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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



11240
Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.3.30


nanNow to let you know that this man’s present doings are nothing new, but that he is, rather, a traitor by nature, I will recall to you his past deeds. This man in the beginning, although he had received honours at the hands of the democracy, was extremely eager, like his father Hagnon, to change the democracy into the oligarchy of the Four Hundred, See note on I. vii. 28. and he was a leader in that government. When, 404 B.C. however, he perceived that some opposition to the oligarchy was gathering, he look the lead again—as champion of the democrats against the oligarchs! That is the reason, you know, why he is nicknamed Buskin :


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

7 results
1. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 421 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

421. ὅτε γ' ὢν ἐγὼ πρόβουλος, ἐκπορίσας ὅπως
2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22, 2.58.1, 3.49.4, 4.102, 5.1, 5.11, 5.19, 5.24, 6.15, 7.87, 8.14-8.19, 8.15.1, 8.65.2, 8.67.1, 8.67.3, 8.82.2, 8.89, 8.93.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

2.58.1. The same summer Hagnon, son of Nicias, and Cleopompus, son of Clinias, the colleagues of Pericles, took the armament of which he had lately made use, and went off upon an expedition against the Chalcidians in the direction of Thrace and Potidaea, which was still under siege. As soon as they arrived, they brought up their engines against Potidaea and tried every means of taking it 3.49.4. Luckily they met with no contrary wind, and the first ship making no haste upon so horrid an errand, while the second pressed on in the manner described, the first arrived so little before them, that Paches had only just had time to read the decree, and to prepare to execute the sentence, when the second put into port and prevented the massacre. The danger of Mitylene had indeed been great. 8.15.1. While the revolted places were all engaged in fortifying and preparing for the war, news of Chios speedily reached Athens . The Athenians thought the danger by which they were now menaced great and unmistakable, and that the rest of their allies would not consent to keep quiet after the secession of the greatest of their number. In the consternation of the moment they at once took off the penalty attaching to whoever proposed or put to the vote a proposal for using the thousand talents which they had jealously avoided touching throughout the whole war, and voted to employ them to man a large number of ships, and to send off at once under Strombichides, son of Diotimus, the eight vessels, forming part of the blockading fleet at Spiraeum, which had left the blockade and had returned after pursuing and failing to overtake the vessels with Chalcideus. These were to be followed shortly afterwards by twelve more under Thrasycles, also taken from the blockade. 8.65.2. Here they found most of the work already done by their associates. Some of the younger men had banded together, and secretly assassinated one Androcles, the chief leader of the commons, and mainly responsible for the banishment of Alcibiades; Androcles being singled out both because he was a popular leader, and because they sought by his death to recommend themselves to Alcibiades, who was, as they supposed, to be recalled, and to make Tissaphernes their friend. There were also some other obnoxious persons whom they secretly did away with in the same manner. 8.67.1. At this juncture arrived Pisander and his colleagues, who lost no time in doing the rest. First they assembled the people, and moved to elect ten commissioners with full powers to frame a constitution, and that when this was done they should on an appointed day lay before the people their opinion as to the best mode of governing the city. 8.67.3. The way thus cleared, it was now plainly declared, that all tenure of office and receipt of pay under the existing institutions were at an end, and that five men must be elected as presidents, who should in their turn elect one hundred, and each of the hundred three apiece; and that this body thus made up to four hundred should enter the council chamber with full powers and govern as they judged best, and should convene the five thousand whenever they pleased. 8.82.2. To the plan of sailing for Piraeus, leaving their more immediate enemies behind them, Alcibiades opposed the most positive refusal, in spite of the numbers that insisted upon it, saying that now that he had been elected general he would first sail to Tissaphernes and concert with him measures for carrying on the war. 8.93.3. After a great many had spoken and had been spoken to, the whole body of heavy infantry became calmer than before, absorbed by their fears for the country at large, and now agreed to hold upon an appointed day an assembly in the theatre of Dionysus for the restoration of concord.
3. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.2.14, 1.3.13, 1.4.13-1.4.20, 2.3.24-2.3.29, 2.3.31-2.3.56 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.2.14. And now the winter came on. During the course of it the Syracusan prisoners, who were immured in stone quarries in Piraeus, dug through the rock and made their escape by night, most of them to Decelea and the rest to Megara. 1.4.13. When he sailed in, the common crowd of Piraeus and of the city gathered to his ships, filled with wonder and desiring to see the famous Alcibiades. Some of them said that he was the best of the citizens; that he alone was banished without just cause, but rather because he was plotted against by those who had less power than he and spoke less well and ordered their political doings with a view to their own private gain, whereas he was always 407 B.C. advancing the common weal, both by his own means and by the power of the state. 