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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10972
Tosefta, Sukkah, 3.16
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1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 16.13 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

16.13. חַג הַסֻּכֹּת תַּעֲשֶׂה לְךָ שִׁבְעַת יָמִים בְּאָסְפְּךָ מִגָּרְנְךָ וּמִיִּקְבֶךָ׃ 16.13. Thou shalt keep the feast of tabernacles seven days, after that thou hast gathered in from thy threshing-floor and from thy winepress."
2. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 23.11, 23.34 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

23.11. וְהֵנִיף אֶת־הָעֹמֶר לִפְנֵי יְהוָה לִרְצֹנְכֶם מִמָּחֳרַת הַשַּׁבָּת יְנִיפֶנּוּ הַכֹּהֵן׃ 23.34. דַּבֵּר אֶל־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל לֵאמֹר בַּחֲמִשָּׁה עָשָׂר יוֹם לַחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי הַזֶּה חַג הַסֻּכּוֹת שִׁבְעַת יָמִים לַיהֹוָה׃ 23.11. And he shall wave the sheaf before the LORD, to be accepted for you; on the morrow after the sabbath the priest shall wave it." 23.34. Speak unto the children of Israel, saying: On the fifteenth day of this seventh month is the feast of tabernacles for seven days unto the LORD."
3. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 7.6 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

7.6. וַיִּקָּבְצוּ הַמִּצְפָּתָה וַיִּשְׁאֲבוּ־מַיִם וַיִּשְׁפְּכוּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה וַיָּצוּמוּ בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא וַיֹּאמְרוּ שָׁם חָטָאנוּ לַיהוָה וַיִּשְׁפֹּט שְׁמוּאֵל אֶת־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל בַּמִּצְפָּה׃ 7.6. And they gathered together to Miżpa, and drew water, and poured it out before the Lord, and fasted on that day, and said there, We have sinned against the Lord. And Shemu᾽el judged the children of Yisra᾽el in Miżpa."
4. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 8.16 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

8.16. וַיֵּצְאוּ הָעָם וַיָּבִיאוּ וַיַּעֲשׂוּ לָהֶם סֻכּוֹת אִישׁ עַל־גַּגּוֹ וּבְחַצְרֹתֵיהֶם וּבְחַצְרוֹת בֵּית הָאֱלֹהִים וּבִרְחוֹב שַׁעַר הַמַּיִם וּבִרְחוֹב שַׁעַר אֶפְרָיִם׃ 8.16. So the people went forth, and brought them, and made themselves booths, every one upon the roof of his house, and in their courts, and in the courts of the house of God, and in the broad place of the water gate, and in the broad place of the gate of Ephraim."
5. Hebrew Bible, Zechariah, 14.17 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

14.17. וְהָיָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יַעֲלֶה מֵאֵת מִשְׁפְּחוֹת הָאָרֶץ אֶל־יְרוּשָׁלִַם לְהִשְׁתַּחֲוֺת לְמֶלֶךְ יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת וְלֹא עֲלֵיהֶם יִהְיֶה הַגָּשֶׁם׃ 14.17. And it shall be, that whoso of the families of the earth goeth not up unto Jerusalem to worship the King, the LORD of hosts, upon them there shall be no rain."
6. Anon., 1 Enoch, 38-71, 37 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)

37. The second vision which he saw, the vision of wisdom -which Enoch the son of Jared, the son,of Mahalalel, the son of Cai, the son of Enos, the son of Seth, the son of Adam, saw. And this is the beginning of the words of wisdom which I lifted up my voice to speak and say to those which dwell on earth: Hear, ye men of old time, and see, ye that come after, the words of the Holy,One which I will speak before the Lord of Spirits. It were better to declare (them only) to the men of old time, but even from those that come after we will not withhold the beginning of wisdom.,Till the present day such wisdom has never been given by the Lord of Spirits as I have received according to my insight, according to the good pleasure of the Lord of Spirits by whom the lot of,eternal life has been given to me. Now three Parables were imparted to me, and I lifted up my voice and recounted them to those that dwell on the earth.
7. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Habakkuk, 11.4-11.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 2.162, 2.176 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)

2.162. There is also a festival on the day of the paschal feast, which succeeds the first day, and this is named the sheaf, from what takes place on it; for the sheaf is brought to the altar as a first fruit both of the country which the nation has received for its own, and also of the whole land; so as to be an offering both for the nation separately, and also a common one for the whole race of mankind; and so that the people by it worship the living God, both for themselves and for all the rest of mankind, because they have received the fertile earth for their inheritance; for in the country there is no barren soil but even all those parts which appear to be stony and rugged are surrounded with soft veins of great depth, which, by reason of their richness, are very well suited for the production of living Things.{20}{sections 163û174 were omitted in Yonge's translation because the edition on which Yonge based his translation, Mangey, lacked this material. These lines have been newly translated for this volume.} 2.176. The solemn assembly on the occasion of the festival of the sheaf having such great privileges, is the prelude to another festival of still greater importance; for from this day the fiftieth day is reckoned, making up the sacred number of seven sevens, with the addition of a unit as a seal to the whole; and this festival, being that of the first fruits of the corn, has derived its name of pentecost from the number of fifty, (penteµkosto
9. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 3.237, 3.245, 11.77, 11.302-11.347, 13.171-13.173, 13.282-13.283, 13.288-13.298, 13.322, 13.371-13.383, 13.398-13.404, 14.25-14.28, 15.3, 15.37, 15.370, 15.373-15.379, 15.425, 16.179-16.182, 17.165-17.166, 18.4, 18.12-18.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.237. 1. The law requires, that out of the public expenses a lamb of the first year be killed every day, at the beginning and at the ending of the day; but on the seventh day, which is called the Sabbath, they kill two, and sacrifice them in the same manner. 3.245. as also that when we should arrive at our own country, and come to that city which we should have then for our metropolis, because of the temple therein to be built, and keep a festival for eight days, and offer burnt-offerings, and sacrifice thank-offerings, that we should then carry in our hands a branch of myrtle, and willow, and a bough of the palm-tree, with the addition of the pome citron: 11.77. They also celebrated the feast of tabernacles at that time, as the legislator had ordained concerning it; and after they offered sacrifices, and what were called the daily sacrifices, and the oblations proper for the Sabbaths, and for all the holy festivals. Those also that had made vows performed them, and offered their sacrifices from the first day of the seventh month. 11.302. 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. 11.303. This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to him. 11.304. 1. About this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was derived from the family of Oreste 11.305. and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius’s army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related elsewhere. 11.306. 2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; 11.307. for they esteemed this man’s marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with foreigners 11.308. although the offense of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar 11.309. the high priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. 11.311. and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened that Sanballat was then in years. 11.312. But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage, and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law. 11.313. 3. About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutets in the battle at Granicum, and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia. 11.314. So he passed over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. 11.315. Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude. 11.316. But the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fled into Persia. 11.317. So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing. 11.318. But the high priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; 11.319. and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. 11.321. 4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for his lord instead of Darius. 11.322. So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation, now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject to him; 11.323. that it would be for the king’s advantage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. 11.324. Whereupon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward that his daughter’s children should have that dignity; 11.325. but when the seven months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem; 11.326. and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; 11.327. whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 11.328. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. 11.329. 5. And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple. 11.331. for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high priest. 11.332. The Jews also did all together, with one voice, salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. 11.333. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; 11.334. for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; 11.335. whence it is that, having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” 11.336. And when he had said this to Parmenio, and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest’s direction, and magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. 11.337. And when the Book of Daniel was showed him wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased of him; 11.338. whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired. And when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they desired. 11.339. And when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition, that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 11.341. for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. 11.342. Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honor to their temple also; 11.343. to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did not sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; 11.344. and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, “It was to the Jews,” said he, “that I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper.” And in this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites; 11.345. but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them to guard that country. 11.346. 7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature 11.347. he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time. 13.171. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes. 13.172. Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.173. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War. 13.282. Now a very surprising thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came to discourse with him; for they say that on the very same day on which his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high priest, offering incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus. 13.283. And this he openly declared before all the multitude upon his coming out of the temple; and it accordingly proved true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus. 13.288. 5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees, who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently believed. 13.289. Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also. 13.291. a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices. This man said, “Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the people,” 13.292. And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied, “We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. “ This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him. 13.293. 6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus’s, but of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, What punishment they thought this man deserved? 13.294. for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. 13.295. At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far 13.296. that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude: 13.297. but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. 13.298. And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs. 13.322. when Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God’s representing to him the countece of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus; 13.371. Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related. 13.372. 5. As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and pelted him with citrons [which they then had in their hands, because] the law of the Jews required that at the feast of tabernacles every one should have branches of the palm tree and citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. 13.373. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him. 13.374. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus durst not fight with him; 13.375. but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem 13.376. where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them. 13.377. 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. 13.378. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also. 13.379. 2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had; 13.381. This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose; 13.382. nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him. 13.383. However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity. 13.398. 5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three years, yet would not leave off going out with his army, till he was quite spent with the labors he had undergone, and died in the bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. 13.399. But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be left in; and said to him, “To whom dost thou thus leave me and my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?” 13.401. after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly disposed; 13.402. for that they are then believed best of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had injured. 13.403. “Do thou, therefore,” said he, “when thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom. 13.404. If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.” So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one. 14.25. and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected. 14.25. 2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; 14.26. and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 14.26. but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. 14.27. But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. 14.27. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus’s government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere. 14.28. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae. 14.28. 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar: 15.3. But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited. 15.3. He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have another king over them. 15.3. for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another; 15.37. that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. 15.37. He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. 15.373. 5. Now there was one of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews; 15.374. but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, “However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune. 15.375. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one 15.376. for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.” 15.377. Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. 15.378. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, “Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;” but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essenes. 15.379. We have thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essenes have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of divine revelations. 15.425. It is also reported, that during the time that the temple was building, it did not rain in the daytime, but that the showers fell in the nights, so that the work was not hindered. And this our fathers have delivered to us; nor is it incredible, if any one have regard to the manifestations of God. And thus was performed the work of the rebuilding of the temple. 16.179. 1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David’s sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an intention to make the attempt; 16.181. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon; 16.182. where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly affrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also. 17.165. Now it happened, that during the time of the high priesthood of this Matthias, there was another person made high priest for a single day, that very day which the Jews observed as a fast. 17.166. The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office. 18.4. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; 18.4. When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her. 18.12. 3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced; 18.12. 3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. 18.13. and when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. 18.13. 4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, her father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod’s sister. 18.14. They also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again; 18.14. Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. 18.15. on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also. 18.15. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria. 18.16. 4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: 18.16. o she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea. 18.17. but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them. 18.17. for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners;
10. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 1.32, 1.88-1.90, 1.92-1.98, 6.94 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

1.3. I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward [am the author of this work]. 1.3. 12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter. 1.3. When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. 1.32. 7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Macheras as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Macheras of mal-administration. But Macheras was made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him. 1.32. who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. 1.88. 3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. 1.89. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it. 1.92. But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their request, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem. 1.93. 5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other’s soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander’s mercenaries to leave him,—and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him. 1.94. But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. 1.95. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander’s mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander’s condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way. 1.96. 6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. 1.97. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. 1.98. Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander’s death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more. 6.94. while he himself had Josephus brought to him (for he had been informed that on that very day, which was the seventeenth day of Panemus, [Tamuz,] the sacrifice called “the Daily Sacrifice” had failed, and had not been offered to God, for want of men to offer it, and that the people were grievously troubled at it)
11. Josephus Flavius, Life, 191, 197, 12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

12. Mishnah, Avot, 1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

13. Mishnah, Berachot, 4.1, 4.3-4.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.1. The morning Tefillah (Shacharit) is until midday. Rabbi Judah says until the fourth hour. The afternoon Tefillah (Minhah) until evening. Rabbi Judah says: until the middle of the afternoon. The evening prayer has no fixed time. The time for the additional prayers (musaf) is the whole day. Rabbi Judah says: until the seventh hour." 4.3. Rabban Gamaliel says: every day a man should pray the eighteen [blessings]. Rabbi Joshua says: an abstract of the eighteen. Rabbi Akiva says: if he knows it fluently he prays the eighteen, and if not an abstract of the eighteen." 4.4. Rabbi Eliezer says: if a man makes his prayers fixed, it is not [true] supplication. Rabbi Joshua says: if one is traveling in a dangerous place, he says a short prayer, saying: Save, O Lord, Your people the remt of Israel. In every time of crisis may their needs be before You. Blessed are You, O Lord, who hears prayer."
14. Mishnah, Eruvin, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.2. Once they did not enter the harbor until dusk [on Shabbat eve]. They asked Rabban Gamaliel, “Can we disembark?” He said to them, “You may for I was already observing and we were already within the Shabbat limit before it grew dark.”"
15. Mishnah, Hagigah, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

