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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database



10882
Thucydides, The History Of The Peloponnesian War, 8.1.1


ἐς δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐπειδὴ ἠγγέλθη, ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν ἠπίστουν καὶ τοῖς πάνυ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἔργου διαπεφευγόσι καὶ σαφῶς ἀγγέλλουσι, μὴ οὕτω γε ἄγαν πανσυδὶ διεφθάρθαι: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἔγνωσαν, χαλεποὶ μὲν ἦσαν τοῖς ξυμπροθυμηθεῖσι τῶν ῥητόρων τὸν ἔκπλουν, ὥσπερ οὐκ αὐτοὶ ψηφισάμενοι, ὠργίζοντο δὲ καὶ τοῖς χρησμολόγοις τε καὶ μάντεσι καὶ ὁπόσοι τι τότε αὐτοὺς θειάσαντες ἐπήλπισαν ὡς λήψονται Σικελίαν.Such were the events in Sicily . When the news was brought to Athens, for a long while they disbelieved even the most respectable of the soldiers who had themselves escaped from the scene of action and clearly reported the matter, a destruction so complete not being thought credible. When the conviction was forced upon them, they were angry with the orators who had joined in promoting the expedition, just as if they had not themselves voted it, and were enraged also with the reciters of oracles and soothsayers, and all other omenmongers of the time who had encouraged them to hope that they should conquer Sicily .


Intertexts (texts cited often on the same page as the searched text):

39 results
1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 499-501, 498 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

498. First grab the handles of the plough and flick
2. Homer, Odyssey, 17.383-17.385 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)

3. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 6.17 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

4. Antiphanes, Fragments, 288 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

5. Antiphanes, Fragments, 288 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

6. Antiphon, Orations, 1.20 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

7. Aristophanes, Birds, 1244-1245, 521, 958-990, 1243 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1243. ἄκουσον αὕτη: παῦε τῶν παφλασμάτων:
8. Aristophanes, Women of The Assembly, 1013, 405, 1012 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1012. ἀναγκάσει τουτί σε. τοῦτο δ' ἔστι τί;
9. Aristophanes, Knights, 123 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

123. ὦ Βάκι. τί ἔστι; δὸς τὸ ποτήριον ταχύ.
10. Aristophanes, Clouds, 332 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

332. Θουριομάντεις ἰατροτέχνας σφραγιδονυχαργοκομήτας
11. Aristophanes, Peace, 1044-1126, 1043 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1043. ὄπτα καλῶς νυν αὐτά: καὶ γὰρ οὑτοσὶ
12. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 1067-1069, 1074, 1096-1126, 1044 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1044. τάλαιν' ἐγὼ τῆς ὕβρεος ἧς ὑβρίζομαι.
13. Aristophanes, Frogs, 1032-1035, 1031 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1031. ὡς ὠφέλιμοι τῶν ποιητῶν οἱ γενναῖοι γεγένηνται.
14. Herodotus, Histories, 3.80.6, 5.90.2, 6.57.4, 6.69.3, 7.6, 7.6.3, 7.8, 7.139-7.144, 8.77.2, 8.96.2, 9.33-9.36, 9.43.2 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