1.4.14. At the time in question, In 415 B.C. , just before the departure of Alcibiades with the Syracusan expedition. they said, he was willing to be brought to trial at once, when the charge had just been made that he had committed sacrilege against the Eleusinian Mysteries; his enemies, however, postponed the trial, which was obviously his right, and then, when he was absent, robbed him of his fatherland; 1.4.15. thereafter, in his exile, helpless as a slave and in danger of his life every day, he was forced to pay court to those whom he hated most The Spartans and the Persians. ; and though he saw those who were dearest to him, his fellow-citizens and kinsmen and all Athens, making mistakes, he was debarred by his banishment from the opportunity of helping them. 1.4.16. It was not the way, they said, of men such as he to desire revolution or a change in government; for under the democracy it had been his fortune to be not only superior to his contemporaries but also not inferior to his elders, while his enemies, on the other hand, were held in precisely the same low estimation after his banishment as before; later, however, when they had gained power, they had slain the best men, and since they alone were left, they were accepted by the citizens merely for the reason that better men were not available. 1.4.17. Others, however, said that Alcibiades alone was responsible for their past troubles, and as for the ills which threatened to befall the state, he alone would probably prove to be the prime cause of them. 1.4.18. Meanwhile Alcibiades, who had come to anchor close to the shore, did not at once disembark, through fear of his enemies; but mounting upon the deck of 407 B.C. his ship, he looked to see whether his friends were present. 1.4.19. But when he sighted his cousin Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and his other relatives and with them his friends, then he disembarked and went up to the city, accompanied by a party who were prepared to quell any attack that anyone might make upon him. 1.4.20. And after he had spoken in his own defence before the Senate and the Assembly, saying that he had not committed sacrilege and that he had been unjustly treated, and after more of the same sort had been said, with no one speaking in opposition because the Assembly would not have tolerated it, he was proclaimed general-in-chief with absolute authority, the people thinking that he was the man to recover for the state its former power; then, as his first act, he led out all his troops and conducted by land the procession From Athens to the temple of Demeter at Eleusis. of the Eleusinian Mysteries, which the Athenians had been conducting by sea on account of the war; 2.3.24. Then when Theramenes arrived, Critias arose and spoke as follows: Gentlemen of the Senate, if anyone among you thinks that more people than is fitting are being put to death, let him reflect that where governments are changed these things always take place; and it is inevitable that those who are changing the government here to an oligarchy should have most numerous enemies, both because the state is the most populous of the Greek states and because the commons have been bred up in a condition of freedom for the longest time. 2.3.25. Now we, believing that for men like ourselves and you democracy is a grievous form of government, and convinced that the commons would never become friendly to the Lacedaemonians, our preservers, while the aristocrats would continue ever faithful to them, for these reasons are establishing, with the approval of the Lacedaemonians, the present form of government. 2.3.26. And if we find anyone opposed to the oligarchy, so far as we have the power we put him out of the way; but in particular we consider it to be right that, if any one of our own number is harming this order of things, he should be punished. 2.3.27. Now in fact we find this man Theramenes trying, by what means he can, to destroy both ourselves and you. As proof that this is true you will discover, if you consider the matter, that no one finds more 404 B.C. fault with the present proceedings than Theramenes here, or offers more opposition when we wish to put some demagogue out of the way. Now if he had held these views from the beginning, he was, to be sure, an enemy, but nevertheless he would not justly be deemed a scoundrel. 2.3.28. In fact, however, he was the very man who took the initiative in the policy of establishing a cordial understanding with the Lacedaemonians; he was the very man who began the overthrow of the democracy, and who urged you most to inflict punishment upon those who were first brought before you for trial; but now, when you and we have manifestly become hateful to the democrats, he no longer approves of what is going on,—just so that he may get on the safe side again, and that we may be punished for what has been done. 2.3.29. Therefore he ought to be punished, not merely as an enemy, but also as a traitor both to you and to ourselves. And treason is a far more dreadful thing than war, inasmuch as it is harder to take precaution against the hidden than against the open danger, and a far more hateful thing, inasmuch as men make peace with enemies and become their trustful friends again, but if they catch a man playing the traitor, they never in any case make peace with that man or trust him thereafter. 2.3.31. for as the buskin seems to fit both feet, so he faces both ways. But, Theramenes, the man who deserves to live ought not to be clever at leading his comrades into dangerous undertakings and then, if any hindrance offers itself, to turn around on the instant, but he ought, as one on shipboard, to hold to his task until they come into a fair breeze. Otherwise, how in the world would sailors reach the port for which they are bound, if they should sail in the opposite direction the moment any hindrance offered itself? 