3.8. How did they undertake the purification of the Temple court? They immersed the vessels which were in the Temple, and they say to them: “Be cautious lest you touch the table or menorah and defile them.” All the vessels that were in the Temple had second and third sets, so that if the first was defiled, they might bring a second set in its place. All the vessels that were in the Temple required immersion, except the altar of gold and the altar of bronze, for they are like the ground, the words of Rabbi Eliezer. But the sages say: because they were overlaid [with metal]."
16. Mishnah, Megillah, 1.3, 3.6, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.3. What is considered a large town? One which has in it ten idle men. One that has fewer is considered a village. In respect of these they said that they should be moved up but not postponed. But with regard to the bringing the wood for the priests, the [fast of] Tisha B’Av, the hagigah, and assembling the people they postpone [until after Shabbat] and they do not move them up. Although they said that they should be moved up but not postponed, it is permissible to mourn, to fast, and to distribute gifts to the poor [on these earlier days]. Rabbi Judah said: When is this so? In a place where people gather on Mondays and Thursdays, but in places where people do not gather on Mondays and Thursdays, the Megillah is read only on its proper day." 3.6. On Hanukkah they read the section of the princes (Numbers. On Purim, “And Amalek came” (Exodus 17:8). On Rosh Hodesh, “And on the first of your months” (Numbers 28:11). On Maamadot, the account of the creation (Genesis 1:1-2:3). On fast days, the blessings and curses (Leviticus 26:3 ff and Deuteronomy. They do not interrupt while reading the curses, but rather one reads them all. On Monday and Thursday and on Shabbat at minhah they read according to the regular order and this does not count as part of the reading [for the succeeding Shabbat]. As it says, “And Moshe declared to the children of Israel the appointed seasons of the Lord” (Leviticus 23:44) it is their mitzvah that each should be read in its appropriate time." 4.1. He who reads the Megillah may either stand or sit. Whether one read it or two read it [together] they [those listening] have fulfilled their obligation. In places where it is the custom to say a blessing, they say the blessing, and where it is not the custom they do not say the blessing. On Mondays and Thursdays and on Shabbat at minhah, three read from the torah, they do not add [to this number] nor decrease [from it], nor do they conclude with [a haftarah] from the Prophets. The one who begins the Torah reading and the one who concludes the Torah reading blesses before it and after it."
17. Mishnah, Menachot, 10.1-10.3 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

10.1. Rabbi Ishmael says: On Shabbat the omer was taken out of three seahs [of barley] and on a weekday out of five. But the sages say: whether on Shabbat or on a weekday it was taken out of three seahs. Rabbi Hanina the vice-high priest says: on Shabbat it was reaped by one man with one sickle into one basket, and on a weekday it was reaped by three men into three baskets and with three sickles. But the sages say: whether on Shabbat or on a weekday it was reaped by three men into three baskets and with three sickles." 10.2. The mitzvah of the omer is that it should be brought from [what grows] near by. If [the crop] near Jerusalem was not yet ripe, it could be brought from any place. It once happened that the omer was brought from Gagot Zerifin and the two loaves from the plain of En Soker." 10.3. How would they do it [reap the omer]?The agents of the court used to go out on the day before the festival and tie the unreaped grain in bunches to make it the easier to reap. All the inhabitants of the towns near by assembled there, so that it might be reaped with a great demonstration. As soon as it became dark he says to them: “Has the sun set?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Has the sun set?” And they answer, “Yes.” “With this sickle?” And they answer, “Yes.” “With this sickle?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Into this basket?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Into this basket?” And they answer, “Yes.” On the Sabbath he says to them, “On this Sabbath?” And they answer, “Yes.” “On this Sabbath?” And they answer, “Yes.” “Shall I reap?” And they answer, “Reap.” “Shall I reap?” And they answer, “Reap.” He repeated every matter three times, and they answer, “yes, yes, yes.” And why all of this? Because of the Boethusians who held that the reaping of the omer was not to take place at the conclusion of the [first day of the] festival."
18. Mishnah, Middot, 3.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

3.2. At the southwestern corner [of the foundation] there were two openings like two small nostrils through which the blood which was poured on the western side of the foundation and on the southern side flowed down till the two streams became mingled in the channel, through which they made their way out to the Kidron wadi."
19. Mishnah, Parah, 3.7 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

3.7. If the cow refused to go out, they may not take out with it a black one lest people say, \"They slaughtered a black cow\" nor another red [cow] lest people say, \"They slaughtered two.\" Rabbi Yose says: it was not for this reason but because it is said \"And he shall bring her out\" by herself. The elders of Israel used to go first by foot to the Mount of Olives, where there was a place of immersion. The priest that was to burn the cow was (deliberately) made unclean on account of the Sadducees so that they should not be able to say, \"It can be done only by those on whom the sun has set.\""
20. Mishnah, Rosh Hashanah, 1.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.2. At four set times the world is judged:On Pesah in respect to the produce. On Shavuot in respect to the fruit of the tree. On Rosh Hashanah all the people of the world pass before Him like a division of soldier [a numerus], as it says, “He who fashions the hearts of them all, who discerns all their doings” (Psalms 33:15). And on Sukkot they are judged in respect of rain."
21. Mishnah, Shabbat, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

16.8. If a Gentile lights a lamp, an Israelite may make use of its light. But if [he does it] for the sake of the Israelite, it is forbidden. If he draws water to give his own animal to drink, an Israelite may water his [animal] after him. But if [he draws it] for the Israelite’s sake, it is forbidden. If a Gentile makes a plank to descend [off a ship by] it, an Israelite may descend after him; But if on the Israelite’s account, it is forbidden. It once happened that Rabban Gamaliel and the elders were traveling in a ship, when a Gentile made a plank for getting off, and Rabban Gamaliel, and the elders descended by it."
22. Mishnah, Sukkah, 4.1, 4.9-4.10, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.1. [The rituals of] the lulav and the aravah are for six or seven [days]; The Hallel and the rejoicing are for eight [days]; The sukkah and the water libation are for seven [days]; The flute is for five or six [days]." 4.9. How was the water libation [performed]? A golden flask holding three logs was filled from the Shiloah. When they arrived at the water gate, they sounded a teki'ah [long blast], a teru'ah [a staccato note] and again a teki'ah. [The priest then] went up the ascent [of the altar] and turned to his left where there were two silver bowls. Rabbi Judah says: they were of plaster [but they looked silver] because their surfaces were darkened from the wine. They had each a hole like a slender snout, one being wide and the other narrow so that both emptied at the same time. The one on the west was for water and the one on the east for wine. If he poured the flask of water into the bowl for wine, or that of wine into that for water, he has fulfilled his obligation. Rabbi Judah says: with one log he performed the ceremony of the water-libation all eight days. To [the priest] who performed the libation they used to say, “Raise your hand”, for one time, a certain man poured out the water over his feet, and all the people pelted him with their etrogs." 4.10. As it was performed on weekdays, so was it was performed on Shabbat, save that on the eve of Shabbat he would fill a non-sanctified golden barrel from the Shiloah, and place it in the chamber. If it was poured away or uncovered, he would refill it from the laver, for wine or water which has become uncovered is invalid for the altar." 5.4. Men of piety and good deeds used to dance before them with lighted torches in their hands, and they would sing songs and praises. And Levites with innumerable harps, lyres, cymbals and trumpets and other musical instruments stood upon the fifteen steps leading down from the Court of the Israelites to the Court of the Women, corresponding to the fifteen songs of ascents in the Psalms, and it was on these [steps] that the Levites stood with their musical instruments and sang their songs. Two priests stood by the upper gate which leads down from the Court of the Israelites to the Court of the Women, with two trumpets in their hands. When the cock crowed they sounded a teki'ah [drawn-out blast], a teru'ah [staccato note] and again a teki'ah. When they reached the tenth step they sounded a teki'ah, a teru'ah and again a teki'ah. When they reached the Court [of the Women] they sounded a teki'ah, a teru'ah and again a teki'ah. They would sound their trumpets and proceed until they reached the gate which leads out to the east. When they reached the gate which leads out to the east, they turned their faces from east to west and said, “Our fathers who were in this place ‘their backs were toward the Temple of the Lord, and their faces toward the east, and they worshipped the sun toward the east’, but as for us, our eyes are turned to the Lord.” Rabbi Judah said: they used to repeat [the last words] and say “We are the Lord’s and our eyes are turned to the Lord.”"
23. Mishnah, Taanit, 1.6, 2.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

1.6. If these passed and there was no answer, the court decrees three more fasts on the community. They may eat and drink [only] while it is still day; they may not work, bathe, anoint themselves with oil, wear shoes, or have marital, relations. And the bathhouses are closed. If these passed and there was no answer the court decrees upon the community a further seven, making a total of thirteen. These are greater than the first, for on these they blast the shofar and they lock the shops. On Mondays the shutters [of the shops] are opened a little when it gets dark, but on Thursdays they are permitted [the whole day] because of the Shabbat." 2.9. They do not decree upon the community a fast to begin on a Thursday in order not to cause a rise in the market prices. Rather the first three fasts are held [in this order], Monday, Thursday, and Monday; the second three, Thursday, Monday, and Thursday. Rabbi Yose says: just as the first three [fasts] should not begin on a Thursday so too neither the second [three] nor the last [seven]."
24. Mishnah, Yoma, 2.1-2.2, 5.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

2.1. Originally anyone who wished to remove [the ashes from] the altar did so. When they were many, they would run up the ramp [of the altar] and he that came first within four cubits won the privilege. If two were even, the officer would say to them [all:] raise the finger! And how many did they put out? One or two but one does not put out a thumb in the Temple." 2.2. Section one: It once happened that two were even as they ran up the ramp, and one of them pushed his fellow who fell and broke his leg. When the court saw that they incurred danger, they decreed that they would remove the ashes from only by a count. Section two: There were four counts. This is the first count." 5.2. After the Ark had been taken away, there was a stone from the days of the earlier prophets, called “shtiyah”, three fingers above the ground, on which he would place [the pan of burning coals]."
25. Mishnah, Zevahim, 6.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

6.2. The hatat of a bird was sacrificed by the southwest horn [of the altar]. It is valid [if done] in any place, but this was its [particular] place. That horn served for three things below, and three things above: Below: for the hatat of the bird, For the presenting [of meal-offerings]. And for the residue of the blood. Above: for the pouring out of wine and water, and for the olah of a bird when there was too much on the east."
26. Mishnah, Yadayim, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)

4.6. The Sadducees say: we complain against you, Pharisees, because you say that the Holy Scriptures defile the hands, but the books of Homer do not defile the hands. Rabban Yoha ben Zakkai said: Have we nothing against the Pharisees but this? Behold they say that the bones of a donkey are clean, yet the bones of Yoha the high priest are unclean. They said to him: according to the affection for them, so is their impurity, so that nobody should make spoons out of the bones of his father or mother. He said to them: so also are the Holy Scriptures according to the affection for them, so is their uncleanness. The books of Homer which are not precious do not defile the hands."
27. New Testament, Acts, 5.34, 23.6, 26.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

5.34. But one stood up in the council, a Pharisee named Gamaliel, a teacher of the law, honored by all the people, and commanded to take the apostles out a little while. 23.6. But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, "Men and brothers, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees. Concerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am being judged! 26.5. having known me from the first, if they are willing to testify, that after the strictest sect of our religion I lived a Pharisee.
28. New Testament, Philippians, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.5. circumcised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of Hebrews; concerning the law, a Pharisee;
29. New Testament, John, 3.1, 7.38 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

3.1. Now there was a man of the Pharisees named Nicodemus, a ruler of the Jews. 7.38. He who believes in me, as the Scripture has said, from within him will flow rivers of living water.
30. New Testament, Luke, 7.36-7.39, 11.37-11.38, 18.10-18.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

7.36. One of the Pharisees invited him to eat with him. He entered into the Pharisee's house, and sat at the table. 7.37. Behold, a woman in the city who was a sinner, when she knew that he was reclining in the Pharisee's house, she brought an alabaster jar of ointment. 7.38. Standing behind at his feet weeping, she began to wet his feet with her tears, and she wiped them with the hair of her head, kissed his feet, and anointed them with the ointment. 7.39. Now when the Pharisee who had invited him saw it, he said to himself, "This man, if he were a prophet, would have perceived who and what kind of woman this is who touches him, that she is a sinner. 11.37. Now as he spoke, a certain Pharisee asked him to dine with him. He went in, and sat at the table. 11.38. When the Pharisee saw it, he marveled that he had not first washed himself before dinner. 18.10. Two men went up into the temple to pray; one was a Pharisee, and the other was a tax collector. 18.11. The Pharisee stood and prayed to himself like this: 'God, I thank you, that I am not like the rest of men, extortioners, unrighteous, adulterers, or even like this tax collector. 18.12. I fast twice a week. I give tithes of all that I get.'
31. New Testament, Mark, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

9.5. Peter answered Jesus, "Rabbi, it is good for us to be here. Let's make three tents: one for you, one for Moses, and one for Elijah.
32. Tosefta, Berachot, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

2.1. One who says the Shema must remember the exodus from Egypt when saying \"Emet V'Yatziv\". Rabbi [Yehuda] says that one must remember the [Davidic] kingship. Aherim say that one must remember the slaying of the first born and the dividing of the Red Sea. "
33. Tosefta, Hagigah, 3.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

34. Tosefta, Menachot, 10.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

35. Tosefta, Parah, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

36. Tosefta, Pesahim, 4.14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

37. Tosefta, Sotah, 13.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

38. Tosefta, Sukkah, 3.1, 3.3, 3.8, 3.11-3.12, 3.14-3.15, 3.18, 4.1, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