3.80.6. But the rule of the multitude has in the first place the loveliest name of all, equality, and does in the second place none of the things that a monarch does. It determines offices by lot, and holds power accountable, and conducts all deliberating publicly. Therefore I give my opinion that we make an end of monarchy and exalt the multitude, for all things are possible for the majority.” 5.90.2. Furthermore, they were spurred on by the oracles which foretold that many deeds of enmity would be perpetrated against them by the Athenians. Previously they had had no knowledge of these oracles but now Cleomenes brought them to Sparta, and the Lacedaemonians learned their contents. It was from the Athenian acropolis that Cleomenes took the oracles, which had been in the possession of the Pisistratidae earlier. When they were exiled, they left them in the temple from where they were retrieved by Cleomenes. 6.57.4. They keep all oracles that are given, though the Pythians also know them. The kings alone judge cases concerning the rightful possessor of an unwedded heiress, if her father has not betrothed her, and cases concerning public roads. 6.69.3. When he saw me swearing, he perceived that this was some divine affair. For the garlands had clearly come from the hero's precinct which is established at the courtyard doors, which they call the precinct of Astrabacus, and the seers responded that this was the same hero who had come to me. Thus, my son, you have all you want to know. 7.6. He said this because he desired adventures and wanted to be governor of Hellas. Finally he worked on Xerxes and persuaded him to do this, and other things happened that helped him to persuade Xerxes. ,Messengers came from Thessaly from the Aleuadae (who were princes of Thessaly) and invited the king into Hellas with all earnestness; the Pisistratidae who had come up to Susa used the same pleas as the Aleuadae, offering Xerxes even more than they did. ,They had come up to Sardis with Onomacritus, an Athenian diviner who had set in order the oracles of Musaeus. They had reconciled their previous hostility with him; Onomacritus had been banished from Athens by Pisistratus' son Hipparchus, when he was caught by Lasus of Hermione in the act of interpolating into the writings of Musaeus an oracle showing that the islands off Lemnos would disappear into the sea. ,Because of this Hipparchus banished him, though they had previously been close friends. Now he had arrived at Susa with the Pisistratidae, and whenever he came into the king's presence they used lofty words concerning him and he recited from his oracles; all that portended disaster to the Persian he left unspoken, choosing and reciting such prophecies as were most favorable, telling how the Hellespont must be bridged by a man of Persia and describing the expedition. ,So he brought his oracles to bear, while the Pisistratidae and Aleuadae gave their opinions. 7.6.3. They had come up to Sardis with Onomacritus, an Athenian diviner who had set in order the oracles of Musaeus. They had reconciled their previous hostility with him; Onomacritus had been banished from Athens by Pisistratus' son Hipparchus, when he was caught by Lasus of Hermione in the act of interpolating into the writings of Musaeus an oracle showing that the islands off Lemnos would disappear into the sea. 7.8. After the conquest of Egypt, intending now to take in hand the expedition against Athens, Xerxes held a special assembly of the noblest among the Persians, so he could learn their opinions and declare his will before them all. When they were assembled, Xerxes spoke to them as follows: ,“Men of Persia, I am not bringing in and establishing a new custom, but following one that I have inherited. As I learn from our elders, we have never yet remained at peace ever since Cyrus deposed Astyages and we won this sovereignty from the Medes. It is the will of heaven; and we ourselves win advantage by our many enterprises. No one needs to tell you, who already know them well, which nations Cyrus and Cambyses and Darius my father subdued and added to our realm. ,Ever since I came to this throne, I have considered how I might not fall short of my predecessors in this honor, and not add less power to the Persians; and my considerations persuade me that we may win not only renown, but a land neither less nor worse, and more fertile, than that which we now possess; and we would also gain vengeance and requital. For this cause I have now summoned you together, that I may impart to you what I intend to do. ,It is my intent to bridge the Hellespont and lead my army through Europe to Hellas, so I may punish the Athenians for what they have done to the Persians and to my father. ,You saw that Darius my father was set on making an expedition against these men. But he is dead, and it was not granted him to punish them. On his behalf and that of all the Persians, I will never rest until I have taken Athens and burnt it, for the unprovoked wrong that its people did to my father and me. ,First they came to Sardis with our slave Aristagoras the Milesian and burnt the groves and the temples; next, how they dealt with us when we landed on their shores, when Datis and Artaphrenes were our generals, I suppose you all know. ,For these reasons I am resolved to send an army against them; and I reckon that we will find the following benefits among them: if we subdue those men, and their neighbors who dwell in the land of Pelops the Phrygian, we will make the borders of Persian territory and of the firmament of heaven be the same. ,No land that the sun beholds will border ours, but I will make all into one country, when I have passed over the whole of Europe. ,I learn that this is the situation: no city of men or any human nation which is able to meet us in battle will be left, if those of whom I speak are taken out of our way. Thus the guilty and the innocent will alike bear the yoke of slavery. ,This is how you would best please me: when I declare the time for your coming, every one of you must eagerly appear; and whoever comes with his army best equipped will receive from me such gifts as are reckoned most precious among us. ,Thus it must be done; but so that I not seem to you to have my own way, I lay the matter before you all, and bid whoever wishes to declare his opinion.” So spoke Xerxes and ceased. 7.139. Here I am forced to declare an opinion which will be displeasing to most, but I will not refrain from saying what seems to me to be true. ,Had the Athenians been panic-struck by the threatened peril and left their own country, or had they not indeed left it but remained and surrendered themselves to Xerxes, none would have attempted to withstand the king by sea. What would have happened on land if no one had resisted the king by sea is easy enough to determine. ,Although the Peloponnesians had built not one but many walls across the Isthmus for their defense, they would nevertheless have been deserted by their allies (these having no choice or free will in the matter, but seeing their cities taken one by one by the foreign fleet), until at last they would have stood alone. They would then have put up quite a fight and perished nobly. ,Such would have been their fate. Perhaps, however, when they saw the rest of Hellas siding with the enemy, they would have made terms with Xerxes. In either case Hellas would have been subdued by the Persians, for I cannot see what advantage could accrue from the walls built across the isthmus, while the king was master of the seas. ,As it is, to say that the Athenians were the saviors of Hellas is to hit the truth. It was the Athenians who held the balance; whichever side they joined was sure to prevail. choosing that Greece should preserve her freedom, the Athenians roused to battle the other Greek states which had not yet gone over to the Persians and, after the gods, were responsible for driving the king off. ,Nor were they moved to desert Hellas by the threatening oracles which came from Delphi and sorely dismayed them, but they stood firm and had the courage to meet the invader of their country. 