2.3.32. It is true, of course, that all sorts of changes in government are attended by loss of life, but you, thanks to your changing sides so easily, share the responsibility, not merely for the slaughter of a large number of oligarchs by the commons, but also for the slaughter of a large number of democrats by the aristocracy. And this Theramenes, you remember, was the man who, although detailed by the generals to pick up the Athenians whose ships were disabled in the battle off Lesbos, See I. vi. 35, vii. 4 ff. failed to do so, and nevertheless was the very one who accused the generals and brought about their death in order that he might save his own life! 2.3.33. Now when a man clearly shows that he is always looking out for his own advantage and taking no thought for honour or his friends, how in the world can it be right to spare him? Ought we not surely, knowing of his previous changes, to take care that he shall not be able to do the same thing to us also? 404 B.C. We therefore arraign him on the charge of plotting against and betraying both ourselves and you. And in proof that what we are thus doing is proper, consider this fact also. 2.3.34. The constitution of the Lacedaemonians is, we know, deemed the best of all constitutions. Now in Lacedaemon if one of the ephors should undertake to find fault with the government and to oppose what was being done instead of yielding to the majority, do you not suppose that he would be regarded, not only by the ephors themselves but also by all the rest of the state, as having merited the severest punishment? Even so you, if you are wise, will not spare this Theramenes, but rather yourselves; for to leave him alive would cause many of those who hold opposite views to yours to cherish high thoughts, while to destroy him would cut off the hopes of them all, both within and without the city. 2.3.35. When Critias had so spoken, he sat down; and Theramenes rose and said: I will mention first, gentlemen, the last thing Critias said against me. He says that I brought about the death of the generals by my accusation. But it was not I, as you know, who began the matter by accusing them; on the contrary, it was they who accused me, by stating that although that duty was assigned me by them, I failed to pick up the unfortunates in the battle off Lesbos. I said in my defence that on account of the storm it was not possible even to sail, much less to pick up the men, and it was decided by the state that my plea was a reasonable one, while the generals were clearly accusing themselves. For though they said it was possible to save the men, they nevertheless sailed away and left them to 404 B.C. perish. 2.3.36. I do not wonder, however, that Critias has misunderstood the matter; for when these events took place, it chanced that he was not here; he was establishing a democracy in Thessaly along with Prometheus, and arming the serfs against their masters. 2.3.37. God forbid that any of the things which he was doing there should come to pass here. I quite agree with him, however, on this point, that if anyone is desirous of deposing you from your office and is making strong those who are plotting against you, it is just for him to incur the severest punishment. But I think you can best judge who it is that is doing this, if you will consider the course which each of us two has taken and is now taking. 2.3.38. Well then, up to the time when you became members of the Senate and magistrates were appointed and the notorious informers were brought to trial, all of us held the same views; but when these Thirty began to arrest men of worth and standing, then I, on my side, began to hold views opposed to theirs. 2.3.39. For when Leon the Salaminian was put to death,—a man of capacity, both actually and by repute,—although he was not guilty of a single act of wrong-doing, I knew that those who were like him would be fearful, and, being fearful, would be enemies of this government. I also knew, when Niceratus, the son of Nicias, was arrested,—a man of wealth who, like his father, had never done anything to curry popular favour,—that those who were like him would become hostile to us. 2.3.40. And further, when Antiphon, who during the war supplied from his own means two fast-sailing triremes, was put to death by us, I knew that all those who had been zealous in 404 B.C. the state’s cause would look upon us with suspicion. I objected, also, when they said that each of us must seize one of the resident aliens; for it was entirely clear that if these men were put to death, the whole body of such aliens would become enemies of the government. 2.3.41. I objected likewise when they took away from the people their arms, because I thought that we ought not to make the state weak; for I saw that, in preserving us, the purpose of the Lacedaemonians had not been that we might become few in number and unable to do them any service; for if this had been what they desired, it was within their power, by keeping up the pressure of famine a little while longer, to leave not a single man alive. 2.3.42. Again, the hiring of guardsmen did not please me, for we might have enlisted in our service an equal number of our own citizens, until we, the rulers, should easily have made ourselves masters of our subjects. And further, when I saw that many in the city were becoming hostile to this government and that many were becoming exiles, it did not seem to me best to banish either Thrasybulus or Anytus or Alcibiades; for I knew that by such measures the opposition would be made strong, if once the commons should acquire capable leaders and if those who wished to be leaders should find a multitude of supporters. 2.3.43. Now would the man who offers openly this sort of admonition be fairly regarded as a well-wisher, or as a traitor? It is not, Critias, the men who prevent one’s making enemies in abundance nor the men who teach one how to gain allies in the greatest numbers,—it is not these, I say, who make one’s enemies strong; but it is much rather those who 404 B.C. unjustly rob others of property and put to death people who are guilty of no wrong, who, I say, make their opponents numerous and betray not only their friends but also themselves, and all to satisfy their covetousness. 2.3.44. And if it is not evident in any other way that what I say is true, look at the matter in this way: do you suppose that Thrasybulus and Anytus and the other exiles would prefer to have us follow here the policy which I am urging by word, or the policy which these men are carrying out in deed? For my part, I fancy that now they believe every spot is full of allies, while if the best element in the state were friendly to us, they would count it difficult even to set foot anywhere in the land! 2.3.45. Again, as to his statement that I have a propensity to be always changing sides, consider these facts also: it was the people itself, as everybody knows, which voted for the government of the Four Hundred, being advised that the Lacedaemonians would trust any form of government sooner than a democracy. 