3.1. The lulav suspends the Sabbath in the beginning of its duty, and the willow in the end of its duty. There is a story that some Boethusians once hid the willows under some great stones on the Sabbath eve; but when this had become known to the common people they came and dragged them out from under the stones on the Sabbath, for the Boethusians do not acknowledge that the beating of the willow suspends the Sabbath." 3.3. Why is the name \"Water Gate\"? It is so called because through it they take the flask of water used for the libation at the Feast. R. Eliezer b. Jacob says of it, \"The waters are dripping, intimating that water oozing out and rising, as if from this flask, will in future days come forth from under the threshold of the Temple, and so it says, ‘When the man went forth eastward with the line in his hand, he measured a thousand cubits, and caused me to pass through the waters, waters that were to the ankles, intimating that a man can pass through waters up to his ankles ; and again he measured a thousand, and caused me to pass through the waters, waters that were to the knees, intimating that a man can pass through waters up to his knees.’”Another interpretation of waters that were to the knees, \"intimating that after they have been blessed, they flow out. Again, he measured a thousand, and caused me to pass through the waters, waters that were to the loins, intimating that a man can pass through waters up to his loins. Afterwards he measured a thousand, and it was a river that I could not pass through. Though one cannot cross it on foot, yet one may be able to do so by swimming; though one cannot cross it in a small boat, as we learn from the Scripture, For the waters were risen, waters to swim in they were risen too high for swimming. Though one cannot cross it in a small boat, yet one may be able to do so in a large boat, as we learn from the Scripture, There shall not go thereon any rowing ship. Though one cannot cross it in a large boat, yet one may be able to do so in a fast sailing vessel, as we learn from the Scripture, And gallant ship shall not pass over it. 2 And so it is said, And it shall come to pass in that day, that living waters shall go out from Jerusalem, half of them toward the eastern sea, and half of them toward the western sea ; in summer and in winter shall it be. It may be other fountains will be mixed with them, as we learn from the Scripture, In that day shall there be a fountain opened to the house of David, and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, for sin and for uncleanness. Whither do the waters go ? To the Mediterranean, and to the sea of Tiberias, and to the Dead Sea, that their waters may be healed, as it is said : And he said to me, These waters issue forth towards the eastern region that is the Dead Sea ; and shall go down into the Arabah that is the Sea of Tiberias ; and they shall go towards the other sea that is the Mediterranean Sea ; and the waters shall be healed ; and it shall come to pass that every living creature that swarms, in every place whither the river comes, shall live ; and there shall be a very great multitude of fish; for these waters are come hither, that all things may be healed and live, whithersoever the river cometh. And it also says : And it shall come to pass that fishers shall stand by it ; from Engedi even unto Englaim shall be a place for the spreading of nets ; their fish shall be after their kinds, as the fish of the Great Sea, exceeding many. And it also says : But the miry places thereof and the marishes thereof, shall not be healed ; they shall be given for salt. And also : By the river, upon the bank thereof, on this side and on that side, shall grow every tree for meat, whose leaf shall not wither, neither shall the fruit thereof fail ; it shall bring forth first-fruits every month, because the waters thereof issue out of the sanctuary ; and the fruit thereof shall be for meat, and the leaf thereof for healing intimating that all \"the waters of creation\" will come forth as from the mouth of this flask. So the well, which was with Israel in the wilderness, was like a rock of the size of a k'bara, 6 and was oozing out and rising as from the mouth of this flask, travelling with them up the mountains and going down with them to the valleys. Wherever Israel encamped it encamped opposite them before the door of the Tabernacle. The princes of Israel with their slaves surrounded it, and said over it this song, Spring up, O well, sing ye unto it. Then the waters bubbled forth, and rose on high like a pillar; and every one drew out the staff of his tribe and family, as it is said, The well which the princes digged, Which the nobles of the people delved, With the sceptre and with their staves. And from Mattanah to Nahaliel ; and from Nahaliel to Bamoth ; and from Bamoth to the valley, etc. going round every camp of the Lord, and watering all Jeshimon ; and it made mighty streams, as it is said, And streams overflowed. 3 And they were sitting in skiffs, going from place to place, as it is written, They ran in the dry places like a river. If Israel went up on the right, it would come down on the right ; if on the left, it would come down on the left. The waters which emptied themselves from it became a great river, pouring themselves into the Mediterranean, and bringing thence all the precious things of the world, as it is said, These forty years the Lord thy God hath been with thee ; thou hast lacked nothing." 4.1. Formerly when they were beholding the joy at the ceremony of the water drawing, the men were beholding it from within the Temple precincts and the women from without. But when the supreme court saw that they behaved in a frivolous manner they erected three balconies in the court, facing the three sides, that from them the women might behold the rejoicing at the ceremony. So when they were beholding the rejoicing at the ceremony the sexes were not mixed up together." 4.6. Why did they blow three blasts? To make the people cease from work. The sexton took the trumpets, and went to the top of the highest roof in the city to summon those near the city to cease from work. Those near the limits of the city assembled themselves together and came to the schoolhouse. They did not come immediately the trumpets blew, but waited till all were gathered together, and then all came at once. When did they assemble? After one could fill a bottle of water, or fry a fish, or light his lamp. "
39. Tosefta, Kippurim, 1.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

40. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 7.11 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

41. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 91.4-91.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

91.4. וְיוֹסֵף הוּא הַשַּׁלִּיט וגו' (בראשית מב, ו), שָׁלשׁ גְּזֵרוֹת גָּזַר, שֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס עֶבֶד לְמִצְרַיִם, וְשֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס אָדָם בִּשְׁנֵי חֲמוֹרִים, וְשֶׁלֹא יוֹלִיכוּ חֲמָרִים תְּבוּאָה מִמָּקוֹם לְמָקוֹם, שֶׁלֹא יִכָּנֵס אָדָם עַד שֶׁלֹא יִכְתֹּב שְׁמוֹ וְשֵׁם אָבִיו וְשֵׁם זְקֵנוֹ. וַהֲוָה תַּמָּן מְנַשֶּׁה קָאֵים מְקַבֵּל פִּתְקִין, אָמְרִין נֵעוֹל וְנֶחֱמֵי אִי אַשְׁכְּחָן יָתֵיהּ טָעוּן לָן בְּמַדָּיו דְּמִכְסָא, הָא טַב, וְאִם לָאו בְּצַפְרָא נֶחֱמֵי מַה נַּעֲבֹד. 91.5. דָּבָר אַחֵר, וַיַּרְא יַעֲקֹב כִּי יֶשׁ שֶׁבֶר בְּמִצְרָיִם, כְּתִיב (משלי יא, כו): מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם וּבְרָכָה לְרֹאשׁ מַשְׁבִּיר. מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, זֶה פַּרְעֹה. וּבְרָכָה לְרֹאשׁ מַשְׁבִּיר, זֶה יוֹסֵף. יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, זֶה פַּרְעֹה, שֶׁגָּנַז הַתְּבוּאָה בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן וְהָיוּ הַבְּרִיּוֹת מְקַלְּלִין אוֹתוֹ. אֲבָל יוֹסֵף זָן אֶת הָעוֹלָם בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן כָּרוֹעֶה הַזֶּה שֶׁמַּנְהִיג אֶת צֹאנוֹ, עָלָיו אָמַר דָּוִד (תהלים פ, ב): רֹעֵה יִשְׂרָאֵל הַאֲזִינָה נֹהֵג כַּצֹּאן יוֹסֵף, כְּשֶׁהָיָה רָעָב בִּימֵי דָוִד בִּקֵּשׁ עֲלֵיהֶם רַחֲמִים מִלִּפְנֵי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא וְאָמַר רִבּוֹן כָּל הָעוֹלָמִים נְהֹג אֶת צֹאנְךָ כְּיוֹסֵף שֶׁזָּן אֶת הָעוֹלָם בִּשְׁנֵי רְעָבוֹן. כֵּיוָן שֶׁחָזַק הָרָעָב בָּאָרֶץ נִתְקַבְּצוּ הַמִּצְרִים וּבָאוּ אֵצֶל יוֹסֵף אָמְרוּ לוֹ תְּנָה לָנוּ לֶחֶם, אָמַר לָהֶם אֱלֹהַי אֵינוֹ זָן אֶת הָעֲרֵלִים, לְכוּ וּמוֹלוּ אֶת עַצְמְכֶם וְאֶתֵּן לָכֶם. הָלְכוּ אֵצֶל פַּרְעֹה וְהָיוּ צוֹעֲקִים וּבוֹכִים לְפָנָיו, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית מא, נה): וַתִּרְעַב כָּל אֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם, וְאָמַר (בראשית מא, נה): לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ, אָמְרוּ לוֹ הָלַכְנוּ אֶצְלוֹ מְדַבֵּר אֵלֵינוּ דְּבָרִים רֵיקִים וְאוֹמֵר מוֹלוּ אֶת עַצְמְכֶם, אָמַר לָהֶם שׁוֹטִים לֹא כָךְ אָמַרְתִּי לָכֶם מִתְּחִלָּה עִבְדוּהוּ וּקְנוּ לְעַצְמְכֶם תְּבוּאָה, וְכִי לֹא הָיָה קוֹרֵא לָכֶם כָּל אוֹתָן הַשָּׁנִים שְׁנֵי הַשֹּׂבַע וְצִוָּה לָכֶם הֱיוּ יוֹדְעִים שֶׁרָעָב בָּא, אַתֶּם פָּשַׁעְתֶּם בְּנַפְשׁוֹתֵיכֶם, מִפְּנֵי מָה לֹא הִנַּחְתֶּם בְּבָתֵּיכֶם תְּבוּאָה שֶׁל שְׁנַיִם וְשָׁלשׁ וְאַרְבַּע שָׁנִים. אָמְרוּ לוֹ כָּל תְּבוּאָה שֶׁהָיָה בְּבָתֵּינוּ הִרְקִיבָה. אָמַר לָהֶם לֹא נִשְׁתַּיֵּר לָכֶם קֶמַח מֵאֶתְמוֹל, אָמְרוּ לוֹ אַף פַּת שֶׁהָיָה בַּסַּל הִרְקִיב. אָמַר לָהֶם לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ, אָמַר לָהֶם אִם גּוֹזֵר עַל הַתְּבוּאָה וְנִרְקֶבֶת שֶׁמָּא יִגְזֹר עָלֵינוּ וְיַהַרְגֵנוּ. אָמַר לָהֶם לְכוּ אֶל יוֹסֵף, אִם יֹאמַר לָכֶם חִתְכוּ מִבְּשַׂרְכֶם שִׁמְעוּ לוֹ, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: אֲשֶׁר יֹאמַר לָכֶם תַּעֲשׂוּ. (בראשית מא, נו): וְהָרָעָב הָיָה עַל כָּל פְּנֵי, רָאוּי הָיָה לַמִּקְרָא לוֹמַר עַל הָאָרֶץ, מַה תַּלְמוּד לוֹמַר עַל פְּנֵי, אָמַר רַבִּי שְׁמוּאֵל בַּר נַחְמָן לְלַמֶּדְךָ שֶׁלֹא הִתְחִיל הָרָעָב אֶלָּא בָּעֲשִׁירִים, שֶׁאֵין פְּנֵי הָאָרֶץ אֶלָּא עֲשִׁירִים, לְכָךְ נֶאֱמַר (משלי יא, כו): מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם, בִּזְּמַן שֶׁאָדָם עָשִׁיר יֵשׁ לוֹ פָּנִים שְׂמֵחִים לִרְאוֹת אֶת חֲבֵרוֹ, וּבִזְמַן שֶׁאָדָם עָנִי אֵין לוֹ פָּנִים לִרְאוֹת, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁהוּא מִתְבַּיֵּשׁ מֵחֲבֵרוֹ, לְכָךְ נֶאֱמַר: מֹנֵעַ בָּר יִקְּבֻהוּ לְאוֹם.
42. Anon., Sifre Numbers, 150, 143 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)

43. Palestinian Talmud, Nazir, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

44. Palestinian Talmud, Sukkah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)

45. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Qamma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

