philosophy Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424
xenophon, on spartan lies Hesk, Deception and Democracy in Classical Athens (2000) 157
xenophon Naiden, Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods (2013) 171; Wolfsdorf, Early Greek Ethics (2020) 424