2.3.46. But when the Lacedaemonians did not in the least relax their efforts in prosecuting the war, and Aristoteles, Melanthius, Aristarchus, and their fellow-generals were found to be building a fort on the peninsula, Commanding the harbour of Piraeus. into which they proposed to admit the enemy and so bring the state under the control of themselves and their oligarchical associates,—if I perceived this plan and thwarted it, is that being a traitor to one’s friends? 2.3.47. He dubs me Buskin, because, as he says, I try to fit both parties. But for the man who pleases neither party,—what in the name of the gods should we call him? For you in the days of the democracy 404 B.C. were regarded as the bitterest of all haters of the commons, and under the aristocracy you have shown yourself the bitterest of all haters of the better classes . 2.3.48. But I, Critias, am forever at war with the men who do not think there could be a good democracy until the slaves and those who would sell the state for lack of a shilling should share in the government, and on the other hand I am forever an enemy to those who do not think that a good oligarchy could be established until they should bring the state to the point of being ruled absolutely by a few. But to direct the government in company with those who have the means to be of service, whether with horses or with shields, i.e., could equip themselves at their own expense as horsemen or ( μετ’ ἀσπίδων ) as hoplites. —this plan I regarded as best in former days and I do not change my opinion now. 2.3.49. And if you can mention any instance, Critias, where I joined hands with demagogues or despots and undertook to deprive men of standing of their citizenship, then speak. For if I am found guilty either of doing this thing now or of ever having done it in the past, I admit that I should justly suffer the very uttermost of all penalties and be put to death. 2.3.50. When with these words he ceased speaking and the Senate had shown its good will by applause, Critias, realizing that if he should allow the Senate to pass judgment on the case, Theramenes would escape, and thinking that this would be unendurable, went and held a brief consultation with the Thirty, and then went out and ordered the men with the daggers to take their stand at the railing Separating the Senate from the auditorium. in plain sight of the Senate. 2.3.51. Then he came in again and 404 B.C. said: Senators, I deem it the duty of a leader who is what he ought to be, in case he sees that his friends are being deceived, not to permit it. I, therefore, shall follow that course. Besides, these men who have taken their stand here say that if we propose to let a man go who is manifestly injuring the oligarchy, they will not suffer us to do so. Now it is provided in the new laws that while no one of those who are on the roll of the Three Thousand may be put to death without your vote, the Thirty shall have power of life or death over those outside the roll. I, therefore, he said, strike off this man Theramenes from the roll, with the approval of all the Thirty. That being done, he added, we now condemn him to death. 2.3.52. When Theramenes heard this, he sprang to the altar and said: And I, sirs, said he, beg only bare justice,—that it be not within the power of Critias to strike off either me or whomsoever of you he may wish, but rather that both in your case and in mine the judgment may be rendered strictly in accordance with that law which these men have made regarding those on the roll. 2.3.53. To be sure, said he, I know, I swear by the gods, only too well, that this altar will avail me nothing, but I wish to show that these Thirty are not only most unjust toward men, but also most impious toward the gods. But I am surprised at you, he said, gentlemen of the aristocracy, that you are not going to defend your own rights, especially when you know that my name is not a whit easier to strike off than the name of each of you. 2.3.54. At this moment the herald of the Thirty ordered the Eleven See on I. vii. 10. to seize Theramenes; and when they came in, attended by their servants and with 404 B.C. Satyrus, the most audacious and shameless of them, at their head, Critias said: We hand over to you, said he, this man Theramenes, condemned according to the law. Do you, the Eleven, take him and lead him to the proper place and do that which follows. 2.3.55. When Critias had spoken these words, Satyrus dragged Theramenes away from the altar, and his servants lent their aid. And Theramenes, as was natural, called upon gods and men to witness what was going on. But the senators kept quiet, seeing that the men at the rail were of the same sort as Satyrus and that the space in front of the senate-house was filled with the guardsmen, and being well aware that the former had come armed with daggers. 2.3.56. So they led the man away through the market-place, while he proclaimed in a very loud voice the wrongs he was suffering. One saying of his that is reported was this: when Satyrus told him that if he did not keep quiet, he would suffer for it, he asked: Then if I do keep quiet, shall I not suffer? And when, being compelled to die, he had drunk the hemlock, they said that he threw out the last drops, like a man playing kottabos, The game consisted in throwing the last drops from a wine-cup into a basin, at the same time pronouncing the name and wishing the health of the person whom one loved. and exclaimed: Here’s to the health of my beloved Critias. Now I am not unaware of this, that these are not sayings worthy of record; still, I deem it admirable in the man that when death was close at hand, neither self-possession nor the spirit of playfulness departed from his soul.
4. Cicero, Brutus, 29 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