82b. ואתא איהו תיקן חפיפה:,ושיהו רוכלין מחזרין בעיירות משום תכשיטי נשים כדי שלא יתגנו על בעליהם:,ותיקן טבילה לבעלי קריין דאורייתא הוא דכתיב (ויקרא טו, טז) ואיש כי תצא ממנו שכבת זרע ורחץ את בשרו במים דאורייתא הוא לתרומה וקדשים אתא הוא תיקן אפילו לדברי תורה:,עשרה דברים נאמרו בירושלים אין הבית חלוט בה ואינה מביאה עגלה ערופה ואינה נעשית עיר הנדחת,ואינה מטמאה בנגעים ואין מוציאין בה זיזין וגזוזטראות ואין עושין בה אשפתות ואין עושין בה כבשונות ואין עושין בה גנות ופרדסות חוץ מגנות וורדין שהיו מימות נביאים הראשונים ואין מגדלים בה תרנגולין ואין מלינין בה את המת,אין הבית חלוט בה דכתיב (ויקרא כה, ל) וקם הבית אשר לו חומה לצמיתות לקונה אותו לדורותיו וקסבר לא נתחלקה ירושלים לשבטים,ואינה מביאה עגלה ערופה דכתיב (דברים כא, א) כי ימצא חלל באדמה אשר ה' אלהיך נותן לך לרשתה וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואינה נעשית עיר הנדחת דכתיב (דברים יג, יג) עריך וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואינה מטמאה בנגעים דכתיב (ויקרא יד, לד) ונתתי נגע צרעת בבית ארץ אחוזתכם וירושלים לא נתחלקה לשבטים,ואין מוציאין בה זיזין וגזוזטראות מפני אהל הטומאה ומשום דלא ליתזקו עולי רגלים,ואין עושין בה אשפתות משום שקצים,ואין עושין בה כבשונות משום קוטרא,ואין עושין בה גנות ופרדסין משום סירחא,ואין מגדלין בה תרנגולין משום קדשים,ואין מלינין בה את המת גמרא:,אין מגדלין חזירים בכל מקום תנו רבנן כשצרו בית חשמונאי זה על זה היה הורקנוס מבפנים ואריסטובלוס מבחוץ ובכל יום היו משלשים להם בקופה דינרין והיו מעלין להם תמידים,היה שם זקן אחד שהיה מכיר בחכמת יוונית אמר להם כל זמן שעוסקין בעבודה אין נמסרים בידכם למחר שילשלו דינרין בקופה והעלו להם חזיר כיון שהגיע לחצי החומה נעץ צפרניו בחומה ונזדעזעה ארץ ישראל ארבע מאות פרסה על ארבע מאות פרסה,באותה שעה אמרו ארור האיש שיגדל חזירים וארור האדם שילמד את בנו חכמת יוונית ועל אותה שעה שנינו מעשה שבא עומר מגנות הצריפין ושתי הלחם מבקעת עין סוכר:,וחכמת יוונית מי אסירא והתניא אמר רבי בארץ ישראל 82b. bAndEzra bcameand added to the Torah’s minimal obligation. He binstitutedthe requirement of bcombingthe hair even when it is known that it is not knotted and contains no repulsive substance.,The Gemara discusses the next of Ezra’s ordices: bAnd that peddlers should circulate throughall bthe towns.This Gemara explains that this is bbecausepeddlers supply bwomen’s cosmetics,and therefore Ezra instituted this practice bso thatwomen bshould not become unattractive to their husbands. /b,The Gemara analyzes the last of the ten ordices: bAnd he institutedthe requirement of bimmersion for those who experienced a seminal emission.The Gemara asks: But this bisrequired bby Torah law, as it is written: “And if the flow of seed go out from a man, then he shall batheall bhis flesh in water”(Leviticus 15:16). The Gemara answers: bBy Torah lawimmersion bisrequired only if one wishes to partake bof iterumaor sacrificialmeat. Ezra bcameand further binstitutedthat immersion is necessary beven forreciting or studying bmatters of Torah. /b,§ The mishna teaches that one may not raise chickens in Jerusalem. The Gemara cites a ibaraitathat contains a list of other ihalakhotthat are unique to Jerusalem. bTen matters were stated with regard to Jerusalem: A housesituated binJerusalem does bnotbecome birredeemableone year after its sale. Those who sell houses in other walled cities have the right to buy back their property for one year after the transaction. If they fail to do so, the house becomes the permanent possession of the buyer (see Leviticus 25:29–30). This ihalakhadoes not apply to houses in Jerusalem. bAndits Elders do bnot bring a heifer whose neck is brokenas required when a murder victim is found near a city and the murderer is unknown (see Deuteronomy 21:1–9); bandit bcannot become an idolatrous city(see Deuteronomy 13:13–19).,The ibaraitacontinues its list: bAnda house in Jerusalem bcannot become ritually impurewith the impurity bof leprous sores; and one may not build out projections or balconies [ igezuztraot /i]from houses that are bin it; and one may not establish garbage dumps inJerusalem; band one may not build kilns in it; and one may not plant gardens and orchards [ ipardesot /i] in it, except forthe brose gardens that werealready there bfrom the times of the early prophets; and one may not raise chickens in it; andfinally, bone may not leave a corpse overnight inJerusalem.,The Gemara discusses these ten ihalakhotpertaining to Jerusalem, one by one: bA housesituated binit does bnotbecome birredeemableone year after its sale. The reason is bthat it is written:“And if it is not redeemed within the space of a full year, then bthe housethat is in the bwalledcity bshall be made sure in perpetuity to him who bought it, throughout his generations”(Leviticus 25:30). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraita bmaintainsthat bJerusalem was not apportioned toany single one of bthe tribesof Israel; rather, it is considered common property. Since no one has ancestral ownership of any house in Jerusalem, its houses cannot be sold permanently.,The Gemara analyzes the next ihalakha /i: bAndits inhabitants do bnot bring a heifer whose neck is broken.The reason is bthat it is written: “If one is found slain in the land that the Lord your God gives you to possess it”(Deuteronomy 21:1). bAnd,again, the itannawho taught this ibaraita bmaintainsthat bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. Therefore, it is not included in the description: “The land that the Lord your God gives you to possess it.”,The ibaraitastates: bAndit bcannot become an idolatrous city.The reason is bthat it is written,in the introduction of the passage dealing with the ihalakhaof an idolatrous city: “If you shall hear tell concerning one of byour cities,which the Lord your God gives you to dwell there” (Deuteronomy 13:13). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraitamaintains that bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. It is therefore not included in the description “one of your cities, which the Lord your God gives you to dwell there.”,The ibaraitafurther teaches: bAnda house in Jerusalem does bnot become ritually impurewith the impurity bof leprous sores.The reason is bthat it is written: “And I put the plague of leprosy in a house of the land of your possession”(Leviticus 14:34). bAndthe itannawho taught this ibaraitamaintains that bJerusalem was not apportioned toany one of bthe tribesof Israel. It is there-fore not included in the description “a house of the land of your possession.”,The Gemara discusses the next ihalakha /i: bAnd one may not build out projections or balconiesfrom houses that are binJerusalem. The Gemara provides two reasons for this prohibition. First, it is bdue tothe danger of contracting britual impurityby being in bthesame btentas a corpse, i.e., under the same roof, in which case the impurity spreads to all items under the roof. If even a small part of a corpse is under a balcony, everyone who passes under that balcony is rendered impure. Many people come to Jerusalem to sacrifice offerings, and they must maintain a state of ritual purity. The other reason is bso that thosegreat crowds of bpilgrims not be injuredby colliding with the projections.,The next ihalakhapertaining to Jerusalem is: bAnd one may not establish garbage dumps in it.The Gemara explains that the reason is bdue tothe brepugt creaturesthat are attracted to such heaps and impart ritual impurity upon their death.,The ibaraitastates: bAnd one may not build kilns inJerusalem. The reason is bdue to theunsightly bsmokeproduced by kilns. The Sages sought to preserve the beauty of Jerusalem and the Temple.,The ibaraitateaches: bAnd one may not plant gardens and orchards in it.This is bdue to the odoremitted by these places, either from discarded weeds or from fertilizer.,The next ihalakhaon the list is: bAnd one may not raise chickens inJerusalem. The Gemara explains that this is bdue to the sacrificialmeat that is consumed in Jerusalem. Since chickens peck in the garbage, they are likely to pick up items that impart ritual impurity and bring them into contact with the consecrated food, which may not be eaten in an impure state.,The Gemara discusses the last ihalakha /i: bAnd one may not leave a corpse overnight in it.The Gemara notes that this prohibition is ba tradition;there is no known explanation for it.,§ The mishna teaches that bone may not raise pigs anywhere. The Sages taughtin a ibaraitathe background for this ihalakha /i: bWhenthe members of bthe house of Hasmoneanmonarchy bwere at war with each other, Hyrcanus,one of the parties to this war, bwas insidethe besieged Jerusalem, bwhilehis brother bAristobulus,the other contender to the throne, was bon the outside. And every daythe people inside bwould lower down money in a boxfrom the Temple walls, to purchase sheep to sacrifice, bandthose on other side bwouldtake the money and bsend upsheep bto themover the wall for the bdaily offerings. /b, bThere was a certain elder there who was familiar with Greek wisdom,and bhe saidto those besieging Jerusalem: bAs long as they occupy themselves with theTemple bservice, they will not be delivered into your hands. The next day they lowered down money in a boxas usual, bbutthis time bthey sent up to them a pig. When the pig reached to the midpoint of theTemple bwall it stuck its hooves into the wall, and Eretz Yisrael quakedover an area of bfour hundred parasangs by four hundred parasangs. /b, bAt that timethe Sages bsaid: Cursed be the man who raises pigs, and cursed be the man who teaches his son Greek wisdom. Andit was bconcerning that timeof siege that bwe learnedin a mishna: There was ban incidentin which the barley for the iomeroffering came from the gardens of Tzerifin,far from Jerusalem, bandthe wheat for bthe two loavesof iShavuotwas brought bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher.Barley and wheat could not be brought from any nearer because the besiegers had destroyed all the produce around Jerusalem. This concludes the ibaraita /i.,The Gemara asks a question with regard to this ibaraita /i: bAnd isit really bprohibitedto study bGreek wisdom? But isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: bRabbiYehuda HaNasi bsaid: In Eretz Yisrael, /b
46. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

48a. לאתויי קטן פורח.,ולית הלכתא ככל הני שמעתתא אלא כי הא דאמר רב נחמן קטן היודע למי מברכין מזמנין עליו,אביי ורבא הוו יתבי קמיה דרבה אמר להו רבה למי מברכין אמרי ליה לרחמנא ורחמנא היכא יתיב רבא אחוי לשמי טללא אביי נפק לברא אחוי כלפי שמיא אמר להו רבה תרווייכו רבנן הויתו היינו דאמרי אינשי בוצין בוצין מקטפיה ידיע:,א"ר יהודה בריה דרב שמואל בר שילת משמיה דרב תשעה אכלו דגן ואחד אכל ירק מצטרפין א"ר זירא בעאי מיניה מרב יהודה שמנה מהו שבעה מהו א"ל לא שנא ששה ודאי לא מיבעיא לי א"ל רבי ירמיה שפיר עבדת דלא איבעיא לך התם טעמא מאי משום דאיכא רובא הכא נמי איכא רובא ואיהו סבר רובא דמינכר בעינן.,ינאי מלכא ומלכתא כריכו ריפתא בהדי הדדי ומדקטל להו לרבנן לא הוה ליה איניש לברוכי להו אמר לה לדביתהו מאן יהיב לן גברא דמברך לן אמרה ליה אשתבע לי דאי מייתינא לך גברא דלא מצערת ליה אשתבע לה אייתיתיה לשמעון בן שטח אחוה אותביה בין דידיה לדידה אמר ליה חזית כמה יקרא עבדינא לך אמר ליה לאו את קא מוקרת לי אלא אורייתא היא דמוקרא לי דכתיב (משלי ד, ח) סלסלה ותרוממך תכבדך כי תחבקנה אמר ליה קא חזית דלא מקבל מרות,יהבו ליה כסא לברוכי אמר היכי אבריך ברוך שאכל ינאי וחביריו משלו שתייה לההוא כסא יהבו ליה כסא אחרינא ובריך,א"ר אבא בריה דרב חייא בר אבא (א"ר יוחנן) שמעון בן שטח דעבד לגרמיה הוא דעבד דהכי אמר ר' חייא בר אבא אר"י לעולם אינו מוציא את הרבים ידי חובתן עד שיאכל כזית דגן,מיתיבי רשב"ג אומר עלה והסיב עמהם אפילו לא טבל עמהם אלא בציר ולא אכל עמהם אלא גרוגרת אחת מצטרף,אצטרופי מצטרף אבל להוציא את הרבים ידי חובתן עד שיאכל כזית דגן,איתמר נמי אמר רב חנא בר יהודה משמיה דרבא אפי' לא 48a. bto include a mature minor?Explain the ibaraitaas follows: A minor who grew two hairs is included in a izimmun /i, and we are not exacting with regard to a minor to ascertain whether or not he has reached the age of majority.,The Gemara concludes: bThe ihalakhais not in accordance with all of these statements. Rather,the ihalakhais bin accordance with thisstatement bthat Rav Naḥman said: A minor who knows to Whom one recites a blessing is included in a izimmun /i. /b,The Gemara relates that bAbaye and Rava,when they were children, bwere seated before Rabba. Rabba said to them: To whom does one recite blessings? They said to him: ToGod, bthe All-Merciful.Rabba asked them: bAnd where does the All-Merciful reside? Rava pointed to the ceiling. Abaye went outside and pointed toward the heaven. Rabba said to them: You will both become Sages. It is as the popular saying goes: A cucumber can be recognized from its blossomingstage. Similarly, a great person can be recognized even from a young age., bRav Yehuda, son of Rav Shmuel bar Sheilat, said in the name of Rav:If bnine ate grain and one ate vegetables, they joinand form a izimmunof ten. bRabbi Zeira said: I raised a dilemma before Rav Yehuda: What isthe ruling if beightate grain and two ate vegetables? May they join together? bWhat isthe ruling if bsevenate grain? bHe said to me: There is no difference. I certainly had no dilemma with regard to six,as it was clear to me that six are insufficient to warrant a izimmun /i. bRabbi Yirmeya said to him: You did well that you had no dilemmawith regard to six, but for the opposite reason. bThere,in the case of seven or eight, bwhat is the reasonthat they form a izimmunof ten? bBecause there is a majorityof those dining who ate grain. bHere, too, there is a majority.Rabbi Zeira, however, bheld: We require an obvious majority.Therefore, contrary to the opinion of Rabbi Yirmeya, it was clear to him that six who ate grain are insufficient to form a izimmun /i.,The Gemara relates: bKing Yannai and the queen ate bread together. And sinceYannai bexecuted the Sages, there was no one to recite theGrace after Meals bblessing on their behalf. He said to his wife: Who will provide uswith ba man to recite the blessing on our behalf? She said to him: Swear to me that if I bring yousuch ba man, you will not harass him. He swore,and bshe brought her brother, Shimon ben Shataḥ. She sat him betweenthe King’s throne band hers.The King bsaid to him: Do you see how much honor I am according you? He responded:It is bnot you who honors me; rather, the Torah honors me, as it is written: “Extol her and she will exalt you; she will bring you to honor when you embrace her”(Proverbs 4:8). Yannai bsaid tohis wife: bYou see that he does not accept authority. /b, bThey gaveShimon ben Shataḥ ba cupof wine bover which to reciteGrace after Meals. bHe said: How shall I recite the blessing?Shall I say: bBlessed is He from Whom Yannai and his companions have eaten?I have not eaten anything. bHe drank that cupof wine. bThey gave him another cup, and he recited theGrace after Meals bblessing.By drinking the first cup he joined the other diners and was therefore eligible to recite Grace after Meals on their behalf.,With regard to this story, bRabbi Abba, son of Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba, said(that bRabbi Yoḥa said): That which Shimon ben Shataḥ did,reciting Grace after Meals on their behalf, bhe did on his own,and not in accordance with the accepted ihalakha /i, bas Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said as follows: Onewho recites Grace after Meals bcannot fulfill the obligation of othersto recite it buntil he eats an olive-bulk of grain. /b,The Gemara braises an objectionbased on what was taught in a ibaraita /i: bRabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: One who entered and reclined togetherwith those who were dining, beven if he only dipped with thema small bit of food binspicy bbrinethat was before them band ate with them only a single dry fig, he joins them.This ibaraitademonstrates that one need not necessarily eat grain to recite Grace after Meals on their behalf.,The Gemara responds: Indeed, bhe joins them, buthe cannot bsatisfy the obligation of the many unless he has eaten an olive-bulk of grain. /b,Similarly, this ihalakha bwas also stated: Rav Ḥana bar Yehuda said in the name of Rava: Even if he only /b
47. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