7.140. The Athenians had sent messages to Delphi asking that an oracle be given them, and when they had performed all due rites at the temple and sat down in the inner hall, the priestess, whose name was Aristonice, gave them this answer: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Wretches, why do you linger here? Rather flee from your houses and city, /l lFlee to the ends of the earth from the circle embattled of Athens! /l lThe head will not remain in its place, nor in the body, /l lNor the feet beneath, nor the hands, nor the parts between; /l lBut all is ruined, for fire and the headlong god of war speeding in a Syrian chariot will bring you low. /l /quote , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Many a fortress too, not yours alone, will he shatter; /l lMany a shrine of the gods will he give to the flame for devouring; /l lSweating for fear they stand, and quaking for dread of the enemy, /l lRunning with gore are their roofs, foreseeing the stress of their sorrow; /l lTherefore I bid you depart from the sanctuary. /l lHave courage to lighten your evil. /l /quote 7.141. When the Athenian messengers heard that, they were very greatly dismayed, and gave themselves up for lost by reason of the evil foretold. Then Timon son of Androbulus, as notable a man as any Delphian, advised them to take boughs of supplication and in the guise of suppliants, approach the oracle a second time. ,The Athenians did exactly this; “Lord,” they said, “regard mercifully these suppliant boughs which we bring to you, and give us some better answer concerning our country. Otherwise we will not depart from your temple, but remain here until we die.” Thereupon the priestess gave them this second oracle: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Vainly does Pallas strive to appease great Zeus of Olympus; /l lWords of entreaty are vain, and so too cunning counsels of wisdom. /l lNevertheless I will speak to you again of strength adamantine. /l lAll will be taken and lost that the sacred border of Cecrops /l lHolds in keeping today, and the dales divine of Cithaeron; /l lYet a wood-built wall will by Zeus all-seeing be granted /l lTo the Trito-born, a stronghold for you and your children. /l /quote , quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Await not the host of horse and foot coming from Asia, /l lNor be still, but turn your back and withdraw from the foe. /l lTruly a day will come when you will meet him face to face. /l lDivine Salamis, you will bring death to women's sons /l lWhen the corn is scattered, or the harvest gathered in. /l /quote 7.142. This answer seemed to be and really was more merciful than the first, and the envoys, writing it down, departed for Athens. When the messengers had left Delphi and laid the oracle before the people, there was much inquiry concerning its meaning, and among the many opinions which were uttered, two contrary ones were especially worthy of note. Some of the elder men said that the gods answer signified that the acropolis should be saved, for in old time the acropolis of Athens had been fenced by a thorn hedge, ,which, by their interpretation, was the wooden wall. But others supposed that the god was referring to their ships, and they were for doing nothing but equipping these. Those who believed their ships to be the wooden wall were disabled by the two last verses of the oracle: quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Divine Salamis, you will bring death to women's sons /l lWhen the corn is scattered, or the harvest gathered in. /l /quote ,These verses confounded the opinion of those who said that their ships were the wooden wall, for the readers of oracles took the verses to mean that they should offer battle by sea near Salamis and be there overthrown. 7.143. Now there was a certain Athenian, by name and title Themistocles son of Neocles, who had lately risen to be among their chief men. He claimed that the readers of oracles had incorrectly interpreted the whole of the oracle and reasoned that if the verse really pertained to the Athenians, it would have been formulated in less mild language, calling Salamis “cruel” rather than “divine ” seeing that its inhabitants were to perish. ,Correctly understood, the gods' oracle was spoken not of the Athenians but of their enemies, and his advice was that they should believe their ships to be the wooden wall and so make ready to fight by sea. ,When Themistocles put forward this interpretation, the Athenians judged him to be a better counsellor than the readers of oracles, who would have had them prepare for no sea fight, and, in short, offer no resistance at all, but leave Attica and settle in some other country. 7.144. The advice of Themistocles had prevailed on a previous occasion. The revenues from the mines at Laurium had brought great wealth into the Athenians' treasury, and when each man was to receive ten drachmae for his share, Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to make no such division but to use the money to build two hundred ships for the war, that is, for the war with Aegina. ,This was in fact the war the outbreak of which saved Hellas by compelling the Athenians to become seamen. The ships were not used for the purpose for which they were built, but later came to serve Hellas in her need. These ships, then, had been made and were already there for the Athenians' service, and now they had to build yet others. ,In their debate after the giving of the oracle they accordingly resolved that they would put their trust in the god and meet the foreign invader of Hellas with the whole power of their fleet, ships and men, and with all other Greeks who were so minded. 8.77.2. quote type="oracle" l met="dact"Bronze will come together with bronze, and Ares /l lWill redden the sea with blood. To Hellas the day of freedom /l lFar-seeing Zeus and august Victory will bring. /l /quote Considering this, I dare to say nothing against Bacis concerning oracles when he speaks so plainly, nor will I consent to it by others. 8.96.2. A west wind had caught many of the wrecks and carried them to the shore in Attica called Colias. Thus not only was all the rest of the oracle fulfilled which Bacis and Musaeus had spoken about this battle, but also what had been said many years before this in an oracle by Lysistratus, an Athenian soothsayer, concerning the wrecks carried to shore there. Its meaning had eluded all the Hellenes: quote type="oracle" l met="dact"The Colian women will cook with oars. /l lBut this was to happen after the king had marched away. /l /quote 9.33. On the second day after they had all been arrayed according to their nations and their battalions, both armies offered sacrifice. It was Tisamenus who sacrificed for the Greeks, for he was with their army as a diviner; he was an Elean by birth, a Clytiad of the Iamid clan, and the Lacedaemonians gave him the freedom of their city. ,This they did, for when Tisamenus was inquiring of the oracle at Delphi concerning offspring, the priestess prophesied to him that he should win five great victories. Not understanding that oracle, he engaged in bodily exercise, thinking that he would then be able to win in similar sports. When he had trained himself for the Five Contests, he came within one wrestling bout of winning the Olympic prize, in a match with Hieronymus of Andros. ,The Lacedaemonians, however, perceived that the oracle given to Tisamenus spoke of the lists not of sport but of war, and they attempted to bribe Tisamenus to be a leader in their wars jointly with their kings of Heracles' line. ,When he saw that the Spartans set great store by his friendship, he set his price higher, and made it known to them that he would do what they wanted only in exchange for the gift of full citizenship and all of the citizen's rights. ,Hearing that, the Spartans at first were angry and completely abandoned their request; but when the dreadful menace of this Persian host hung over them, they consented and granted his demand. When he saw their purpose changed, he said that he would not be content with that alone; his brother Hegias too must be made a Spartan on the same terms as himself. 9.34. By so saying he imitated Melampus, in so far as one may compare demands for kingship with those for citizenship. For when the women of Argos had gone mad, and the Argives wanted him to come from Pylos and heal them of that madness, Melampus demanded half of their kingship for his wages. ,This the Argives would not put up with and departed. When, however, the madness spread among their women, they promised what Melampus demanded and were ready to give it to him. Thereupon, seeing their purpose changed, he demanded yet more and said that he would not do their will except if they gave a third of their kingship to his brother Bias; now driven into dire straits, the Argives consented to that also. 9.35. The Spartans too were so eagerly desirous of winning Tisamenus that they granted everything that he demanded. When they had granted him this also, Tisamenus of Elis, now a Spartan, engaged in divination for them and aided them to win five very great victories. No one on earth save Tisamenus and his brother ever became citizens of Sparta. ,Now the five victories were these: one, the first, this victory at Plataea; next, that which was won at Tegea over the Tegeans and Argives; after that, over all the Arcadians save the Mantineans at Dipaea; next, over the Messenians at Ithome; lastly, the victory at Tanagra over the Athenians and Argives, which was the last won of the five victories. 9.36. This Tisamenus had now been brought by the Spartans and was the diviner of the Greeks at Plataea. The sacrifices boded good to the Greeks if they would just defend themselves, but evil if they should cross the Asopus and be the first to attack. 9.43.2. quote type="oracle" l met="dact"By Thermodon's stream and the grass-grown banks of Asopus, /l lWill be a gathering of Greeks for fight and the ring of the barbarian's war-cry; /l lMany a Median archer, by death untimely overtaken will fall /l lThere in the battle when the day of his doom is upon him. /l /quote I know that these verses and others very similar to them from Musaeus referred to the Persians. As for the river Thermodon, it flows between Tanagra and Glisas.
15. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