5. Cicero, Brutus, 29 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

29. huic aetati suppares Alcibiades Critias Critias vulg. : Critas L Theramenes; quibus temporibus quod dicendi genus viguerit ex Thucydidi scriptis, qui ipse tum fuit, intellegi maxime potest. Grandes erant verbis, crebri crebri F2 : crebris L sententiis, compressione compressione L : comprehensione Stangl rerum breves et ob eam ipsam causam interdum subobscuri.
6. Plutarch, Pericles, 32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

7. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.57 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

2.57. The Anabasis, with a preface to each separate book but not one to the whole work.Cyropaedia.Hellenica.Memorabilia.Symposium.Oeconomicus.On Horsemanship.On Hunting.On the Duty of a Cavalry General.A Defence of Socrates.On Revenues.Hieron or of Tyranny.Agesilaus.The Constitutions of Athens and Sparta.Demetrius of Magnesia denies that the last of these works is by Xenophon. There is a tradition that he made Thucydides famous by publishing his history, which was unknown, and which he might have appropriated to his own use. By the sweetness of his narrative he earned the name of the Attic Muse. Hence he and Plato were jealous of each other, as will be stated in the chapter on Plato.


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
akropolis Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
alcibiades Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 640; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 732, 734
archê Faure, Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity (2022) 161
arginusae de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
aristophanes, on the probouloi Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 639
aristotle, on the oligarchy Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 640
athens de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
atticus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 734
beginning Faure, Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity (2022) 161
cicero, de oratore Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 732
cicero, de senectute Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 732
cicero Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 732
constitution of athens (aristotle) Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 640
democracy, in athens, vs. the oligarchy Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 640
democracy de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
diogenes laertius Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 734
duration Faure, Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity (2022) 161
emotions, anger/rage de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
emotions, anger management de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
euryptolemus de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
focalization, embedded (or secondary) de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
gortyn Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
hagnon Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 639
haliartos Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
history, historian Faure, Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity (2022) 161
intertextuality de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
lebeau le cadet, m., on philoctetes and alcibiades Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 640
lykourgos (statesman) Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
lysias Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 732
mytilene de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
nature Faure, Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity (2022) 161
neaniskos Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
nepos Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 734
nicias, and hagnon Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 639
origine Faure, Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity (2022) 161
past Faure, Conceptions of Time in Greek and Roman Antiquity (2022) 161
peripoloi Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
philoctetes (sophocles), and alcibiades Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 640
phrynikhos Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
plato Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 732
probouloi Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 639, 640
sallust Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 734
sparta Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
speech, and narrative de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
syracuse de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
theramenes Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126; Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 639, 640
thessaly Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
thrasyboulos Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126
thucydides, son of melesias, editor, editions in antiquity Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 734
thucydides de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224
thucydides (politician), on the oligarchy Jouanna, Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context (2018) 640
xenophon, hellenica' Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 732
xenophon, hellenica Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 734
xenophon Henderson, The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus (2020) 126; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 732, 734; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 224