64b. bas Rabbi Yishmael states only there,in the mishna, that three ise’aof barley are reaped on Shabbat, basin that case bwhenone blimitsthe amount available bfor eating,he likewise blimitsthe amount of breaping. But here, whenone blimitsthe amount bof eatingby bringing the two figs, he also bincreasesthe amount of breaping.Therefore is it bcertainthat bwe bringthe ill person the bthreefigs attached by a single stem., strongMISHNA: /strong bThe mitzva of the iomeris to bringthe barley reaped for the meal offering bfromfields bproximateto Jerusalem. If the barley bdid not ripenin bthefields bproximate to Jerusalem, one brings it from any placein Eretz Yisrael. There was ban incident where the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifin andthe wheat for bthe two loaveson iShavuotcame bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher. /b, strongGEMARA: /strong The Gemara asks: bWhat is the reasonthat the barley reaped for the iomermeal offering should ideally be brought from fields proximate to Jerusalem? The Gemara answers: bIf you wish, saythat it is bbecausethe verse states: “And if you bring a meal offering of first fruits to the Lord, you shall bring for the meal offering of your first fruits grain in the ear parched with fire, even groats of the bfresh ear [ ikarmel /i]”(Leviticus 2:14). This indicates that the grain should be soft and fresh. Consequently it should be brought from close by, not from a place where it might become stale and hardened during a long journey., bAnd if you wish, sayinstead that the reason is bdue tothe principle that bone does not postponeperformance of bthe mitzvot.When presented with the opportunity to perform a mitzva, one should perform it immediately. Therefore, the barley for the mitzva of the iomermeal offering in the Temple should be brought from the first crop encountered outside of Jerusalem.,§ The mishna teaches: There was ban incident where the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifinand the two loaves on iShavuotcame from the valley of Ein Sokher. bThe Sages taughta ibaraitathat provides the background of this event: bWhen the kings of the Hasmonean monarchy besieged each otherin their civil war, bHyrcanus was outside ofJerusalem, besieging it, band Aristoblus was inside. On each and every day they would lower dinars in a boxfrom inside the city, bandthose on the outside bwould send upanimals for them to bring the bdaily offeringsin the Temple., bA certain elderly man was there,in Jerusalem, bwho was familiar with Greek wisdom. He communicated tothose on the outside bbyusing words understood only by those proficient in bGreek wisdom. The elderly man said to them: As long as they are engaged with theTemple bservice, they will not be delivered into your hands.Upon hearing this, bon the following day,when bthey lowered dinars in a box, they sent up a pig to them. Oncethe pig breached halfwayup the bwall, it inserted its hoovesinto the wall and bEretz Yisrael shuddered four hundred parasangs by four hundred parasangs. /b,When the Sages saw this, bthey saidat bthat time: Cursed is he who raises pigs, and cursed is he who teaches his son Greek wisdom. Andit is bwith regard to that timeof civil war, in which the land was destroyed, that bwe learned: An incidentoccurred bin which the iomer /i,the measure of barley brought as a communal offering on the sixteenth of Nisan, bcame from Gaggot Tzerifim, and the two loavesoffered on iShavuotcame bfrom the valley of Ein Sokher.Since no fresh barley grain was found in the fields immediately surrounding Jerusalem, it had to be brought from these outlying areas.,§ The Gemara relates another tradition with regard to that occasion when the iomercame from Gaggot Tzerifin and the two loaves from the valley of Ein Sokher: bWhen it cametime to bring the iomer /imeal offering, bthey did not know from wherethey could bbringthe iomer /igrain, as all the surrounding fields were looted and ruined. The court publicly bproclaimedtheir difficulty. bA certain deaf-mute [ iḥersha /i] cameforward and bstretched out one hand toward a roof, igagin Hebrew, band one hand toward a hut [ iatzerifa /i]. Mordekhai said tothe Sages: bIs there a place that is called Gaggot Tzerifin or Tzerifin Gaggot? They checked and foundthat there was such a place, and it contained fields of barley from which they were able to bring the iomermeal offering.,A similar incident occurred bwhen they needed to bring the two loaves,and bthey did not know from where to bringthe grain. Again the court publicly bproclaimedtheir difficulty, and ba certain deaf-mute cameforward and bstretched outone bhand toward his eye [ ia’eineih /i] and one hand toward a door latch [ iassikhera /i]. Mordekhai said tothe Sages: bAnd is there a place that is called: Ein Sokher, or Sokher Ayin? They checked and foundthat there was such a place, and it contained fields of wheat from which they were able to bring the two loaves.,The Gemara relates another story that demonstrates Mordekhai’s wisdom: Once, ba certain three women brought three nestsfor their obligatory offerings of pairs of pigeons or doves (see Leviticus 15:29). bOneof them bsaid:This offering is bfor my iziva /i; and one said:This if bfor my iyamma /i; andthe last bone said:This is bfor my iona /i. /b,The Sages bunderstood fromthe first woman’s statement: bFor my iziva /i,that she had experienced a discharge of uterine blood when not expecting her menstrual period, which would give her the status of ban actual izava /i.From the second woman’s statement: bFor my iyamma /i,they understood: bMy actual iyamma /i,i.e., she was also a iziva /i, as iyamcan mean: Sea, or a flow of blood. From the third woman’s statement: bFor my iona /i,they came to the conclusion that she needed to bring a sacrifice bfor her time [ iona /i]of completing her purification process from being a izava /i. Accordingly, they understood bthat allthese women were obligated to bring bone sin offering and one burnt offering. /b, bMordekhai said tothe other Sages: bPerhapsthe first woman bwas endangeredin the course bofher menstrual bflow [ izov /i].Similarly, bperhapsthe second woman bwas endangered at sea [ iyam /i].Finally, bperhapsthe third woman bwas endangered through her eye [ iayin /i],as iayinis phonetically similar to iona /i. According to these explanations, each woman sought to bring a voluntary offering to give thanks to God for being saved from danger. If so, the appropriate offering in each case is not a sin offering, bas they are all burnt offerings.It bwas checked andthey bfoundthat Mordekhai’s interpretation was in fact correct.
48. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