36d. Some good thing, men of Athens, if I must propose something truly in accordance with my deserts; and the good thing should be such as is fitting for me. Now what is fitting for a poor man who is your benefactor, and who needs leisure to exhort you? There is nothing, men of Athens, so fitting as that such a man be given his meals in the prytaneum. That is much more appropriate for me than for any of you who has won a race at the Olympic games with a pair of horses or a four-in-hand. For he makes you seem to be happy, whereas I make you happy in reality;
16. Plato, Euthyphro, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

3c. Socrates. My dear Euthyphro, their ridicule is perhaps of no consequence. For the Athenians, I fancy, are not much concerned, if they think a man is clever, provided he does not impart his clever notions to others; but when they think he makes others to be like himself
17. Plato, Laches, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

195e. Lach. I do: it seems to be the seers whom he calls the courageous: for who else can know for which of us it is better to be alive than dead? And yet, Nicias, do you avow yourself to be a seer, or to be neither a seer nor courageous? Nic. What! Is it now a seer, think you, who has the gift of judging what is to be dreaded and what to be dared? Lach. That is my view: who else could it be? Nic. Much rather the man of whom I speak, my dear sir: for the seer’s business is to judge only the signs of what is yet to come—whether a man is to meet with death or disease or loss of property
18. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

933c. to commit such an act, or to frighten the mass of men, like children, with bogeys, and so compel the legislator and the judge to cure men of such fears, inasmuch as, first, the man who attempts poisoning knows not what he is doing either in regard to bodies (unless he be a medical expert) or in respect of sorceries (unless he be a prophet or diviner). So this statement shall stand
19. Plato, Meno, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

92c. An. And trust I never may. Soc. How then, my good sir, can you tell whether a thing has any good or evil in it, if you are quite without experience of it? An. Easily: the fact is, I know what these people are, whether I have experience of them or not. Soc. You are a wizard, perhaps, Anytus; for I really cannot see, from what you say yourself, how else you can know anything about them. But we are not inquiring now who the teachers are
20. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

364b. and disregard those who are in any way weak or poor, even while admitting that they are better men than the others. But the strangest of all these speeches are the things they say about the gods and virtue, how so it is that the gods themselves assign to many good men misfortunes and an evil life but to their opposites a contrary lot; and begging priests and soothsayers go to rich men’s doors and make them believe that they by means of sacrifices and incantations have accumulated a treasure of power from the gods that can expiate and cure with pleasurable festival
21. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 388, 387 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)

22. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.71.4, 1.76.3, 1.81.6, 1.144.1, 2.8.2, 2.21.3, 2.42.4, 2.43.5-2.43.6, 2.51.4, 2.54.2, 2.59.3, 2.64.1, 2.65.5-2.65.6, 2.65.9, 3.36.4-3.36.5, 3.38.2, 3.38.4-3.38.7, 3.42.1-3.42.6, 3.43.2-3.43.5, 3.45.6-3.45.7, 3.46.1, 3.82.2, 3.83, 3.83.2, 4.17, 4.55.1, 5.14.1, 5.26.4, 5.103.2, 6.24.3, 6.27-6.29, 6.53-6.61, 7.48.2-7.48.3, 7.49.1, 7.50.4, 7.77, 8.1.2, 8.2.4, 8.53.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.71.4. Here, at least, let your procrastination end. For the present, assist your allies and Potidaea in particular, as you promised, by a speedy invasion of Attica, and do not sacrifice friends and kindred to their bitterest enemies, and drive the rest of us in despair to some other alliance. 1.76.3. And praise is due to all who, if not so superior to human nature as to refuse dominion, yet respect justice more than their position compels them to do. 1.81.6. For let us never be elated by the fatal hope of the war being quickly ended by the devastation of their lands. I fear rather that we may leave it as a legacy to our children; so improbable is it that the Athenian spirit will be the slave of their land, or Athenian experience be cowed by war. 1.144.1. I have many other reasons to hope for a favorable issue, if you can consent not to combine schemes of fresh conquest with the conduct of the war, and will abstain from willfully involving yourselves in other dangers; indeed, I am more afraid of our own blunders than of the enemy's devices. 2.8.2. Everywhere predictions were being recited and oracles being chanted by such persons as collect them, and this not only in the contending cities. 2.21.3. Knots were formed in the streets and engaged in hot discussion; for if the proposed sally was warmly recommended, it was also in some cases opposed. Oracles of the most various import were recited by the collectors, and found eager listeners in one or other of the disputants. Foremost in pressing for the sally were the Acharnians, as constituting no small part of the army of the state, and as it was their land that was being ravaged. In short, the whole city was in a most excited state; Pericles was the object of general indignation; his previous counsels were totally forgotten; he was abused for not leading out the army which he commanded, and was made responsible for the whole of the public suffering. 2.42.4. But none of these allowed either wealth with its prospect of future enjoyment to unnerve his spirit, or poverty with its hope of a day of freedom and riches to tempt him to shrink from danger. No, holding that vengeance upon their enemies was more to be desired than any personal blessings, and reckoning this to be the most glorious of hazards, they joyfully determined to accept the risk, to make sure of their vengeance and to let their wishes wait; and while committing to hope the uncertainty of final success, in the business before them they thought fit to act boldly and trust in themselves. Thus choosing to die resisting, rather than to live submitting, they fled only from dishonor, but met danger face to face, and after one brief moment, while at the summit of their fortune, escaped, not from their fear, but from their glory. 2.43.5. For it is not the miserable that would most justly be unsparing of their lives; these have nothing to hope for: it is rather they to whom continued life may bring reverses as yet unknown, and to whom a fall, if it came, would be most tremendous in its consequences. 2.43.6. And surely, to a man of spirit, the degradation of cowardice must be immeasurably more grievous than the unfelt death which strikes him in the midst of his strength and patriotism! 2.51.4. By far the most terrible feature in the malady was the dejection which ensued when anyone felt himself sickening, for the despair into which they instantly fell took away their power of resistance, and left them a much easier prey to the disorder; besides which, there was the awful spectacle of men dying like sheep, through having caught the infection in nursing each other. This caused the greatest mortality. 2.54.2. Among other things which they remembered in their distress was, very naturally, the following verse which the old men said had long ago been uttered: A Dorian war shall come and with it death. 2.59.3. When he saw them exasperated at the present turn of affairs and acting exactly as he had anticipated, he called an assembly, being (it must be remembered) still general, with the double object of restoring confidence and of leading them from these angry feelings to a calmer and more hopeful state of mind. He accordingly came forward and spoke as follows: 2.64.1. But you must not be seduced by citizens like these nor be angry with me,—who, if I voted for war, only did as you did yourselves,—in spite of the enemy having invaded your country and done what you could be certain that he would do, if you refused to comply with his demands; and although besides what we counted for, the plague has come upon us—the only point indeed at which our calculation has been at fault. It is this, I know, that has had a large share in making me more unpopular than I should otherwise have been,—quite undeservedly, unless you are also prepared to give me the credit of any success with which chance may present you. 2.65.5. For as long as he was at the head of the state during the peace, he pursued a moderate and conservative policy; and in his time its greatness was at its height. When the war broke out, here also he seems to have rightly gauged the power of his country. 2.65.6. He outlived its commencement two years and six months, and the correctness of his previsions respecting it became better known by his death. 2.65.9. Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen. 3.36.4. The morrow brought repentance with it and reflection on the horrid cruelty of a decree, which condemned a whole city to the fate merited only by the guilty. 3.38.2. Such a man must plainly either have such confidence in his rhetoric as to adventure to prove that what has been once for all decided is still undetermined, or be bribed to try to delude us by elaborate sophisms. 3.38.4. The persons to blame are you who are so foolish as to institute these contests; who go to see an oration as you would to see a sight, take your facts on hearsay, judge of the practicability of a project by the wit of its advocates, and trust for the truth as to past events not to the fact which you saw more than to the clever strictures which you heard; 3.38.5. the easy victims of newfangled arguments, unwilling to follow received conclusions; slaves to every new paradox, despisers of the commonplace; 3.38.6. the first wish of every man being that he could speak himself, the next to rival those who can speak by seeming to be quite up with their ideas by applauding every hit almost before it is made, and by being as quick in catching an argument as you are slow in foreseeing its consequences; 3.38.7. asking, if I may so say, for something different from the conditions under which we live, and yet comprehending inadequately those very conditions; very slaves to the pleasure of the ear, and more like the audience of a rhetorician than the council of a city. 3.42.1. ‘I do not blame the persons who have reopened the case of the Mitylenians, nor do I approve the protests which we have heard against important questions being frequently debated. I think the two things most opposed to good counsel are haste and passion; haste usually goes hand in hand with folly, passion with coarseness and narrowness of mind. 3.42.2. As for the argument that speech ought not to be the exponent of action, the man who uses it must be either senseless or interested: senseless if he believes it possible to treat of the uncertain future through any other medium; interested if wishing to carry a disgraceful measure and doubting his ability to speak well in a bad cause, he thinks to frighten opponents and hearers by well-aimed calumny. 3.42.3. What is still more intolerable is to accuse a speaker of making a display in order to be paid for it. If ignorance only were imputed, an unsuccessful speaker might retire with a reputation for honesty, if not for wisdom; while the charge of dishonesty makes him suspected, if successful, and thought, if defeated, not only a fool but a rogue. 3.42.4. The city is no gainer by such a system, since fear deprives it of its advisers; although in truth, if our speakers are to make such assertions, it would be better for the country if they could not speak at all, as we should then make fewer blunders. 3.42.5. The good citizen ought to triumph not by frightening his opponents but by beating them fairly in argument; and a wise city without over-distinguishing its best advisers, will nevertheless not deprive them of their due, and far from punishing an unlucky counsellor will not even regard him as disgraced. 3.42.6. In this way successful orators would be least tempted to sacrifice their convictions for popularity, in the hope of still higher honors, and unsuccessful speakers to resort to the same popular arts in order to win over the multitude. 3.43.2. Plain good advice has thus come to be no less suspected than bad; and the advocate of the most monstrous measures is not more obliged to use deceit to gain the people, than the best counsellor is to lie in order to be believed. 3.43.3. The city and the city only, owing to these refinements, can never be served openly and without disguise; he who does serve it openly being always suspected of serving himself in some secret way in return. 3.43.4. Still, considering the magnitude of the interests involved, and the position of affairs, we orators must make it our business to look a little further than you who judge offhand; especially as we, your advisers, are responsible, while you, our audience, are not so. 3.43.5. For if those who gave the advice, and those who took it, suffered equally, you would judge more calmly; as it is, you visit the disasters into which the whim of the moment may have led you, upon the single person of your adviser, not upon yourselves, his numerous companions in error. 3.45.6. Fortune, too, powerfully helps the delusion, and by the unexpected aid that she sometimes lends, tempts men to venture with inferior means; and this is especially the case with communities, because the stakes played for are the highest, freedom or empire, and, when all are acting together, each man irrationally magnifies his own capacity. 3.45.7. In fine, it is impossible to prevent, and only great simplicity can hope to prevent, human nature doing what it has once set its mind upon, by force of law or by any other deterrent force whatsoever. 3.46.1. We must not, therefore, commit ourselves to a false policy through a belief in the efficacy of the punishment of death, or exclude rebels from the hope of repentance and an early atonement of their error. 3.82.2. The sufferings which revolution entailed upon the cities were many and terrible, such as have occurred and always will occur, as long as the nature of mankind remains the same; though in a severer or milder form, and varying in their symptoms, according to the variety of the particular cases. In peace and prosperity states and individuals have better sentiments, because they do not find themselves suddenly confronted with imperious necessities; but war takes away the easy supply of daily wants, and so proves a rough master, that brings most men's characters to a level with their fortunes. 3.83.2. To put an end to this, there was neither promise to be depended upon, nor oath that could command respect; but all parties dwelling rather in their calculation upon the hopelessness of a permanent state of things, were more intent upon self-defence than capable of confidence. 4.55.1. The Lacedaemonians seeing the Athenians masters of Cythera, and expecting descents of the kind upon their coasts, nowhere opposed them in force, but sent garrisons here and there through the country, consisting of as many heavy infantry as the points menaced seemed to require, and generally stood very much upon the defensive. After the severe and unexpected blow that had befallen them in the island, the occupation of Pylos and Cythera, and the apparition on every side of a war whose rapidity defied precaution, they lived in constant fear of internal revolution 5.14.1. Indeed it so happened that directly after the battle of Amphipolis and the retreat of Ramphias from Thessaly, both sides ceased to prosecute the war and turned their attention to peace. Athens had suffered severely at Delium, and again shortly afterwards at Amphipolis, and had no longer that confidence in her strength which had made her before refuse to treat, in the belief of ultimate victory which her success at the moment had inspired; 5.26.4. I certainly all along remember from the beginning to the end of the war its being commonly declared that it would last thrice nine years. 5.103.2. Let not this be the case with you, who are weak and hang on a single turn of the scale; nor be like the vulgar, who, abandoning such security as human means may still afford, when visible hopes fail them in extremity, turn to invisible, to prophecies and oracles, and other such inventions that delude men with hopes to their destruction.’ 6.24.3. All alike fell in love with the enterprise. The older men thought that they would either subdue the places against which they were to sail, or at all events, with so large a force, meet with no disaster; those in the prime of life felt a longing for foreign sights and spectacles, and had no doubt that they should come safe home again; while the idea of the common people and the soldiery was to earn wages at the moment, and make conquests that would supply a never-ending fund of pay for the future. 7.48.2. Moreover, his own particular information still gave him reason to hope that the affairs of the enemy would soon be in a worse state than their own, if the Athenians persevered in the siege; as they would wear out the Syracusans by want of money, especially with the more extensive command of the sea now given them by their present navy. Besides this, there was a party in Syracuse who wished to betray the city to the Athenians, and kept sending him messages and telling him not to raise the siege. 7.48.3. Accordingly, knowing this and really waiting because he hesitated between the two courses and wished to see his way more clearly, in his public speech on this occasion he refused to lead off the army, saying he was sure the Athenians would never approve of their returning without a vote of theirs. Those who would vote upon their conduct, instead of judging the facts as eye-witnesses like themselves and not from what they might hear from hostile critics, would simply be guided by the calumnies of the first clever speaker; 7.49.1. Nicias spoke positively because he had exact information of the ficial distress at Syracuse, and also because of the strength of the Athenian party there which kept sending him messages not to raise the siege; besides which he had more confidence than before in his fleet, and felt sure at least of its success. 7.50.4. All was at last ready, and they were on the point of sailing away, when an eclipse of the moon, which was then at the full, took place. Most of the Athenians, deeply impressed by this occurrence, now urged the generals to wait; and Nicias, who was somewhat over-addicted to divination and practices of that kind, refused from that moment even to take the question of departure into consideration, until they had waited the thrice nine days prescribed by the soothsayers. The besiegers were thus condemned to stay in the country; 8.1.2. Already distressed at all points and in all quarters, after what had now happened, they were seized by a fear and consternation quite without example. It was grievous enough for the state and for every man in his proper person to lose so many heavy infantry, cavalry, and able-bodied troops, and to see none left to replace them; but when they saw, also, that they had not sufficient ships in their docks, or money in the treasury, or crews for the ships, they began to despair of salvation. They thought that their enemies in Sicily would immediately sail with their fleet against Piraeus, inflamed by so signal a victory; while their adversaries at home, redoubling all their preparations, would vigorously attack them by sea and land at once, aided by their own revolted confederates. 8.2.4. With these reasons for confidence in every quarter, the Lacedaemonians now resolved to throw themselves without reserve into the war considering that, once it was happily terminated, they would be finally delivered from such dangers as that which would have threatened them from Athens, if she had become mistress of Sicily, and that the overthrow of the Athenians would leave them in quiet enjoyment of the supremacy over all Hellas . 8.53.2. A number of speakers opposed them on the question of the democracy, the enemies of Alcibiades cried out against the scandal of a restoration to be effected by a violation of the constitution, and the Eumolpidae and Ceryces protested in behalf of the mysteries, the cause of his banishment, and called upon the gods to avert his recall; when Pisander, in the midst of much opposition and abuse, came forward, and taking each of his opponents aside asked him the following question:—In the face of the fact that the Peloponnesians had as many ships as their own confronting them at sea, more cities in alliance with them, and the king and Tissaphernes to supply them with money, of which the Athenians had none left, had he any hope of saving the state, unless some one could induce the king to come over to their side?
23. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.7.12, 1.7.15, 1.7.19-1.7.23, 1.7.26-1.7.27, 1.7.31, 1.7.33-1.7.35, 2.4.18-2.4.19, 6.3.3-6.3.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