66a. שורך נרבע והלה שותק נאמן ותנא תונא ושנעבדה בו עבירה ושהמית על פי עד אחד או ע"פ הבעלים נאמן האי ע"פ עד אחד היכי דמי אי דקא מודו בעלים היינו ע"פ הבעלים אלא לאו דשתיק,וצריכא דאי אשמעינן הך קמייתא אי לאו דקים ליה בנפשיה דעבד חולין בעזרה לא הוה מייתי,אבל נטמאו טהרותיך מימר אמרינן האי דשתיק דסבר חזי ליה בימי טומאתו,ואי אשמעינן הא משום דקא מפסיד ליה בימי טהרתו אבל שורו נרבע מימר אמר כל השוורים לאו לגבי מזבח קיימי צריכא,איבעיא להו אשתו זינתה בעד אחד ושותק מהו אמר אביי נאמן רבא אמר אינו נאמן הוי דבר שבערוה ואין דבר שבערוה פחות משנים,אמר אביי מנא אמינא לה דההוא סמיא דהוה מסדר מתנייתא קמיה דמר שמואל יומא חד נגה ליה ולא הוה קאתי שדר שליחא אבתריה אדאזיל שליח בחדא אורחא אתא איהו בחדא כי אתא שליח אמר אשתו זינתה אתא לקמיה דמר שמואל א"ל אי מהימן לך זיל אפקה ואי לא לא תפיק,מאי לאו אי מהימן עלך דלאו גזלנא הוא ורבא אי מהימן לך כבי תרי זיל אפקה ואי לא לא תפקה,ואמר אביי מנא אמינא לה דתניא מעשה בינאי המלך שהלך לכוחלית שבמדבר וכיבש שם ששים כרכים ובחזרתו היה שמח שמחה גדולה וקרא לכל חכמי ישראל אמר להם אבותינו היו אוכלים מלוחים בזמן שהיו עסוקים בבנין בית המקדש אף אנו נאכל מלוחים זכר לאבותינו והעלו מלוחים על שולחנות של זהב ואכלו,והיה שם אחד איש לץ לב רע ובליעל ואלעזר בן פועירה שמו ויאמר אלעזר בן פועירה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך לבם של פרושים עליך ומה אעשה הקם להם בציץ שבין עיניך הקים להם בציץ שבין עיניו,היה שם זקן אחד ויהודה בן גדידיה שמו ויאמר יהודה בן גדידיה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך רב לך כתר מלכות הנח כתר כהונה לזרעו של אהרן שהיו אומרים אמו נשבית במודיעים ויבוקש הדבר ולא נמצא ויבדלו חכמי ישראל בזעם,ויאמר אלעזר בן פועירה לינאי המלך ינאי המלך הדיוט שבישראל כך הוא דינו ואתה מלך וכהן גדול כך הוא דינך ומה אעשה אם אתה שומע לעצתי רומסם ותורה מה תהא עליה הרי כרוכה ומונחת בקרן זוית כל הרוצה ללמוד יבוא וילמוד,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מיד נזרקה בו אפיקורסות דהוה ליה למימר תינח תורה שבכתב תורה שבעל פה מאי מיד ותוצץ הרעה על ידי אלעזר בן פועירה ויהרגו כל חכמי ישראל והיה העולם משתומם עד שבא שמעון בן שטח והחזיר את התורה ליושנה,היכי דמי אילימא דבי תרי אמרי אישתבאי ובי תרי אמרי לא אישתבאי מאי חזית דסמכת אהני סמוך אהני,אלא בעד אחד וטעמא דקא מכחשי ליה בי תרי הא לאו הכי מהימן,ורבא לעולם תרי ותרי וכדאמר רב אחא בר רב מניומי בעדי הזמה הכא נמי בעדי הזמה,ואיבעית אימא כדרבי יצחק דאמר רבי יצחק שפחה הכניסו תחתיה,אמר רבא 66a. bYour ox was usedby a man bfor an act of bestialityand is therefore unfit for an offering, band the other,the owner of the ox, bis silent,the witness is bdeemed credible. And the itanna /iof the mishna also btaught( iBekhorot41a): bAndwith regard to an animal bthat was used for a transgressionor bthat killed,if this is attested to bby one witness or by the owner,he is bdeemed credible.The Gemara clarifies this case: bWhat are the circumstancesof bthiscase of the mishna, where the knowledge is established bby one witness? If the owner admitsto the claim, bthis isthe same as: bBy the owner. Rather, is it notreferring to a case bwherethe owner remains bsilent? /b,The Gemara comments: bAndeach of these statements of Abaye is bnecessary. As, had he taught usonly bthat firstcase, where the witness said someone ate forbidden fat, one might have said that he is deemed credible for the following reason: bWere it notfor the fact bthat he himselfwas bconvinced that he had committeda transgression, bhe would notcommit the transgression of bbringing a non-sacredanimal btothe Temple bcourtyardon the basis of the testimony of one witness. Consequently, his silence is evidently an admission., bButif the witness said: bYour ritually purefoods bwere rendered ritually impure,and the accused was silent, bwe would say:The reason bthathe is bsilentand refrains from denying the claim is bthat he thinkshe is not suffering any significant loss, as the food bis fit for himto eat bon his days of ritual impurity,because he is not required to destroy ritually impure foods., bAnd hadAbaye btaught usonly the case of: Your ritually pure food was rendered ritually impure, one might have said that the reason bthiswitness is deemed credible is bthat he causes him a loss on his days of ritual impurity,and therefore his silence is tantamount to a confession. bButin the case of: bHis ox was usedby a man bfor an act of bestiality,the owner of the ox bcan saywith regard to his animal: bNot all the oxen standready to be sacrificed basan offering on the baltar.Perhaps one would think that the owner does not bother denying the claim because he merely forfeits the possibility of sacrificing his ox as an offering, which he considers an inconsequential matter. It is only if there were two witnesses to the act that the animal is put to death, whereas here there was only one witness. It is therefore bnecessaryfor Abaye to specify all these cases.,§ bA dilemma was raised beforethe Sages: If a husband is told bby one witnessthat bhis wife committed adultery, andthe husband remains bsilent, what isthe ihalakha /i? bAbaye said:The witness is bdeemed credible. Rava said: He is not deemed credible.Why not? Because bit is a matter involving forbidden relations, and there is no matterof testimony bfor forbidden sexual relationsthat can be attested to by bfewer than twowitnesses., bAbaye said: From where do I saythis claim of mine? It happened bthatthere was ba certain blind man who would review imishnayotbefore Mar Shmuel. One daythe blind man bwas late for him and was not arriving.Mar Shmuel bsent a messenger after himto assist him. bWhilethe bmessenger was goingto the blind man’s house bby one way,the blind man barrivedat the house of study bby a differentroute, and therefore the messenger missed him and reached his house. bWhenthe bmessenger cameback, bhe saidthat he had been to the blind man’s house and saw that bhis wife committed adultery.The blind man bcame before Mar Shmuelto inquire whether he must pay heed to this testimony. Mar Shmuel bsaid to him: Ifthis messenger bis trusted by you, goand bdivorce her, but if not, do not divorceher.,Abaye comments: bWhat, is it notcorrect to say that this means that bif he is trusted by you that he is not a thiefbut is a valid witness, you must rely on him? This would prove that a single witness can testify in a case of this kind. bAnd Ravaexplains that Mar Shmuel meant: bIfhe bis trusted by you like twowitnesses, bgoand bdivorce her, but if not, do not divorceher. Consequently, Rava maintains that this episode affords no proof., bAnd Abaye said: From where do I saythis claim of mine? bAs it is taughtin a ibaraita /i: bAn incidentoccurred bwith King Yannai, who went tothe region of bKoḥalit in the desert and conquered sixty cities there. And upon his return he rejoicedwith ba great happinessover his victory. bAnd hesubsequently bsummoned all the Sages of the Jewish peopleand bsaid to them: Our ancestorsin their poverty bwould eat salty foods when they were busy with the building of the Temple; we too shall eat salty foods in memory of our ancestors. And they brought salty food on tables of gold, and ate. /b, bAnd there was oneperson bpresent, a scoffer,a man of ban evil heart and a scoundrel called Elazar ben Po’ira. And Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the hearts of the Pharisees,the Sages, bare against you.In other words, they harbor secret resentment against you and do not like you. The king replied: bAnd what shall I doto clarify this matter? Elazar responded: bHave them stand bywearing bthe frontplate between your eyes.Since the frontplate bears the Divine Name, they should stand in its honor. Yannai, who was a member of the priestly Hasmonean family, also served as High Priest, who wears the frontplate. bHe hadthe Pharisees bstand bywearing bthe frontplate between his eyes. /b,Now bthere was a certain elder present called Yehuda ben Gedidya, and Yehuda ben Gedidya said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the crown of the monarchy suffices for you,i.e., you should be satisfied that you are king. bLeave the crown of the priesthood for the descendants of Aaron.The Gemara explains this last comment: bAs they would saythat Yannai’s bmother was taken captive in Modi’in,and she was therefore disqualified from marrying into the priesthood, which meant that Yannai was a iḥalal /i. bAnd the matter was investigated and was not discovered,i.e., they sought witnesses for that event but none were found. bAnd the Sages of Israel were expelled inthe king’s brage,due to this rumor., bAnd Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, such is the judgment of a common person in Israel.In other words, merely expelling a slanderer is appropriate if the subject of the slander is a commoner. bBut you are a king and a High Priest.Is bthis your judgmentas well? Yannai replied: bAnd what should I do?Elazar responded: bIf you listen to my advice, crush them.Yannai countered: bBut what will become of the Torah?He retorted: bBehold,it bis wrapped and placed in the corner. Anyone who wishes to study can come and study.We have no need for the Sages.,The Gemara interjects: bRav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: Immediately, heresy was injected intoYannai, bas he should have saidto Elazar ben Po’ira: This bworks out wellwith regard to bthe Written Torah,as it can be studied by all on their own, but bwhatwill become of bthe Oral Torah?The Oral Torah is transmitted only by the Sages. The ibaraitacontinues: bImmediately, the evilarose and bcaught fire through Elazar ben Po’ira, and all the Sages of the Jewish people were killed. And the world was desolateof Torah buntil Shimon ben Shataḥ came and restored the Torah to its formerglory. This completes the ibaraita /i.,Abaye asks: bWhat are the circumstancesof this case? How did those who conducted the investigation refute the rumor that Yannai’s mother had been taken captive? bIf we say that twowitnesses bsaidthat bshe was taken captive, and twoothers bsaidthat bshe was not taken captive, what did you see that you rely on thesewho said that she was not taken captive? Instead, brely on thesewho said that she was taken captive. In such a scenario, one cannot say definitively that the matter was investigated and found to be false., bRather,it must be referring bto one witnesswho testified she was taken captive, and two testified that she was not taken captive. bAnd the reasonthat the lone witness is not deemed credible is only bthat he is contradicted by theother btwo,from which it may be inferred that bif not for thatfact, bhe would be deemed credible.This supports Abaye’s claim that an uncontested lone witness is deemed credible in a case of this kind., bAnd Ravacould reply that this incident affords no proof, for the following reason: bActually,one can say that there were btwowitnesses who testified that she was captured band twowho testified that she was not, bandthe case was decided bin accordance with thatwhich bRav Aḥa bar Rav Minyumi saysin a different context, that it is referring bto conspiring witnesses.The second pair of witnesses did not contradict the testimony of the first pair but established them as liars by stating that the first pair were not there to witness the event. This serves to disqualify the testimony of the first pair altogether. bHere too,it is referring btowitnesses who rendered the first set bconspiring witnesses. /b, bAnd if you wish, saythat this is bin accordance withthe version of the story stated bby Rabbi Yitzḥak, as Rabbi Yitzḥak says: They replacedYannai’s mother bwith a maidservant.The first witnesses saw that Yannai’s mother was about to be taken captive, but the second pair revealed that she had actually been replaced with a maidservant, thereby negating the testimony of the first set., bRava says: /b
49. Babylonian Talmud, Sotah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

22b. ועד כמה עד ארבעין שנין איני והא רבה אורי בשוין,ומכות פרושין וכו' ת"ר שבעה פרושין הן פרוש שיכמי פרוש נקפי פרוש קיזאי פרוש מדוכיא פרוש מה חובתי ואעשנה פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה,פרוש שיכמי זה העושה מעשה שכם פרוש נקפי זה המנקיף את רגליו פרוש קיזאי א"ר נחמן בר יצחק זה המקיז דם לכתלים פרוש מדוכיא אמר רבה בר שילא דמשפע כי מדוכיא,פרוש מה חובתי ואעשנה הא מעליותא היא אלא דאמר מה חובתי תו ואעשנה,פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה אמרו ליה אביי ורבא לתנא לא תיתני פרוש מאהבה פרוש מיראה דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב לעולם יעסוק אדם בתורה ובמצות אפי' שלא לשמה שמתוך שלא לשמה בא לשמה,אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק דמטמרא מטמרא ודמגליא מגליא בי דינא רבה ליתפרע מהני דחפו גונדי אמר לה ינאי מלכא לדביתיה אל תתיראי מן הפרושין ולא ממי שאינן פרושין אלא מן הצבועין שדומין לפרושין שמעשיהן כמעשה זמרי ומבקשין שכר כפנחס, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ר"ש אומר אין זכות תולה במים המרים ואם אתה אומר הזכות תולה במים המאררין מדהה אתה את המים בפני כל הנשים השותות ומוציא אתה שם רע על הטהורות ששתו שאומרים טמאות הן אלא שתלתה להן זכות רבי אומר הזכות תולה במים המאררים ואינה יולדת ואינה משבחת אלא מתנוונה והולכת לסוף היא מתה באותה מיתה,נטמאת מנחתה עד שלא קדשה בכלי הרי היא ככל המנחות ותפדה ואם משקדשה בכלי הרי היא ככל המנחות ותשרף ואלו שמנחותיהן נשרפות 22b. bAnd until whenis it considered too premature for a scholar to issue halakhic rulings? It is buntil forty years.The Gemara asks: bIs that so? But didn’t Rabba issue rulings,even though he lived for only forty years? The Gemara answers: It is permitted for a scholar who has not studied for so long to issue rulings bwhenhis knowledge reaches the level of the foremost scholar in his city and bthey are equals. /b,§ It states in the mishna: bAnd those who injurethemselves out of false babstinence [ iperushin /i]are people who erode the world. bThe Sages taught: There are sevenpseudo- brighteouspeople who erode the world: The brighteous of Shechem,the self- bflagellating righteous,the bbloodletting righteous,the bpestle /b-like brighteous,the brighteouswho say: Tell me bwhat my obligationis band I will perform it,those who are brighteous due to love,and those who are brighteous due to fear. /b,The Gemara explains: The brighteous of Shechem [ ishikhmi /i]; this isone bwho performsactions comparable to the bactionof the people of bShechem,who agreed to circumcise themselves for personal gain (see Genesis, chapter 34); so too, he behaves righteously only in order to be honored. The self- bflagellating righteous; this isone bwho injures his feet,as he walks slowly, dragging his feet on the ground in an attempt to appear humble, and injures his feet in the process. The bbloodletting righteous; Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak saysthat bthis isone bwho lets bloodby banging his head bagainst the wallsbecause he walks with his eyes shut, ostensibly out of modesty. The bpestle /b-like brighteous; Rabba bar Sheila saysthat this is one bwhowalks bbent over likethe bpestleof a mortar.,With regard to the brighteousone who says: Tell me bwhat my obligationis band I will perform it,the Gemara asks: bIsn’t this virtuousbehavior, as he desires to be aware of his obligations? bRather,this is referring to one bwho says:Tell me bwhat further obligationsare incumbent bupon me and I will perform them,indicating that he fulfills all of his mitzvot perfectly and therefore seeks additional obligations.,The ibaraitaalso includes in the list of pseudo-righteous people those who are brighteous due to loveand those who are brighteous due to fear,i.e., one who performs mitzvot due to love of their reward or due to fear of punishment. bAbaye and Rava said to the itanna /iwho transmitted this ibaraita /i: bDo not teachin the ibaraita /i: Those who are brighteous due to loveand those who are brighteous due to fear, as Rav Yehuda saysthat bRav says: A person should always engage in Torahstudy band inperformance of bthe mitzvot even ifhe does bnotdo so bfor their own sake, as throughperforming them bnot for their own sake,one bcomesto perform them bfor their own sake. /b, bRav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said:That bwhich is hidden is hidden, andthat bwhich is revealed is revealed,but in Heaven everything is known, and bthe great courtin Heaven bwill exact payment from those who wear the cloakof the righteous but are in fact unworthy. The Gemara relates: bKing Yannai said to his wifebefore he died: bDo not be afraid of the Pharisees [ iperushin /i], and neithershould you fear bfrom those who are not Pharisees,i.e., the Sadducees; brather,beware bof the hypocrites who appear like Pharisees, as their actions are like the act ofthe wicked bZimri and they requesta breward likethat of the righteous bPinehas(see Numbers, chapter 25)., strongMISHNA: /strong bRabbi Shimon says: Merit does not delaythe punishment bof the bitter waterof a isota /i, band if you saythat bmerit does delaythe punishment bof the water that causes the curse,as stated earlier by the Rabbis (20a), byou weaken [ imadhe /i]the power of bthebitter bwater before all the women who drinkthe water, who will no longer be afraid of it, as they will rely on their merit to save them. bAnd you defame the untainted women who drankthe water and survived, baspeople bsay: They are defiled butit is their bmerit that delayedthe punishment bfor them. RabbiYehuda HaNasi bsays: Merit delaysthe punishment bof the water that causes the curse, buta woman whose punishment is delayed bdoes not give birth and does not flourish; rather, she progressively deteriorates. Ultimately she dies by the same deathas a isotawho dies immediately.,§ If bthe meal-offeringof the isota bis rendered impure before it has been sanctified in theservice bvessel, itsstatus bis likethat of ball theother bmeal-offeringsthat are rendered impure before being sanctified in a service vessel, band it is redeemed. But ifit is rendered impure bafter it has been sanctified in theservice bvessel, itsstatus bis likethat of ball theother bmeal-offeringsthat are rendered impure after being sanctified in a service vessel, band it is burned. And these arethe isotawomen bwhose meal-offerings are burnedif they have already been sanctified in a service vessel:
50. Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

34a. אבא שאול אומר ערבי שתים אחת ללולב ואחת למקדש,ורבנן למקדש מנא להו הלכתא גמירי להו דא"ר אסי א"ר יוחנן עשר נטיעות ערבה וניסוך המים הלכה למשה מסיני,ת"ר ערבי נחל הגדילות על הנחל פרט לצפצפה הגדילה בין ההרים א"ר זירא מאי קראה (יחזקאל יז, ה) קח על מים רבים צפצפה שמו,א"ל אביי ודילמא פרושי קא מפרש קח על מים רבים ומאי ניהו צפצפה א"כ מאי שמו א"ר אבהו אמר הקב"ה אני אמרתי שיהו ישראל לפני כקח על מים רבים ומאי ניהו ערבה והן שמו עצמן כצפצפה שבהרים,איכא דמתני לה להאי קרא אמתניתא קח על מים רבים צפצפה שמו מתקיף לה ר' זירא ודילמא פרושי קא מפרש קח על מים רבים מאי ניהו צפצפה אם כן מאי שמו א"ר אבהו אמר הקב"ה אני אמרתי שיהו ישראל לפני כקח על מים רבים ומאי ניהו ערבה והן שמו עצמן כצפצפה שבהרים,ת"ר אי זהו ערבה ואיזהו צפצפה ערבה קנה שלה אדום ועלה שלה משוך ופיה חלק צפצפה קנה שלה לבן ועלה שלה עגול ופיה דומה למגל והא תניא דומה למגל כשר דומה למסר פסול אמר אביי כי תניא ההיא בחילפא גילא,אמר אביי שמע מינה האי חילפא גילא כשר להושענא פשיטא מהו דתימא הואיל ואית ליה שם לווי לא נתכשר קמ"ל,ואימא הכי נמי ערבי נחל אמר רחמנא מכל מקום,אמר רב חסדא הני תלת מילי אשתני שמייהו מכי חרב בית המקדש חלפת' ערבתא ערבתא חלפתא מאי נ"מ ללולב,שיפורא חצוצרתא חצוצרתא שיפורא מאי נפקא מינה לשופר של ראש השנה,פתורתא פתורא פתורא פתורתא למאי נפקא מינה למקח וממכר,אמר אביי אף אני אומר בי כסי הובלילא הובלילא בי כסי,למאי נפקא מינה למחט הנמצא בעובי בית הכוסות,אמר רבא בר יוסף אף אני אומר בבל בורסיף בורסיף בבל למאי 34a. bAbba Shaul says: “Willows”in the plural teaches that there are btwomitzvot that involve use of the willow branch. bOneis the willow branch bfor the ilulav /i, and one isthe willow branch taken bfor the Temple,with which the people would circle the altar on iSukkot /i., bAnd the Rabbis,who do not interpret the verse that way, bfrom wheredo btheyderive the mitzva of the willow branch bfor the Temple?It is ba ihalakha /itransmitted to Moses from Sinai that bthey learned through traditionand not from a verse, bas Rabbi Asi saidthat bRabbi Yoḥa said:There are three ihalakhotfor which the Sages unsuccessfully sought a Torah source. The first is the ihalakha of bten saplings.There is a mitzva by Torah law to extend the sanctity of the Sabbatical Year and to begin refraining from plowing thirty days before the Sabbatical Year begins. However, one may plow around individual saplings to sustain them. In a field that is one ibeit se’a /i, fifty by fifty cubits, in which there are ten evenly spaced saplings, it is permitted to plow the entire field until the onset of the Sabbatical Year to sustain the saplings. The second ihalakhais the mitzva of the bwillow branchin the Temple. bAndthe third ihalakhais the mitzva of bthe water libationon the altar, which accompanies the daily offerings each day of iSukkot /i, together with the daily wine libation. No Torah source was found for these ihalakhot /i, as each is a ihalakha /itransmitted bto Moses from Sinai. /b, bThe Sages taughtan additional ibaraita /i: b“Willows of the brook”is referring to those bthat grow by the river,which comes bto exclude a itzaftzafa /i, which grows among the mountainsand not near a brook. bRabbi Zeira said: What is the versefrom which the fact that the itzaftzafais unfit is derived? It is derived from the reprimand that is written: b“He placed it by great waters, and set it as a itzaftzafa /i”(Ezekiel 17:5). The Jewish people were planted like a willow on great waters, but ultimately became like a itzaftzafa /i. Apparently, a itzaftzafadoes not grow on great waters., bAbaye said toRabbi Zeira: bAnd perhapsthe second part of the verse bismerely bexplainingthe first part, and it means: bHe placed it by great waters, and what is itthat He placed there? It is ba itzaftzafa /i.Rabbi Zeira answered: bIf so,and that is the meaning of the verse, bwhat isthe meaning of the term b“set it”?Rather, the verse means that the willow branch was transformed into a itzaftzafa /i. That is how Rabbi Abbahu explained the verse, as bRabbi Abbahu saidthat bthe Holy One, Blessed be He, said: I said that the Jewish people should be before Me asa plant bplaced by great waters, and what isthat plant? It is ba willow. And they set themselves as a itzaftzafaof the mountains. /b, bSome taught this verse asthe conclusion of bthe ibaraita /iand Rabbi Zeira raised the objection, and the response to his objection is unattributed: bHe placed it by great waters, and set it as a itzaftzafa /i. Rabbi Zeira strongly objects: And perhapsthe second part of the verse bismerely bexplainingthe first part, and it means: bHe placed it by great waters, and what is itthat He placed there? It is ba itzaftzafa /i.The Gemara rejects this suggestion: bIf so,and that is the meaning of the verse, bwhat isthe meaning of the term b“set it”? Rabbi Abbahu saidthat bthe Holy One, Blessed be He, said: I said that the Jewish people should be before Me asa plant bplaced by great waters, and what isthat plant? It is ba willow. And they set themselves as a itzaftzafaof the mountains. /b,Apropos the defining characteristics of the willow branch, in contrast to similar species that are unfit, bthe Sages taught: What is a willow and what is a itzaftzafa /i?With regard to ba willowbranch, bits stem is red, and its leaf is elongated, andthe bedgeof bitsleaf bis smooth.With regard to ba itzaftzafa /i, its stem is white, its leaf is round, andthe bedgeof bitsleaf bis serrated like a sickle.The Gemara objects: bBut isn’t it taughtin a ibaraita /i: If the edge of its leaf is serrated blike a sickle it is fit,but if it is serrated blike a saw,whose teeth are uneven in both size and sequence, bit is unfit? Abaye said: When that ibaraita bwas taught, it wasreferring btoa particular type of willow called iḥilfa gila /i,whose leaves are serrated. However, all other types of willow branches have leaves with a smooth edge., bAbaye said: Conclude from itthat bthis iḥilfa gilais fit foruse in bthe ihoshana /iof the four species. The Gemara wonders: That is bobvious.The Gemara answers: bLest you say that since itsname is accompanied by ba modifier,as it is called iḥilfa gila /i, bit should not be fit.Therefore, Abaye bteaches usthat it is fit.,The Gemara asks: bAnd say it is indeed so,that since its name is accompanied by a modifier it is unfit. The Gemara answers: bThe Merciful One states: “Willows of the brook,”in the plural, teaching that the branches of willows are fit bin any case. /b,Apropos the branches of the willow and the itzaftzafa /i, the Gemara cites what bRav Ḥisda said: These three objects’ names changed since the Temple was destroyed.That which was called bwillowwas called in later generations iḥalfata /i,which is another name for itzaftzafa /i, and that which was called iḥalfatawascalled bwillow.The Gemara asks: bWhat is thepractical halakhic bdifferencethat emerges from the name change? The Gemara answers: It is with regard btothe mitzva of taking the ilulav /i,as one of the species bound with the ilulavis a willow branch, which is now called itzaftzafa /i.,In addition, that which was called btrumpetwas called ishofar /iin later generations, and that which was called ishofar /iwas called btrumpetin later generations. The Gemara asks: bWhat is thepractical halakhic bdifferencewhether a ishofaris called ishofaror trumpet? The Gemara answers: It is significant with regard btothe ihalakhotof ishofarof Rosh HaShana.On Rosh HaShana, one fulfills his obligation only by sounding a ishofar /i. If one comes today and asks what instrument he should use to sound the requisite blasts, he should be told to use a trumpet.,Also, that which was called ipetorata/b, originally meaning a small table, was called in later generations ipetora /i,and that which was called ipetora /i, originally meaning a large table, was called ipetorata /iin later generations.The Gemara asks: bWhat is thepractical halakhic bdifferencethat emerges from the change of name? The Gemara answers: It is with regard btothe laws of bbuying and selling.One who orders a ipetorashould know that he ordered a small table and not a large one., bAbaye said: I tooshall bspeakof changes in the meaning of terms in this generation. That which was called ihuvlila /i,the first compartment of the stomach of animals that chew their cud, is, in recent generations, called ibei kasei /i,the name of the second compartment of the animal’s stomach. Similarly, that which was once called ibei kasei /iis called ihuvlila /iin recent generations., bWhat is thepractical halakhic bdifferencethat emerges from this change of names? It is bwith regard to a needle that is found in the thickwall bof the second compartment of the stomach.In the ihalakhotof itereifot /i, it is prohibited to eat animals with a life expectancy of less than a year. It was established that if a needle punctures the wall of the second compartment of the stomach from only one side, the animal is kosher. If the needle penetrates the wall in a manner visible from both sides, the animal assumes the halakhic status of a itereifa /i. In the first stomach, even if the needle penetrated only one side of the wall, the animal assumes the halakhic status of a itereifa /i. Therefore, it is crucial to distinguish between the first and the second compartments of the stomach., bRava bar Yosef said: I tooshall bspeakof changes in the meaning of terms in this generation. The city that in biblical times was called bBabylonwas called bBursifin later generations, and bBursifwas called bBabylonin later generations. The Gemara asks: bWhat is /b
51. Babylonian Talmud, Yoma, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)