1.7.12. Now Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and some others served a summons upon Callixeinus, alleging that he had made an unconstitutional proposal. And some of the people applauded this act, but the greater number cried out that it was monstrous if the people were to be prevented from doing whatever they wished. 1.7.15. Then the Prytanes, stricken with fear, agreed to put the question,—all of them except Socrates, On Socrates’ conduct at this time cp. Plato, Apol. 32B and Xen. Mem. I. i. 18. the son of Sophroniscus; and he said that in no case would he act except in accordance with the law. 1.7.19. No! at least not if you take my advice and follow the just and righteous course, the course which will best enable you to learn the truth and to avoid finding out hereafter, to your sorrow, that it is you yourselves who have sinned most grievously, not only against the gods, but against yourselves. The advice I give you is such that, it you follow it, you cannot be deceived either by me or by anyone else, and that with full knowledge you will punish the guilty with whatever punishment you may desire, either all of them together or each one separately, namely, by first granting them at least one day, if not more, to speak in their own defence, and by putting your trust, not so much in others, but in yourselves. 1.7.20. Now you all know, men of Athens, that the decree of Cannonus is exceedingly severe: it provides that if anyone shall wrong the people of Athens, he shall plead his case in fetters before the people, and if he be adjudged guilty, he shall be put to death by being cast into 406 B.C. the pit, and his property shall be confiscated and the tenth part thereof shall belong to the goddess. 1.7.21. Under this decree I urge you to try the generals, and, by Zeus, if it so please you, Pericles, my kinsman, first of them all; for it would be base for me to think more of him than of the general interests of the state. 1.7.22. Or if you do not wish to do this, try them under the following law, which applies to temple-robbers and traitors: namely, if anyone shall be a traitor to the state or shall steal sacred property, he shall be tried before a court, and if he be convicted, he shall not be buried in Attica, and his property shall be confiscated. 1.7.23. By whichever of these laws you choose, men of Athens, let the men be tried, each one separately, It was a general principle of Athenian law—perhaps specifically stated in the decree of Cannonus (see above)—that each accused person had the right to a separate trial. and let the day be divided into three parts, one wherein you shall gather and vote as to whether you judge them guilty or not, another wherein the accusers shall present their case, and another wherein the accused shall make their defence. 1.7.26. What is it, pray, that you fear, that you are in such 406 B.C. excessive haste? Do you fear lest you will lose the right to put to death and set free anyone you please if you proceed in accordance with the law, but think that you will retain this right if you proceed in violation of the law, by the method which Callixeinus persuaded the Senate to report to the people, that is, by a single vote? 1.7.27. Yes, but you might possibly be putting to death some one who is really innocent; and repentance afterwards—ah, remember how painful and unavailing it always is, and especially when one’s error has brought about a man’s death. 1.7.31. Among the captains who were left behind were both Thrasybulus and Theramenes, the man who accused the generals at the former meeting of the Assembly. And with the rest of the ships they planned to sail against the enemy’s fleet. Now what one of these acts did they not do adequately and well? It is but just, therefore, that those, on the one hand, who were detailed to go against the enemy should be held to account for their lack of success in dealing with the enemy, and that those, on the other hand, who were detailed to recover the shipwrecked, in case they did not do what the generals ordered, should be tried for not recovering them. 1.7.33. Do not, then, men of Athens, in the face of your victory and your good fortune, act like men who are beaten and unfortunate, nor, in the face of heaven’s visitation, show yourselves unreasonable by giving a verdict of treachery instead of helplessness, since they found themselves unable on account of the storm to do what they had been ordered to do; nay, it would be far more just for you to honour the victors with garlands than, yielding to the persuasions of wicked men, to punish them with death. 1.7.34. When Euryptolemus had thus spoken, he offered a resolution that the men be tried under the decree of Cannonus, each one separately; whereas the proposal of the Senate was to judge them all by a single vote. The vote being now taken as between these two proposals, they decided at first in favour of the resolution of Euryptolemus; but when Menecles interposed an objection under oath Apparently questioning the legality of Euryptolemus’ proposal. Under the law such an objection should have suspended the consideration of the matter before the Assembly, but in this case it seems to have had no such result. and a second vote was taken, they decided in favour of that of the Senate. After this they condemned the generals who took part in the battle, eight in all; and the six who were in Athens were put to death. 1.7.35. And not long afterwards the Athenians repented, and they voted that complaints A προβολή was a complaint presented to the Assembly, alleging an offence against the state. The Assembly, acting as a grand jury, might then hold the accused for trial before a court. be brought against any who had deceived the people, that they furnish bondsmen men until such time as they should be brought to 406 B.C. trial, and that Callixeinus be included among them. Complaints were brought against four others also, and they were put into confinement by their bondsmen. But when there broke out afterwards a factional disturbance, in the course of which Cleophon A popular leader of the democratic party. was put to death, these men escaped, before being brought to trial; Callixeinus indeed returned, at the time when the Piraeus party returned to the city, i.e., in the restoration which followed the overthrow of the Thirty Tyrants ( Xen. Hell. 2.4.39-43 ). but he was hated by everybody and died of starvation. 2.4.18. After saying these words and turning about to face the enemy, he kept quiet; for the seer bade them not to attack until one of their own number was either killed or wounded. But as soon as that happens, he said, we shall lead on, and to you who follow will come victory, but death, methinks, to me. 2.4.19. And his saying did not prove false, for when they had taken up their shields, he, as though led on by a kind of fate, leaped forth first of all, fell upon the enemy, and was slain, and he lies buried at the ford of the Cephisus; but the others were victorious, and pursued the enemy as far as the level ground. In this battle fell two of the Thirty, Critias and Hippomachus, one of the Ten who ruled in Piraeus, Charmides, the son of Glaucon, and about seventy of the others. And the victors took possession of their arms, but they did not strip off the tunic Worn underneath the breastplate. The victors, then, appropriated the arms and armour of the dead, but not their clothing. of any citizen. When this had been done and while they were giving back the bodies of the dead, many on either side mingled and talked with one another. 6.3.3. Callistratus, the popular orator, also went with the embassy; for he had promised Iphicrates that if he would let him go home, he would either send money for the fleet or bring about peace, and consequently he had been at Athens and engaged in efforts to secure peace; and when the ambassadors came before the assembly of the Lacedaemonians and the representatives of their allies, the first of them who spoke was Callias, the torch-bearer. of the Eleusinian mysteries.cp. II. iv. 20. He was the sort of man to enjoy no less being praised by himself than by others, and on this occasion he began in about the following words: 6.3.4. Men of Lacedaemon, as regards the position I hold as your diplomatic agent, I am not the only member of our family who has held it, but my father’s father received it from his father and handed 371 B.C. it on to his descendants; and I also wish to make clear to you how highly esteemed we have been by our own state. For whenever there is war she chooses us as generals, and whenever she becomes desirous of tranquillity she sends us out as peacemakers. I, for example, have twice before now come here to treat for a termination of war, and on both these embassies I succeeded in achieving peace both for you and for ourselves; now for a third time I am come, and it is now, I believe, that with greater justice than ever before I should obtain a reconciliation between us. 6.3.5. For I see that you do not think one way and we another, but that you as well as we are distressed over the destruction of Plataea and Thespiae. How, then, is it not fitting that men who hold the same views should be friends of one another rather than enemies? Again, it is certainly the part of wise men not to undertake war even if they should have differences, if they be slight; but if, in fact, we should actually find ourselves in complete agreement, should we not be astounding fools not to make peace? 6.3.6. The right course, indeed, would have been for us not to take up arms against one another in the beginning, since the tradition is that the first strangers to whom Triptolemus, Triptolemus of Eleusis had, according to the legend, carried from Attica throughout Greece both the cult of Demeter and the knowledge of her art — agriculture. Heracles was the traditional ancestor of the Spartan kings (cp. III. iii.) while the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux, were putative sons of Tyndareus of Sparta. our ancestor, revealed the mystic rites of Demeter and Core were Heracles, your state’s founder, and the Dioscuri, your citizens; and, further, that it was upon Peloponnesus that he first bestowed the seed of Demeter’s fruit. How, then, can it be right, 371 B.C. either that you should ever come to destroy the fruit of those very men from whom you received the seed, or that we should not desire those very men, to whom we gave the seed, to obtain the greatest possible abundance of food? But if it is indeed ordered of the gods that wars should come among men, then we ought to begin war as tardily as we can, and, when it has come, to bring it to an end as speedily as possible.
24. Demosthenes, Orations, 10 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)