69a. וסיפא איצטריכא ליה פושטין ומקפלין ומניחין תחת ראשיהם,פושטין ומקפלין ומניחין אותן תחת ראשיהן שמעת מינה בגדי כהונה ניתנו ליהנות בהן אמר רב פפא לא תימא תחת ראשיהן אלא אימא כנגד ראשיהן אמר רב משרשיא שמעת מינה תפילין מן הצד שפיר דמי,הכי נמי מסתברא דכנגד ראשיהן דאי סלקא דעתך תחת ראשיהן ותיפוק לי משום כלאים דהא איכא אבנט ונהי נמי דניתנו ליהנות בהן הא מתהני מכלאים,הניחא למ"ד אבנטו של כהן גדול (בשאר ימות השנה) זה הוא אבנטו של כהן הדיוט אלא למאן דאמר אבנטו של כ"ג לא זה הוא אבנטו של כהן הדיוט מאי איכא למימר,וכי תימא כלאים בלבישה והעלאה הוא דאסור בהצעה שרי והתניא (ויקרא יט, יט) לא יעלה עליך אבל אתה מותר להציעו תחתיך אבל אמרו חכמים אסור לעשות כן שמא תיכרך נימא אחת על בשרו,וכ"ת דמפסיק ליה מידי ביני ביני והאמר ר"ש בן פזי אמר ר' יהושע בן לוי אמר רבי משום קהלא קדישא שבירושלים אפי' עשר מצעות זו על גב זו וכלאים תחתיהן אסור לישן עליהן אלא לאו שמע מינה כנגד ראשיהן שמע מינה,רב אשי אמר לעולם תחת ראשיהן והא קא מתהני מכלאים בגדי כהונה קשין הן כי הא דאמר רב הונא בריה דר' יהושע האי נמטא גמדא דנרש שריא,ת"ש בגדי כהונה היוצא בהן למדינה אסור ובמקדש בין בשעת עבודה בין שלא בשעת עבודה מותר מפני שבגדי כהונה ניתנו ליהנות בהן ש"מ,ובמדינה לא והתניא בעשרים וחמשה [בטבת] יום הר גרזים [הוא] דלא למספד,יום שבקשו כותיים את בית אלהינו מאלכסנדרוס מוקדון להחריבו ונתנו להם באו והודיעו את שמעון הצדיק מה עשה לבש בגדי כהונה ונתעטף בבגדי כהונה ומיקירי ישראל עמו ואבוקות של אור בידיהן וכל הלילה הללו הולכים מצד זה והללו הולכים מצד זה עד שעלה עמוד השחר,כיון שעלה עמוד השחר אמר להם מי הללו אמרו לו יהודים שמרדו בך כיון שהגיע לאנטיפטרס זרחה חמה ופגעו זה בזה כיון שראה לשמעון הצדיק ירד ממרכבתו והשתחוה לפניו אמרו לו מלך גדול כמותך ישתחוה ליהודי זה אמר להם דמות דיוקנו של זה מנצחת לפני בבית מלחמתי,אמר להם למה באתם אמרו אפשר בית שמתפללים בו עליך ועל מלכותך שלא תחרב יתעוך עובדי כוכבים להחריבו אמר להם מי הללו אמרו לו כותיים הללו שעומדים לפניך אמר להם הרי הם מסורין בידיכם,מיד נקבום בעקביהם ותלאום בזנבי סוסיהם והיו מגררין אותן על הקוצים ועל הברקנים עד שהגיעו להר גרזים כיון שהגיעו להר גריזים חרשוהו וזרעוהו כרשינין כדרך שבקשו לעשות לבית אלהינו ואותו היום עשאוהו יו"ט,אי בעית אימא ראויין לבגדי כהונה ואי בעית אימא (תהלים קיט, קכו) עת לעשות לה' הפרו תורתך,חזן הכנסת נוטל ספר תורה ש"מ חולקין כבוד לתלמיד במקום הרב אמר אביי כולה משום כבודו דכ"ג היא,וכהן גדול עומד מכלל שהוא יושב והא אנן תנן 69a. That mishna’s teaching highlighting the prohibition to sleep in priestly vestments bis needed for the latter clauseof that mishna, which states: bThey removetheir priestly vestments band fold them and place them under their heads.Since they are allowed to sleep on them, it must be emphasized that they may not sleep while wearing them.,The Gemara considers resolving the dilemma from the latter clause: bThey removetheir priestly vestments band fold them and place them under their heads.The Gemara suggests: bLearn from thisthat bit is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. Rav Pappa said: Do not saythat the mishna means they may actually place the vestments bunder their headsas a pillow; brather, saythat the mishna permits the vestments to be placed only bnext to their heads. Rav Mesharshiyya said:Given this understanding of that mishna, one can blearn from herethat one who places bphylacteries to the sideof his head when he sleeps has done bwell;there is no concern that he will turn over in his sleep and lie upon them., bSo too, it is reasonableto say bthatthe mishna permits the vestments to be placed only bnext to their headsand not under their heads; bas, if it could enter your mindto say that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed bunder their heads, and I would derivethat it is prohibited bdue tothe fact the priestly vestments contain a forbidden mixture of bdiverse kinds, asamong them bthere isthe bbelt,which is woven from a mixture of wool and linen. bAnd even ifit is assumed bthat it is permitted to derive benefit frompriestly vestments, it would still be prohibited to lie upon them because by doing so the priests would be bderiving benefit froma garment made of bdiverse kinds. /b,The Gemara elaborates on the preceding argument: If one claims that the mishna permits priests to sleep upon their vestments, bit works out well according to the one who said: The belt of the High Priestworn on Yom Kippur, which does not contain diverse kinds, bis the same as the belt of a common priest.According to this view, the common priest’s belt does not contain diverse kinds, and therefore it may be permitted for a priest to sleep upon it. bHowever, according to the one who saidthat bthe High Priest’s belton Yom Kippur bis not the same as the belt of a common priest,and that the belt of the common priest is made of diverse kinds, bwhat is there to say?How could the mishna possibly permit priests to sleep upon their vestments?, bAnd if you saythat with regard to the prohibition of bdiverse kindsonly bwearingor bplacingthe garment bupon oneself is prohibited, but spreading them outand lying upon them on bis permitted,and as such it should be permitted for the priests to sleep upon their vestments, this is incorrect. As, bwasn’t it taughtin a ibaraitathat the verse states: b“Neither shall there come upon youa garment of diverse kinds”(Leviticus 19:19), which implies: bBut you are permitted to spread it beneath youto lie upon. This is true according to Torah law, bbut the Sages said: It is prohibited to do so, lest a fiber wrap upon his flesh,which would lead to the transgression of the Torah prohibition., bAnd if you saythat a priest could still avoid the prohibition of diverse kinds by bplacing a separation betweenhimself and the belt containing diverse kinds, bdidn’t Rabbi Shimon ben Pazi saythat bRabbi Yehoshua ben Levi saidthat bRabbiYehuda HaNasi bsaid in the name of the holy community in Jerusalem: Evenif there are bten mattressespiled bone atop the other anda garment of bdiverse kindsis placed bunderneath themall, bit is prohibited to sleep upon them?This is because the rabbinic decree is applied equally to all cases irrespective of whether the original concern exists. Therefore, there can be no way for the priests to sleep upon the vestments without transgressing the prohibition of diverse kinds. bRather,must one bnot conclude fromthe preceding discussion that the mishna permits the vestments to be placed only bnext to their heads?The Gemara concludes: bLearn from itthat this is indeed so., bRav Ashi said: Actually,the mishna may be understood as permitting the vestments to be placed bunder their heads.One should not object that by doing so the priests would be bderiving benefit froma garment made of bdiverse kindsbecause bpriestly vestments,and specifically the belt, bare stiff,and therefore the prohibition of diverse kinds does not apply to them. This is bin accordance with thatwhich bRav Huna, son of Rabbi Yehoshua, said: This stiff felt [ inamta /i],made of diverse kinds, that is produced binthe city of bNeresh, is permitted,since a stiff object does not wrap around the body to provide warmth, and therefore the person wearing is not considered to have derived benefit from it.,Since the mishna’s intention is uncertain, it cannot provide a clear proof for the dilemma of whether it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. The Gemara therefore suggests another proof: bComeand bhearan explicit ibaraitaconcerning this issue: With regard to bpriestly vestments, it is prohibited to go out to the country,i.e., outside the Temple, while bwearing them, but in the Temple it is permittedfor the priests to wear them, bwhether during theTemple bservice or not during the service, due tothe fact bthat it is permitted to derive benefit from priestly vestments. Learn from thisthat it is indeed permitted.,§ The ibaraitataught that the priestly vestments may not be worn outside the Temple. The Gemara challenges this: Is it really bnotpermitted to wear priestly vestments bin the country? Wasn’t it taughtin another ibaraita /i, in iMegillat Ta’anit /i: bThe twenty-fifth of Tevetis known as bthe day of Mount Gerizim,which was established as a joyful day, and therefore beulogizingis bnotpermitted.,What occurred on that date? It was on that bday that the Samaritans [ ikutim /i] requested the House of our Lord from Alexander the Macedonian in order to destroy it, and he gave it to them,i.e., he gave them permission to destroy it. People bcame and informedthe High Priest, bShimon HaTzaddik,of what had transpired. bWhat did he do? He donned the priestly vestments and wrapped himself in the priestly vestments. And the nobles of the Jewish Peoplewere bwith him,with btorches of fire in their hands. And all that night, these,the representatives of the Jewish people, bapproached from this side, and those,the armies of Alexander and the Samaritans, bapproached from that side, until dawn,when they finally saw one another., bWhen dawn arrived,Alexander bsaid tothe Samaritans: bWho are thesepeople coming to meet us? bThey said to him:These are the bJews who rebelled against you. When he reached Antipatris, the sun shone andthe two camps bmet each other. WhenAlexander bsaw Shimon HaTzaddik, he descended from his chariot and bowed before him.His escorts bsaid to him:Should ban important king such as you bow to this Jew?He bsaid to them:I do so because bthe image of this man’s face is victorious before me on my battlefields,i.e., when I fight I see his image going before me as a sign of victory, and therefore I know that he has supreme sanctity., bHe saidto the representatives of the Jewish people: bWhy have you come? They saidto him: bIs it possible thatthe Temple, the bhouse in which we pray for you and for your kingdom not to be destroyed, gentiles willtry to bmislead you into destroying it,and we would remain silent and not tell you? bHe said to them: Who are thesepeople who want to destroy it? The Jews bsaid to him:They are bthese Samaritans who stand before you. He said to them:If so, bthey are delivered into your handsto deal with them as you please., bImmediately, they stabbedthe Samaritans bin their heels and hung them from their horses’ tails and continued to drag them over the thorns and thistles until they reached Mount Gerizim. When they arrived at Mount Gerizim,where the Samaritans had their temple, bthey plowed it over and seededthe area bwith leeks,a symbol of total destruction. This was bjust as they had sought to do to the House of our Lord. And they made that day a festivalto celebrate the salvation of the Temple and the defeat of the Samaritans.,It is apparent from the ibaraitathat Shimon HaTzaddik wore the priestly vestments even outside the Temple. This would seem to be in contravention of the ruling of the other ibaraitaprohibiting this. The Gemara resolves the contradiction: bIf you wish, sayShimon HaTzaddik did not wear a set of genuine, sanctified priestly vestments; rather, he wore garments that were bfitting to be priestly vestmentsin that they were made of the same material and design. bAnd if you wish, sayinstead that he indeed wore a set of genuine priestly vestments, but in times of great need, such as when one seeks to prevent the destruction of the Temple, it is permitted to violate the ihalakha /i, as indicated by the verse: b“It is time to act for the Lord, they have nullified your Torah”(Psalms 119:126).,§ It was taught in the mishna: bThe synagogue attendant takes a Torah scrolland gives it to the head of the synagogue, who gives it to the deputy High Priest, who gives it to the High Priest. The Gemara suggests: bLearn from herethat bhonor may be given to a student in the presence of the teacher.Although the High Priest is considered everyone’s teacher and master, honor was nevertheless extended to other individuals without fear of impugning the High Priest’s honor. bAbaye said:A proof may not be adduced from here because bthe entireprocess bis for the honor of the High Priest.The passing of the Torah scroll to people of increasing importance demonstrates that the High Priest is considered the most important of all those present.,§ It was further taught in the mishna: bThe High Priest standsand receives the scroll from the Deputy. bBy inference,until that point bhehad been bsitting. But didn’t we learnin a mishna:


Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
aggada in mishna, style Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 530
aggada in tosefta, moral ambiguity Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 530
aggada in tosefta, sacred history emphasizing yavne Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 531
aggada in tosefta, style Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 530
akiva, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
allon, g. Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 121
altar, cleaning race Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
altar, damage to Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
altar Poorthuis and Schwartz, A Holy People: Jewish And Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (2006) 122; Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 118, 121, 142
antiquities (josephus), insertions Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 128
antiquities (josephus), removal of biblical allusions Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 23
aramaic, in ancient chronicles Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 23
berkowitz, beth Cohn, The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis (2013) 177
biblical allusions and language, removal by josephus Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 23
boethus (dynasty of) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50, 527, 613
boethusians, water libation Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
boethusians Cohn, The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis (2013) 47; Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66; Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
calendar (lunar, solar) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
case stories, stories, etiological Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
commandments Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66
commemoration Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 142
court, the Cohn, The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis (2013) 47
dance Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 145
day of atonement Poorthuis and Schwartz, A Holy People: Jewish And Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (2006) 122
day of atonement narrative, and court authority Cohn, The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis (2013) 47
day of atonement ritual, and sectarianism Cohn, The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis (2013) 47
dependence on josephus, parallels with josephus Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 11
epstein, j.n. Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 142
etiological stories Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 531
etrog pelting Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
fasting Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
feuchtwang, d. Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 142
first revolt (66 ce) Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 298
flute Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 145
fox, h. Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 142, 145
friday (fast/festival day) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
gamaliel (gamliel) the younger, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
hebrew, mishnaic (mh) Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 11
hellenistic religion Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 145
high (chief) priest Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
hillel the elder Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
historical memory, josephus, shared traditions in rabbinic texts Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 298
homily Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 121
hypocrites (pharisees) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
index of subjects, shammaite) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
janneus, mentioned in antiquities Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 117, 118
janneus Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 117, 118, 128
josephus, jewish traditions in Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 23
josephus, parallels with rabbinic literature Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 11
josephus, shared traditions with rabbinic literature Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 298
josephus Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 121; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
joy, rejoicing Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 142, 145
knohl, i. Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66
lieberman, s. Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 118
lives of the prophets, reworked in antiquities Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 23
luke Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
market Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
mishna, aggada and halakha in Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 530
mishna, redactional intention Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 530
monday (fast/festival day) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
motifs, shared, second temple and rabbinic literature Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 298
multiform (~ judaism, pharisaism) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
myrtle Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 145
narrative and law, etiological stories Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 531
new moon witnesses, temple Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
nicanor Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 23
oral or written ~ Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
oral tradition Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
orality studies Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 298
parables (genre) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
patai, r. Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 142
pharisaic-rabbinic (tradition) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
pharisaic-rabbinic connection, gamaliel of yavneh as evidence of Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 54
pharisaic-rabbinic connection, john hyrcanus story as evidence of Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 54
pharisaic-rabbinic connection, new testament evidence supporting Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 54
pharisaic-rabbinic connection Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 54
pharisaic tradition/halakha Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50, 613
pharisees, and sectarians Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
pharisees, water libation, tosefta Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
pharisees Poorthuis and Schwartz, A Holy People: Jewish And Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (2006) 122; Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66, 121
philo Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50, 613
pluralism (hillelite) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
plutarch Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 145
praise Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66
priest Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 118, 121
priesthood Poorthuis and Schwartz, A Holy People: Jewish And Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (2006) 122
priests, and sects Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
priests, water libation Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
procession Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66, 121, 142, 145
qumran Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66
qumran documents Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527, 613
qumran halakha Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
rabbi akiba Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 128
rabbinic tradition/literature, halakha Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50
rabbis, and sectarians Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
rain Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 121
repertoire, rabbinic and second temple texts Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 298
revolt/war, under nero (great ~) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
revolts against rome, first revolt ( Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 298
ritual Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
sabbath Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66, 118, 121; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50, 527
sacrifices Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66
sadducaean priesthood Poorthuis and Schwartz, A Holy People: Jewish And Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (2006) 122
sadducean Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50, 613
sadducees Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 121; Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50, 527, 613
salome (aristobulus is wife) Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 23
second temple literature, style or themes Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 298
sectarians Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
septuagint Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50
shimon b. nataneel, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
shmini aṣeret Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 121
short prayer Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
siloam Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 118, 121, 142, 145
simhat beit hashoeva Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 142, 145
stories, didactic, crisis narratives Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
structure, violence narratives Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
sukka Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66
sukkot (tabernacles) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50
synagogue Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
system, halakhic ~ Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50
taqqanot, stories, etiological Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
taqqanot, violence Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
taqqanot, water libation Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
taqqanot Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
temple, etrog pelting Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
temple Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66, 118, 121, 142, 145
temple (jerusalem) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
temple violence, rabbinic accounts Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
temple violence Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
temple ~ Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
term, water pelting Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
thursday (fastday) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
tosefta, aggada in Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 530, 531
tosefta Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
trees Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66
trumpet Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 118, 142
violence, narrative Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
war (josephus), early aramaic or hebrew version of Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 11
water-libation Poorthuis and Schwartz, A Holy People: Jewish And Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (2006) 122
water libation Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66, 121, 142
water libation ceremony' Noam, Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans: Second Temple Legends and Their Reception in Josephus and Rabbinic Literature (2018) 128
water libation story Simon-Shushan, Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna (2012) 212
wednesday (fast/festival day) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
willow Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 66, 121
wine Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 118, 145
yavne, emphasized in toseftan aggada Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 531
yohanan ben zakkai, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 50
yom kippur (day of atonement) Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
yose, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
yoshua, r. Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 527
zealot, zealots Tomson, Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries (2019) 613
zechariah Rubenstein, The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple and Rabbinic Periods (1995) 121