25. Timocles Comicus, Fragments, 41 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

26. Timocles Comicus, Fragments, 41 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)

27. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 4.66.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)

4.66.5.  Consequently the Cadmeans left the city, as the seer had counselled them to do, and gathered for refuge by month in a place in Boeotia called Tilphossaeum. Thereupon the Epigoni took the city and sacked it, and capturing Daphnê, the daughter of Teiresias, they dedicated her, in accordance with a certain vow, to the service of the temple at Delphi as an offering to the god of the first-fruits of the booty.
28. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.103-1.105, 1.109-1.111 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

29. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

30. New Testament, Ephesians, 2.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)

2.12. that you were at that time separate from Christ, alienated from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers from the covets of the promise, having no hope and without God in the world.
31. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 28.1-28.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

28.1. In general, he bore himself haughtily towards the Barbarians, and like one fully persuaded of his divine birth and parentage, but with the Greeks it was within limits and somewhat rarely that he assumed his own divinity. However, in writing to the Athenians concerning Samos, he said: I cannot have given you that free and illustrious city; for ye received it from him who was then your master and was called my father, meaning Philip.
32. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

33. Plutarch, Demetrius, 20.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

34. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 20.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

35. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.1, 29.3-29.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

36. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.34.4, 3.11.6-3.11.10, 10.12.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)

1.34.4. The Oropians have near the temple a spring, which they call the Spring of Amphiaraus; they neither sacrifice into it nor are wont to use it for purifications or for lustral water. But when a man has been cured of a disease through a response the custom is to throw silver and coined gold into the spring, for by this way they say that Amphiaraus rose up after he had become a god. Iophon the Cnossian, a guide, produced responses in hexameter verse, saying that Amphiaraus gave them to the Argives who were sent against Thebes . These verses unrestrainedly appealed to popular taste. Except those whom they say Apollo inspired of old none of the seers uttered oracles, but they were good at explaining dreams and interpreting the flights of birds and the entrails of victims. 3.11.6. Tisamenus belonged to the family of the Iamidae at Elis, and an oracle was given to him that he should win five most famous contests. So he trained for the pentathlon at Olympia, but came away defeated. And yet he was first in two events, beating Hieronymus of Andros in running and in jumping. But when he lost the wrestling bout to this competitor, and so missed the prize, he understood what the oracle meant, that the god granted him to win five contests in war by his divinations. 3.11.7. The Lacedaemonians, hearing of the oracle the Pythian priestess had given to Tisamenus, persuaded him to migrate from Elis and to be state-diviner at Sparta . And Tisamenus won them five contests in war. 479 B.C. The first was at Plataea against the Persians; the second was at Tegea, when the Lacedaemonians had engaged the Tegeans and Argives; the third was at Dipaea, an Arcadian town in Maenalia, when all the Arcadians except the Mantineans were arrayed against them. 3.11.8. His fourth contest was against the Helots who had rebelled and left the Isthmus for Ithome . 464 B.C. Not all the Helots revolted, only the Messenian element, which separated itself off from the old Helots. These events I shall relate presently. On the occasion I mention the Lacedaemonians allowed the rebels to depart under a truce, in accordance with the advice of Tisamenus and of the oracle at Delphi . The last time Tisamenus divined for them was at Tanagra, an engagement taking place with the Argives and Athenians. 457 B.C. 3.11.9. Such I learned was the history of Tisamenus. On their market-place the Spartans have images of Apollo Pythaeus, of Artemis and of Leto. The whole of this region is called Choros (Dancing), because at the Gymnopaediae, a festival which the Lacedaemonians take more seriously than any other, the lads perform dances in honor of Apollo. Not far from them is a sanctuary of Earth and of Zeus of the Market-place, another of Athena of the Market-place and of Poseidon surnamed Securer, and likewise one of Apollo and of Hera. 3.11.10. There is also dedicated a colossal statue of the Spartan People. The Lacedaemonians have also a sanctuary of the Fates, by which is the grave of Orestes, son of Agamemnon. For when the bones of Orestes were brought from Tegea in accordance with an oracle they were buried here. Beside the grave of Orestes is a statue of Polydorus, son of Alcamenes, a king who rose to such honor that the magistrates seal with his likeness everything that requires sealing. 10.12.2. Herophile was younger than she was, but nevertheless she too was clearly born before the Trojan war, as she foretold in her oracles that Helen would be brought up in Sparta to be the ruin of Asia and of Europe, and that for her sake the Greeks would capture Troy . The Delians remember also a hymn this woman composed to Apollo. In her poem she calls herself not only Herophile but also Artemis, and the wedded wife of Apollo, saying too sometimes that she is his sister, and sometimes that she is his daughter.
37. Aeschines, Or., 3.77

38. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 520

39. Epigraphy, Seg, 16.193



Subjects of this text:

subject book bibliographic info
agersikybelis Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
alcibiades Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 138; Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens (2005) 113; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
allusions, closural Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
allusions, literary Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
allusions, tragic Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
allusions Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
ambition/ambitious Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
amphiaraus Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170; Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117
amphilytos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 250
anelpiston Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 140, 141
anticipation Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 140
anytos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
apollo Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170
archidamos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
areopagos, books of oracles Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 250
arginusae de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
aristophanes, birds Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
aristophanes, comic poet Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 201
aristophanes, lysistrata Major, The Court of Comedy: Aristophanes, Rhetoric, and Democracy in Fifth-Century Athens(2013) 134
aristophanes Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170
aristophanes ridicule of seers in Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens (2005) 113
atheism, decree of diopeithes against Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens (2005) 113
athena Martin, Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes (2009) 224
athenians, and nicias Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
athenians Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
athens Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
athens and athenians, and religious authority Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
athens and athenians, attitudes of, toward asiatics Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
athens and athenians, in peloponnesian war era Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
athens and athenians, in persian war era Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
audience, the subjects interaction with his Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
auletai, great panathenaia Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
auloidoi, great panathenaia Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
bowden, hugh Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
caesar, roman people and Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
chresmologoi Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38; Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens (2005) 113
christianity and hope as a virtue Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 132
chrêsmologos Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170, 214, 220
circularity Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
cleon Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 141
closure (endings of biographies) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
cognition Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
comedy, imitation of politics Martin, Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes (2009) 224
community, the subject and his Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
community Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
consciousness Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
consolation Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 138
contrasts, as theme in plutarchs narrative Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
contrasts Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
corcyra Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 198
corcyraean debate Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 198
corinth Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 198
cowardice Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 138
crassus Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
cratinus Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
croesus, fall of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
cultural memory, oracles and divination Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
cybele Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
danger, hope as a dangerous emotion/state of mind Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 132
daring/boldness (tolme) Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 138
darius i Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
deliberation, and the sicilian expedition Major, The Court of Comedy: Aristophanes, Rhetoric, and Democracy in Fifth-Century Athens(2013) 134
deliberation, in lysistrata Major, The Court of Comedy: Aristophanes, Rhetoric, and Democracy in Fifth-Century Athens(2013) 134
delphi, pythian apollo Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
delphic oracle, wooden wall, Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
democracy de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
despair Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 132, 141
dillery, j. Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
dillery, john Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170, 214, 220
diodotus Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 141; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 201
divination, and authority Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170, 214, 220
divination, and crisis Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 214
divination, and patronage Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170
divination, and war Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 214
divination, not admitted in court role in public life Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens (2005) 113
divination, not admitted in court through chresmologoi Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens (2005) 113
divination/oracles Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 119
dream interpreters Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
eagle Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
ecclesia Martin, Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes (2009) 224
eidinow, esther Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
ele(i)ans Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
eleusinian cult Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
eleusis Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
emotions, anger/rage de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
emotions, anger management de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
empathy Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
enarees Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 214
eupolis, and the sicilian expedition Major, The Court of Comedy: Aristophanes, Rhetoric, and Democracy in Fifth-Century Athens(2013) 134
euripides Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
euryptolemus de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
expectation (negative and positive) Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 132, 138, 140, 141
flower, michael a. Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
fortune, mis- Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
games, panathenaic, dropped after Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
games, panathenaic, musical events Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
games, panathenaic, reintroduced in Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
gods, willing Martin, Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes (2009) 224
grief Chaniotis, Unveiling Emotions III: Arousal, Display, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World (2021) 10
hermes Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
herodotus, ethnic perspectives of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
herodotus, historical perspective of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
herodotus, religious perspective of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
herodotus Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 214
hierokles Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
hipparchos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 250
hipparchus of athens Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
hope, ambivalent concept Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 132
hope, and fear Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 138
hope, and religion Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 119
hope, cognitive vs. affective Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 132
hope, vs. hopelessness Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 140
iconography Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
kitharistai, great panathenaia Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
kitharoidoi, great panathenaia Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
kolias Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
kybebe Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
kybebos Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
kübler ross, elizabeth Chaniotis, Unveiling Emotions III: Arousal, Display, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World (2021) 10
language, mousaios Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 250
language Martin, Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes (2009) 224
lives, within a life Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
love of command (philarchia) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
lydia and lydians, and phrygian symbols Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
lydia and lydians, rites of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
mania Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170, 214, 220
manteis Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
mantis, battle participation of manteis Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117
mantis Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117
maps, ionian Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
melampus, melampids Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117
metragyrtes Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
minds, internal Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
mother of the gods, and athens Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
mother of the gods, and persians Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
mother of the gods, as lydian kybebe Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
mother of the gods, in attic drama Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
musaeus Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170; Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
musaios (poet) Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
mysteries, profanation of Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
mytilene de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
möbius, h. Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
narrator Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
nicias, and sicilian expedition Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
nicias, compared with crassus Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
nicias, in thucydides Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
nicias Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119; Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 119; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
nikias Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
nilsson, martin p. Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170
oedipus Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
oligarchy, athenian subjugation to Major, The Court of Comedy: Aristophanes, Rhetoric, and Democracy in Fifth-Century Athens(2013) 134
olympia, oracle and sanctuary of zeus at Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117
olympian games Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
olympian truce Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
olympian zeus Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426
omens Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
onlookers Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
onomacritus Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
onomakritos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 250
oracles, collectors, chanters, and interpreters (chresmologoi) Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
oracles, divination Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
oracles, in xenopon Martin, Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes (2009) 224
oracles, pythia Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
oracles, pythian apollo Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
oracles, reading of entrails Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
oracles, responses adduced in assembly Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens (2005) 113
oracles, seers/diviners (manteis) Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
oracles Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299; Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38; Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
oracles (messages), interpretation of Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
pandora Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 132
parody de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
parthians Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
pausanias Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 170
peloponnesian war Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38; Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
pericles Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 138; Martin, Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes (2009) 224
persian wars Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
perspectives, presentation of different Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
pharmaka Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
phrygia and phrygians, as stereotype Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
pisistratos Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
pisistratus Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
politics, hope in greek and roman Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 119, 138, 140, 141
priests (hiereis)/priestesses (hiereiai)/priesthood Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
pyrrhichistai, great panathenaia Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
pythia Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
reason/ratio Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 132
reflection, the readers Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
rehabilitation Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
religious authority, experts (exegetes) Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
religious authority, seers/diviners (manteis) Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
religious authority, sorcerers/begging priests Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
remorse de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
retrospection (backward movement) Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
romans, and crassus Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
romans Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
rome Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
scythia Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 214
sicilian expedition Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117; Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 201, 426
sicilians/sicily Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119
sicily Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 426, 438
sicily and sicilians Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
social/society, dialogue of individual with Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
social/society, plutarchs interest in Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
social/society, plutarchs reconstruction of Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
socrates de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
sokrates, on anytos as mantis Eidinow, Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks (2007) 251
solon Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
sophists, sophistic movement Rengakos and Tsakmakis, Brill's Companion to Thucydides (2006) 201
speech, and narrative de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
superstition Kazantzidis and Spatharas, Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art (2018) 119
synauletai, definition Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
synauletai Shear, Serving Athena: The Festival of the Panathenaia and the Construction of Athenian Identities (2021) 177
synkrisis, formal Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90
tellias, telliadae Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117
thucydides Chaniotis, Unveiling Emotions III: Arousal, Display, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World (2021) 10; Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 90, 119; Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299; Major, The Court of Comedy: Aristophanes, Rhetoric, and Democracy in Fifth-Century Athens(2013) 134; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
thucydides son of olorus religious motifs in Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens (2005) 113
tisamenus Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117
tyrannus Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
wisdom/wise Chrysanthou, Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement (2018) 119
women, female diviners/seers (manteis)' Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 299
wooden walls, oracle concerning Johnston, Ancient Greek Divination (2008) 117
xenophon Johnston and Struck, Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination (2005) 220; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster, Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond (2022) 219
xerxes Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316
xerxes of persia, oracles to Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (2003) 38
zeus Munn, The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion (2006) 316